The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents Vol. V, by Reuben Gold Thwaites.

XX. This document (dated Quebec, August 28, 1632) is Le Jeune's famous Relation of 1632, the first of the Cramoisy series, which were thereafter annually issued until 1672. In this document, Le Jeune, the new superior of the Canada mission, relates to the French provincial of his order, in Paris, the particulars of the stormy passage recently made by the two missionaries to the New World, in De Caen's ship. Le Jeune gives his impressions of the country, and of the natives. He describes the tortures inflicted by some of them, upon three Iroquois captives. Schools should be established for the youth, if the adults are to be properly influenced. Mosquitoes greatly torment the missionaries. The circumstances are related of the landing of De Caen's party at Quebec, which is found in ruins; mass is celebrated in the house of Mme. Hébert, and the condition of that pioneer family is described. Quebec being surrendered to De Caen by the English garrison, the Jesuits return to their old habitation on the St. Charles, only the walls of which have withstood the shock of war. Le Jeune then reverts, in his story, to the condition of the savages, telling of their simplicity and their entire confidence in the missionaries. The Jesuits baptize an Iroquois lad, and a native child has been 2 left in their charge. The successful garden of the mission is described, and the relator tells how he almost lost his life by drowning.

XXI. Le Jeune's Relation for 1633 is addressed from Quebec to the French provincial of the order, Barthelemy Jacquinot, in Paris. In the first installment of the document, given in the present volume, Le Jeune, as superior of his order in Canada, mentions the kindness shown the mission by the Company of New France, and the good behavior of the French at Quebec, during the preceding winter. A description is given of a visit he made to the savages in the vicinity of that settlement, and his attempts to learn their language; he tells how the Montagnais sought shelter near the fort, from the Iroquois; mentions an eclipse of the moon (October 27); records, as they happened, whatever events of interest occurred in the colony, giving, in this connection, considerable information about the traits, customs, and religious ideas of the Indians.

The narrator tells how his Montagnais interpreter, Pierre, who had been educated in France, fell into disgrace with the commandant, and was received by the missionaries, that he might instruct them in his language. The narrator describes his own difficulties in that pursuit, and in compiling a native dictionary and grammar.

Le Jeune describes the climate as very cold in winter, and hot in summer, but healthful; and tells how he learned to use raquettes, or snowshoes. He has two little boys given him by the savages, and undertakes to educate them. In his school, are over twenty Indian children, whose attainments in scholarship 3 are described; and this leads the way to a strong appeal to the ladies of France to establish in New France a seminary for girls. He recounts the legends of the natives about Messou, Manitou, and other deities; also their superstitions about dreams. In speaking of Father de Nouë's visit to some of the neighboring tribes, Le Jeune enumerates the hardships endured by the missionaries in attempting to dwell in the savage camps; nevertheless, he speaks hopefully of the prospect for mission labors, especially among stationary tribes, like the Hurons.

A description is given of Champlain's return as governor of the colony; and of a conference held by the latter (May 24) with the Ottawas, on their annual trading visit to Quebec. The eloquence and shrewdness displayed by the savages are dwelt upon.

The Iroquois attack a party of French, wounding and killing several. The settlement is visited by natives from various tribes from the upper country; a Frenchman is slain by one of the tribesmen; much drunkenness occurs among the Indians; who craftily excuse themselves from responsibility for any crime committed while in that condition, by telling the Frenchmen it was caused by liquors supplied by them. The Fathers baptize some savage children, and in caring for the sick encounter the enmity of the medicine men.

BRIEVE
RELATION
DV VOYAGE
DE LA
NOVVELLE FRANCE,

Fait au mois d'Auril dernier par le
P. Paul le Ieune de la Compagnie
de Iesvs.

Enuoyée au R.P. Barthelemy Iacquinot
Prouincial de la mesme Compagnie
en la Prouince de France.

A PARIS, Chez Sebastien Cramoisy,
ruë S. Iacques, aux Cicognes.

M. DC. XXXII.

Auec Priuilege du Roy.

[3] Brieve Relation dv Voyage de la Novvelle France.

Mon R. Pere, Estant aduerti de vostre part, le dernier iour de Mars, qu'il falloit au plustost m'embarquer au Haure de grace, pour tirer droit à la Nouuelle France: l'aise & le contentement que i'en resenti en mon ame fut si grand, que de vingt ans ie ne pense pas en auoir eu vn pareil, ny qu'aucune lettre m'ait esté tant agreable. Ie sorti de Dieppe le lendemain, & passant à Roüen, nous [4] nous ioignimes de compagnie le Pere de Nouë, nostre Frere Gilbert & moy. Estans au Haure nous allasmes saluër monsieur du Pont, neueu de Monseigneur le Cardinal, lequel nous donna vn escrit signé de sa main, par lequel il témoignoit que c'estoit la volonté de mondit Seigneur que nous passassions en la Nouuelle France. Nous auons vne singuliere obligation à la charité de de monsieur le Curé du Haure, & des Meres Vrsulines; Car comme nous n'auions point preueu nostre depart, si le Pere Charles Lallemant à Roüen, & ces honnestes personnes au Haure ne nous eussent assistez dans l'empressement, où nous nous trouuions, sans doute nous estions mal. Du Haure nous tirames à Honfleur, & le iour de Quasimodo 18. d'Auril nous fimes voile.

[3] Brief Relation of the Journey to New France.1

My Reverend Father: Having been notified by you on the last day of March that I should embark as early as possible at Havre de grace, to sail directly for New France, the joy and happiness that I felt in my soul was so great that I believe I have experienced nothing like it for twenty years, nor has any letter been so welcome to me. I left Dieppe the next day, and, going to Roüen, [4] Father de Nouë, our Brother Gilbert, and I united in one company. Being in Havre, we went to pay our respects to monsieur du Pont, nephew of Monseigneur the Cardinal, who gave us a passport 2 signed by his own hand, in which he said that it was the wish of the Cardinal that we should go to New France. We are under peculiar obligations to the benevolence of monsieur the Curé of Havre, and of the Ursuline Mothers:3 for, as we had not foreseen our departure, if Father Charles Lallemant, of Roüen, and these good people in Havre, had not assisted us in the hasty preparations we were obliged to make, we should, without doubt, have been very badly off. From Havre we went to Honfleur, and on Low Sunday,4 April 18th, we set sail.

Nous eumes au commencement [5] vn tres-beau temps, & en dix iours nous fimes enuiron six cens lieuës, mais à peine en peumes nous faire deux cens les trente trois iours suiuans. Ces bons iours passez 12 nous n'eumes quasi que tempestes, ou vent contraire, hormis quelques bonnes heures qui nous venoient de temps en temps. I'auois quelquefois veu la mer en cholere des fenestres de nostre petite maison de Dieppe: mais c'est bien autre chose de sentir dessous soy la furie de l'Ocean, que de la contempler du riuage; nous estions des trois & quatre iours à la cappe, comme parlent les mariniers, nostre gouuernail attaché, on laissoit aller le vaisseau au gré des vagues & des ondes, qui le portoient par fois sur des montagnes d'eau, puis tout à coup dans des abysmes; vous eussiez dit que les vents estoient déchainez contre nous; à tous coups [6] nous craignions qu'ils ne brisassent nos mats, ou que le vaisseau ne s'ouurit: & de fait il se fit vne voye d'eau laquelle nous auroit coulé à fond, si elle fût arriuée plus bas, ainsi que i'entendois dire. C'est autre chose de mediter de la mort dans sa cellule deuant l'image du Crucifix, autre chose d'y penser dans vne tempeste, & deuant la mort mesme. Ie vous diray neantmoins ingenuëment, qu'encor que la nature desire sa conseruation, que neantmoins au fond de l'ame ie sentois autant ou plus d'inclination à la mort qu'à la vie; ie me mettois deuant les yeux que celuy qui m'auoit conduit dessus la mer, auoit de tres-bons desseins; & qu'il le falloit laisser faire; ie n'osois luy rien demander pour moy, sinon de luy presenter ma vie pour tout l'equipage. Quand ie me figurois que peut-estre dans peu d'heures, ie me verrois au milieu des [7] vagues, & par aduanture dans l'épaisseur d'vne nuict tres-obscure, i'auois quelque consolation en cette pensée, m'imaginant que là où il y auroit moins de la creature, qu'il y auroit plus du Createur, & que ce seroit là proprement mourir de sa main: mais ma foiblesse 14 me fait craindre, que peut-estre si cela fust arriué i'eusse bien changé de pensée & d'affection.

We had fine weather at first, [5] and made about six hundred leagues in ten days; but we could hardly cover two hundred on the following thirty-three days. After this fine weather we had little but storms and 13contrary winds, except a few pleasant hours which were vouchsafed us from time to time. I had sometimes seen the angry sea from the windows of our little house at Dieppe; but watching the fury of the Ocean from the shore is quite different from tossing upon its waves. During three or four days we were close-reefed, as sailors say, our helm fastened down. The vessel was left to the will of the billows and the waves, which bore it at times upon mountains of water, then suddenly down into the depths of the sea. You would have said that the winds were unchained against us. Every moment [6] we feared lest they should snap our masts, or that the ship would spring a leak; and, in fact, there was a leak, which would, as I heard reported, have sunk us if it had been lower down. It is one thing to reflect upon death in one's cell, before the image on the Crucifix; but quite another to think of it in the midst of a tempest and in the presence of death itself. But I say to you honestly, that, although nature longs for its preservation, nevertheless, in the depths of my soul, I felt quite as much inclination to death as to life; I kept constantly before my eyes, that he who had brought me upon the sea had some good purpose, and that he must be allowed to do as he pleases. I dared not ask of him anything for myself, unless it were to offer up my life for all on the ship. When I realized that in a few hours I might see myself in the midst of the [7] waves, and perhaps in the depths of the blackest night, I found some consolation in the thought that there, where there would be less of the creature, there would be more of the Creator, and that it would be really dying by his hand. But my weakness makes me fear that perhaps, if that 15 had really happened, my thoughts and inclinations might have been greatly changed.

Au reste nous auons trouué l'hyuer dans l'esté, c'est à dire dans le mois de May & vne partie de Iuin, les vents, & la bruine nous glaçoient, le Pere de Nouë a eu les pieds & les mains gelées, adioustez vne douleur de teste ou de cœur qui ne me quitta quasi iamais le premier mois; vne grande soif, pour ce que nous ne mangions que choses salées, & il n'y auoit point de fontaine d'eau douce dans nostre vaisseau. Nos cabanes estoient [8] si grãdes, que nous n'y pouuions estre ny debout, ny à genoux, ny assis, & qui pis est, l'eau pendant la pluie me tomboit par fois sur la face. Toutes ces incõmoditez estoient communes aux autres, les pauures mattelots enduroient bien dauantage. Tout cela est passé, Dieu mercy, ie n'eusse pas voulu estre en France. Tous ces petits trauaux ne nous ont point encor, comme ie croy, donné la moindre tristesse de nostre depart. Dieu ne se laisse iamais vaincre; si on luy donne des oboles, il donne des mines d'or, encor me semble-il que ie me suis mieux porté que le Pere de Nouë, lequel a esté fort longtemps sans quasi pouuoir manger; pour nostre Frere, il est comme ces animaux Amphibies, il se porte aussi bien sur la mer que sur la terre.

But, to speak of other things, we found winter in summer; that is to say, in the month of May and a part of June, the winds and the fogs chilled us; Father de Nouë's feet and hands were frozen; and, besides this, I had pains in my head or heart, which scarcely left me at all during the first month; and a keen thirst, because we ate nothing but salted food, and there was no fresh water upon our vessel. The size of our cabins was [8] such that we could not stand upright, kneel, or sit down; and, what is worse, during the rain, the water fell at times upon my face. All these discomforts were shared by the others; but the poor sailors suffered many more. All that is past; thank God, I would not have wished to be in France. All these little afflictions have not as yet, I believe, caused us the least sadness over our departure. God never suffers himself to be vanquished; if you give him mites, he gives mines of gold. Still, it seems to me that I get along better than Father de Nouë, who, for a long time, was hardly able to eat; as to our Brother, he is like the Amphibious animals; he is just as much at home on the sea as on the land.

Le iour de la Pentecoste, comme i'estois prest de prescher, ce que ie faisois [9] ordinairement les Dimanches, & bonnes Festes, vn de nos mattelots se mit à crier moluë, moluë, il auoit ietté sa ligne, & en tiroit vne grande. Il y auoit desia quelques iours que nous estions sur le banc, mais on n'auoit quasi rien pris. Ce iour là on en prit tant qu'on voulut. C'estoit vn plaisir de voir vne si grande tuerie, & tant de ce sang répãdu sur le tillac de nostre nauire. 16 Ce rafraichissement nous vint fort à propos, apres de si longues bourrasques.

Le Mardy d'apres, premier iour de Iuin, nous vimes les terres, elles estoient encor toutes couuertes de neiges, l'hyuer tousiours grand en ces païs, & l'a esté extremément cette année. Quelques iours auparauant, sçauoir est le 15. & 18. de May, estans encor éloignez des terres enuiron deux cens lieuës, nous auions rencontré deux glaces d'vne enorme grandeur [10] flottantes dans la mer, elles estoient plus longues que nostre vaisseau, & plus hautes que nos masts, le Soleil donnant dessus vous eussiez dit estre des Eglises, ou plustost des montagnes de crystal: à peine auroy-ie creu cela si ie ne l'auois veu. Quand on en rencontre quantité, & qu'vn nauire se trouue embarrassé là dedans, il est bien tost mis en pieces.

Le Ieudy 3. de Iuin nous entrames dans le païs par l'vn des plus beaux fleuues du monde, la grand Isle de terre neuue le ferme en son emboucheure, luy laissant deux endroits, par où il se dégorge dans la mer, l'vn au Nord, & l'autre au Sud: nos entrames par celuy-cy qui est large enuiron de 13. ou 14. lieuës. Si tost que vous estes entrez, vous découurez vn golfe de 15O. lieuës de largeur; en montant plus haut au lieu où cette grande riuiere commence à s'estressir, elle a [11] bien encor de largeur 37. lieuës: où nous sommes à Quebec, esloignez plus de 200. lieuës de l'emboucheure, elle a bien encor demie lieuë.

A l'entrée de ce golfe nous vimes deux rochers, l'vn paroissoit rond, l'autre quarré; vous diriez que Dieu les a planté au milieu des eaux comme deux colombiers pour seruir de lieu de retraitte aux oyseaux, qui s'y retirent en si grande quantité, qu'on 18 marche dessus eux: & si on ne se tient bien ferme, ils s'éleuent en si grand nombre, qu'ils renuersent les personnes: on en rapporte des chalouppes ou petits bateaux tous pleins quand le temps permet qu'on les aborde: les François les ont nommez les Isles aux oyseaux. On vient dans ce Golfe pour pescher des baleines, nous y en auons veu quantité, pour pescher aussi des moluës. I'y ay veu grand nombre de loups marins, nos gens [12] en tuerent quelques-vns. Il se trouue dans cette grande riuiere nommée de S. Laurens, des marsoins blancs & non ailleurs; les Anglois les appellent des baleines blanches, pource qu'elles sont fort grandes à comparaison de marsoins; ils montent iusques à Quebec.

Le iour de la Saincte Trinité nous fumes contraints de relascher à Gaspay; c'est vne grande baie d'eau qui entre dans ce païs; c'est icy où nous mimes pied à terre pour la premiere fois depuis nostre depart. Iamais homme apres vn long voyage n'est rentré dans son païs auec plus de contentement que nous entrions au nostre; c'est ainsi que nous appellions ces miserables contrées. Nous y trouuames deux vaisseaux, l'vn de Honfleur, l'autre de Biscaye, qui estoient venus pour la pesche des moluës. Nous priames ceux de Honfleur de [13] nous dresser vn autel pour dire la Saincte Messe dans leur cabane. Ce fut à qui y mettroit la main, tant ils estoiẽt aises: aussi leur disoy-ie en riant, qu'en bastissant leur cabane ils ne pensoiẽt pas bastir vne Chapelle. Comme ie vins à l'Euangile qui se lit ce iour-là à la Messe, & qui estoit le premier que ie prononçois en ces terres, ie fus bien estonné entendant ces paroles du Fils de Dieu à ses Disciples, Data est mihi omnis potestas in cælo & in terra, euntes ergo docete omnes gentes baptisantes 20 eos in nomine Patris, &c. Ecce ego vobiscum &c. Ie pris bon augure de ces paroles, quoy que ie visse bien qu'elle ne s'addressoient pas à vne personne si miserable que moy; aussi m'est-il aduis que ie viens icy comme les pionniers, qui marchent les premiers pour faire les tranchées, & par apres les braues soldats viennent assieger, & prendre la place.

On the day of Holy Trinity, we were compelled to stop at Gaspay,7 a large body of water extending into this country. It was here that we trod land for the first time since our departure. Never did man, after a long voyage, return to his country with more joy than we entered ours; it is thus we call these wretched lands. We found here two ships, one from Honfleur and the other from Biscaye, which had come to fish for cod. We begged the people from Honfleur to [13] raise an altar for us, that we might celebrate the Holy Mass in their cabin; and there was a strife among them as to who should work upon it, so greatly were they pleased. So I said to them, laughingly, that in building their cabin they did not think they were building a Chapel. When I came to the Gospel appointed for that day in the Mass, and which was the first that I had read in these lands, I was very much astonished in hearing these words of the Son of God to his Disciples, Data est mihi omnis potestas in cælo & in terra, euntes ergo docete omnes gentes baptisantes eos in nomine Patris, etc. Ecce ego 21 vobiscum, etc. I took these words as a good omen, although I clearly saw that they were not addressed to so poor a person as I. But it is my opinion that I come here like the pioneers, who go ahead to dig the trenches; after them come brave soldiers, who besiege and take the place.

[14] Apres la Messe nous entrames dans les bois, il y auoit encor quantité de neige, si ferme qu'elle nous portoit. Le matin il gela assez fort, comme i'allois lauer mes mains à vn torrent d'eau qui decouloit des montagnes, ie trouuay les bords tous glacez. Nos gens tuerent icy quelques perdrix fort grises, & aussi grosses que nos poulles de France. Ils tuerent aussi quelques lieures plus pattus que les nostres, & encor vn peu blancs, car les lieures en ce païs cy sont tous blancs, pendant les neiges, & pendant l'esté ils reprennent leur couleur semblable à celle des lieures de l'Europe.

Le iour suiuant nous nous remimes sous voile, & le 18. de Iuin nous moüillames à Tadoussac; c'est vne autre baie d'eau, ou vne anse fort petite, aupres de laquelle se trouue vn fleuue nommé Sagué qui se iette dans la grande riuiere de S. Laurens, ce fleuue [15] est aussi beau que la Seine, quasi aussi rapide que le Rosne, & plus profond que plusieurs endroits de la mer, car on dit qu'il a bien 80. brasses de profondeur aux endroits où il est le moins profond. Comme nous allions dire la Saincte Messe à terre, l'vn de nos soldats tua vn grand aigle aupres de son aire, il auoit la teste & le col tout blanc, le bec & les pieds iaunes, le reste du corps noiratre, il estoit gros comme vn coq d'Inde. Nous auons icy seiourné depuis le 14. Iuïn, iusques au 3. de Iulliet, c'est à dire 19. iours. 22 Il faisoit encor grand froid quand nous y arriuames, mais auant que d'en partir nous y auons ressenty de grandes chaleurs; & ce pendant ce n'estoit que le printemps, puisque les arbres estoient seulement fleuris. En fort peu de temps les feüilles, les boutons, les fleurs & les fruits paroissent icy, & meurissent, i'entends les fruicts [16] sauuages, car il n'y en a point d'autres. Or c'est icy que i'ay veu des Sauuages pour la premiere fois. Si tost qu'ils apperceurent nostre vaisseau ils firent des feux, & deux d'entr'eux nous vindrent aborder dans vn petit cauot fait d'escorce fort proprement. Le lendemain vn Sagamo auec dix ou douze Sauuages nous vint voir; il me sembloit, les voyant entrer dans la chambre de nostre Capitaine, où i'estois pour lors, que ie voyois ces masques qui courent en France à Caresme-prenant. Il y en auoit qui auoient le nez peint en bleu, les yeux, les sourcils, les iouës peintes en noir, & le reste du visage en rouge; & ces couleurs sont viues & luisantes comme celle de nos masques: d'autres auoient des rayes noires, rouges & bleuës, tirées des oreilles à la bouche: d'autres estoient tous noirs hormis le haut du front, & les parties voisines [17] des oreilles & le bout du menton, si bien qu'on eut vrayement dit qu'ils estoient masquez. Il y en auoit qui n'auoient qu'vne raye noire, large d'vn ruban, tirée d'vne oreille à l'autre, au trauers des yeux, & trois petites rayes sur les iouës. Leur couleur naturelle est cõme celle de ces gueux de France qui sont demy rostis au Soleil, & ie ne doute point que les Sauuages ne fussent tres-blãcs s'ils estoiẽt bien couuerts. De dire comme ils sont vestus, il est bien difficile; les hommes quand il fait vn peu chaud vont tous nuds, hormis vne piece de peau qu'ils mettent 24 au dessous du nombril iusques aux cuisses. Quand il fait froid, ou bien à l'imitation des Europeans, ils se couurent de peaux de Castor, d'Ours, de Renard, & d'autres tels animaux, mais si maussadement, que cela n'empesche pas qu'on ne voye la pluspart de leurs corps. [18] I'en ay veu de vestus de peau d'Ours, iustement comme on peint S. Iean Baptiste. Cette peau veluë au dehors, leur alloit sous vn bras & sur l'autre, & leur battoit iusques aux genoux, ils estoient ceints au trauers du corps d'vne corde de boyau. Il y en a de vestus entierement, ils ressemblent tous à ce Philosophe de la Grece, qui ne portoit rien sur soy qu'il n'eut fait. Il ne faut pas employer beaucoup d'années pour apprendre tous leurs mestiers. Ils vont tous teste nuë hommes & femmes; ils portent les cheueux longs; ils les ont tous noirs, graissez, & luisans; ils les lient par derriere, sinon quand ils portent le dueil. Les femmes sont honnestement couuertes; elles ont des peaux iointes sur les espaules auec des cordes, & ces peaux leurs battent depuis le col iusques aux genoüils; elles se ceignent aussi d'vne corde, le reste du corps la teste, les [19] bras & les iambes sont descouuertes: il y en a neantmoins qui portent des manches, des chausses, & des souliers, mais sans autre façon que celle que la necessité leur a appris. Maintenant qu'ils traittent des capots, des couuertures, des draps, des chemises auec les François, il y en a plusieurs qui s'en couurent, mais leurs chemises sont aussi blanches & aussi grasses que des torchons de cuisine, ils ne les blanchissent iamais. Au reste ils sont de bonne taille, le corps bien fait, les membres tres-bien proportionnez, & ne sont point si massifs que ie les croyois; ils ont vn assez bon sens; ils ne parlent point 26 tous ensemble, ains les vns apres les autres, s'écoutans patiemment. Vn Sagamo ou Capitaine disnãt vn iour en la chambre du nostre, voulant dire quelque chose, & ne trouuant point le loisir pource qu'on parloit tousiours, [20] en fin pria la compagnie qu'on luy donnast vn peu de temps pour parler à son tour, & tout seul, comme il fit.

The next day we again set sail, and on the 18th of June we cast anchor at Tadoussac. This is another bay or very small cove, near which there is a river named Sagué [Saguenay], which empties into the great river St. Lawrence. This river [15] is as beautiful as the Seine, about as rapid as the Rosne [Rhone], and deeper than many places in the sea, for it is said to be 80 fathoms deep in its shallowest places. As we were on our way to say the Holy Mass on the shore, one of our soldiers killed a great eagle near its eyrie. Its head and neck were entirely white, the beak and feet yellow, the rest of the body blackish; it was as large as a Turkey-cock. We sojourned here from the 14th of June to the 3rd of July; that is to say, 19 days. It was still very cold when we 23arrived, but before leaving we felt excessive heat; and yet it was only the spring, since the trees had only just begun to put forth their foliage. In a very short time the leaves, the buds, the flowers, and the fruit appear here and ripen; I mean the wild [16] fruit, as there is no other. It was here that I saw Savages for the first time. As soon as they saw our vessel, they lighted fires, and two of them came on board in a little canoe very neatly made of bark. The next day a Sagamore, with ten or twelve Savages, came to see us. When I saw them enter our Captain's room, where I happened to be, it seemed to me that I was looking at those maskers who run about in France in Carnival time. There were some whose noses were painted blue, the eyes, eyebrows, and cheeks painted black, and the rest of the face red; and these colors are bright and shining like those of our masks; others had black, red, and blue stripes drawn from the ears to the mouth. Still others were entirely black, except the upper part of the brow and around [17] the ears, and the end of the chin; so that it might have been truly said of them that they were masquerading. There were some who had only one black stripe, like a wide ribbon, drawn from one ear to the other, across the eyes, and three little stripes on the cheeks. Their natural color is like that of those French beggars who are half-roasted in the Sun, and I have no doubt that the Savages would be very white if they were well covered. To describe how they were dressed would be difficult indeed. All the men, when it is a little warm, go naked, with the exception of a piece of skin which falls from just below the navel to the thighs. When it is cold, or probably in imitation of the Europeans, they cover themselves with furs of the 25Beaver, Bear, Fox, and other animals of the same kind, but so awkwardly, that it does not prevent the greater part of their bodies from being seen. [18] I have seen some of them dressed in Bear skin, just as St. John the Baptist is painted. This fur, with the hair outside, was worn under one arm and over the other, hanging down to the knees. They were girdled around the body with a cord made of a dried intestine. Some are entirely dressed. They are like the Grecian Philosopher who would wear nothing that he had not made. It would not take a great many years to learn all their crafts. All go bareheaded, men and women; their hair, which is uniformly black, is long, greasy, and shiny, and is tied behind, except when they wear mourning. The women are decently covered; they wear skins fastened together on their shoulders with cords, these hang from the neck to the knees. They girdle themselves also with a cord, the rest of the body, the head, the [19] arms and the legs being uncovered. Yet there are some who wear sleeves, stockings, and shoes, but in no other fashion than that which necessity has taught them. Now that they trade with the French for capes, blankets, cloths, and shirts, there are many who use them; but their shirts are as white and as greasy as dishcloths, for they never wash them. Furthermore, they have good figures, their bodies are well made, their limbs very well proportioned, and they are not so clumsy as I supposed them to be. They are fairly intelligent. They do not all talk at once, but one after the other, listening patiently. A Sagamore, or Captain, dining in our room one day, wished to say something; and, not finding an opportunity, because they were all talking at the 27 same time, [20] at last prayed the company to give him a little time to talk in his turn, and all alone, as he did.

Or comme dans les grandes estenduës de ces païs cy, il y a quantité de nations toutes barbares, aussi se font-elles la guerre les vnes les autres fort souuent. A nostre arriuée à Tadoussac les Sauuages reuenoient de la guerre contre les Hiroquois, & en auoient pris neuf, ceux de Quebec en tenoient six, & ceux de Tadoussac trois. Monsieur Emery de Caën les fut voir, il desiroit sauuer la vie au plus ieune, ie plaiday fort pour tous trois, mais on me dit qu'il falloit de grands presens, & ie n'en auois point. Arriuez donc que nous fumes aux cabanes des Sauuages, qui sont faites de perches, & couuertes d'écorces assez grossierement, le faiste n'est point couuert pour receuoir le iour par là, & donner [21] yssuë à la fumée. Nous entrames dans celle du Capitaine de guerre qui estoit longuette; il y auoit trois feux au milieu, les vns éloignez des autres de cinq ou six pieds. Estans entrez nous nous assimes de part & d'autre à plate terre, couuerte de petite branches de sapin; ils n'ont point d'autres sieges. Cela fait, on fit venir les prisonniers qui s'assirent les vns aupres des autres; le plus âgé auoit plus de 60. ans, le second enuiron 30. le troisiesme estoit vn ieune garçon de 15. à 16. ans. Ils se mirent tous à chanter, pour montrer qu'ils ne craignoiẽt point la mort, quoy que tres-cruelle; leur chant me semble fort desagreable, la cadence finissoit tousiours par ces aspirations reïterées oh! oh! oh! 28 ah! ah! ah! hem! hem! hem! &c. Apres qu'ils eurent bien chanté, on les fit dancer les vns apres les autres, le plus âgé se leue le premier, & commance [22] à marcher du long de la cabane tout nud, hors mis, comme i'ay dit, vn morceau de peau qui luy couuroit ce que la nature a caché. Il frappoit des pieds la terre en marchant, & chantoit incessamment. Voyla toute sa dance, pendant laquelle tous les autres Sauuages qui estoient dans la cabane frappoient des mains ou se battoient la cuisse, tirans cette aspiration du fond de l'estomach a—ah, a—ah, a—ah, & puis quand le prisonnier s'arrestoit, ils crioient o—oh! o—oh! o—oh! & l'vn se rasseant, l'autre se mettoit à dancer. Monsieur de Caën demanda quand on les feroit mourir, ils respondirent le lendemain. Ie les fut voir encor, & ie trouuay trois pieux de bois dressez, où on les deuoit executer: mais il vint nouuelle de Quebec qu'on traittoit de paix auec les Hiroquois, & qu'il faudroit peut-estre rendre les prisonniers, ainsi [23] leur mort fut retardée. Il n'y a cruauté semblable à celle qu'ils exercent contre leurs ennemis. Si tost qu'ils les ont pris ils leurs arrachent les ongles à belles dents; ie vis les doigts de ces pauures miserables qui me faisoient pitié, & vne playe assez grande au bras de l'vn d'eux, on me dit que c'estoit vne morsure de celuy qui l'auoit pris, l'autre auoit vne partie du doigt emporté, & ie luy demanday si le feu luy auoit fait cela, ie croyois que ce fust vne bruslure, il me fit signe qu'on luy auoit emporté la piece auec les dents. Ie remarquay la cruauté mesme des filles & des femmes, pendant que ces pauures prisonniers dançoiẽt: car comme ils passoient deuant le feu, elles soufloient & poussoient la flamme dessus eux pour les brusler. Quand ils les font mourir 30 ils les attachent à vn poteau, puis les filles aussi bien que les hommes leur appliquent [24] des tisons ardents & flambans aux parties les plus sensibles du corps, aux costez, aux cuisses, à la poitrine, & en plusieurs autres endroits: ils leurs leuent la peau de la teste, puis iettent sur le crane ou le test découuert, du sablon tout bruslant; ils leurs percent les bras au poignet auec des bastons pointus, & leurs arrachent les nerfs par ces trous. Bref ils les font souffrir tout ce que la cruauté & le Diable leur met en l'esprit. En fin pour derniere catastrophe ils les mangent & les deuorent quasi tout crus. Si nous estions pris des Hiroquois, peut-estre nous en faudroit-il passer par là, pour autant que nous demeurons auec les Montagnards leurs ennemis. Ils sont si enragez contre tout ce qui leur fait du mal, qu'ils mangent les poux & toute autre vermine qu'ils trouuẽt sur eux, non pour aucun goust qu'ils y ayent; mais seulement, [25] disent-ils, pour se vanger & pour manger ceux qui les mangent.

Now, as in the wide stretches of territory in this country there are a great many wholly barbarous tribes, so they very often make war upon each other. When we arrived at Tadoussac the Savages were coming back from a war against the Hiroquois, and had taken nine of them: those of Quebec took six, and those of Tadoussac three. Monsieur Emery de Caën went to see the captives, hoping to save the life of the youngest one. I pleaded very earnestly for all three, but was told that great presents were necessary, and I had none. Having arrived at the cabins of the Savages, which are made of poles, clumsily covered with bark, the top left uncovered for the purpose of letting in light and of leaving [21] an opening for the smoke to go out, we entered that of the war Captain, which was long and narrow. There were three fires in the middle, distant from each other five or six feet. Having entered, we sat down here and there on the ground, which was covered with little branches of fir, for they have no other seats. This done, they brought in the prisoners, who sat down beside each other. The eldest was over 60, the second about 30, and the third was a young boy from 15 to 16 years old. They all began to sing, in order to show that they were not at all afraid of death, however cruel it might be. Their singing seemed to me very disagreeable; the cadence always ended with reiterated aspirations, "oh! oh! oh! ah! ah! ah! hem! hem! hem!" etc. After singing for some time, they were made to dance, one after the other. The eldest one rose first, and began [22] to walk 29through the room, entirely naked, except, as I have said, for a piece of fur which covered what nature has hidden. He stamped his feet upon the ground while marching, and sang continuously. This was all the dance; and while it was going on all the other Savages in the hut clapped their hands, or beat their thighs, drawing this aspiration from the depths of their stomachs, "a—ah, a—ah, a—ah;" and then when the prisoner stopped they cried, "o—oh, o—oh, o—oh;" and, when the one reseated himself, the other took up the dance. Monsieur de Caën asked when they would be killed. "To-morrow," they answered. I went to see them again, and I found three wooden stakes erected where they were to be executed; but news came from Quebec that a treaty of peace was being negotiated with the Hiroquois, and it would perhaps be necessary to surrender the prisoners, and thus [23] their death was delayed. There is no cruelty comparable to that which they practice on their enemies. As soon as the captives are taken, they brutally tear off their nails with their teeth; I saw the fingers of these poor creatures, and was filled with pity, also I saw a large hole in the arm of one of them; I was told that it was a bite of the Savage who had captured him; the other had a part of a finger torn off, and I asked him if the fire had done that, as I thought it was a burn. He made a sign to show me that it had been taken off by the teeth. I noticed the same cruelty among the girls and women, when these poor prisoners were dancing; for, as they passed before the fire, the women blew and drove the flame over in their direction to burn them. When the hour comes to kill their captives, they are fastened to a stake; then 31 the girls, as well as the men, apply [24] hot and flaming brands to those portions of the body which are the most sensitive, to the ribs, thighs, chest, and several other places. They raise the scalp from the head, and then throw burning sand upon the skull, or uncovered place. They pierce the arms at the wrists with sharp sticks, and pull the nerves out through these holes. In short, they make them suffer all that cruelty and the Devil can suggest. At last, as a final horror, they eat and devour them almost raw. If we were captured by the Hiroquois, perhaps we would be obliged to suffer this ordeal, inasmuch as we live with the Montagnards, their enemies. So enraged are they against every one who does them an injury that they eat the lice and other vermin that they find upon themselves,—not because they like them, but only, [25] they say, to avenge themselves and to eat those that eat them.

Pendant que ces pauures captifs chantoient & dançoient, il y en auoit de nostre equipage qui se rioient voyans cette barbarie: mais ô mon Dieu quel triste subiet de rire! c'est la verité que le cœur me fendoit. Ie ne pensois nullement venir en Canada quand on m'y a enuoyé; ie ne sentois aucune affection particuliere pour les Sauuages, si bien à faire l'obeïssance, quand on m'eust deu enuoyer encor plus loin mille fois: mais ie puis dire que quand i'aurois eu de l'auersion de ce païs, voyant ce que i'ay desia veu ie serois touché, eussé-ie le cœur de bronze. Pleut à Dieu que ceux qui peuuent assister ces pauures ames, & contribuer quelque chose à leur salut, fussent icy seulement pour trois iours; ie ne croy pas que l'affection 32 de les secourir ne saisit puissamment [26] leur ame. Qu'on ne s'estonne point de ces barbaries, auant que la foy fut receuë en Allemagne, en Espagne, en Angleterre, ces peuples n'estoient pas plus polis. L'esprit ne manque pas aux Sauuages de Canada, si bien l'education & l'instruction. Ils sont dé-ja las de leurs miseres, & nous tendent les bras pour estre assistez. Il me semble que les nations qui ont vne demeure stable se conuertiroient aisement, ie puis dire des Hurons tout ce que nous en a escrit il y a quelque temps le Pere d'vn ieune-homme des Paraquais, sçauoir est, qu'il y a grandement à souffrir parmy eux, mais qu'il s'y peut faire de grands fruicts, & que si les consolations de la terre y manquent, celles du Paradis s'y goustent desia, il ne faut que sçauoir la langue, & si le Pere Brebeuf n'eût point esté contraint par les Anglois de s'en retourner [27] d'icy, lesquels s'estoient emparez du fort des François, il auroit desia bien aduancé la gloire de Dieu en ce pays là. Pour les nations étranges & vagabondes, comme sont celles où nous sommes demeurans à Kebec, il y aura plus de difficulté; Le moyen à mon aduis de les ayder, c'est de dresser des seminaires, & prẽdre leurs enfans qui sont bien éueillez & fort gentils: on instruira les peres par le moyen des enfans, voire-mesme, il y en a desia quelques vns d'entr'eux qui commencent à cultiuer la terre, & semer du bled d'Inde, leur vie facheuse & tres-miserable leur ennuye: mais en vn mot, la promesse du Pere Eternel à son Fils s'effectuera tost ou tard. Dabo tibi gentes hæreditatem tuam, & possessionem tuam terminos terræ. On a fait de grands fruicts dans les Indes Orientales, & dans l'Amerique meridionale, 34 quoy [28] qu'on ait trouué en ces païs là non seulemẽt des vices à combattre, mais encor des superstitions estranges, ausquelles ces peuples estoient plus attachez qu'à leur propre vie. En la nouuelle France il n'y a que les pechez à destruire, & encor en petit nombre: car ces pauures gens si éloignez de toutes delices, ne sont pas adonnez à beaucoup d'offenses. De superstition ou faulse religion, s'il y en a quelques endroits, c'est bien peu. Les Canadiens ne pensent qu'à viure & à se venger de leurs ennemis; ils ne sont attachez au culte d'aucune Diuinité. Ils peuuent prẽdre plusieurs femmes, cependant ils n'en ont qu'vne; i'ay ouy parler d'vn seul qui en a deux, encor luy en fait-on reproche. Il est vray que celuy qui sçauroit leur langue les manieroit comme il voudroit, c'est à quoy ie me vais appliquer, mais i'aduanceray [29] fort peu cette année, pour les raisons que i'écriray en particulier à vostre Reuerence. Mais retournons à la suite de nostre voyage.

While these poor captives were dancing and singing, there were some men of our crew who laughed when they saw this exhibition of barbarism. But oh, my God, what a sad subject for laughter! it made my heart ache. I thought nothing of coming to Canada when I was sent here; I felt no particular affection for the Savages, but the duty of obedience was binding, even if I had been sent a thousand times further away; but I may say that even if I had had an aversion to this country, seeing what I have already seen, I should be touched, had I a heart of bronze. Would to God that those who can aid these poor souls and contribute something to their salvation could be here, if only for three days. I believe that a longing to help them would seize powerfully upon [26] their souls. But let no one be 33astonished at these acts of barbarism. Before the faith was received in Germany, Spain, or England, those nations were not more civilized. Mind is not lacking among the Savages of Canada, but education and instruction. They are already tired of their miseries, and stretch out their hands to us for help. It seems to me that the tribes which have stationary homes could be easily converted. I can say of the Hurons all that was written to us a while ago by the Father of a young Paraguayan: to wit, that much suffering must be endured among them, but that great results may be expected; and that, if the consolations of the earth are lacking there, those of Paradise may already be enjoyed. It is only necessary to know the language; and, if Father Brebeuf had not been compelled by the English to leave [27] here, they having taken possession of the French fort, he would already have advanced the glory of God in that country. As to the strange and wandering tribes like those near Kebec, where we live, there will be more difficulty. The means of assisting them, in my opinion, is to build seminaries, and to take their children, who are very bright and amiable. The fathers will be taught through the children. Even now there are some among them who have begun to cultivate the soil and sow Indian corn, having become weary of their difficult and miserable way of living. But, in a word, the promise of the Eternal Father to his Son will remedy this sooner or later: Dabo tibi gentes hæreditatem tuam, & possessionem tuam terminos terræ. Great fruits have been obtained in the East Indies and in south America, although [28] there have been found in those countries not only vices to combat, but also strange superstitions,35 to which the people were more attached than to their lives. In new France there are only sins to destroy, and those in a small number; for these poor people, so far removed from all luxury, are not given to many offenses. If there are any superstitions or false religions in some places, they are few. The Canadians think only of how to live and to revenge themselves upon their enemies. They are not attached to the worship of any particular Divinity. They are permitted to take a number of wives, but they do not take more than one. I have heard of one man only who had two, and he was censured for it.8 In truth, any one who knew their language could manage them as he pleased. Therefore I will apply myself, but I shall make [29] very little progress this year, for reasons which I shall write in detail to your Reverence. But let us come back to the continuation of our voyage.

Quelque temps auparauant que nous leuassions les ancres de Tadoussac, il s'éleua vn grain, comme parlent les mattelots, ou vne tempeste si furieuse, qu'elle nous ietta bien auãt dans le peril, quoy que nous fussions en la maison d'asseurance: c'est ainsi que i'appelle la baie de Tadoussac. Les tonnerres grondoient horriblemẽt, les vents furieux firent tellemẽt plier nostre vaisseau, que si ce grain eût continué, il l'eust renuersé sans dessus dessous; mais cette furie ne dura pas, & ainsi nous échapasmes ce danger.

Le 3. iour de Iuillet nous sortimes de Tadoussac, & nous allames moüiller à l'échaffaut aux Basques, c'est vn lieu ainsi appelé, à cause que les Basques [30] viennent iusques là pour prendre des baleines. Comme il estoit grand calme, & que nous attendions 36 la marée, ie mis pied à terre: ie pensay estre mangé des maringoins, ce sont petites mouches importunes au possible; les grands bois qui sont icy en engendrent de plusieurs especes; il y a des mouches communes, des mousquilles, des mouches luisantes, des maringoins, & des grosses mouches, & quantité d'autres: les grosses mouches piquent furieusement, & la douleur qui prouient de cette piqueure, & qui est fort cuisante, dure assez long temps, il y a peu de ces grosses mouches; les mousquilles sont extremement petites, à peine les peut-on voir, mais on les sent bien; les mouches luisantes ne font point de mal, vous diriez la nuict que ce sont des estincelles de feu; elles iettent plus de lumiere que les vers luisants [31] que i'ay veus en France: tenant vne de ces mouches & l'appliquant aupres d'vn liure ie lirois fort bien. Pour les maringoins c'est l'importunité mesme, on ne sçauroit trauailler notamment à l'air pendant leur regne, si on n'a de la fumée auprés soy pour les chasser: il y a des personnes qui sont contraintes de se mettre au lit venans des bois, tant ils sont offensez. I'en ay veu qui auoient le col, les ioües, tout le visage si enflé, qu'on ne leur voyoit plus les yeux; ils mettent vn homme tout en sang quand ils l'abordent; ils font la guerre aux vns plus qu'aux autres; Ils m'ont traité iusques icy assez doucement, ie n'enfle point quand ils me piquent, ce qui n'arriue qu'à fort peu de personnes si on y est accoustumé: si le païs estoit essarté & habité, ces bestioles ne s'y trouueroient point; car desia il s'en trouue fort [32] peu au fort de Kebec, à cause qu'on couppe les bois voisins.

The 3rd of July we left Tadoussac and went to cast anchor at the Basque scaffold,9 a place so called because the Basques [30] go there to catch whales. As it was very calm and we were awaiting the tide, I went ashore. I thought I would be eaten up by the mosquitoes, which are little flies, troublesome in the extreme. The great forests here engender several species of them; there are common flies, gnats, 37 fireflies, mosquitoes, large flies, and a number of others; the large flies sting furiously, and the pain from their sting, which is very piercing, lasts for a long time; there are but few of these large flies. The gnats are very small, hardly visible, but very perceptibly felt; the fireflies do no harm; at night they look like sparks of fire, casting a greater light than the glowworms [31] that I have seen in France; taking one of these flies and holding it near a book, I could read very easily. As to the mosquitoes, they are disagreeable beyond description. No one could work, especially in the open air, during their reign, unless there were smoke near by to drive them away. Some people are compelled to go to bed after coming from the woods, they are so badly stung. I have seen men whose neck, cheeks, and whole face were so swollen that you could not see their eyes. They cover a man completely with blood when they attack him; they war upon some people more than others. Thus far they have treated me kindly enough; I do not swell when they sting me, which is the case with very few people unless they are accustomed to them. If the country were cleared and inhabited, these little beasts would not be found here, for already there are but [32] few of them at the fort of Kebec, on account of the cutting down of the neighboring woods.

Le 4. de Iuillet nous leuames l'ancre pour aborder à quatre lieuës de Kebec: mais le vent estoit si furieux que nous pensames faire naufrage dans le port. 38 Auant que d'arriuer à Kebec on rencontre au milieu de cette grande riuiere vne Isle nommée de sainct Laurens, qui a bien sept lieuës de long: elle n'est esloignée du bout plus occidental que d'vne lieuë de la demeure des François. Enuiron le milieu de cette Isle on ietta l'ancre pour s'arrester: mais les vents & la marée poussoient nostre nauire auec vne telle impetuosité, que le cable se rompit comme vn filet, & l'ancre demeura dans l'eau. A vn quart de lieuë de là on en iette vne autre, le cable se romp[i]t tout de mesme que le premier. Dedans ce trouble, comme les vents redoubloient, le cable qui [33] tenoit nostre batteau attaché derriere nostre nauire, se rompit aussi, & en vn instant nostre batteau disparut. A trois iours de là quelques Sauuages nous vindrent apporter nouuelle du lieu où il s'estoit allé échoüer; s'il eût rencontré des roches aussi bien qu'il rencontra de la vase, il se fût brisé en cent pieces. Si cette bourasque nous eût pris vne heure plustost, en vn endroit fort dangereux, nos Pilotes disoient que c'estoit fait de nous. En fin quand nous fumes enuiron trois quarts de lieuës du bout de nostre pellerinage, on ietta le troisiesme ancre qui nous arresta: vne barque Françoise que nous auions rencontré à Tadoussac, & qui venoit auec nous, perdit deux ancres aussi bien que nous.

The 4th of July we weighed anchor to land at a place four leagues from Kebec; but the wind was so furious that we thought we would be wrecked in the port. Before reaching Kebec we came to an Island called saint Lawrence,10 in the middle of this great river, which is fully seven leagues in length; the western end of it is only about one league distant from the French settlement. We cast anchor near 39 the middle of this Island, intending to land; but the wind and tide struck our ship with so much force that the cable broke like a thread, leaving the anchor in the water. At a quarter of a league distant another anchor was cast, and the cable broke just as the first one did. In the midst of this struggle, as the violence of the winds redoubled, the cable [33] fastening the boat to the stern of our ship also broke, and in an instant our boat disappeared. Three days later some Savages came and told us where it had grounded. If it had been driven upon the rocks, as it was upon the mud, it would have been broken into a hundred pieces. If this hurricane had fallen upon us an hour earlier, in a very dangerous place, our Pilots say it would have been all over with us. At length, when we were about three-quarters of a league from the end of our pilgrimage, the third anchor was cast, and it stopped us. A French barque that we had met at Tadoussac, and which came with us, lost two anchors as we did.

En fin le 5. de Iuillet qui estoit vn Lundy, deux mois & 18. iours depuis le 18. d'Auril que nous partimes, [34] nous arriuames au port tant desiré. Nous moüillames l'ancre deuant le fort que tenoient les Anglois; nous vimes au bas du fort la pauure habitation de Kebec toute bruslée. Les Anglois qui estoient venus en ce païs cy pour piller, & non pour edifier, ont bruslé, non seulement la plus grande partie d'vn 40 corps de logis, que le Pere Charles Lallement auoit fait dresser, mais encor toute cette pauure habitation, en laquelle on ne voit plusque des murailles de pierres toutes bouleuersées; cela incommode fort les François, qui ne sçauent où se loger. Le lendemain on enuoya sommer le Capitaine Thomas Ker, François de nation, né à Dieppe, qui s'est retiré en Angleterre, & qui auec Dauid & Louys Ker ses freres, & vn nommé Iacques Michel aussi Dieppois, tous huguenots, s'estoient venus ietter sur ces pauure païs, où ils ont fait de grãds [35] degasts, & empesché de tres-grands biẽs. Ce pauure Iacques Michel plein de melancholie, ne se voyant point recompensé des Anglois, ou plustost des François reniez & anglisez, comme il pretendoit, pressé en outre d'vn remors de conscience d'auoir assisté ces nouueaux Anglois contre ceux de sa patrie, mourut subitement quelque temps apres la prise de ce païs cy. Il fut enterré à Tadoussac. I'ay appris icy que les Sauuages le deterrerent, & firent toute sorte d'ignominie à son corps, le mirent en pieces, le donnerent à leurs chiens: voyla le salaire des perfides, ie prie Dieu qu'il ouure les yeux aux autres. Monsieur Emery de Caën auoit desia enuoyé de Tadoussac vne chalouppe, auec vn extraict des Commissions & Lettres Patentes des Roys de France & d'Angleterre, par lesquelles il estoit commandé au Capitaine Anglois de [36] rẽdre le fort dans huict iours. Les Lettres veuës, il fit réponse qu'il obeïroit quand il auroit veu l'original. On luy porta donc le lendemain de nostre arriuee, cependant nous allames celebrer la saincte Messe en la maison la plus ancienne de ce païs cy, c'est la maison de madame Hebert, qui s'est habituée aupres du fort, du viuant de son mary; elle a vne belle famille, sa fille est icy 42 mariée à vn honneste Frãçois, Dieu les benit tous les iours, il leur a donné de tres-beaux enfans, leur bestial est en tres-bon point, leurs terres leurs rapportent de bon grain; c'est l'vnique famille de François habituée en Canada. Ils cherchoient les moyens de retourner en France, mais ayans appris que les François retournoient à Kebec, ils commencerent à reuiure. Quand ils virent arriuer ces pauillons blancs sur les mats de nos vaisseaux, ils ne sçauoient [37] à qui dire leur contentement: mais quand ils nous virent en leur maison pour y dire la saincte Messe, qu'ils n'auoient point entẽduë depuis trois ans, bon Dieu, quelle ioye! les larmes tomboient des yeux quasi à tous, de l'extreme cõtentement qu'ils auoiẽt. O que nous chãtames de bon cœur le Te Deum laudamus, c'estoit iustement le iour de l'octaue de sainct Pierre & S. Paul. Le Te Deum chanté i'offris à Dieu le premier Sacrifice à Kebec. L'Anglois ayant veu les Patentes signées de la main de son Roy, promit qu'il sortiroit dans la huictaine, & de fait il commença à s'y disposer, quoy qu'auec regret: mais ses gens estoient tous bien aises du retour des François, on ne leur donnoit que six liures de pain au poids de France, pour toute leur semaine. Ils nous disoient que les Sauuages les auoient aidé à viure la pluspart du tẽps. [38] Le Mardy suiuant 13. de Iuillet, ils remirent le fort entre les mains de monsieur Emery de Caën, & de monsieur du Plessis Bochart son Lieutenant. Et le mesme iour firent voile dans deux nauires qu'ils auoient à l'ancre. Dieu sçait si nos François furent ioyeux, voyans déloger ces François Anglisez, qui ont fait tant de maux en ces miserables contrées, & qui sont cause que plusieurs Sauuages ne sont pas baptisez, notamment aux Hurons où la Foy 44 produiroit maintenant des fruicts dignes de la table de Dieu, si ces ennemis de la verité, de la vraye vertu, & de leur patrie, ne se fussent point iettez à la trauerse. Dieu soit beny de tout; c'est à nos François de penser à leur conseruation, & à mettre en peu de temps ce païs cy en tel estat, qu'ils ayent fort peu affaire des viures de France, ce qui leur sera bien aisé s'ils veullent trauailler. Les Anglois [39] délogeans nous sommes rentrez dans nostre petite maison. Nous y auons trouué pour tous meubles deux tables de bois telles quelles, les portes, fenestres, chassis, tous brisez & enleuez, tout s'en va en ruine, c'est encor pis en la maison des Peres Recolets; nous auons trouué nos terres défrichées couuertes de pois, nos Peres les auoient laissées à l'Anglois couuertes de fourment, d'orge, & de bled d'Inde, & cependant ce Capitaine Thomas Ker a vendu la recolte de ces pois, refusant de nous les donner pour les fruicts qu'il auoit trouué sur nos terres; nostre Seigneur soit honoré pour iamais; quand on est en vn mauuais passage il s'en faut tirer comme on peut; c'est beaucoup qu'vn tel hoste soit sorty de nostre maison, & de tout le païs; nous auons maintenant prou dequoy exercer la patience, ie me trompe, c'est [40] Dieu mesme qui porte la Croix qu'il nous donne: car en verité elle nous semble petite, quoy qu'il y ait dequoy souffrir. Retournons aux Sauuages, & en disons encor deux petits mots.

At length, on the 5th of July, which was Monday,—two months and 18 days since the 18th of April, when we sailed,—[34] we reached the much desired port. We cast anchor in front of the fort which the English held; we saw at the foot of this fort the poor settlement of Kebec all in ashes. The English, who came to this country to plunder and not to build up, not only burned a greater part of the detached buildings which Father Charles Lallement had had erected, but also all of that poor settlement of which nothing now is to be seen but the ruins of its stone walls. This greatly inconveniences the French, who do not know where to lodge. The next day Captain Thomas Ker was summoned, a man of 41French nationality, born at Dieppe, who had gone over to England, and who, with David and Louys Ker, his brothers,11 and one Jacques Michel, also born at Dieppe, all huguenots, had thrown themselves upon this poor country, where they have done great [35] damage and have prevented the doing of much good. This poor Jacques Michel, full of sadness at not having been rewarded as he desired, by the English,—or rather by the renegade and anglicized French,—also a prey to conscience at having assisted these new Englishmen against his own countrymen, died suddenly, some time after the surrender of this country. He was buried at Tadoussac. I have learned here that the Savages exhumed his body, and showed it every imaginable indignity, tore it to pieces and gave it to their dogs; but such are the wages of traitors. I pray God that he may open the eyes of the others. Monsieur Emery de Caën had already sent a boat from Tadoussac with an extract from the Commissions and Letters Patent of the Kings of France and of England,12 by which the English Captain was commanded [36] to surrender the fort in eight days. Having seen the Letter, he answered that he would obey when he had seen the original. It was therefore brought to him the day after our arrival; and in the meantime we celebrated the holy Mass in the oldest house in this country, the home of madame Hebert,13 who had settled near the fort during the lifetime of her husband. She has a fine family, and her daughter is married here to an honest Frenchman. God is blessing them every day; he has given them very beautiful children, their cattle are in fine condition, and their land produces good grain. This is the only French family settled in 43Canada. They were seeking some way of returning to France; but, having learned that the French were coming back to Kebec, they began to regain courage. When they saw our ships coming in with the white flags upon the masts, they knew not [37] how to express their joy. But when they saw us in their home, to celebrate the holy Mass, which they had not heard for three years, good God! what joy! Tears fell from the eyes of nearly all, so great was their happiness. Oh, with what fullness of heart we sang the Te Deum laudamus; it happened to be, very appropriately, the day of the octave of saint Peter and St. Paul. After singing the Te Deum, I offered to God the first Sacrifice in Kebec. The Englishman, having seen the Patents signed by the hand of his King, promised that he would go away within a week, and in fact, he began preparations for going, although with regret; but his people were all very glad of the return of the French, for they had been given only six pounds of bread, French weight, for an entire week. They told us that the Savages had helped them to live during the greater part of the time. [38] On the following Tuesday, the 13th of July, they restored the fort to the hands of monsieur Emery de Caën, and monsieur du Plessis Bochart, his Lieutenant; and on the same day set sail in the two ships that they had anchored here. God knows if our French People were happy, seeing the dislodgment of these Anglicized Frenchmen, who have done so much injury to these poor countries, and who have prevented many Savages from being baptized, especially among the Hurons, where the Faith would now produce fruits worthy of the table of God, if these 45enemies of the truth, of real virtue and of their country, had not thrown themselves in the way. God be blessed for all; it is the duty of our French people to think of their preservation, and to put this country, in a short time, in such a condition that they will not have to depend upon supplies from France, which will be easy enough to do if they will only work. The English [39] dislodged, we again entered our little home. The only furniture we found there was two wooden tables, such as they were; the doors, windows, sashes, all broken and carried away, and everything going to ruin. It is still worse in the house of the Recolet Fathers. We found our cleared lands covered with peas; our Fathers had left them to the English covered with wheat, barley, and Indian corn; and meantime this Captain Thomas Ker has sold the full crop of peas, refusing to give them to us for the harvest he had found upon our lands. Our Lord be forever honored; when a person is in dire distress, he must deliver himself as best he can. It is a great deal that such a guest has left our house and the entire country. We have now enough to try our patience, but I am mistaken, it is [40] God himself who carries the Cross which he gives us; for, in truth, it seems very little to us, although there may be something to suffer. Let us go back to the Savages, and say a few words more about them.

La veille de nostre depart de Tadoussac, vindrent nouuelles que les prisonniers Hiroquois auoient esté mis à mort à Kebec, & que ceux de Tadoussac deuoient le lendemain passer le pas: ie me remets à 46plaider leur cause, & promets de donner ce qu'il faudroit pour les nourrir passant en France, voire de trouuer personnes qui les receuroiẽt si tost qu'ils y seroient arriuez; ie me confiois en la charité de plusieurs honnestes personnes qui n'auroient pas refusé vne aumosne pour racheter les corps de ces miserables des supplices qu'ils ont enduré, & leur ame de la damnation eternelle. I'aborde donc monsieur [41] du Plessis nostre Lieutenant, ie luy fay apprehender l'affaire. On fait des aumosnes en France pour retirer des emprisonnez pour des debtes, & pourquoy ne trauaillera-on point pour ces pauures esclaues de Satan? Ie luy fay mes offres, que nous donnerions tout ce que nous pourrions: il embrasse l'affaire, & la propose le soir entre ceux qui mangeoient en la table de nostre Capitaine: on repart qu'il faudroit de grands presens pour leur sauuer la vie, monsieur du Plessis dit qu'on donneroit ce qu'on pourroit, & qu'au reste il ne faudroit pas grande chose, qu'on pourroit demander ces trois prisonniers Hiroquois comme en eschange d'vn François qu'ils ont tué il y a quelques années, ou à tout le moins en demander deux, & qu'asseurément on les auroit: le truchement qui leur auoir parlé m'auoit asseuré que la chose estoit [42] facile: là dessus on forme mille difficultez, & l'vn de la compagnie s'écria qu'il falloit qu'ils mourussent, qu'il les estrangleroit plustost, que c'estoient des coquins, & que parlãt à vn Sauuage de Kebec il luy auoit dõné aduis de les faire mourir. Si la mort de ces miserables apportoit quelque profit à la traicte des peaux, qu'on vient faire en ce païs cy, ce zele de mort auroit quelque couleur; mais leur vie & leur mort ne fait rien pour la traicte. O qu'il importe beaucoup de bien choisir les personnes qu'on 48 enuoye en ce païs cy! Il est vray que monsieur Emery de Caën n'approuua point cette cruauté. Quoy que ç'en soit le vent nous estant fauorable le iour suiuant nous fimes voile, & laissames-là ces trois pauures abandonnez entre les mains de leurs ennemis, qui en traitterent deux d'vn horible façon, car ils n'ont point tué [43] le plus ieune à ce qu'on nous a dit.

On the eve of our departure from Tadoussac, news came that the Hiroquois prisoners had been put to death at Kebec, and that those at Tadoussac must share the same fate the next day. I undertook to plead their cause, and promised to give what would be necessary to feed them during their passage to France, even to find some one to receive them as 47soon as they would reach there. I trusted to the charity of many good people who would not withhold alms to rescue the bodies of these poor creatures from the sufferings they endured, and their souls from eternal damnation. So I approached monsieur [41] du Plessis, our Lieutenant, and explained the situation to him. Alms are given in France to restore men to liberty who are imprisoned for debt, and why should not something be done for these poor slaves of Satan? I promised him that we would give all that we could. He took up the subject, and in the evening presented it to those who ate at our Captain's table. They answered that it would require large gifts to save their lives. Monsieur du Plessis said that they [the French] would give what they could, and that, besides, large gifts were unnecessary, as the three Hiroquois prisoners could be demanded in exchange for one Frenchman who had been killed a few years ago, or at least two could be demanded, and they would be surely given up. The interpreter who had talked to them assured me that it was an easy [42] matter. Thereupon a thousand objections were urged, and one of the company cried out that the captives ought to die; that he would rather strangle them, that they were rascals, and that in talking to a Savage in Kebec, he [the Savage] had advised him to have them killed. If the death of these poor wretches brought profits to the fur trade which people come here to carry on, there would be some reason for this eagerness for their death; but neither their life nor their death could affect it. Oh, how important it is that those sent to this country should be carefully chosen! It is true that monsieur Emery de Caën did not approve of this cruelty. 49 However, the wind being favorable to us on the following day, we spread our sails, and left these poor abandoned creatures there in the hands of their enemies, who disposed of two of them in a horrible manner, for, as we were told, [43] they did not kill the youngest.

Arriuez que nous fumes à Kebec on nous raconta la mort de six prisonniers que les Sauuages tenoient, laquelle est arriuée pour l'yurongnerie que les Europeans ont icy apporté. Le Ministre Anglois, qui au reste n'estoit point de la mesme Religion que ses oüailles, car il estoit Protestãt ou Lutherien, les Kers sont Caluinistes, ou de quelque autre Religion plus libertine, aussi ont-ils tenu six mois en prison ce pauure Ministre dedans nostre maison: lequel m'a raconté que les Montagnards vouloient traitter la paix auec les Hiroquois, & que celuy qui tenoit les prisonniers luy auoit promis qu'on ne les feroit point mourir: neantmoins ce miserable estant yure d'eau de vie, qu'il auoit traitté auec les Anglois pour des Castors, appella son frere, & luy commanda d'aller donner vn [44] coup de cousteau à l'vn des Hiroquois & le tuer, ce qu'il fit. Voyla les pensées de la paix euanoüies; on parle de la mort des autres. Le Ministre entendant cela dit à ce Sauuage qu'il n'auoit point tenu sa parole faisant mourir ce prisonnier. C'est toy, répond le Sauuage, & les tiens qui l'ont tué, car si tu ne nous donnois point d'eau de vie, ny de vin, nous ne ferions point cela. Et de fait depuis que ie suis icy ie n'ay veu que des Sauuages yures, on les entend crier & tempester iour & nuict, ils se battent & 50 se blessent les vns les autres, ils tuent le bestial de madame Hebert: & quand ils sont retournez à leur bon sens, ils vous disent, Ce n'est pas nous qui auons fait cela, mais toy qui nous donne cette boisson: ont ils cuué leur vin, ils sont entr'eux aussi grands amis qu'auparauant, se disans l'vn l'autre tu es mon frere, ie t'ayme, ce n'est pas [45] moy qui t'ay blessé, mais la boisson qui s'est seruy de mon bras. I'en ay veu de tous meurtris par la face; les femmes mesmes s'enyurent, & crient comme des enragées? ie m'attend bien qu'ils tueront l'vn de ces iours quelques François, ce qu'ils ont déja pensé faire, & passé huict heures du matin il ne fait pas bon les aller voir sans armes, quand ils ont du vin. Quelques vns de nos gens y estant allez apres le disner, vn Sauuage les voulut assommer à coups de haches: mais d'autres Sauuages qui n'estoient pas yures vindrent au secours. Quand l'vn d'eux est bien yure, les autres le lient par les pieds & par les bras, s'ils le peuuent attraper. Quelques-vns de leurs Capitaines sont venus prier les François de ne plus traitter d'eau de vie, ny de vin, disans qu'ils seroient cause de la mort de leurs gens. C'est bien le pis quand ils en voyent deuant [46] eux d'autres autant yures qu'ils sçauroient estre. Mais finissons le discours de ces Hiroquois; on fit parler au Capitaine Anglois s'il en vouloit quelquesvns, comme il entendit qu'il falloit faire quelque present, il répondit que non, & qu'ils en fissent ce qu'ils voudroient. Voicy donc comme ils les traitterent.

Upon our arrival in Kebec, we heard of the death of six prisoners held by the Savages, the result of the drunkenness which has been introduced here by the Europeans. The English Clergyman, who was not of the same Faith as his people,—for he was a Protestant or Lutheran, and the Kers are Calvinists or of some other more libertine Religion (they held this poor Minister a prisoner in our house for six months),—told me that the Montagnards wanted to negotiate a peace with the Hiroquois, and that the one who was in charge of the prisoners had promised him that they would not be killed. Nevertheless, this wretch being drunk with brandy, which he had procured from the English in exchange for Beavers, called his brother and commanded him to go and strike [44] one of the Hiroquois with a knife and kill him, which he did. Thus all thoughts of peace vanished. They were talking about killing the others. The Minister, hearing this, said to the Savage that in killing this prisoner he had not kept his word. "It is thou," answered the Savage, "and thine, who killed him; for, if thou hadst not given us brandy or wine, we would not have done it." And, in fact, since I have been here, I have seen only drunken Savages; they are heard shouting and raving day and night, they fight and wound each other, they kill the cattle of madame Hebert; and, when they have returned to their senses, they say to you, "It is not 51 we who did that, but thou who gavest us this drink." When they have slept off their drunkenness, they are as good friends with each other as ever, saying to each other: "Thou art my brother, I love thee; it is not [45] I who wounded thee, but the drink which used my arm." I have seen some of them with very badly bruised faces; even the women get drunk, and shriek like furies. I expect that they will kill some of us French People one of these days, as they have already thought of doing; and after eight o'clock in the morning it is not safe to go to see them without arms, if they have any wine. Some of our men going to see them after dinner, a Savage tried to kill them with his hatchet, but other Savages who were not drunk came to their assistance. When one of them is very drunk, the others tie him by his feet and arms, if they can catch him. Some of their Captains have come to plead with the French not to sell them brandy or wine, saying that they would be the cause of the death of their people. It is by far the worst when they see before [46] them others as drunk as they can be. But let us end the talk about these Hiroquois. The English Captain was asked if he wanted some of them. As he supposed he would have to make them a present, he answered, "no," and said that they might do with them what they pleased. Now this is the way they were treated:

Ils leurs auoient arraché les ongles auec les dents si tost qu'ils furent pris: Ils leurs couperent les doigts le iour de leur supplice, puis leurs lierent les deux bras ensemble par le poignet de la main auec vn cordeau, & deux hommes de part & d'autre, le tiroient 52 tant qu'ils pouuoient, ce cordeau entroit dans la chair & brisoit les os de ces pauures miserables, qui crioient horriblement. Ayans les mains ainsi accommodées on les attacha à des potteaux, & les filles & les femmes donnoient des presents aux hommes [47] à fin qu'ils les laissassent tourmenter à leur gré ces pauures victimes. Ie n'assistay point à ce supplice, ie n'aurois peu supporter cette cruauté diabolique; mais ceux qui estoient presens me dirent, si tost que nous fumes arriuez, qu'ils n'auoient iamais veu rien de semblable. Vous eussiez veu ces femmes enragées, crians, hurlans, leur appliquer des feux aux parties les plus sensibles, & les plus vergogneuses, les picquer auec des aleines, les mordre à belle dents, comme des furies, leurs fendre la chair auec des cousteaux; bref exercer tout ce que la rage peut suggerer à vne femme. Elles iettoient sur eux du feu, des cendres bruslantes, du sable tout ardent, & quand les suppliciez iettoiẽt quelques cris, tous les autres crioient encor plus fort, à fin qu'on n'entendit point leurs gemissemens, & qu'on ne fut touché de compassion. On leur [48] couppa le haut du front auec vn cousteau, puis on enleua la peau de leur teste, & ietta-on du sable ardent sur le test découuert. Maintenant il y a des Sauuages qui portent ces peaux couuertes de leurs cheueux & moustaches par brauade; on voit encor plus de deux cent coups d'aleines dans ces peaux: bref ils exercerent sur eux toutes les cruautez que i'ay dit cy dessus parlant de ce que i'auois veu à Tadoussac, & plusieurs autres, dont ie ne me souuiens pas maintenant. Quand on leur represente que ces cruautez sont horribles & indignes d'vn homme, ils répondent, Tu n'as point de courage de laisser viure tes ennemis, quand les Hiroquois nous 54 prennent, ils nous en font encor pis, voyla pourquoy nous les traittons le plus mal qu'il nous est possible. Ils firent mourir vn Sagamo Hiroquois, homme puissant & courageux, il chantoit [49] dans ses tourmens. Quand on luy vint dire qu'il falloit mourir: il dit, comme tout ioyeux, Allons i'en suis content, i'ay pris quantité de Montagnards, mes amis en prendront encor, & vengeront bien ma mort. Là dessus il se mit à raconter ses proüesses, & dire adieu à ses parents, ses amis, & aux alliez de sa nation, au Capitaine Flamand qui va traicter des peaux au païs des Hiroquois par la merd du Nord. Apres qu'on luy eut coupé les doits, brisé les os des bras, arraché la peau de la teste, qu'on l'eut rosty & bruslé de tous costez, on le détacha, & ce pauure miserable s'en courut droit à la riuiere, qui n'estoit pas loin de là, pour se rafraischir: ils le reprirent, luy firent encor endurer le feu vne autrefois, il estoit tout noir, tout grillé, la graisse fondoit & sortoit de son corps, & auec tout cela il s'enfuit encor pour la seconde fois, & [50] l'ayans repris, ils le bruslerent pour la troisiesme; en fin il mourut dans ces tourmens: comme ils le voyoient tomber, ils luy ouurirent la poitrine, luy arrachant le cœur, & le donnant à manger à leurs petits enfans, le reste estoit pour eux. Voyla vne estrange barbarie. Maintenant ces pauures miserables sont en crainte, car les Hiroquois sont tous les iours aux aguets pour surprendre les Montagnards, & leur en faire autant. C'est pourquoy nostre Capitaine voulant enuoyer quelqu'vn aux Hurõs, n'a iamais peu trouuer aucun Sauuage qui y voulût aller. C'est assez parlé de leur cruauté; disons deux mots de leur simplicité. Vn Sauuage venant voir cét hyuer le Capitaine Anglois, & voyant que tout estoit couuert 56 de neige, eut compassion de son frere qui est enterré aupres de l'habitation des Frãçois; voyla pourquoy [51] il luy dit, Monsieur vous n'auez point pitié de mon pauure frere, l'air est si beau, & le Soleil si chaud, & neantmoins vous ne faites point oster la neige de dessus sa fosse pour le réchauffer vn petit. On eut beau luy dire que les corps morts n'auoient aucun sentiment, il fallut découurir cette fosse pour le contenter.

They had pulled out their nails with their teeth as soon as they were taken. They cut their fingers off on the day of their torture; then they tied their two arms together at the wrist with a cord, and two men pulled it as hard as they, could at both ends, the cord entering into the flesh and breaking the bones of these poor, wretches, who cried out in a horrible manner. Thus 53having their hands tied, they were bound to posts, and the girls and women gave presents to the men [47] to be allowed to torment the poor victims to their heart's content. I did not remain during this torture, I could not have endured such diabolical cruelty; but those who were present told me, as soon as we arrived, that they had never seen anything like it. "You should have seen those furious women," they said, "howling, yelling, applying the fire to the most sensitive and private parts of the body, pricking them with awls, biting them with savage glee, laying open their flesh with knives; in short, doing everything that madness can suggest to a woman. They threw fire upon them, burning coals, hot sand; and, when the sufferers cried out, all the others cried still louder, in order that the groans should not be heard, and that no one might be touched with pity. The upper [48] part of their forehead was cut with a knife, then the scalp was raised, and hot sand thrown upon the exposed part." Now there are some Savages who wear, through bravado, these scalps covered with hair and moustaches.14 One can still see over two hundred dents made by the awls in these scalps. In short, they practiced upon them all the cruelties that I have above related in speaking of what I had seen at Tadoussac, and many others, which do not occur to me at present. When they are told that these cruelties are horrible and unworthy of a man, they answer you: "Thou hast no courage in allowing thine enemies to live; when the Hiroquois capture us, they do still worse; this is why we treat them as cruelly as we can." They killed an Hiroquois Sagamore, a powerful and courageous man who sang [49] while being tortured. When he was told that he must die, 55he said, as if overjoyed, "Good, I am very much pleased; I have taken a great many of the Montagnards, my friends will take still more of them, and they will avenge my death." Thereupon he began to tell about his prowess, and to say farewell to his relatives, to his friends and to the allies of his tribe, to the Flemish Captain who goes to trade for furs in the country of the Hiroquois by the Northern sea. After they had cut off his fingers, broken the bones of his arms, torn the scalp from his head, and had roasted and burned him on all sides, he was untied and the poor creature ran straight to the river, which was not far from there, to refresh himself. They captured him again, and made him endure the fire still another time; he was blackened, completely scorched, and the grease melted and oozed out of his body, yet with all this he ran away again for a second time, but, [50] having captured him again, they burned him a third time; at last he died during these tortures. When they saw him fall, they opened his chest, pulled out his heart and gave it to the little children to eat; the rest was for them. This is a very strange species of barbarism. Now these poor wretches live in fear because the Hiroquois are always on the watch for the Montagnards to do as much for them. That is why our Captain, wishing to send some one to the Hurons, could never find any Savage who would go. This is enough about their cruelty; let us say a few words about their simplicity. A Savage coming to see the English Captain this winter, and seeing that everything was covered with snow, felt compassion for his brother who was buried near the French settlement. Hence [51] he said to the Captain: "Monsieur, you have no pity for my poor brother; the air 57 is so beautiful and the Sun so warm, but nevertheless you do not have the snow taken off his grave to warm him a little." It was in vain that he was told that dead bodies have no feeling; it was necessary to clear away the snow from the grave to satisfy him.

Vn autre assistant aux Litanies que disoient quelques François, & entendant qu'on disoit souuent ces paroles, ora pro nobis, comme il ne les entendoit pas bien prononcer, il croyoit qu'on disoit, carocana ouabis, c'est à dire du pain blanc, il s'estonnoit que si souuent on reïterast ces paroles, carocana ouabis, du pain blãc, du pain blanc, &c. Ils croyent que le tonnerre est vn oyseau, & vn Sauuage demandoit vn iour à vn François si on n'en prenoit point en France, luy ayant dit qu'ouy il le supplia de [52] luy en apporter vn, mais fort petit; il craignoit qu'il ne l'espouuantast s'il eust esté grand.

Voicy vne chose qui m'a consolé, vn certain Sauuage nommé la Nasse, qui demeuroit auprés de nos Peres, & cultiuoit la terre; voyant que les Anglois le molestoient, s'estoit retiré dans des Isles où il auoit continué à cultiuer la terre; entendant que nous estions de retour, nous est venu voir, & nous a promis qu'il reuiendra à se cabaner aupres de nous, qu'il nous donnera son petit fils; ce sera nostre premier pensionnaire, nous luy apprendrons à lire, & à escrire; ce bon homme dit que les Sauuages ne font pas bien, qu'il veut estre nostre frere, & viure comme nous; madame Hebert nous a dit qu'il y a long temps qu'il souhaittoit nostre retour.

58 Plusieurs Sauuages nous demandent des nouuelles du R. Pere Lallemant, [53] du Pere Masse, & du Pere Brebeuf, qu'ils appellent fort bien par leur nom, & s'enquestent s'ils ne retourneront point l'année qui vient: ces bonnes gens ont confiance en nous, en voicy vn exemple.

Le 6. d'Aoust monsieur Emery de Caën nous estant venu voir en nostre petite maison, éloignée du fort vne bonne demie lieuë, il demeura à disner auec nous. Pendant que nous estions en table, voyla deux familles de Sauuages qui entrent iusqu'au lieu où nous estions, hommes, femmes, & petits enfans. La premiere porte de nostre maison estant ouuerte tout est ouuert, les Anglois ont brisé les autres: voyla pourquoy ces bonnes gens furent plustost dans la chambre où nous estions, qu'on ne s'en fut pris garde. Ils me vouloient prier de leur garder quelque bagage, ie remarquay [l]eur patience, car quoy qu'ils fussent [54] en chemin d'vn long voyage qu'ils alloient faire, iamais neantmoins ils ne nous interrompirent pendant le disner, ny apres tandis qu'ils me virent auec nostre Capitaine. Ils s'assirent de part & d'autre, & ie leur fis donner à chacun vn morceau de pain, ce qu'ils ayment fort: en fin monsieur de Caën estant party, l'vn d'eux m'aborde, & me dit, Ania Kir Capitana? mon frere es tu Capitaine? Ils demandoient le superieur de la maison. Ils appellent leur Capitaine Sagamo, mais par la frequentation des Europeans, ils se seruent du mot de Capitana. Nostre Frere leur répondit, eoco, c'est à dire oüy. Là dessus il me fait vne harangue, me disant qu'ils s'en alloient à la chasse, ou à la pesche des Castors, & que ie leur gardasse leur equipage, qu'ils reuiendroient quand les fueilles tomberoiẽt des arbres. Ils me demanderent 60 fort [55] souuent s'il n'y venoit point de larrons en nostre maison, & regardoiẽt fort bien les endroits où leur bagage seroit plus à couuert. Ie leur répondy que tout estoit chez nous en asseurance, & leur ayant monstré vne chambrette qui fermoit à clef, ils furent fort contents, mettant là dedans trois ou quatre paquets couuerts d'écorces d'arbres fort proprement, disans qu'il y auoit là dedans de grandes richesses. Ie ne sçay ce qu'il y a, mais au bout du conte toutes leurs richesses ne sont que pauureté, leur or & argent, leurs perles & diamans sont de petits grains blancs de porcelaine qui ne paroissent pas grãde chose. Ayant serré leur bagage ils me demanderent vn cousteau, ie leur en donnay vn, puis ils me demanderent vn peu de ficelle pour attacher apres vn fer de fleche, ou vn dard, qui a des dents comme vne cramaillere. Ils lancent ces [56] dards contre le Castor, & tiennent tousiours le bout de la ficelle, la laissant filer iusques au font de l'eau, où se retire le Castor blessé: lequel ayant perdu son sang s'affoiblit, & ils le retirent par cette ficelle, qu'ils ne quittent iamais qu'ils n'ayent leur proye. Leur ayant donc fait present d'vn morceau de ficelle, ils me dirent Ania Capitana ouias amiscou, mon frere le Capitaine, nous t'apporterons la chair d'vn Castor, & me firent bien entendre qu'elle ne seroit point bouquanée, ils sçauẽt bien que les François n'ayment point leur bouquan, c'est de la chair seichée à la fumée, ils n'ont point d'autre sel que la fumée pour conseruer leur viande.

The 6th of August, monsieur Emery de Caën coming to see us in our little house, distant a good half-league from the fort, remained to dine with us. While we were at the table, two families of Savages, men, women, and little children, approached the spot where we were. The outside door of our house being open, all is open, the English having broken the others; that is why these simple people were in the room, where we were, before we were aware of it. They wanted to ask me to keep some of their baggage for them. I noticed their patience, for, although they had [54] started on a long journey which they were going to make, nevertheless they did not interrupt us once during the dinner, nor afterwards while they saw me with our Captain. They sat down in one place or another, and I had a piece of bread, of which they are very fond, given to each of them. At last, monsieur de Caën having departed, one of them approached me and said: Ania Kir Capitana? "My brother, art thou Captain?" They were asking for the superior of the house. They call their Captain "Sagamore," but by associating with the Europeans they have come to use the word Capitana. Our Brother answered them, eoco; that is to say, "yes." Thereupon he made a speech to me, saying that they were going hunting or fishing for Beavers, and that I should keep their baggage; that they would return when the leaves fell from the trees. They asked me very [55] often if thieves ever came into our house, and very carefully scrutinized the places where their baggage might be best concealed. I answered that everything was safe in 61 our house, and having shown them a little room which could be locked, they seemed very happy, placing therein three or four packages covered very neatly with the bark of trees, telling me that they contained great riches. I do not know what is there; but, at the best, all their riches are only poverty. Their gold and silver, their diamonds and pearls, are little white grains of porcelain which do not seem to amount to much. Having piled up their baggage, they asked me for a knife, and I gave them one; then they asked me for some string to tie to an iron arrow-point or dart, with barbed teeth. They throw these [56] darts against the Beavers, and hold the end of the string, letting it go to the bottom of the water where the wounded Beaver dives; and, when it has lost blood and become weak; they draw it back by this string, of which they never let go until they have their prey. Having then made them a present of the piece of string, they said to me: Ania Capitana ouias amiscou: "My brother, the Captain, we will bring thee the meat of a Beaver," and they gave me very clearly to understand that it would not be smoked. They know very well that the French people do not like their dried food: that is, their meat dried in smoke, for they have no other salt than smoke to preserve their meats.

Vn autre Sauuage, estant encor à Tadoussac, m'apporta deux bouteilles de vin pour luy garder dans ma cabane. Comme il tardoit long temps à les venir requerir, i'aduerty le Pere [57] de Nouë, & nostre Frere, que s'il s'addressoit à eux qu'ils me l'enuoyassent, 62 ie craignois qu'il ne les prist pour moy: mais il ne se trompa point. Le soir comme ie disois mon breuiaire, il se vint asseoir aupres de moy, & attendit que i'eusse acheué, alors il me tira & me dit, Ania Cabana, mon frere allons à ta cabane, ie l'entendy bien, & luy rendy ses bouteilles qui luy auoient cousté de bonnes peaux. Ces exemples font voir la confiance qu'ils ont en nous: en verité qui sçauroit parfaittement leur langue, seroit puissant parmy eux.

Ie suis deuenu regent en Canada, i'auois l'autre iour vn petit Sauuage d'vn costé, & vn petit Negre ou Maure de l'autre, ausquels i'apprenois à cognoistre les lettres. Apres tant d'années de regence, me voyla enfin retourné à l'A, B, C. mais auec vn contentement & vne satisfaction si grande, [58] que ie n'eusse pas voulu changer mes deux escoliers pour le plus bel auditoire de France: ce petit Sauuage est celuy qu'on nous laissera bien tost tout à fait, ce petit Neigre a esté laissé par les Anglois à cette famille Frãçoise qui est icy, nous l'auions pris pour l'instruire & le baptiser, mais il n'entend pas encor bien la langue, voyla pourquoy nous attendrons encor quelque temps. Quand on luy parla du baptesme il nous fit rire, sa maistresse luy demandant s'il vouloit estre Chrestien, s'il vouloit estre baptisé, & qu'il seroit comme nous, il dit qu'oüy: mais il demanda si on ne l'escorcheroit point en le baptisant, ie croy qu'il auoit belle peur: car il auoit veu escorcher ces pauures Sauuages. Comme il vit qu'on se rioit de sa demande, il repartit en son patois, comme il peut, Vous dites que par le baptesme ie seray comme vous, ie [59] suis noir & vous estes blancs, il faudra donc m'oster la peau pour deuenir comme vous: là dessus on se mit encor plus à rire, & luy voyant bien qu'il s'estoit trompé, se mit 64 à rire comme les autres. Quand ie luy dy qu'il prit sa couuerture, & qu'il s'en retournast chez son maistre iusques à ce qu'il entendit mieux la langue, il se mit à pleurer, & ne voulut iamais reprendre sa couuerture, ie luy dy qu'il s'en allast au fort auec le Pere de Nouë qui s'y en alloit, il obeït, mais on le rendit en passant à son maistre qui ne s'en peut pas long temps passer, autrement nous l'aurions retenu auec nous. Sa maistresse luy demandant pourquoy il n'auoit point rapporté sa couuerture, il répondit, Moy point baptisé, point couuerture: ils disoient viens baptise toy, & moy point baptisé, moy point baptisé, point retourné, point couuerture. Il [60] vouloit dire, que nous luy auions promis le baptesme, & qu'il ne vouloit point retourner qu'il ne l'eût receu, ce sera dans quelque temps, s'il plaist à Dieu.

I have become teacher in Canada: the other day I had a little Savage on one side of me, and a little Negro or Moor on the other, to whom I taught their letters. After so many years of teaching, behold me at last returned to the A, B, C., with so great content and satisfaction [58] that I would not exchange my two pupils for the finest audience in France. This little Savage is the one who will soon be left entirely with us. The little Negro was left by the English with this French family which is here. We have taken him to teach and baptize, but he does not yet understand the language well; therefore we shall wait some time yet. When we talked to him about baptism, he made us laugh. His mistress asking him if he wanted to be a Christian, if he wanted to be baptized and be like us, he said "yes;" but he asked if he would not be skinned in being baptized. I think he was very much frightened, for he had seen those poor Savages skinned. As he saw that they laughed at his questions, he replied in his patois, as best he could: "You say that by baptism I shall be like you: I [59] am black and you are white, I must have my skin taken off then in order to be like you." Thereupon all began to laugh more than ever, and, seeing that he was mistaken, he joined in and laughed with the others. When I told him to take his blanket and return to his master until he should understand our language better, he began to cry, and refused to 65 take his blanket again. I told him to go away to the fort with Father de Nouë, who was going there. He obeyed, but he was restored on the way to his master, who cannot do long without him; otherwise we would have retained him with us. His mistress, asking him why he had not brought back the blanket with him, he answered: "Me not baptized, no blanket. They said: 'Come, baptize thee,' and me not baptized; and me not baptized, no return, no blanket." He [60] meant that we had promised him the baptism, and that he did not wish to return until he had received it; that will be in a short time, if it please God.

Ie supputois l'autre iour combien le Soleil se leue plustost sur vostre horison, que sur le nostre, & ie trouuois que vous auiez le iour six heures & vn peu dauantage plutost que nous. Nos Mariniers content ordinairement 17. lieuës & demie pour vn degré de l'equinoctial & tout autre grand cercle, & d'ailleurs font estat qu'il y a d'icy iusques à vous 1000. lieuës & dauantage, qui feront par consequent 57. degrez & 12. minutes d'vn grand cercle, sur lequel se doit conter le droit chemin qu'il y a d'icy à vous. Supposant donc nostre latitude de 46. degrez & deux tiers, & celle de Dieppe de 49. & deux tiers, la supputation faite exactement par la resolution [61] d'vn triangle qui se fait sur la terre entre nos deux lieux, & le pole, nous donnera 91. degrez & 38. minutes pour l'angle qui se fait au pole par nos deux meridiens, & par consequent pour la piece de l'equinoctial, qui est 66la mesure dudit angle, laquelle est iustement la difference de nos longitudes. Or ce nombre de degrez estant reduit en temps, contant vne heure pour chaque 15. degrez, nous aurons six heures & six minutes pour le temps que le Soleil se leue plustost chez vous que chez nous: si bien que quand vn Dimanche vous contez trois heures du matin, nous ne sommes encor qu'à neuf heures du Samedy au soir. I'escry cecy enuiron les huict heures du matin, & vous auez deux heures apres midy. Que si auec les Geographes pour vn degré d'vn grand cercle on contoit 25. lieuës, comme on fait ordinairement des [62] lieuës Françoises de moyenne grandeur, alors nos 1000. lieuës ne feroient que 40. degrez de droit chemin d'icy à vous, & par consequent la supputation faite comme dessus ne donneroit pour la difference de nos longitudes que 61. degrez & 34. minutes, c'est à dire 4. heures & 6. minutes de temps.

I calculated the other day how much earlier the Sun rises on your horizon than it does on ours, and I found that you have daylight a little over six hours earlier than we do. Our Sailors usually count 17 leagues and a half for a degree of the equinoctial and all other great circles, and otherwise reach the conclusion that there are from here to you 1000 leagues and over, which will consequently make 57 degrees 12 minutes of a great circle upon which we ought to calculate a direct route from here to you. Suppose then our latitude to be 46 and two-thirds degrees and that of Dieppe 49 and two-thirds; the computation made exactly by the solution [61] of a triangle which might be made upon the earth, between our two places and the pole, will give us 91 degrees and 38 minutes for the angle which is made at the pole by our two meridians, and consequently for the part of the equinoctial which is the measure of the said angle, and this is just the difference in our longitudes. Now, this number of degrees being reduced to time, counting one hour for every 15 degrees, we shall have six hours and six minutes earlier, for the time that the Sun rises 67 with you than it does here; so that on Sunday when you count three o'clock in the morning, it is here still only nine o'clock on Saturday night. I am writing this about eight in the morning, and it is two in the afternoon where you are. So if, with the Geographers, for one degree of a great circle, we counted 25 leagues, as is generally done with the [62] French leagues of medium size, then our 1000 leagues would only be forty degrees in a straight line from here to you; and consequently the computation, made as above, would give for the difference of our longitude only 61 degrees and 34 minutes,—that is to say, 4 hours and 6 minutes of time.

Au reste ce païs cy est tres-bon, si tost que nous sommes rentrez en nostre petite maison enuiron le 13. de Iuillet nous auons foüy & besché la terre, semé du pourpier, des naueaux, planté des faisoles, tout n'a point tardé à leuer, nous auons bien tost apres recueilly de la salade, le mal estoit que nos graines estoient gastées, ie dy d'vne partie, sçauoir est qu'on a enuoyé à monsieur du Plessis: car celles que nostre Frere a apporté, ont tres-bien reüssi, vous seriez estonné de voir quelque nombre d'espics de [63] seigle qui se sont trouuez parmy nos pois, elles sont plus longues & mieux grenées que les plus belles que i'aye iamais veu en France.

Vendredy dernier 20. d'Aoust, iour de sainct Bernard, estant allé voir vn malade à nostre bord, c'est à dire à nostre vaisseau, pour aller de là saluër monsieur 68de la Rade, & le Capitaine Morieult nouuellement arriuez, ie pensay estre noyé auec deux François qui estoient auec moy dans vn petit cauot de Sauuage, dont nous nous seruons. La marée estoit violente, celuy qui estoit derriere dans ce cauot le voulant détascher du nauire la marée le fit tourner, & le cauot & nous aussi, nous voyla tous trois emportez par la furie de l'eau, au milieu de cette grande riuiere de sainct Laurens. Ceux du nauire crie sauue, sauue, au secours, mais il n'y auoit point là de chalouppe, nous attrapons le [64] cauot, comme ie vy qu'il tournoit si fort que l'eau me passoit de beaucoup par dessus la teste, & que i'estouffois, ie quittay ce cauot pour me mettre à nager, ie n'ay iamais bien sceu ce mestier, & il y auoit plus de 24. ans que ie ne l'auois exercé: à peine auoy-ie auancé de trois brasses, que ma sotane, m'enueloppant la teste & les bras, ie m'en allois à fond, i'auois desia donné ma vie à nostre Seigneur, sans luy demander qu'il me retirast de ce danger, croyant qu'il valloit mieux le laisser faire, i'acceptois la mort de bon cœur; bref i'estois desia à demy estouffé, quand vne chalouppe qui estoit sur le bord de la riuiere, & deux Sauuages accoururent dans leur cauot, il ne paroissoit plus qu'vn petit bout de ma sotane, on me retira par là, & si on eût encor tardé vn Pater, i'estois mort, i'auois perdu tout sentiment, pour ce que l'eau m'estouffoit, [65] ce n'estoit point d'apprehension, ie m'estois resolu à mourir dans les eaux, dés le premier iour que ie mis le pied dans le vaisseau, & i'auois prou exercé cette resignation dans les tempestes que nous auons passé sur mer, le iugement me dura tant que i'eu des forces, & me semble que ie me voyois mourir, ie croiois qu'il y eut plus de mal à estre noyé qu'il n'y en a: bref nous 70 fumes tous trois sauuez, i'en suis resté indisposé de l'estomach, i'espere que ce ne sera rien, la volonté de Dieu soit faite, cela ne m'estonne point. Deux Anglois s'estant noyez dans ces cauots faits d'écorces, qui sont extrememẽt volages, le Capitaine Ker fit faire vne petit bateau de bois pour passer de nostre maison au fort, car il y a vne riuiere entre deux; ie croiois que ce bateau nous demeureroit, celuy qui s'en est saisi l'auoit promis au Pere de Nouë, [66] mais depuis il s'est rauisé, s'il nous l'eut donné cela ne seroit pas arriué; patience, il importe peu où on meure, mais si bien comment.

Last Friday, August 20th, the day of saint Bernard, having gone to see a sick person on board, that is to say, on our vessel, and going thence to greet monsieur de la Rade 15 and Captain Morieult, newly I arrived, I thought I would be drowned, with two Frenchmen who were with me in a little Native canoe which we use. The tide was very violent; 69 the person who was behind in this canoe wishing to detach it from the ship, the tide gave him a turn, also the canoe and ourselves, and behold us all three carried away by the fury of the waves to the middle of the great saint Lawrence river. Those in the ship cried, "Save them, save them, help!" but there was no shallop there. We caught hold of the [64] canoe; as I felt that it was whirling about so rapidly that the water came a great way over my head, and that I was suffocating, I let go of the canoe to swim. I never knew this exercise very well, and it was over 24 years since I had tried it. I had made scarcely sixteen feet 16 when, my cassock winding around my head and my arms, I felt that I was going to the bottom. I had already given my life to our Lord, without asking him to rescue me from this danger; believing it better to let his will be done, I accepted death cheerfully; in short, I was already half drowned, when a boat that was on the shore of the river, and two Savages in their canoe, hastened towards us. Nothing was seen of me but a little end of my cassock; they dragged me out by that, and if they had been one Pater later I would have been dead. I was so choked by the water that I had lost all feeling; [65] it was not fear, for I was resigned to die in the water from the first day I had put my foot on the vessel, and I had strengthened this resignation a great deal in the tempests which we had upon the ocean. My faculties remained as long as I had any strength left, and it seemed to me that I saw myself dying; I thought there was more pain in drowning than there is. To be brief, we were all three saved. I still feel some indisposition in my 71 stomach, which is not to be wondered at, but I hope that it will be nothing; may the will of God be done. Two Englishmen having been drowned in those bark canoes, which are very frail, Captain Ker had a little wooden boat made for passing from our house to the fort, because there is a river between the two; I thought this boat would remain with us. The person who took possession of it promised it to Father de Nouë, [66] but he has since changed his mind; if he had given it to us, this would not have happened. Patience; it matters but little where we die, but a great deal, how.

Demain 25. d'Aoust ie dois baptiser vn petit enfant Hiroquois qu'on doit porter en France pour ne retourner iamais plus en ces païs cy, on l'a donné à vn François qui en a fait present à monsieur de la Rade. C'est assez, nous sommes si empressez que ie n'ay gardé aucun ordre en ce narré, V.R. m'excusera s'il luy plaist, ie la supplie de secourir ces pauures peuples qui sont en bon nombre, les Canadiens, Montagnards, Hurons, Algonquains, la Nation des Ours, la Nation du Petun, la Nation des Sorciers, & quantité d'autres: Ie vy arriuer les Hurons, ils estoient plus de 50. cauots, il faisoit fort beau voir cela sur la riuiere, ce sont de grands hommes bien faits, & tres-dignes de [67] compassion, pour ne cognoistre pas l'Autheur de vie dont ils ioüissent, & pour n'auoir iamais oüy parler de celuy qui a donné sa vie, & répandu son sang pour eux.

Ie pensois conclure ce petit narré le 24. d'Aoust: mais ce ne sera qu'apres le baptesme de ce petit enfant. Ie viens donc de le baptiser, monsieur Emery de 72Caën est son Parrain, madame Coullart fille de madame Hebert est sa Marraine, il a nom Louys, aussi a-il esté baptisé le iour de sainct Louys. Ce pauure petit qui n'a enuiron que quatre ans pleuroit incessamment deuant le baptesme, & s'enfuioit de nous, ie ne le pouuois tenir: si tost que i'eu commencé les ceremonies, il ne dit pas vn mot, il me regardoit attentiuement, & faisoit tout ce que ie luy faisois faire. Ie croiois qu'il fut Hiroquois, mais i'ay appris qu'il est de la Nation de feu [68] son Pere & sa Mere, & luy ont esté pris en guerre par les Algonquains, qui ont bruslé les parents, & donné l'enfant à nos François.

Louys iadis Amantacha nous est venu voir, & nous a promis qu'il viendroit l'année suiuante, pour s'en retourner auec le Pere Brebeuf en son païs; il a de l'esprit, & m'a témoigné qu'il auoit de bons sentimens de Dieu; cette Nation est rusée, ie ne sçaurois qu'en dire: mille recommandations aux saincts sacrifices de vostre R. & aux prieres de toute sa Prouince.

De V.R.

Tres-humble & obeïssant seruiteur

selon Dieu, Pavl le Ievne.

Du milieu d'vn bois de plus de 800. lieuës d'estenduë, à Kebec ce 28. d'Aoust 1632.

74 [69] Privilege dv Roy.

NOVS Barthelemy Iacquinot, Prouincial de la Compagnie de Iesvs, en la Prouince de France, suiuant le Priuilege qui nous a esté octroyé par les Roys tres-Chrestiens, Henry III. le 10. May 1583. Henry IV. le 20. Decembre 1606. & Louys XIII. à present regnant le 14. Feurier 1612. pae lequel il est defendu à tous Imprimeurs, ou Libraires, de n'imprimer ou faire imprimer aucun liure de ceux qui sont composez par quelqu'vn de nostredite Compagnie, sans permission des Superieurs d'icelle. Permettons à Sebastien Cramoisy Libraire Iuré Bourgeois de Paris, de pouuoir imprimer pour six ans, Brieue Relation du voyage de la Nouuelle France, &c. En foy de quoy nous auons signé la presente le 15. Nouembre 1632.

B. Iacqvinot.

RELATION
DE CE QVI S'EST PASSE EN
LA NOVVELLE FRANCE
EN L'ANNEE 1633

Enuoyée
AV R. P. BARTH. IACQVINOT
Prouincial de la Compagnie de
Iesvs en la prouince de
France.

Par le P. Paul le Ieune de la mesme Compagnie,
Superieur de la residence de Kebec.

A PARIS,
Chez Sebastien Cramoisy,
ruë S. Iacques, aux Cicognes.

M. DC. XXXIV.
AVEC PRIVILEGE DV ROY.

[3] Relation de ce qvi s'est passé en la Novvelle France en l'annee 1633.

Mon R. Pere,

Les lettres qu'on enuoie en ces païs cy, font comme des fruicts bien rares & bien nouueaux: on les reçoit auec contentement, on les regarde auec plaisir: on les sauoure comme des fruicts du Paradis terrestre. Il y auoit vn an que V.R. ne nous auoit parlé; ce peu de mots qu'il luy a pleu nous coucher sur le papier, nous semblent [4] des paroles de l'autre monde, aussi sont elles pour moy, ie les prẽds cõme des paroles du ciel. C'est assez dict pour tesmoigner les sentimens qu'a eu mon ame à la veuë de ses lettres. Et afin que la ioye possedast entieremẽt nostre cœur, il ne falloit point d'autres messagers pour les apporter, que ceux qui sont venus. On estoit icy en doubte si Monsieur de Champlain, ou quelque autre de la part de Messieurs de la Compagnie de la Nouuelle France, ou bien si le sieur Guillaume de Caen deuoit venir, comme il en auoit l'an passé dõné parole publiquement dans nostre vaisseau au sortir de France. Chacun defendoit son party, & produisoit ses raisons probables auec respect & modestie, quand tout d' vn coup Mõsieur de Champlain, auec les ordres de Monseigneur le Cardinal est venu terminer le differend en faueur de la [5] Compagnie de la Nouuelle France, ce iour nous a esté l'vn des bõs iours de l'anneé, nous sommes entrez dãs de fortes esperances qu'en fin apres 84 tãt de bourrasques Dieu vouloit regarder nos pauures Sauuages de l'œil de sa bonté & de sa misericorde; puis qu'il donnoit cœur à ces Messieurs de poursuiure leur pointe malgré les contrastes que les demons, l'enuie, & l'auarice des hommes leur ont suscitez. Ie ne sçay comme cela se fait, mais ie sçay bien que puis qu'ils s'interessent en la gloire de Dieu, en la publication de l'Euangile, en la conuersion des ames, nous ressentons ie ne sçay quel interest d'affection dãs leurs affaires, en telle sorte que si nos souhaits auoyent lieu, ils recueilleroyent plus en vn mois, qu'ils n'ont perdu en tant d'années que leurs desseins ont esté trauersez. Aussi sont ils nos Peres, puis qu'ils nourrissent icy [6] vne partie de nous autres; & nous departent à tous leur affection abõdamment. I'espere que dans quelques années ils verront des fruicts du Ciel, & de la terre sortir du grain qu'ils ont semé auec tant de peine. C'est la coniecture qu'on pourra tirer des petites remarques que ie vay briéuement tracer.

[3] Relation of what occurred in New France in the year 1633.

My Reverend Father:

The letters that are sent to this country are like very rare and very fresh fruits; they are received with joy, are regarded with pleasure, and are relished as fruits of the terrestrial Paradise. It had been a year since Your Reverence had spoken to us, and the few words which you were pleased to place upon paper seemed to us [4] like words from the other world. Thus they are for me; I receive them as messages from heaven. Enough has been said to show the sentiments which were awakened in my soul at the sight of your letters. And in order that joy should take complete possession of our hearts, no other messengers were needed to bring them than those who came. We were in doubt whether Monsieur de Champlain, or some one else in behalf of the Gentlemen of the Company of New France, or whether sieur Guillaume de Caen was to come, as he had last year announced in our ship as we were leaving France. Each one defended his side, and presented his probable reasons respectfully and modestly; when all at once Monsieur de Champlain arrived with the orders of Monseigneur the Cardinal, and ended the dispute in favor of the [5] Company of New France.23 That day was one of the good days of the year; we have been filled with strong hopes that at last, after so many storms, God 85 would look upon our poor Savages with a merciful and kindly eye, as he has given courage to those Gentlemen to carry out their purpose in spite of the opposition that demons, envy, and the avarice of men, have aroused against them. I know not how it happens, but I do know well that since they interest themselves in the glory of God, in the spread of the Gospel, in the conversion of souls, we feel an inexplicable and affectionate interest in their affairs; so much so that, if things would go according to our wishes, they would gain more in one month than they have lost in all the years that their plans have been thwarted. They are also our Fathers, since they provide here [6] for a part of us, and bestow their affection abundantly upon us. I hope that in a few years they will see the fruits of Heaven and of earth growing from the seeds which they have planted with so much trouble. This is the inference that may be drawn from the few observations which I am about briefly to record.

Et afin d'éuiter la confusion, ie suiuray l'ordre du temps: Mais au prealable il faut que ie die que nous auons pris vn singulier plaisir dans les deportemẽs de nos François hyuerans. Il n'en faut point mentir, i'eus quelque apprehension dans la trauerse que le libertinage ne passast la mer auec nous: mais le bon exemple des chefs qui commandoyẽt icy, l'éloignement des débauches, le petit trauail que nous auons pris dans les predications, & administration des sacrements, les ont retenus tellement [7] dans le debuoir, qu'encor bien que nous eussions des personnes de deux partis bien differents, neantmoins il sembloit que l'amour & le respect commandoit pour l'ordinaire 86 & aux vns & aux autres. Plusieurs se sont confessez generalement de toute leur vie. Ceux qui n'auoyent quasi iamais parlé du ieusne que par risée, l'ont estroittement gardé, se rendans obeïssans à leur mere l'Eglise Chrestienne & Catholique.

Mais venons au depart des vaisseaux de l'an passé, pour suiure les mois qui se sont escoulez depuis ce tẽps là que nous auisames le Pere de Nouë & moy, qu'il falloit chercher les moyens de s'addonner à l'estude de la langue, sans la cognoissance de laquelle on ne peut secourir les Sauuages. Ie quittay donc tout autre soing, & commençay à fueilleter vn petit Dictionnaire escrit à la main, [8] qu'on m'auoit dõné en France; mais tout remply de fautes.

Le 12 d'Octobre voyant que i'auançois fort peu, apprenant auec beaucoup de peine des mots décousus, ie m'en allay visiter les cabanes des Sauuages à desseing d'y aller souuent, & me faire l'oreille à leur langue. Ils estoient cabanez à plus d'vne grande lieuë loing de nostre maison, & de peur de m'égarer dans les bois ie pris vn long destour sur le bord du grand fleuue de Sainct Laurens. O que de peine à trencher les roches de la pointe aux diamans! C'est vn lieu ainsi appellê de nos François, pource qu'on y trouue quantité de petits diamants assez beaux. Ces chemins sont affreux: i'allois des pieds & des mains, auec belle peur de me laisser tõber. Ie passay par des endroits si estroits, que la marée montant, & m'empeschant de poursuiure mon [9] chemin, ie ne pouuois retourner en arriere, tant le passage me sembloit dangereux. Ie grimpay au dessus des rochers, & m'agraffant à vne branche qui arrestoit vn arbre abattu, 88cet arbre s'en vint rouler vers moy auec vne telle impetuosité, que si ie n'eusse esquiué son coup, il m'eut tout brisé, & ietté dans la riuiere.

On the 12th of October, seeing that I made very little progress, learning a few stray words with a great deal of trouble, I went to visit the cabins of the Savages, with the intention of going there often, and accustoming my ear to their tongue. They were encamped at a distance of more than a full league from our house, and through fear of getting lost in the woods, I made a long detour on the shores of the great Saint Lawrence river. Oh what a trial it was to climb the rocks on diamond point! The place is thus named by the French, because a quantity of very pretty little diamonds are found there.25 These roads are frightful; I went on my hands and knees, with great fear of falling. I passed through places so narrow, that when the tide arose and prevented me from continuing on my [9] way, I could not turn back, the passage seemed to me so dangerous. I climbed upon the rocks and, seizing a branch which had arrested the fall of an uprooted tree, this tree came rolling toward me with so much force, that if I 89 had not escaped the blow, it would have crushed and thrown me into the river.

Arriué que ie fus aux cabanes des Sauuages, ie vey leur secherie d'anguilles. Ce sont les femmes qui exercent ce mestier. Elles vuidẽt ce poisson, le lauent fort bien, l'ouurant nõ par le ventre, mais par le dos, puis le pendent à la fumée, l'ayant faict au prealable esgoutter sur des perches hors de leurs cabanes. Elles le tailladent en plusieurs endroits, afin que la fumée le desseche plus aisement. La quantité d'anguilles qu'ils prennent en ce temps là est incroyable: ie ne voyois autre chose dedans & [10] dehors leurs cabanes. Les François & eux en mangẽt incessamment pendant ce temps-là, & en gardent quãtité pour le iours qu'on ne mange point de chair, ientens les François; car les Sauuages n'ont point d'autres mets pour l'ordinaire que celuy-là, iusques à ce que les neges soient grãdes pour la chasse de l'Orignac. Cõme i'allois de cabane en cabane, vn petit garçon aagé d'enuiron douze ans s'en vint droict à moy. Ie l'auois caressé l'ayant trouué quelques iours au parauant en quelque endroit, me semblãt fort posé & modeste. M'ayant recogneu, il me dict Ania achtam achtam: Mon frere, viens, viens. Il me mene en la cabane de ses parens: i'y trouuay vne vieille femme qui estoit sa grãd'mere, il luy dit deux ou trois mots que ie n'entendis pas; & cette bonne vieille me presenta quatre anguilles boucanées. Ie n'osay les refuser, [11] de peur de la facher. Ie m'assis à platte terre aupres de son petit fils: ie tiray vn morceau de pain que i'auois porté auec moy pour mon disner, i'en donnay à ce petit garçon, à sa grand'mere, & à sa mere qui suruint. Ils me firent 90 rostir vne anguille auec vne petite broche de bois qu'ils picquent en terre aupres du feu, puis ils me la presenterent sur vn petit morceau d'escorce: ie la mangeay auec cet enfant, auquel ie demanday de l'eau: il m'en alla querir dans vne escuelle ou plat fait d'escorce. Si tost que i'eus beu, tous ceux qui estoient dans la cabane beurent apres moy. Pour seruiette ce petit garçon ayant manié cette anguille cuite qui estoit fort grasse, il se seruoit de ses cheueux, les autres frottent leurs mains à leurs chiens: cette bonne vieille voiant que ie cherchois où essuier les miennes, me donna de la poudre de [12] bois sec & pourry, c'est dequoy les meres nettoient leurs petits enfans, ils n'ont point d'autre linge. Apres que i'eu disné, cette bonne femme me fit vne harangue, me donna encore de l'anguille: elle me sembloit recõmander son fils, mais ie ne l'entendois pas. Ie tiray mon papier, & luy dis le mieux que ie pû que son fils me vint voir, & qu'il m'apportât les anguilles qu'elles m'auoyent dõné, ne les pouuãt apporter auec moy pour la difficulté du chemin, luy promettant quelque chose pour sa peine. Ie ne sçay s'ils entendirent mon baragoin, mais ie ne l'ay point veu depuis. Estant de retour au logis, & racontant au Pere de Nouë la difficulté du chemin, il me dist pour me consoler, qu'allant aux Hurons on rencontroit quarante endroits plus difficiles que celuy dont ie luy parlois. Dieu soit beny de tout. Si nos [13] Peres qui iront en ces pais là, ont de la peine, Dieu les sçaura fort bien recompenser. Voyant donc que ie perdois beaucoup de temps en ces allées & venues aux cabanes, ie cherchay vn autre moyẽ de tirer quelque chose de la langue, dont ie parleray tantost.

When I reached the cabins of the Savages, I saw their place for drying eels. This work is done entirely by the women, who empty the fish, and wash them very carefully, opening them, not up the belly but up the back; then they hang them in the smoke, first having suspended them upon poles outside their huts to drain. They gash them in a number of places, in order that the smoke may dry them more easily. The quantity of eels which they catch in the season is incredible. I saw nothing else inside and [10] outside of their cabins. They and the French eat them continually during this season, and keep a large quantity of them for the time when meat is not eaten; I mean the French, for the Savages usually have no other meat than this until the snow is deep enough for Moose hunting. As I went about from hut to hut, a little boy about twelve years old came straight up to me. A few days before, meeting him somewhere, I had given him a caress, as he seemed to me quite bright and modest. Having recognized me he said; Ania achtam achtam; "My brother, come, come." He conducted me to the hut of his parents, where I found an old woman who was his grandmother; he said two or three words to her which I did not understand, and this good old woman presented me with four smoked eels. I dared not refuse them [11] for fear of making her angry. I sat down upon the ground near her grandson, and took out a piece of bread that I had brought with me for my dinner; I gave some to the little boy, to his grandmother, and to his mother, who came in. They roasted an eel for me upon a little wooden spit, which they thrust into 91the ground near the fire. They then presented it to me upon a small piece of bark. I ate it with the child, of whom I asked some water; he brought me some in a dipper or dish made of bark. As soon as I had drunk, all those in the cabin drank after me. The little boy, having handled the roasted eel, which was very greasy, used his hair as a napkin, and the others rubbed their hands on the dogs. The good old woman, seeing that I was looking for something upon which to wipe my hands, gave me some powder made of [12] dry and rotten wood. It is with this that the mothers clean their little children, for they have no other towels. After having dined, this simple woman made me a speech, and gave me some more eel: it seemed that she was commending her son to me, but I did not understand. I took out my paper, and told her as well as I could that her son should come to see me and bring the eels they had given me, as I could not carry them back with me on account of the difficulties of the road, promising her something for her trouble. I do not know whether they understood my jargon, but I have not seen them since. Having returned to our lodgings, and recounted to Father de Nouë the difficulties of the road, he told me, by way of consolation, that in going to the Hurons one would encounter forty places much more difficult then the one of which I spoke. God be blessed for all things. If our [13] Fathers who are going to those countries have trials, God will know very well how to compensate them. Seeing that a great deal of time was lost in going to and from the cabins, I sought another means of finding out something about the language, of which I shall soon speak.

92 Le 13. du mesme mois d'Octobre le Sauuage nõmé Manitougache, surnommé des François La Nasse, nous vint voir auec quantité d'autres, qui nous firent depositaires & gardiens de leurs sacs & richesses. Ie demanday à l'vn d'eux son nom, il baissa la teste sans rien dire: vn François le demanda à vn autre, luy disant Khiga ichenicasson? comment t'appelles tu? Il respondit, namanikisteriten, ie n'en scay rien. I'ay depuis appris qu'ils ne veulent point dire leur nom deuant les autres, ie ne scay pourquoy. Si neãtmoins vous demandez à quelqu'vn [14] comme vn autre s'appelle, il vous le dira librement, mais il ne dira pas son nom. Il est vray que ie l'ay faict dire à quelques enfans, lesquels me demandans le mien, & voyans que ie le difois librement, ils me disoyent aussi le leur.

Le 24^e estant allé dire la Messe à l'habitation de nos François, vn Capitaine des Sauuages vint voir le sieur Emery de Caen, & luy dict que les Algonquains estãs allez à la guerre contre les Hiroquois vn de leurs hommes auoit esté tué, & l'autre pris prisonnier. Ce qui auoit tellement espouuanté les Montagnaits, qu'ils s'en reuenoyent tous de la chasse du castor, & de l'ours, pour se cabaner pres du fort, crainte d'estre surpris de leurs ennemis. Ils se vouloyent r'assembler pour estre plus forts: mais ils craignoient la faim en quittant leur chasse. Ils demanderent donc [15] si on ne les secoureroit pas de viures au cas qu'ils demeurassent ensemble. La response fut qu'on ne vouloit riẽ donner à credit cette année là; ce à quoy ils s'attendoyent. On me racõta vne generosité de ce capitaine, estant enuoié pour espion vers les Hiroquois, il rencontra l'espion des ennemis: se voians teste à 94 teste, l'Hiroquois se croiant plus fort que le mõtagnaits, lui dit, Ne faisõs point tuer nos gens; mais luitons ensemble, & voions qui pourra emporter son cõpagnon. La proposition acceptée, ce capitaine qui pour lors estoit espiõ des Montagnaits, fatigua si fort son homme, que l'ayant terrassé, il le lia, le chargea sur son dos comme vn fagot, & l'emporta vers ses gens. Voila ce qu'on me dict de luy.

On the 24th, having gone to say Mass at the French settlement, a Captain of the Savages came to see sieur Emery de Caen, and told him that, the Algonquains having gone to war against the Hiroquois, one of their men had been killed and the other taken prisoner. This had so frightened the Montagnaits, that they all returned from the hunt for beavers and bears, to camp near our fort, for fear of being surprised by their enemies. They wanted to unite, that they might be stronger; but they feared famine in abandoning the chase. They asked us therefore [15] if we would supply them with food, in the event of their remaining together. The answer was that we would not give anything on credit that year; this was what they were relying upon. I was told about an act of generosity on the part of this captain. Having been sent as a spy upon the Hiroquois, he encountered the spy of the enemy, and seeing each 95 other face to face, the Hiroquois, believing himself stronger than the montagnaits savage, said to him: "Do not let us have our people killed, but let us wrestle and see which can carry his companion away." The proposal being accepted, this captain, who at that time was the spy of the Montagnaits, so tired out his man that, having thrown him down, he bound him, loaded him upon his back like a piece of wood, and carried him away to his people. This was what they told me about him.27

Le mesme iour le Sauuage Manitougache, autrement La Nasse (c'est celuy dont i'escriuis à V.R. l'an passé, [16] qu'il se vouloit venir cabaner aupres de nous, comme il a fait depuis) retournant de la chasse aux ours, s'en vint souper & coucher chez nous. Ayant bien mangé, il commence en riant à frapper doucement son ventre tout nud, disant, taponé nikïspoun, en vérité ie suis saoul. voila comme ils remercient leurs hostes de la bonne chere qu'on leur a faict: quand ils disent nikispoun, ie suis saoul, c'est à dire qu'on les a bien traittez. Il portoit auec soy vn fort grand bouclier fort lõg & fort large: il me couuroit tout le corps aisemẽt, & m'alloit depuis les pies iusques à la poictrine: ils le releuẽt & s'en couurent entieremẽt, il estoit fait d'vne seule piece de bois de cedre fort leger: ie ne scay comme ils peuuent doler vne si grande & si large planche auec leurs couteaux: il estoit vn petit plié ou courbé pour mieux couurir le corps, & afin que [17] les coups de fleches ou de masses venans à le fendre, n'emportassent la piece, il l'auoit cousu hault & bas auec de la corde faite de peau: ils ne portent point ces boucliers au bras, ils passent la corde qui les soustient sur l'espaule droicte, abriant le costé gauche: & quand ils ont tiré leur coup, ils ne font que retirer le costé droict pour se mettre à couuert.

The same day the Savage Manitougache, otherwise La Nasse, (it is he of whom I wrote to Your Reverence last year, [16] that he wanted to come and settle near us, as he has since done), returning from the bear hunt, came to sup and sleep with us. Having eaten well, he began to laugh and gently strike his naked belly, saying, taponé nikïspoun, "in truth, I am full." This is the way they thank their hosts for the good treatment they have received. When they say nikispoun, "I am full," that is to say that they have been handsomely entertained. He carried with him a great shield, very long and very wide. It easily covered my whole body, and reached from my feet to my chest. They raise it up and entirely cover themselves with it. It is made of one single piece of very light cedar. I do not know how they can plane so large and so wide a plank with their knives; it was a little bent or curved, the better to cover the body; and, in order that [17] if an arrow or blow should split it, it might still hold together, it was sewed at the top and bottom with a leather string. They do not carry these shields upon their arms; they pass the cord which holds them over the right shoulder, protecting the left side, and when 97 they have cast their missile they have only to withdraw the right side to put themselves under cover.

96 Ie diray icy que les Sauuageais aimẽt fort la sagaimité, le mot de Sagamiteou en leur langue signifie proprement de l'eau, ou du brouët chaud: maintenant ils estendent sa signification à toute sorte de potage, de bouillie, & choses semblables. La sagamité qu'ils aiment beaucoup, est faite de farine de bled d'Inde: au defaut de cette farine nous leur en auõs quelquefois donné de la nostre de France, laquelle estant bouillie auec de l'eau, ne fait que de la colle. Ils ne [18] laissent pas de la manger auec appetit, notamment si on y met vn peu de pimi, c'est à dire de l'huile, c'est leur sucre, ils en mettent dans les fraises & framboises quand ils en mangent, à ce qu'on m'a dict: & leurs plus grãds festins sont de graisse ou d'huile. Ils mordent par fois dans vn morceau de graisse blãche figée comme nous mordrions dans vne pomme: voila leur bonne chere. On m'a dict encor qu'autant qu'on leur apportât des chaudieres de France, ils faisoyent cuire leur chair dans des plats d'escorce, qu'ils appellent ouragana. Ie m'estonnois comme ils pouuoyent faire cela, car il n'y a rien si aisé à bruler que cette escorce. On me respõdit qu'ils mettoyent leur chair & de l'eau dans ces plats, puis qu'ils mettoyẽt cinq ou six pierres dans le feu, & quand l'vne estoit toute bruslante, ils la iettoyent dans ce beau potage, [19] & en la retirant pour la remettre au feu, ils en mettoyẽt vne autre toute rouge en sa place, & ainsi continuoyent ils iusques à ce que leur viãde fût cuite. Pierre le Sauuage, dont ie parleray cy apres, m'a asseuré que quelques-vns ayant perdu ou rompu leur chaudiere, se seruoyent encor de cette ancienne coustume, & que la chair n'estoit point si long temps à cuire qu'on s'imagineroit bien.

I shall say here that the Savages are very fond of sagamité.28 The word "Sagamiteou" in their language really means water, or warm gruel. Now they have extended its meaning to signify all sorts of soups, broths, and similar things. This "sagamité," of which they are very fond, is made of cornmeal; if they are short of that, we sometimes give them some of our French flour, which, being boiled with water, makes simple paste. They do [18] not fail to eat it with appetite, especially when we place in it a little "pimi;" that is to say, oil, for that is their sugar. They use it with their strawberries and raspberries when they eat them, as I am told, and their greatest feasts are of fat or of oil. They sometimes bite into a piece of solid white grease as we would bite into an apple; this is their high living. I have been told that, before kettles were brought to them from France, they cooked their meat in bark dishes which they called ouragana. I wondered how they could do that, for there is nothing easier to burn than this bark. I was answered that they put their meat and water into these dishes, then they place five or six stones in the fire; and, when one is burning hot, they throw it into this fine soup, [19] and, withdrawing it to place it in the fire again, they put another one which is red-hot in its place, and thus continue until their meat is cooked. Pierre, the Savage, of whom I shall speak hereafter, assured me that some of them, having lost or broken their kettles, still resorted to this old custom, and that it did not take so long to cook the meat as one would imagine.

98 Le 27. d'Octobre veille de sainct Simon & sainct Iude nous vismes vne eclipse de lune, qui me confirma dans la remarque que ie fis l'an passé que vous auiez en France le iour six heures & vn peu dauantage, plustost que noꝰ: car l'Almanach disoit que cette eclipse deuoit arriuer en France sur la minuict, & nous la vîmes sur les six heures du soir; dont ie conclus que la difference du commencement de nos iours & de nos nuicts [20] est de six heures: si bien que maintenant vous estes dans la profondeur de la nuict au temps que i'escris cecy sur les six heures du soir.

Le 28^e quelques chasseurs François retournans des isles qui sont dãs le grand fleuue S. Laurens nous dirẽt qu'il y auoit du gibier à foison, des outardes, des oyes, des canards, des sarcelles, & autres oyseaux. Ils nous asseurerent encore qu'il y auoit des pommes dans ces isles, fort douces, mais fort petites, & qu'ils auoyent mangé des prunes qui ne cederoient point à nos abricots de France si ces arbres estoient cultiuez. Les Sauuages gastent tout, car rencontrans vn arbre fruictier, ils l'abbattent pour auoir le fruict.

Le 31. vn Sauuage surnommé Brehault, pource qu'il parloit fort haut, reuenant de la chasse demãda le couuert chez nous pour vne nuict, & à [21] souper par consequent. On luy donna des pois, & à ses deux enfans qui l'accompagnoyent: il mangeoit auec si grand appetit, que pour exploitter dauãtage il quitta vne cueiller d'estain qu'on luy auoit presentée, & prit la grande cueiller du pot, s'en seruant pour manger: Et pource que le plat n'estoit pas assez profond il puisoit dans la marmite, de laquelle il se seruoit pour écuelle, sans garder autre ciuilité que celle que son 100grand appetit luy fournissoit. Ie le laissay faire quelque temps. Apres qu'il eut bien mangé, il s'en va prendre de l'eau auec la mesme cueiller du pot, beuuant cela auec plaisir, & reiettant son reste dans le seau. voila toute l'honnestete qu'ils sçauent.

I'en ay veu quantité d'autres cherchans quelque chose pour puiser de l'eau, prendre vn petit poeslon, dont le dessous est comme celuy d'vne [22] marmite, & boire brauement auec cela, & auec autant de contentement qu'on boiroit en Frãce d'vn vin fort excellent dans vn verre de crystal: les vaisseaux les plus gras leur sõt les plus agreables, pource qu'il n'y a rien qu'ils aiment tant que la graisse, ils boiuent chaud ordinairement, & mangent à terre: ceux qui maintenant nous cognoissent ne font plus ces grosses inciulitez deuant nous.

Le premier iour de Nouembre feste de tous les Saints, aiant appris qu'vn pauure miserable Sauuage mãgé d'vn chancre ou des écroüelles, estoit dãs vne meschante cabane delà le grand fleuue de S. Laurens, abandonné de tout le monde, horsmis de la fẽme qui l'assistoit le mieux qu'elle pouuoit, nous fismes ce que nous peûmes pour le faire apporter prés de nostre maison, afin de le pouuoir secourir selon le corps & selon l'ame: [23] le Pere de Nouë & nostre Frere le furent voir, ils en eurent grande compassion. Ie priay nostre truchement frãcois d'induire les Sauuages à nous l'apporter: car nous ne pouuions l'aller querir; il en parla a l'vn d'eux en ma presence, qui demanda ce qu'on luy donneroit, on luy dit qu'on luy donneroit à manger, ie luy fis dire qu'il estoit grandement ingrat, que cet homme estoit de sa nation, & que nous qui n'en estions pas, le vouliõs secourir, & cependant qu'il luy refusoit ce peu d'assistance. A cela point d'autre response, sinon qu'il s'en alloit 102 bien-tost à la chasse, & qu'il n'auoit pas le loisir de mener la son canot.

On the first day of November, all Saints' day, having learned that a poor miserable Savage, eaten by a malignant ulcer or scrofulous affection, was in a wretched hut beyond the great St. Lawrence, abandoned by everybody except his wife, who was caring for him the best she could, we did all in our power to have him brought near our house, in order that we might help him both in regard to his body and his soul. [23] Father de Nouë and our Brother went to see him, and they were filled with compassion for him. I begged our french interpreter to persuade the Savages to bring him to us, for we could not go and fetch him. He spoke to one of them in my presence, who asked what he would be given for it. He was told that he would be given something to eat. I had them tell him that he was very ungrateful; that the sick man was of his tribe, and that we who were not of it wished to help him, and still he refused him that little assistance. For this he made no other excuse than that he was going very soon to 103 the hunt, and that he had no time to take his canoe there.

I'ay remarqué que les Sauuages font tres-peu d'estat d'vn homme de la santé duquel ils desesperent, voire mesme ils les tuënt par fois, où les laissent dãs les bois pour s'en deffaire, [24] ou pour ne les voir languir.

Le 5. du mesme mois de Nouembre, vn grand ieune Sauuage s'en vint chez nous retournant de la chasse aux castors, criant qu'il mouroit de faim, il apportoit quantité de racines, entr'autres force oignons de martagons rouges, dont il y a icy tres-grand nõbre, nous luy donnasmes quelque chose, & goustasmes de ces oignons, ils sont tres-bons à manger, il n'y fit point d'autre saulce que de les faire boüillir dans l'eau sans sel, car les Sauuages n'en mangent point, quoy que maintenant ils s'y accoustument fort bien.

Le huictiesme Manitougache surnommé la Nasse, & toute sa famille composée de deux ou trois ménages, se vindrent cabaner auprés de nostre maison, ils nous dirent que deux ou trois cabanes de Sauuages auoient esté deuorées par de grands animaux incognus, [25] qu'ils croioient que c'étoient des Diables, & que les Montagnaits ayant peur, ne vouloient point aller à la chasse du costé du Cap de Tourmente, & de Tadoussac, ces mõstres ayans paru de ce costé là. On soupçonna par apres que les Sauuages auoient fait courir ce bruit, pour tirer de l'autre costé de la riuiere.

Le 9. ie m'en allay voir ces nouueaux hostes; comme i'estois dans leur cabane, i'entendois chanter deux hommes sans sçauoir où ils estoient, ie regarde dans toute la cabane, ie ne les voy point & cependãt 104 ils estoient tout au milieu, renfermés comme dans vn four, où ils se mettent pour se faire suer. Ils dressent vn petit tabernacle fort bas, entouré d'ecorces, & tout couuert de leurs robbes de peaux: ils font chauffer cinq ou six cailloux qu'ils mettent dans ce four où ils entrent tous nuds, [26] ils chantent là dedans incessamment, frappans doucement les costez de ces estuues. Ie les veis sortir tous moüillez de leur sueur: voila la meilleure de leurs medecines.

Le 12. de Nouembre, l'hyuer fit ses approches, commençant à nous assieger de ses glaces. Ayant esté fort long temps ce iour là dans vne grande cabane de Sauuages, où il y auoit plusieurs hommes, femmes, enfans de toutes façons, ie remarquay leur admirable patience, s'il y auoit tant de familles ensemble en nostre France, ce ne seroiẽt que disputes, que querelles, & qu'iniures; les meres ne s'impatientent point apres leurs enfans, ils ne sçauent que c'est que de iurer, tout leur serment consiste en ce mot taponé, en verité, point de ialousie les vns enuers les autres, ils s'entr'aident & secourent grandement, pource qu'ils esperent le reciproque, [27] cet espoir manquant, ils ne tiennent compte de qui que ce soit.

Tout ainsi qu'vn homme en Europe se compose & s'habille honnestement quand il veut aller en quelque honneste maison; de mesme les Sauuages se font peindre la face quãd ils font quelques visites. Le fils de Manitougache voulant aller à l'habitation, ie vy sa mere qui le graissoit & le peignoit de rouge, elle en fit autant à son mary: ils trouuent cela si agreable, que les petits enfans ne pensent pas estre beaux, s'ils ne sont barboüillez: i'en voiois vn qui frottoit ses doigts sur vne hache roüillée, puis se faisoit des rayes au visage auec cette roüillure, ie fis vne 106 petite croix auec vn peu d'encre sur le front d'vn petit garçon, il se tenoit bien braue, & les autres trouvoient cela fort beau. Ou que le iugement des hommes est foible! les vns logẽt la beauté [28] où les autres ne voient que la laideur. Les dents les plus belles en France sont les plus blanches, aux Isles des Maldiues la blancheur des dents est vne difformité, ils se les rougissent pour estre belles: & dans la Cochinchine, si i'ay bonne memoire, ils les teignent en noir. Voyez qui a raison.

Le 13. Manitougache nostre hoste & voisin nous vint dire qu'on auoit veu quantité d'Hiroquois qui auoiẽt paru iusques auprés de Kebec. Tous les Montagnaits trembloient de peur. Celuy-cy nous demanda si sa femme & ses enfans ne pourroient pas bien venir coucher chez nous, nous luy respondismes que luy & ses fils seroient les tres-bien venus, mais que les filles & femmes ne couchoient point dans nos maisons, voire mesme qu'elles n'y entroient point en France, & qu'aussi-tost que nous serions fermez, que la porte ne leur seroit [29] plus ouuerte. Il enuoya donc tout son train, tous les ieunes gens aux cabanes voisines de Kebec, où l'on disoit que l'on enuoyeroit quelques harquebusiers pour les garder. Pour luy estant inuité du Capitaine des Sauuages de prendre sa cabane iusques à ce que l'effroy fust passé, il fit response que s'il deuoit mourir, qu'il vouloit mourir aupres de nous, & ainsi ayant mis ses gens en asseurance, il nous reuint trouuer.

Ce mesme iour Pierre Pastedechouan nous vint voir pour demeurer auec nous. Ie ne puis obmettre icy vn trait fort particulier de l'admirable bonté & prouidence de Dieu en nostre endroit. Ce ieune 108 homme a esté conduit en Frãce en son bas âge par les RR. Peres Recolets, il a esté baptisé à Angers Monsieur le Prince de Guimenée estoit sõ parrain, il parle fort biẽ Francois, & fort bon Sauuage, [30] ayant esté ramené en son pays on le remit entre les mains de ses freres pour reprendre les idées de sa langue qu'il auoit presque oubliées: ce pauure miserable est deuenu barbare comme les autres, & a tousiours continué dans ses barbaries pendant que les Anglois ont icy seiourné. Sçachant le retour de François, il vient voir le sieur Emery de Caën à Tadoussac, qui l'inuita de monter à Kebec, ce qu'il fit. Il le vouloit prendre pour son truchement, le faisant manger à sa table, luy témoignant vn fort bon visage. Moy cependant comme ie desirois grandement d'entrer dans la cognoissance de la langue, & voyant que ie n'auançois riẽ faute de maistre, ie deliberay de m'addresser à Dieu, esperant que nous aurions ce ieune homme pour quelque temps: nous nous mismes tous a solliciter cette affaire auprés de nostre Seigneur, ie sentois [31] vn si grand desir, ioinct auec vne si grande confiãce, qu'il me sembloit que nous l'auions desia contre toutes les apparences humaines: car comme on se vouloit seruir de luy au fort, on le traittoit fauorablement, veu d'ailleurs que ne respirant que la liberté, il abhorrait plustost nostre maison, qu'il ne l'aimoit. Dieu est plus fort que tous les hommes, il n'appartient qu'à luy de tirer le biẽ du mal. Ce pauure ieune homme estant trop à son aise ne s'y peut tenir, il mescontente le sieur de Caën vne & deux fois il est disgracié, & remis en faueur, cependant ie sollicite le sieur de Caën de nous l'enuoyer au cas qu'il ne se pût accommoder au fort, qu'il nous 110 obligeroit, & feroit du bien à ce pauure abandonné: luy qui nous faisoit l'hõneur que de nous aimer, s'y accorde aisément. Or ce pauure garçon se voiant decheu de l'amitié du sieur de [32] Caën se iette du costé du sieur du Plessis, c'estoit tomber pour luy de fiéure en chaud mal: car le sieur du Plessis cognoissant ses fripponneries, & desirant qu'il demeurast auec nous, le rebuta, luy promettant son amitié au cas qu'il voulust passer quelques mois en nostre maison pour se remettre dans les deuoirs d'vn bon Chrestien. Monsieur de Caën luy témoignoit le mesme: le voila donc exclus du fort. Il ne falloit plus qu'estre abãdonné en quelque façon des Sauuages. Il auoit espousé la fille de Manitougache, elle ayant receu quelque mescontentement de luy, le quitta là, ce sont les mariages des Sauuages, qui ne se lient que par vn lacs courant, il faut peu de chose pour les separer, si ce n'est qu'ils ayent des enfans, car alors ils ne se quittent pas si aisement.

On this same day, Pierre Pastedechouan came 33 to make his home with us. I cannot omit here an incident especially exhibiting the admirable kindness and providence of God in our behalf. This young 109man had been taken to France in his childhood by the Reverend Recolet Fathers. He had been baptized at Angers, Monsieur the Prince of Guimenée being his godfather. He speaks French and the Savage Tongue very well. [30] Having been brought back to his country, he was again placed in the hands of his brothers, to recover the use of his own language, which he had almost forgotten. This poor wretch has become a barbarian like the others, and persistently followed barbaric customs while the English were here. Hearing of the return of the French, he visited sieur Emery de Caën, at Tadoussac, who invited him to go to Kebec, which he did. He intended to take him for his interpreter, having him eat at his table, and treating him kindly. Meanwhile, I desired to obtain a greater knowledge of the language; and seeing that I made no progress, for want of a teacher, I had been thinking for some time of asking God, hoping that we should have this young man with us for a while. We all began to pray for this favor at the throne of our Lord; I felt [31] so strong a desire, combined with so great confidence, that it seemed to me we had him already, all human appearances to the contrary notwithstanding; for, as they wanted to make use of him at the fort, he was treated very kindly. Besides, while breathing only liberty, he rather abhorred our house than loved it. God is stronger than all men; it belongs only to him to draw good out of evil. This poor young man, being in too easy a position, could not stand his prosperity. He displeased sieur de Caën; once and twice, he was disgraced, and restored to favor. In the meantime, I solicited sieur de Caën to send him to us, in the event that it was not 111 agreeable to him to keep him at the fort; that he would oblige us, and do a service to this poor abandoned creature. He, who honored us with his affection, granted our request readily; now this poor boy, seeing that he has lost the friendship of sieur de [32] Caën, goes over to sieur du Plessis.34 This was but going from bad to worse. For sieur du Plessis, knowing his knavish tricks, and desiring that he should live with us, rejected him, promising him his friendship provided that he would spend some months in our house, where he might resume the duties of a good Christian. Monsieur de Caën treated him in the same way; behold him thus excluded from the fort. Nothing was lacking but that he should in some way be abandoned by the Savages also. He had married the daughter of Manitougache; she, having become somewhat dissatisfied with him, left him. Such are the nuptial ties of the Savages, who bind themselves by only a loose knot; but little is necessary to separate them, unless they have children, for then they do not leave each other so easily.

Estant donc ainsi rebuté, il se vint ietter entre nos bras qui n'estoient [33] que trop ouuerts pour luy, nous luy procurasmes vn habit de Frãçois, que le valet de chambre du sieur du Plessis luy donna, bref nous luy fismes tout l'accueil qui nous fut possible, rendans mille graces au bon Dieu de ce qu'il luy auoit pleu exaucer nos prieres.

Ayant donc ceste commodité, ie me mets à trauailler sans cesse, ie fay des coniugaisons, declinaisons, quelque petite syntaxe, vn dictionnaire, auec vne peine incroyable, car il me falloit quelquefois demander vingt questions pour auoir la cognoissance d'vn mot, tant mon maistre peu duit à enseigner varioit. O que ie suis obligé à ceux qui m'enuoierent l'an 112 passé du Petum. Les Sauuages l'aiment déreglement. A toutes les difficultez que ie rencõtrois, i'en donnois vn bout à mõ maistre pour le rendre plus attentif. Ie [34] ne sçaurois assez rendre graces à Nostre Seigneur de cet heureux rencontre. En tant d'années qu'on a esté en ces païs, on n'a iamais rien pû tirer de l'interprete ou truchement nommé Marsolet, qui pour excusé disoit qu'il auoit iuré qu'il ne donneroit rien du lãgage des Sauuages à qui que ce fût. Le Pere Charles Lallemant le gagna, ie pense auoir ce qu'il luy bailla, mais cela ne m'eut de rien seruy, l'œconomie de la langue toute differente de celles d'Europe n'est point declarée là dedans. Que Dieu soit beny pour vn iamais, sa prouidence est adorable, & sa bonté n'a point de limites.

Now, having gained this advantage, I begin to work incessantly. I make conjugations, declensions and some little syntax, and a dictionary,24 with incredible trouble, for I was compelled sometimes to ask twenty questions to understand one word, so changeable was my master's way of teaching. Oh, 113 how grateful I am to those who sent me some Tobacco last year. The Savages love it to madness. Whenever we came to a difficulty, I gave my master a piece of tobacco, to make him more attentive. I [34] never can thank our Lord enough for this fortunate circumstance. In all the years that we have been in this country no one has ever been able to learn anything from the interpreter named Marsolet,35 who, for excuse, said he had sworn that he would never teach the Savage tongue to any one whomsoever. Father Charles Lallemant won him, and I think I have acquired what he learned from him, but I could not make use of it at all; the construction of the language, entirely different from that of the European languages, is not declared therein. May God be praised forever; his providence is adorable, and his goodness unbounded.

Il m'a fallu auant que de sçauoir vne langue faire des liures pour l'apprendre, & quoy que ie ne les tienne pas si corrects, si est-ce que maintenant de l'heure que ie parle, quand ie compose quelque chose, ie me fay bien entendre aux Sauuages; le tout [35] gist à composer souuent, à apprendre quantité de mots, à me faire à leur accent, & mes occupations ne me le permettent pas: ie pensois m'en aller cét hyuer prochain auec eux dans les bois, mais ie preuoy qu'il me sera impossible, lié comme ie suis: si mon maistre ne m'eust point quitté, dans peu de mois i'aurois bien auancé.

I'ay remarqué dans l'estude de leur langue qu'il y a vn certain barragoin entre les François & les Sauuages, qui n'est ny François, ny Sauuage, & cependant quand les François s'en seruent, ils pensent parler Sauuage, & les Sauuages en l'vsurpant croyent 114 parler bon François. I'en escriuy quelques mots l'an passé, que ie qualifiois de mots de Sauuages le pesant ainsi. Par exẽple le mot d'Ania, dont i'ay encore fait mention cy-dessus, est vn mot barbare, les Sauuages s'en seruent à tout bout [36] de champ parlant aux François, & les François parlant aux Sauuages, & tous s'en seruent pour dire mon frere, mais en vray Sauuage de Montagnaits, Nichtais, c'est à dire mõ frere aisné, Nichim, mon cadet: le mot de Sagamo ne s'vsurpe icy que par quelques-vns, pour dire Capitaine, le vray mot c'est Oukhimau, ie croy que ce mot de Sagamo vient de l'Acadie, il y en a quantité d'autres semblables. Au commencement qu'on entre en vn pays, on escrit plusieurs choses, les pensant vrayes sur le rapport d'autruy, le temps découure la verité.

I have noticed in the study of their language that there is a certain jargon between the French and the Savages, which is neither French nor Savage; and yet when the French use it, they think they are speaking the Savage Tongue, and the Savages, in using it, 115 think they are speaking good French. I wrote a few words of it last year that I characterized as Savage words, believing them to be so. For example, the word, Ania, which I have mentioned above, is an alien word,36 the Savages making use of it on every [36] occasion in speaking to the French, and the French in speaking to the Savages, and all use it to say "my brother;" but in the real Savage Tongue of the Montagnaits, Nichtais means "my eldest brother," Nichim "my youngest;" the word Sagamo is used by only a few here to say "Captain." The correct word is Oukhimau; I believe this word, Sagamo, comes from Acadia;37 there are many others like it. When a person first visits a country, he writes a great many things upon the word of others, believing them to be true; time reveals the truth.

On m'a discouru de plusieurs façons de faire de ces nations, nous aurons assez de temps pour voir ce qui en est.

Ie diray en passant que cette langue est fort pauure, & fort riche. Elle est pauure, pour autant que n'ayãs point de cognoissance de mille & [37] mille choses qui sont en l'Europe, ils n'ont point de noms pour les signifier. Elle est riche, pource qu'és choses dont ils ont cognoissance elle est fœconde, & grandement nombreuse, il me semble qu'ils ne la prononcent pas bien. Les Algonquains qui ne different des Montagnaits que cõme les Prouençaux des Normands, ont vne prononciation tout à fait gaye & gentille.

Ie ne croy pas auoir ouy parler d'aucune langue qui procedast de mesme façon que celle-cy. Le Pere Brebeuf m'asseure que celle des Hurons est d'vne mesme œconomie. Qu'on les appelle Barbares tant qu'on 116 voudra, leur langue est fort reglée, ie n'y suis pas encore grand maistre, i'en parleray quelque iour auec plus d'asseurance. Si ie n'auois peur d'estre trop long, ie mettrois icy vne grande & tout à fait estrange [38] difference entre les langues d'Europe & celles-cy.

Le 14. de Nouembre, le Sauuage la Nasse estant chez nous, ie luy fis parler de la Creation du monde, de l'Incarnation, & de la Passion du Fils de Dieu, nous passasmes bien auant dans la nuict, tout le monde s'endormoit horsmis luy. Estant de retour en sa cabane, il dit à Pierre, qu'il entendoit volontiers parler de cela.

Nous voiant vn iour prier Dieu apres le disner, il tira vn profond souspir, disant: O que ie suis malheureux de ce que ie ne sçay pas prier Dieu comme vous!

Il a souuent dit à Pierre, enseigne vistement cét homme là, parlant de moy, afin que nous puissions entendre ce qu'il dit. Il vient le soir aux Litanies en nostre Chappelle quand il couche chez nous, & comme il respondoit auec nous ora pro nobis, [39] Pierre se riant de cela, luy demanda s'il entendoit bien ce qu'il auoit dit; Non, dit-il, mais ie croy que cela est bon, puis que ces Peres le disent en priant Dieu. Il nous a tesmoigné qu'il vouloit mourir auec nous, & qu'il ne s'en iroit point que nous ne la chassassions; s'il n'estoit chargé d'vne si grande famille, ie souhaitterois biẽ qu'il fut nostre domestique. Il est quasi assez instruict pour estre baptisé s'il tomboit en danger de mort; mais nous ne nous hasterons point, que nous ne sçachions bien parler. Comme i'instruisois 118son petit fils, il me dit, Instruis moy, ie retiendray plustost que luy, & ioignãt les mains, il disoit la benediction de table.

Ie luy dis vne fois que Dieu defendoit de trauailler certains iours, pource qu'il trauailloit vn Dimanche. Il me dit, Aduertis moy de ces [40] iours, & ie les garderay. Lisant les Commandemens de Dieu en sa cabane, quand ie vins à celuy qui recõmande aux enfans d'obeïr à leurs pere & mere, il se tourna vers les siens, & leur fit signe qu'ils escoutassent; Ayant entendu cet autre Commandement, Tu ne tueras point, il me dit qu'on l'auoit voulu inciter à tuer quelqu'vn; mais que voyant que c'étoit mal fait, qu'il ne l'auoit pas voulu faire. Voicy vn autre discours.

Pierre Pastedechouan nous a rapporté que sa grand'mere prenoit plaisir à raconter l'estonnement qu'eurent les Sauuages voyans arriuer le vaisseau des François qui aborda le premier en ces pays cy, ils pensoient que ce fust vne Isle mouuante, ils ne sçauoient que dire des grãdes voiles qui la faisoiẽt marcher, leur estonnement redoubla voyans quãtité d'hommes sur le tillac. Les femmes [41] commencerent à leur dresser des cabanes, ce qu'elles font ordinairement quand de nouueaux hostes arriuent, & quatre canots de Sauuages se hazarderent d'abborder ces vaisseaux, ils inuitent les François à venir dans les cabanes qu'on leur preparoit, mais ils ne s'entendoient pas les vns les autres. On leur donna vne barique de pain ou biscuit, l'ayant emporté & reuisité, n'y trouuant point de goust, ils la ietterent en l'eau: en vn mot ils estoient dans le mesme estonnement qui fut iadis le Roy de Calecut à l'abbord du premier nauire European qu'il veit prés de ses terres; car ayant enuoyé quelques personnes pour recognoistre quels gens 120 amenoit ceste grande maison de bois, les messagers rapporterent à leur maistre que c'estoiẽt des hommes prodigieux & espouuentables; qu'ils s'habilloient de [42] fer, mangeoient des os, & beuuoiẽt du sang; ils les auoient veu couuerts de leurs cuirasses, manger du biscuit & boire du vin. Nos Saunages disoient que les François beuuoient du sang, & mangeoient du bois, appellant ainsi le vin, & le biscuit.

Pierre Pastedechouan has told us that his grandmother used to take pleasure in relating to him the astonishment of the Natives, when they saw for the first time a French ship arrive upon their shores. They thought it was a moving Island; they did not know what to say of the great sails which made it go; their astonishment was redoubled in seeing a number of men on deck. The women [41] at once began to prepare houses for them, as is their custom when new guests arrive, and four canoes of Savages ventured to board these vessels. They invited the Frenchmen to come into the houses which had been made ready for them, but neither side understood the other. They were given a barrel of bread or biscuit. Having brought it on shore they examined it; and, finding no taste in it, threw it into the water. In a word, they were as much astonished as was the King of Calecut, in olden times, when he saw the first European ship nearing his shores; for, having sent some one to investigate the character and appearance 121 of the men brought by that great house of wood, the messengers reported to their master that these men were prodigious and horrible; that they were dressed in [42] iron, ate bones, and drank blood. They had seen them covered with their cuirasses, eating biscuits, and drinking wine. Our Savages said the Frenchmen drank blood and ate wood, thus naming the wine and the biscuits.

Or comme ils ne pouuoient entendre de quelle nation estoient nos gens, ils leurs donnerent vn nom, qui est tousiours demeuré depuis aux François ouemich-tigouchiou, c'est à dire vn homme qui trauaille en bois, ou qui est en vn canot ou vaisseau de bois: ils voyoient nostre nauire fait de bois, leurs petits canots n'estans bastis que d'escorce.

Le 20. de Nouembre nostre Sauuage, c'est ainsi que i'appelleray ce bon Manitougache, surnommé la Nasse, se mit à faire vne cabane de bois dans le bastiment que nous ont bruslé les Anglois tout auprés [43] de nostre petite maison, il fit luy-mesme de la planche auec vne hache, couppant certains arbres aisez à refendre: il alla brusler vne vieille challouppe qu'il auoit veu échoüée & abandonnée dans vne Isle, & du clou qu'il en retira, il se fit auec ses planches vne petite maisonnette ou cabane assez passable; les autres Sauuages la venoient voir, & nos François aussi, loüans son inuention. Ie luy donnay vn nom de Iesus en papier pour le mettre dedãs en quelque endroit, il l'attacha au plꝰ beau lieu.

Il arriua vne chose plaisante à vn Sauuage qui le venoit voir: ce bon homme regardoit cette maisonnette de bois, & ne sçauoit par où entrer, ne pouuant trouuer la porte, il tourne & retourne à l'entour de 122 cette cabane, & croyant qu'il n'y auoit point d'entrée, il s'en alla comme il estoit venu, on dira qu'il deuoit [44] frapper, ce n'est point la coustume des Sauuages, ils entrent par tout sans dire mot, ny sans vous salüer: leurs cabanes ne fermẽt point, y entre qui veut, ils n'ont qu'vne vieille peau qui leur sert de porte; on n'entend point neantmoins parler de larrons parmy eux, cela est fort rare i'entend des Montagnaits: car les Hurons font mestier de dérober, aussi font ils de meilleures cabanes, estans sedentaires, & non vagabons & errans comme ceux de ce pays-cy. I'apprend que ces Hurons tiennent vn homme pour auoir de l'esprit qui esquiue la main du larron, ou qui sçait dérober sans estre recognu: que s'il est surpris, battez-le tãt que vous voudrez, il ne vous dira rien: il souffre patiemment ce chastiment, non en punition du larcin, mais de sa lourdise, s'estant laissé surprendre.

Something very amusing happened to a Savage who came to see it. This simple man examined the little wooden house, and not knowing where to enter, being unable to find the door, he went round and round it, and, thinking there was no entrance, went away 123 as he came. One would say that he ought [44] to have knocked; but this is not the custom of the Savages. They enter everywhere without saying a word, or without any greeting. Their houses are not closed; all can enter who will, as they have only an old skin which serves as a door. Nevertheless, we never hear of thieves among them, or very seldom.—I mean among the Montagnaits; but the Hurons make a business of thieving. They also make better houses, being sedentary, and not leading a vagabond and wandering life like those of this country. I learn that the Hurons consider a man very clever who can escape the hand of a thief, or who knows how to steal without being caught. But, if he be discovered, you may whip him as much as you like and he will say nothing. He suffers his punishment patiently, not as a penalty for his crime, but for his awkwardness in being caught.

Le 27. du mesme mois de Nouembre, [45] l'hyuer qui auoit desia paru comme de loin, de temps en temps, nous assiegea tout à fait. Car ce iour & les autres suiuans, il tomba tant de neige, qu'elle nous déroba la veuë de la terre pour cinq mois.

Voicy les qualitez de l'hyuer, il a esté beau & bon, & bien long. Il a esté beau, car il a esté blanc comme neige, sans crottes & sans pluye. ie ne sçay s'il a pleu trois fois en quatre ou cinq mois, mais il a souuent neigé.

II a esté bon, car le froid y a esté rigeoureux; on le tient pour l'vn des plus fascheux qui ait esté depuis lõg temps. Il y auoit par tout quatre ou cinq pieds de neige, en quelques endroicts plus de dix, deuant 124nostre maison vne montagne: Les vents la rassemblans, & nous d'autre costé la releuans, pour faire vn petit chemin deuant nostre porte, elle faisoit cõme vne muraille toute blanche, plus [46] haute d'vn ou deux pieds que le toict de la maison. Le froid estoit par fois si violent, que nous entendions les arbres se fendre dans le bois, & en se fendans faire vn bruit comme des armes à feu. Il m'est arriué qu'en escriuant fort prés d'vn grand feu, mon encre se geloit, & par necessité il falloit mettre vn réchaut plein de charbons ardens proche de moin escritoire, autrement i'eusse trouué de la glace noire, au lieu d'encre.

Cette rigueur demesurée n'a duré que dix iours ou enuiron, non pas continuels, mais à diuerses reprises, le reste du temps, quoy que le froid surpasse de beaucoup les gelées de France, il n'y a rien d'intolerable, & ie puis dire qu'on peut icy plus aisément trauailler dans les bois, qu'on ne fait en France, où les pluyes de l'hyuer sont fort importunes. Mais il se faut armer de bonnes mitaines, [47] si on ne veut auoir les mains gelées: Nos Sauuages neantmoins s'en venoient quelquefois chez nous à demy nuds, sans se plaindre du froid: ce qui m'apprend que si la nature s'habituë à cela, la nature & la grace pourront bien nous donner assez de cœur & de force pour le supporter ioieusement; s'il y a du froid, il y a du bois.

I'ay dit que l'hyuer a esté long; depuis le 27. de Nouembre iusques à la fin d'Auril la terre a tousiours esté blanche de neige: & depuis le 29. du mesme mois de Nouemb. iusques au 23. d'Auril, nostre petite riuiere a tousiours esté glacée; mais en telle sorte, que cent carosses auroient passé dessus sans l'ébranler: les glaces sont de telle espaisseur, que quand on vint à les rompre, proche de Kebec, pour mettre 126 vne barque à l'eau, le sieur du Plessis me dit qu'estant à terre, c'estoit [48] tout ce qu'il pouuoit faire d'atteindre au haut d'vne glace auec la fourchette d'vn mousquet qu'il tenoit en sa main. Tout cela ne doit espouuanter personne. Chacun dit icy, qu'il a plus enduré de froid en France, qu'en Canada: le Scorpion porte son contrepoison: dans les païs plus subiects aux maladies, il se trouue plus de remedes: si le mal est present, la medecine n'est pas loing.

Le 3. de Decembre nous commençasmes à changer de chaussure, & nous seruir de raquettes: quand ie vins à mettre ces grands patins tout plats à mes pieds, ie m'imaginois qu'à tous coups ie donnerois du nez dans la neige: mais l'experience m'a fait voir que Dieu pouruoit commodement toutes les nations des choses qui leur sont necessaires: ie marche fort librement auec ces raquettes; Pour les Sauuages, cela ne les empesche [49] ny de sauter comme des daims, ny de courir cõme des cerfs.

Ils font des souliers de peaux d'El'an pour s'ẽ seruir sur ces raquettes. Ils n'ont pas l'inuention de durcir ou tanner le cuir, aussi n'en ont ils que faire. L'esté ils vont pieds nuds, l'hyuer il faut que leurs souliers soyent d'vne peau maniable, autrement ils gasteroyent leurs raquettes: ils les font larges, & fort amples, pour les garnir de nippes ou de vieux haillons contre le froid; si nous auions quelques peaux de France un peu plus douces que les grosses ampaignes de vache, cela nous feroit vn bien incomparable, notamment sur le renouueau, quand les neges viennent à se fondre sur le midy; car les souliers des Sauuages boiuent l'eau comme vne esponge, & ces peaux venues de France tiendroyẽt le pied sec.

128 [50] Le 5^e de Decembre il fit de grands vents, ce qui est arriué par plusieurs fois. Le Nordest est icy violẽt, il emporta certain iour vne partie de la couuerture d'vn bastiment du fort. Le Pere de Nouë reuenant ce iour là d'y celebrer la saincte Messe, nous dit qu'ils estoient contraints luy & vn ieune garcõ qui l'accompagnoit, de se tenir l'vn l'autre de peur que le vent ne les enleuast.

Passant vers ce mesme temps dans le bois où estoient cabanez quantité de Sauuages, ie trouuay vn corps mort, enseueli par les Sauuages: il estoit esleué fort haut sur des fourches de bois, accompagné de ses robes & autres richesses, couuert d'vne escorce (c'est leur drap mortuaire.) Ie demanday quand on l'enterreroit, ils me respondirent, quand il ne neigeroit plus; la neige tomboit pour lors en abondance.

[51] A l'occasion de ce rencontre quelqu'vn me dit qu'vn Sauuage estant mort, les autres frappent sur la cabane crians oué, oué, oué, &c. & comme i'en demãdois la raison à vn Sauuage, il me dict que c'estoit pour faire sortir l'esprit de la cabane.

Le corps du mort ne sort point par la porte ordinaire de la cabane, ils leuent l'escorce voisine du lieu où il est mort, & le tirent par là. Ie demanday pourquoy: ce Sauuage me repartit que la porte ordinaire estoit la porte des viuãs, & non des morts: & par consequent que les morts n'y deuoient point passer. Or comme il croioit m'auoir bien satisfait, & qu'il se mocquoit, ie luy demanday, si quãd il auoit tué vn Castor, il le faisoit entrer & sortir par la porte cõmune? ouy, dit-il: elle est donc, luy dis-ie, la porte des morts aussi bien que des viuans: il repart qu'vn Castor estoit [52] vne beste: alors ie repliquay en riant, vostre 130 porte est donc la porte des bestes, aussi bien que vous l'appellez la porte des viuans; il s'écria, asseurément cela est vray, & se mit a rire.

Ie luy demanday encor pourquoy ils enterroient les robes des morts auec eux: Elles leur appartiennent, respondit-il, pourquoy leur osteroit-on?

Si vous les pressez, ils ne s'opiniastrent point, ils suiuent vne certaine routine dans leurs superstitions, dõt ils ne peuuent rendre aucune raison. Voila pourquoy ils sõt les premiers à s'en mocquer, quand vous leur faites voir qu'elles sont ridicules. Il est vray que i'en ay veu quelques-vns extrémement attachez à leurs songes.

Ils font diuerses sortes de festins: i'en sçay quelques particularitez, mais i'attendray vne autre année [53] pour en parler auec plus d'asseurance. Aux festins des morts ils iettent le reste dans le feu: aux autres festins, c'est à manger tout, & faut creuer plustost que de rien laisser.

Quasi tous les Sauuages ont vn petit Castipitagan, ou sac à petum; les vns sont faits d'vne peau de rat musqué, en telle sorte que l'animal semble tout entier: il n'a qu'vne petite ouuerture par la teste par où ils l'ont écorché: les autres sont faits d'autres animaux; il y en a qui ont vne partie du bras & la main de quelque Hiroquois qu'ils ont tué: cela est si biens vuidé que les ongles restẽt toutes entieres: vous diriez vraiemẽt vne main solide, quand ils l'ont remply de petum, ou autre chose ie n'en ay point veu, mais on m'a asseuré que cela estoit ainsi.

Quelquefois pour monstrer qu'ils [54] ont du courage, vn Sauuage se liera le bras nud auec vn autre, puis mettant entre leurs deux bras sur la chair vn 132 morceau de tondre allumé, ils le laissent consommer iusques au bout, se bruslans iusques aux os: celuy qui retire le bras, & secouë le feu, est tenu pour moins courageux: ie n'ay point veu cette barbarie; on m'a dit qu'vn François estant aux Hurons pensa perdre le bras, voulant ioüer à ce beau ieu contre vn Sauuage.

Il est vray que les Sauuages sont fort patiens, mais l'ordre qu'ils gardent en leurs exercices les ayde à cõseruer la paix dans leurs mesnages: les femmes sçauent ce qu'elles doiuent faire, & les hommes aussi: & iamais l'vn ne se mesle du mestier de l'autre: les hommes font le corps de leurs canots, les femmes cousent l'écorce auec de l'osier, ou vn petit bois semblable: Les hommes font le [55] bois des raquettes, les femmes la tissure: Les hommes vont à la chasse & tuënt les animaux, les femmes les võt querir, les écorchent & passent les peaux: ce sont elles qui vont querir le bois qu'ils bruslẽt, bref ils se mocqueroient d'vn homme qui hors d'vne grande necessité feroit quelque chose qui deust estre fait par vne femme. Nostre Sauuage voyant le Pere de Nouë apporter du bois, se mit à rire, disant, En vérité c'est vne femme; voulant donner à entendre qu'il faisoit l'office d'vne femme: mais quelque temps après la sienne tombant malade, & n'ayant personne en sa cabane qui le pût soulager, il fût contraint d'en aller querir luy mesme, vray est qu'il n'y alla que sur la nuict pour n'estre veu.

It is true that the Savages are very patient, but the order which they maintain in their occupations aids them in preserving peace in their households. The women know what they are to do, and the men also; and one never meddles with the work of the other. The men make the frames of their canoes, and the women sew the bark with willow withes or similar small wood. The men shape the [55] wood of the raquettes, and the women do the sewing on them. Men go hunting, and kill the animals; and the women go after them, skin them, and clean the hides. It is they who go in search of the wood that is burned. In fact, they would make fun of a man who, except in some great necessity, would do anything that should be done by a woman. Our Savage, seeing Father de Nouë carrying wood, began to laugh, saying: "He's really a woman;" meaning that he was doing a woman's work. But a short time afterward, his wife falling sick, and having no one in his cabin who could assist him, he was compelled to go out himself in search of supplies; but in truth he went only at night, when no one could see him.40

Vn vieillard auoit songé, ou plustost veu, à ce qu'il disoit, vne quantité d'Hiroquois, qui se dispersans çà [56] & là cherchoient les Montagnaits: les autres Sauuages 134consultent là dessus ce qu'il falloit faire, quelques-vns dirent qu'il falloit prendre aduis de ces gens qui parlẽt à Dieu, entendant parler de nous autres. Ce songe s'en alla en fumée.

Comme ie demandois à Pierre Pastedechouan comment on disoit en sa langue où sont tes freres, vne femme Sauuage suruenant là dessus, il ne me vouloit pas respondre, me donnant pour raison qu'il attristeroit ceste femme, & qu'il la feroit pleurer, à cause que ses freres estoient morts; On ne parle plus des morts parmy nous, me dit-il, voire mesme les parents du defunct ne se seruent iamais des choses dont le mort se seruoit pendant sa vie.

Le 15. du mesme mois de Decembre, quantité d'Alguonquains nous estans venus voir, l'vn d'eux me [57] voyãt escrire, print vne plume, & voulu faire le mesme: mais voyant qu'il ne faisoit rien qui vaille, & que ie sousriois, il se mit a souffler sur ce qu'il auoit escrit, pensant le faire en aller comme de la poudre. Ie leur fis dire à tous que nous estiõs venus pour les instruire, ils respondirent que ie faisois bien d'apprendre la langue, & quand ie la sçaurois, q̃ tout seroit facile de part & d'autre.

Le 19. la neige estant desia fort haute, les Sauuages prirent huict élans, ou orignaux. Vers ce temps-là l'vn d'eux nommé Nassitamirineou, & surnommé des François Brehault, leur dit qu'il auoit songé qu'il falloit manger tous ces Orignaux, & qu'il sçauoit bien prier Dieu, & qu'il luy auoit parlé, que telle estoit sa volonté, qu'on mangeast tout, & qu'on n'en donnast rien, si on en vouloit prendre d'autres: les Sauuages le creurent, & n'en donnerent pas vn [58] morceau aux François. On me raconta cecy en la presence 136 du songeur, il n'aduoüoit pas tout, neantmoins la chose semble bien probable, car ayãt cabané auprés de nous, & nous ayant ouy parler de Dieu, il estoit homme pour en parler par aprés, & faire de l'entendu parmy ses gens.

Le 21. de Decembre, le bon Dieu nous dõna deux petits pensionnaires, Manitougache nous en ayant presenté vn petit à qui il auoit sauué la vie, nous l'acceptasmes; & comme nous estions en crainte qu'il ne s'ennuyast tout seul, nous pensions à en trouuer encor vn autre pour luy tenir compagnie. Au mesme temps voila vne fẽme qui entre chez nous auec son petit fils aagé d'enuiron sept ans, nous le regardions, disans l'vn à l'autre, voila iustement ce qu'il nous faudroit. Ie prends la parole & [59] m'addresse à sa mere, luy demandant si elle ne voudroit pas bien nous dõner son enfant, que nous le nourririons le mieux qu'il nous seroit possible. Helas, dit-elle, i'estois venuë icy pour prier Manitougache de voꝰ le presenter, & vous supplier de l'accepter. Dieu sçait si nous fusmes cõtens. ô que sa prouidence est admirable!

Le plus âgé que nous a donné Manitougache n'a ny pere ny mere, celuy-là nous est bien asseuré, nous luy auons donné nom Fortuné, en attendant qu'il soit capable d'estre baptisé. ô qu'il a rencontré vne bõne fortune! Estant à Tadoussac, cõme il estoit delaissé de tout le monde, vn Sauuage presenta vne harquebuse à nostre Pierre, luy disant, tuë ce miserable enfant, aussi bien n'aiãt point de parents, il sera toute sa vie abandonné d'vn chacun: Nostre [60] Sauuage entendant cela en eut compassion, il le retira, 138& l'a nourry iusques à present qu'il nous l'a donné. Nous auons appelle le plus ieune Bienuenu, celuy-cy a de l'esprit, il est d'vn naturel complaisant, & flatteur: Nous ne sommes pas si asseurez qu'il nous demeure, car les Sauuages sont extrémement changeãs & volages. Vn sien parent entendant qu'il nous estoit donné, s'y voulut opposer, disant que leur Capitaine auoit defendu qu'on ne donnast aucun enfant aux François: la mère de l'enfant suruient là dessus, & dit que le Capitaine n'a point nourry son fils, & par conseqẽt ce n'est pas à luy d'en disposer, si bien à elle qui en estoit la mère, & qui l'auoit tousiours éleué dés sa ieunesse. Le pere de l'enfant ayant sceu que son ancienne femme qu'il a quittée nous l'auoit donné, en a esté bien aise, disant qu'il seroit [61] très-bien auec nous. Celuy qu'on nous auoit promis l'an passé voudroit bien estre maintenant auec les deux autres: mais il n'est pas encore temps de s'ẽ charger, il ne faut point embrasser par dessus ses forces. C'est vn plaisir de voir ces deux enfans, ce sont mes petits escoliers, ils commẽcent à lire, ils sçauent prier Dieu en Latin, & en leur langue. Ils nous fõt quelquefois rire par leurs petits discours: deuant qu'ils mangent nous leur saisons dire le Benedicite. Voila pourquoy quand ils veulent mãger; ils s'en viennent nous dire, Mon Père, Benedicite: c'est à dire, donnez moy à disner. Comme ils voyoient donner à manger à vn petit chien, ils nous disoient qu'il n'auoit pas dit son Benedicite. Ie m'en vay, dit l'vn d'eux, le dire pour luy; comme nous rions, son compagnõ luy dit, nama irinisionakhi attimoukhi, les chiens n'ont point [62] d'esprit, ils ne disent pas leur Benedicite, c'est à faire aux hommes seulement; vous les entendriez allans & venans ruminer 140 le Pater noster, en prononcer tantost vne partie, tantost l'autre; en quoy il arriua vn iour vn rencontre agreable. Le sieur Emery de Caën disnant en nostre maison, comme on seruoit sur table le peu que nous auions, l'vn de ces enfans regardant ce qu'on presentoit, & voyant bien que ce n'estoit pas pour luy, commence à dire par rencontre; & ne nos inducas in tentationem, cela fit rire toute la compagnie.

The oldest, the one given to us by Manitougache, has neither father nor mother, and hence we are sure of keeping him. We have named him Fortuné, until he can be baptized. Oh, what good fortune he has met with! Being at Tadoussac, forsaken by every one, a Savage gave an arquebus to our Pierre, telling him to kill this miserable child, because, having no parents, he would be abandoned by every one during his lifetime. Our [60] Savage, on hearing that, had pity on the little one, took him, and fed him up to the time when he gave him to us. We have called the younger one Bienvenu. He seems intelligent, and of a pleasant and endearing nature. We are not so sure that he will remain with us, because the Savages are extremely fickle and capricious. 139One of his relatives, hearing that he had been given to us, objected, saying that their Captain had forbidden them to give any of their children to the French. Thereupon the mother of the child interposed, declaring that the Captain had not taken care of her child; and that, consequently, it did not belong to him to dispose of it, but to her who was the mother, and who had reared him since his infancy. The father of the child, having learned that his former wife, who had left him, had given the child to us, was greatly pleased, saying that it would fare [61] very well with us. The one who was promised to us last year would like very much now to be with these two others. But we cannot charge ourselves with him now, we must not undertake more than we can perform. It is a pleasure to see these two children; they are my little pupils. They are beginning to read, and know how to pray to God, in Latin and in their own language. Sometimes they make us laugh by their childish prattle. Before eating we make them say the Benedicite. Hence, when they want to eat, they come to us and say, "My Father, Benedicite;" that is to say, "Give me something to eat." When they saw a little dog given something to eat, they told us that it had not said its Benedicite. "I am going," said one of them, "to say it for him." As we laughed at this, his companion said to him: nama irinisionakhi attimoukhi; that is, "The dogs have no [62] mind, they do not say their Benedicite, it is only for men to say that." You can hear them, going and coming, humming the Pater noster, pronouncing first one part and then another, in the course of which there happened the other day a very amusing incident. Sieur Emery de Caën was dining at our house. 141 As we served upon the table the little that we had, one of the children, looking at what was set forth and seeing very well that it was not for him, began to say as it happened to occur to him: Et ne nos inducas in tentationem, causing the whole company to laugh.

Le second iour de Ianuier, ie vey quelques Sauuages qui s'efforçoient de passer dans leurs canots la grande riuiere de S. Laurens: ce fleuue ordinairement ne gele point au milieu: il charie ou porte d'horribles glaces, selon le cours & mouuement de la marée. Ces pauures gens abordoient [63] de grandes glaces flottantes, les sondoient auec leurs auirons montoiēt dessus, tiroient leurs canots aprés eux pour s'en aller prendre l'eau à l'autre costé de ces glaces; quoy qu'ils soient tres-habiles, il ne laisse pas de s'en noyer quelques-vns.

Voyant vn Sauuage qui traisnoit sa mere apres soy sur la neige. Les chariots & carrosses de ce pays-cy font des traisnes faictes d'escorce ou de bois, les cheuaux sont les hommes qui les tirent apres eux: voyant donc ceste pauure vieille liée sur vne d'icelles, son fils ne la pouuant commodement faire descendre par le sentier ordinaire d'vne montagne qui borde la riuiere où il alloit, la laissa rouler à bas par l'endroict le plus roide, & s'en alla la requerir par vn autre chemin. Ne pouuant supporter cette impieté, ie le dy à quelques Sauuages qui estoient auprés de [64] moy: ils me respondirent, Que veux-tu qu'il en fasse, aussi bien s'en va elle mourir, prens la & la tuë, puis que tu en as compassion, tu luy feras du biẽ, car elle ne 142 souffrira pas tãt, peutestre que son fils la laissera au milieu des bois, ne la pouuãt ny guerir ny traisner apres soy, s'il ne trouue point dequoy manger. Voila comme ils soulagent les malades qu'ils croyent deuoir mourir, ils leur aduancent la mort par quelque coup de baston ou de hache, quand ils ont beaucoup de chemin à faire, & cela par compassion.

I saw a Savage dragging his mother behind him over the snow. The coaches and wagons of this country are sledges made of bark or wood, the horses are the men who draw them. Now this poor old woman was tied upon one of these sleighs; and her son, being unable, conveniently, to take her down by the common path of a mountain which borders the river along which he was going, let her roll down the steepest place to the bottom, and then went by another route to find her. As I could not bear this act of impiety, I said so to some of the Savages who were near [64] me. They answered: "What wouldst thou have him do with her? She is going to die any way; take her and kill her, since thou hast pity for her; thou wilt do her a service, because she will not suffer so much; perhaps her son will leave her in the midst of the woods, as he is unable either to cure 143 her or to drag her after him, if he does not find something to eat." This is the way they take care of the sick that they think are going to die. They hasten death by a blow from a club or an axe, when they have a long journey to make, and do this through compassion.

Le troisiesme du mesme mois, la femme de nostre Sauuage estant malade, il me vint demander mon canif pour la saigner. Les Sauuages se tirent du sang de la teste. Estant vn iour en vne cabane, vne Sauuage regardant vne escritoire que ie tenois, prit dextrement le canif sans qui ie [65] m'en apperceusse, & s'en fit quelques ouuertures au hault du frond, puis elle me le rendit: ie fus estonné la voyant saigner; elle me dit qu'elle auoit mal à la teste, & qu'elle se vouloit guerir. Or comme ils ont veu nostre façon de saigner, & qu'ils la trouuent bonne, La Nasse me vint prier d'aider en cela sa femme. Ie luy respondis que ie n'y entendois rien: & comme il vouloit prendre mon canif, ie luy dis qu'il attendist au iour suiuant, & que ie prierois le Chirurgien de la venir voir; ce qu'il fit. Ce pendant ie l'allay visiter en sa cabane: il faisoit vn grãd froid, elle estoit teste nue à leur accoustumee, mordant dans vn peloton de nege; c'estoit seulement pour guerir vn gros rhume qui l'estouffoit. Voila les delicatesses du païs. Le lendemain estãt saignee elle ne tarda gueres à aller querir du bois à son ordinaire. Voiez [66] si ceux qui font profession de souffrir quelque chose pour Dieu, ne doiuent pas estre confus voyans de tels exemples.

On the third of the same month, the wife of our Savage being sick, he came to ask me for my knife with which to bleed her. The Savages draw blood from the head. One day when I was in a cabin, a Savage Woman, looking at a writing case, I was holding, adroitly took my penknife, without my [65] perceiving it, and made several openings in the upper part of her forehead, then returned it to me. I was astonished when I saw her bleeding. She told me she had a headache, and wanted to cure it. Now that they have seen our way of bleeding, and believe it to be good, La Nasse came and begged me to aid his wife in the same way. I told him that I knew nothing about it; and, as he wanted to take my knife, I told him to wait until the next day, when I would beg the Surgeon to go and see her, which he did. In the meantime I went to see her in her cabin; it was very cold; she was bareheaded, according to their custom, biting a lump of snow, trying to cure a bad cold which almost choked her! Such are the delicate usages of the country. The next day, after having been bled, she went out to gather wood as usual. Think [66] if those who make a profession of suffering something in the cause of God ought not to feel ashamed, when they see such examples.

Nous n'auons point esté solitaires tout l'hiuer, nombre de Sauuages nous sont venus voir, ils sont passez 144 à grosses bandes deuant nostre maison s'en allans à la chasse de l'Orignac.

Le Prince, & sa mere la Princesse, c'est ainsi que les François appellent vn Sauuage de bonne façon: Vous diriez que ceste famille a ie ne sçay quoy de noble; & s'ils estoient couuerts à la Françoise, ils ne cederoient point en bonne mine à nos gentils-hommes François.

Ce ieune homme nous estant venu visiter, ie luy demanday s'il auoit vn fils, & s'il ne seroit pas bien content de nous le donner pour l'instruire, il me dit que ouy; sa mere [67] conduisant vne petite fille, moy croyant que ce fut vn garçon, ie l'appelle, disant à sa grand'mere qu'elle nous le donnast, elle se mit à rire: me doutant que c'estoit vne fille, ie luy dis que nous ne les prenions point, mais qu'il y viendroit quelque iour d'honnestes filles de Frãce pour enseigner leurs filles: alors, me dit-elle, ie donneray celle-cy.

Ie preuois qu'il est tout à fait necessaire d'instruire les filles aussi bien que les garçons, & que nous ne ferons rien ou fort peu, si quelque bõne famille n'a soin de ce sexe; car les garçons que nous aurons éleuez en la cognoissance de Dieu venans à se marier à des filles ou femmes Sauuages accoustumées à courre dans les bois, leurs maris seront obligez de les suiure, & ainsi retomber dans la barbarie, ou bien de les quitter, qui seroit vn autre mal fort dangereux.

[68] N'y a-il point quelque Dame en France, qui ait assez de cœur pour fonder icy vn Seminaire de filles, dõt la conduitte seroit premierement donnée à quelque bõne veufue courageuse, accompagnée de deux braues filles, qui demeureroient en vne maison 146 qu'on pourroit dresser proche de ceste honneste famille qui est icy? Il y a des Dames dans Paris qui emploient tous les ans plus de dix mille francs en leurs menus plaisirs: si elles en appliquoient vne partie pour recueillir les gouttes du sang du Fils de Dieu respandu pour tant d'ames qui se vont perdans tous les iours faute de secours, elles ne rougiroient pas de honte au iour qu'elles paroistront deuant Dieu, pour rendre compte des biens dont il les a faits œconomes: cela est bien plus aisé à dire, qu'à exécuter.

Le 10. de Ianuier le froid estoit [66 i.e., 69] fort violẽt, Ie ne voy le iour la plus part de l'hyuer qu'au trauers des glaces: il se fait vne crouste de glace sur les chassis de ma cellule ou chambrette, laquelle tombe comme vne losange ou carreau de verre quand le froid se vient à relascher: C'est au travers de ce crystal que le Soleil nous communique sa lumiere. I'ay souuent trouué de gros glaçons attachez le matin à ma couuerture, formez du souffle de l'haleine; & m'oubliant de les oster le matin, ie les trouuois encore le soir: I'en ay quelquefois veu en France, mais peu souuent & bien petits, à comparaison de ceux-cy.

Comme nous n'auons ny fontaine, ny puy, il nous faut aller tous les iours puiser de l'eau à la riuiere, de laquelle nous sommes esloignez enuiron 200 pas: mais pour en auoir, il faut fendre la glace à grands coups [70] de hache, & encor faut-il attendre que la mer monte, car le marée estãt basse, on ne peut auoir d'eau pour l'espaisseur des glaces. Nous iettons ceste eau dans vn poinçon qui n'est pas loing d'vn bon feu; & cependãt il faut auoir vn grand soin tous les matins de rompre la crouste de glace qui se forme dans ce vaisseau, autrement en deux nuicts tout ne seroit qu'vn glaçon, le poinçon fut-il plein.

148 Vn de nos François ayant soif dãs les bois, & voulant lescher vn peu de neige qui estoit sur vne hache qu'il tenoit, venãt à toucher le fer, sa langue se cola & gela si promptement & si fortement, que venant à retirer soudainement la hache pour le froid qu'il sentoit, il enleua quant & quãt toute la peau de sa langue.

Tout cecy m'auroit quasi fait croire en France que ce pays est insupportable: [71] i'aduouë qu'il y a quelques iours bien serrans & pressans, mais ils sont peu en nombre, le reste est plus que tolerable. On se roule icy sur la neige, comme en France sur l'herbe de nos prairies, pour ainsi dire, ce n'est pas qu'elle ne soit aussi froide comme elle est blanche, mais les iours sont beaux, le Soleil plus chaud qu'en plusieurs endroicts de France; nous sommes, dit-on dans le mesme parallelle que la Rochelle; la moindre action qu'on fait la pluspart du temps bannit la rigueur du froid.

Combien de fois trouuant quelque colline ou montagne à descendre, me suis-je laissé rouler à bas sur la neige, sans en receuoir autre incommodité, sinon de changer pour vn peu de temps mon habit noir en vn habit blanc, & encore cela se fait-il en riant; car si on ne se soustient bien assis sur ses raquettes, on se blãchit [72] aussi bien la teste, que les pieds.

Combien de fois ay-ie fait le mesme sur des glaces fort hautes, qui bordoient la riuiere sur laquelle ie voulois aller? Ce fut vn Sauuage qui m'apprit ce secret cognu de tout le monde: il passoit deuant moy, & voyant que sa teste estoit en danger d'arriuer à la riuiere plustost que ses pieds, il se laissa rouler tout du long des glaces, & moy apres luy: le bon est qu'il 150 ne faut que faire cela vne seule fois, pour sçauoir le mestier. I'auois peur au commencement, car la marée montant, & sousleuant ces grands corps de glaces, les ouure en plusieurs endroits: & quelques boüillons rejallissans sur les bords de la riuiere, font vne glace assez mince sur la plus épaisse: quand vous venez à marcher sur cette premiere glace, elle rompt sous vous: si bien qu'au commencement ie pẽsois que [73] tout alloit fondre, mais ie ne croy pas que des canons fissent bransler la plus grosse glace. Quand on vient sur le printemps, c'est alors qu'il y a du danger de rencontrer quelque ouuerture qui vous fasse couler là dessous.

Le 12. du mesme mois, vn Sauuage me vint dire que le Pere de Nouë estoit cause d'vn vent qui souffloit: ie luy en demanday la raison; il me dit qu'encore bien que le ciel fut fort rouge au matin, le Pere n'auoit point laissé d'aller trauailler au bois de bõne heure, & que cela estoit cause du vent: Que les Montagnaits voyans le ciel enflammé, se tiennent en repos dans leurs cabanes, & par ce moyen arrestent le vent. I'aduertiray, dit-il, vne autrefois le Pere de Nouë qu'il ne parte point si matin quand le temps sera rouge, & il verra par experience qu'il ne ventera [74] point. Ie me mis à rire, & tachay le mieux que ie peu d'effacer de sa pensée ceste superstition: en fin il s'en mocqua aussi bien que moy; ce n'est pas pourtant qu'il la quitte si aisément, car les Sauuages vous accordent facilement ce que vous leur dites, mais ils ne laissent pas d'agir tousiours à leur façon.

Passans de discours en discours, ie luy parlay de Dieu qui a tout fait; car c'est là où ie vise de leur dõner quelque cognoissance de celuy qui leur a donné la 152 vie, afin qu'ils s'en entretiennent les vns les autres, & que les enfans en oyent parler dés leur ieunesse. Luy discourant donc en mon barragoin,& plus souuent par gestes & par signes qu'autrement (car ie parle plus de la main que de la langue) ie luy fis conceuoir quelque chose de la puissance de Dieu: alors il me dit que le Dieu de France estoit [75] bien plus puissant & plus grand Capitaine ou Seigneur que le Dieu de son pays: Car, dit-il, vostre Dieu est grand, & le nostre, ou bien ses enfans viennent d'vn rat d'eau que les Frãçois appellent rat musqué.

Mais à propos de musc, les Sauuages n'en peuuent supporter l'odeur: Quelqu'vn m'a dit qu'aiant sur soy quelque chose semblable, ils luy disoient qu'il sentoit mal; aussi tiennent ils cét animal puant, & quelque vieux morceau de graisse leur semblera de bonne odeur. Or iugez maintenant s'il y a des obiects plus conformes à l'odorat les vns que les autres, & si nos fantaisies auec l'accoustumance n'ont pas vn grand pouuoir sur nous.

Puis que ce Sauuage m'a donné occasion de parler de leur Dieu, ie diray que c'est vn grand erreur de croire que les Sauuages n'ont cognoissance [76] d'aucune diuinité: ie m'étonnois de cela en France, voyant que la nature auoit donné ce sentiment à toutes les autres nations de la terre. Ie confesse que les Sauuages n'ont point de prieres publiques & communes, ny aucun culte qu'ils rendent ordinairemẽt à celuy qu'ils tiennent pour Dieu, & que leur cognoissance n'est que tenebres: mais on ne peut nier qu'ils ne recognoissent quelque nature superieure à la nature de l'homme: comme ils n'ont ny loix, ny police, 154aussi n'ont-ils aucune ordonnance qui concerne le seruice de ceste nature superieure, chacun fait comme il l'entend: ie ne sçay pas leurs secrets, mais de ce peu que ie vay dire, on verra qu'ils cognoissent quelque diuinité.

Ils disent qu'il y a vn certain qu'ils nomment Atahocan, qui a tout fait: parlant vn iour de Dieu dans vne cabane, [77] ils me demanderent que c'étoit que Dieu, ie leur dis que c'estoit celuy qui pouuoit tout, & qui auoit fait le Ciel & la terre: ils commencerent à se dire les vns aux autres Atahocan, Atahocan, c'est Atahocan.

Ils disent qu'vn nommé Messou repara le monde perdu dãs les eaux; Vous voyez qu'ils ont quelque tradition du deluge, quoy que meslée de fables, car voicy comme le monde se perdit, à ce qu'ils disent.

Ce Messou allant à la chasse auec des loups ceruiers, au lieu de chiens, on l'aduertit qu'il faisoit dangereux pour ses loups (qu'il appelloit ses freres) dans vn certain lac aupres duquel il estoit. Vn iour qu'il poursuiuoit un eslan, ses loups luy donnerẽt la chasse iusques dedans ce lac; arriuez qu'ils furent au milieu, ils furẽt abysmez en vn instant. Luy suruenãt là dessus, & cherchant ses freres de [78] tous costez, vn oiseau luy dit qu'il les voyoit au fond du lac, & que certaines bestes ou monstres les tenoient là dedans: il entre dans l'eau pour les secourir, mais aussi-tost ce lac se desborde, & s'aggrandit si furieusemẽt, qu'il inonda & noya toute la terre.

Le Messou bien estonné, quitte la pensée de ses loups, pour songer à restablir le monde. Il enuoye vn corbeau chercher vn peu de terre, pour auec ce morceau en restablir vn autre. Le corbeau n'en peut trouuer, tout estant couuert d'eau. Il fait plonger 156 vne loutre, mais la profondeur des eaux l'empescha de venir iusques à terre. En fin vn rat musqué descendit, & en rapporta: Auec ce morceau de terre il remit tout en estat: il refit des troncs d'arbres, & tirant des fléches à l'encontre, elles se changeoient en branches. Ce seroit vne longue fable de raconter [79] comme il repara tout: comme il se vangea des mõstres qui auoient pris ses chasseurs, se transformant en mille sortes d'animaux pour les surprendre: bref ce beau Reparateur estant marié à vne soury musquée, eut des enfans qui ont repeuplé le monde.

On voit par ces contes que les Sauuages ont quelque idée d'vn Dieu: Ie dis bien dauantage, qu'ils ont quelque espece de sacrifice. Le Pere Brebeuf m'a asseuré qu'hyuernant auec eux, il leur vit mettre vn petit Eslan ou Orignac souz la cendre, & le brusler. Il cogneut depuis qu'à mesme temps on en auoit brûlé vn en la mesme façon en vne autre cabane, & demandant la raison de cela, ils luy dirent que c'estoit pour la santé d'vn malade.

Il y a des hommes parmy eux qui font profession de consulter leur [80] Manitou; il me semble que par ce mot de Manitou ils entendent, comme entre nous, vn Ange, ou quelque nature puissante. Ie croy qu'ils pensent qu'il y en a de bons & de mauuais, i'en parleray plus asseurément quelque iour.

Le Gendre de nostre Sauuage voulant aller à la chasse, le consulta tout auprés de nostre maison: Il fit vne petite Cabane de bois, se renferma là dedans. Sur la nuict, chantant, criant, hurlant: les autres estoient à l'entour de luy: ie priay vn François de tirer vn coup d'arquebuse pour les espouuanter par le bruit, mais ie ne sçay s'ils l'entendirent, tant ils se 158 demenoient. Le Manitou luy dit qu'il allast à la chasse d'vn certain costé, qu'il y trouueroit des Orignaux, & point d'Hiroquois; le Manitou fut trouué menteur, car il reuint bien affamé, n'ayant quasi rien trouué. [81] Pour les Hiroquois, il n'en pouuoit rencontrer, car il s'écartoit bien loin d'eux: ie croy que la pluspart de ces consulteurs de Manitou ne sont que des trompeurs & charlatans; neantmoins quand ils recommandent quelque chose, cela est executé de point en point. S'il disoit aux Sauuages que le Manitou veut qu'on se couche nud dans la neige, qu'on se brusle en quelque endroict, il seroit obey & au bout du conte ce Manitou ou Diable ne leur parle non plus qu'à moy.

The Son-in-law of our Savage, wishing to go hunting, took counsel with him [the Manitou] near our house. He made a little wooden Cabin, shutting himself inside toward nightfall, singing, crying, and howling. The others were around him. I begged a Frenchman to fire a shot of the arquebus, to frighten them with the noise; but I am not sure that they heard it, so great was the uproar. The Manitou told him to go hunting in a certain direction, that he would find Moose there, and no Hiroquois. The Manitou was proved a liar; for the hunter returned almost starved, having found very little. 159 [81] As to the Hiroquois, he could not have run against any, because he kept at a great distance from them. I believe that the greater number of these consulters of the Manitou are only deceivers and charlatans. Notwithstanding this, when they advise anything it is carried out exactly. If one of them should tell the Savages that the Manitou wanted them to lie down naked in the snow, or to burn themselves in a certain place, he would be obeyed. And, after all, this Manitou, or Devil, does not talk to them any more than he does to me.

Ie me doute neantmoins qu'il y en a quelquesvns qui ont vrayemẽt communication auec le Diable, s'il est vray ce qu'en disent les Sauuages, car on les voit marcher sur leurs cabanes sans les rompre: ils deuiẽnent furieux & comme possedez, dõnent des coups capables d'assommer vn bœuf, & neantmoins la douleur passe [82] en peu de temps: sans grand outrage on les void tout en sang, puis gueris en vn moment. Ils racontent quantité d'autres choses semblables, mais quãd ie les presse, ils m'aduouẽt franchement qu'ils n'ont point veu cela, ains seulement qu'ils l'ont ouy dire. Il ne faut pas leur faire grandes obiections sur leurs fables, pour les arrester, & leur faire perdre terre.

Le 15. du mesme nostre Sauuage nous vint trouuer, & nous dit qu'vn de ses gendres auoit songé que nous luy donnassions aussi long que la main de petum, ou tabac; Ie luy refusay, disant que ie ne donnois rien pour les songes, & que ce n'estoit que folie, que ie 160 leur expliquerois comme ils se forment quand ie scaurois leur lãgue. Il me repart que toutes les nations auoient quelque chose de particulier, que si nos songes n'estoient pas vrays, si bien les leurs: [83] & qu'ils mourroient s'ils ne les mettoient en execution. A ce conte nos vies dépendẽt des songes d'vn Sauuage, car s'ils resuoiẽt qu'il nous faut tuer, infailliblement ils nous tueroient, s'ils pouuoient. On m'a dit qu'autrefois l'vn d'eux ayant songé que pour estre guery d'vne maladie qui le trauailloit, il luy falloit tuer vn certain François, il l'enuoye appeller. Entré qu'il fut en sa cabane, il luy disoit, approche mon frere, ie te veux parler: sa femme qui scauoit le dessein de son mary, dit au François qu'il se donnast bien garde d'approcher: & de fait ce malade auoit mis vne hache à son costé pour l'assommer. Voila l'vne des risques de nostre vie; cela ne m'estonne point, on peut mourir pour Dieu en mourant par vn songe.

On the 15th of the same [month], our Savage came to see us, and said that one of his sons-in-law had dreamed that we would give him a piece of petun, or tobacco, as long as his hand. I refused him, saying that I did not give anything on account of dreams; that they were only folly, and that, when I knew his language, I would explain to him how they originated. He replied to me that all nations had something especially their own; that, if our dreams were not true, 161 theirs were; [83] and that they would die if they did not execute them. According to this idea, our lives depend upon the dreams of a Savage; because, if they dream that they have to kill us, they will surely do it if they can. I am told that, at another time, one of them had a dream that to be cured of a disease, from which he was suffering, he must kill a certain Frenchman; so he sent for him. When the Frenchman entered his cabin, he said to him: "Come nearer, my brother, I want to talk with you." His wife, who knew the designs of her husband, told the Frenchman to be on his guard in going near him; and, in fact, the sick man had placed an axe at hand, with which to kill him. This shows one of the great risks that we run here; it does not frighten me; we may die for God in dying because of a dream.

Pour reuenir à nostre Sauuage, ie luy demanday s'il faudroit executer [84] mon songe, au cas que i'eusse songé que ie le deurois tuer? il repart que le songe de son gendre n'estoit point mauuais: & tout ainsi qu'il nous croyoit quãd nous luy disions quelque chose, ou que nous luy monstrions quelque image: de mesme que nous luy deuions croire quand il nous disoit quelque chose propre de sa nation: qu'au reste il s'estõnoit que nous autres qui n'vsions point de tabac, l'aimions tant. En fin il luy en fallut bailler, en luy faisant bien entendre que ce n'estoit point en consideratiõ de son songe, & qu'on luy refuseroit tout ce qu'il demanderoit sous ce pretexte. Il nous dit qu'il ne croiroit plus à ces fantaisies, mais que son 162 gendre estoit libre: ceste superstition est trop enracinée dans son esprit pour la quitter si aisément.

Le 21. du mesme, ie baptisay vn [85] petit Sauuage agé d'enuiron 3 ans, frappé d'vne maladie mortelle: & voyant qu'il estoit en danger de mourir dans les bois, sa grand'mere le traisnant auec soy de part & d'autre, nous luy demandasmes au cas qu'il guerit, si elle ne voudroit pas bien nous le donner pour le nourrir & l'instruire: Elle respondit que s'il n'estoit si malade, qu'elle nous le dõneroit dés lors. Ses parents y consentirent: ce qui nous fit resoudre à le baptiser. Nostre Pierre luy donna son nom: ce pauure enfant pourra traisner quelques années, mais il n'y a gueres d'esperance qu'il puisse iamais recouurer sa santé.

Sur la fin de Ianuier, le fils & les gendres de nostre Sauuage estans vers le Cap de Tourmẽte, manderẽt à leur pere, qui estoit cabané aupres de nous, qu'il y auoit bonne chasse en ce quartier là: Il s'y en alla auec [86] le reste de sa famille: puis nous retournant voir, il nous dit que si nous l'aimions nous l'allassions visiter en sa cabane, qu'il nous donneroit de la chair d'Eslan: Vous m'auez, disoit-il, donné de vos biens quand i'auois faim: mes gens croiront que vous estes faschez cōtre moy si vous ne nous venez pas voir. Il nous donna nouuelle que le Sauuage Brehaut estoit mort, & qu'il auoit laissé deux enfans, vn garçon & vne petite fille. Or comme nous disirerions bien d'en enuoyer quelques-vns en France pour les faire instruire, afin qu'ils peussent par apres secourir leur nation, le Pere de Nouë prit resolution de suiure ce bon Sauuage, ce ne fut pas sans peine, voicy les particularitez de son voyage. Les hostelleries qu'on 164 trouue en chemin sont les bois mesmes: à l'entrée de la nuict on s'arreste pour cabaner; chacun [87] desfait ses raquettes, desquelles on se sert comme de pesle pour vuider la neige de la place où on veut coucher. La place nette, & faite en rond ordinairement, on fait du feu tout au bien milieu, & tous les hostes s'assient à l'entour, estans abriez par le dos d'vne muraille de neige, ayans le Ciel pour couuerture de la maison. Le vin de ceste hostellerie c'est l'eau de neige fonduë dans vne petite chaudiere qu'on porte auec soy, si on ne veut manger la neige pour boisson: Les meilleurs mets sont vn peu d'anguille boucanée. Comme il faut porter sa couuerture auec soy pour se couurir la nuict, on ne se charge que le moins qu'õ peut d'autres choses.

Toward the end of January the son and the sons-in-law of our Savage, being near Cape de Tourmente, told their father, who was settled near us, that there was good hunting in that quarter. He went there with [86] the rest of his family. Then, coming back to see us, he said that if we loved him, we would go to visit him in his cabin, and he would give us some Venison. "You have given me," said he, "of your store when I was hungry; my people will think you are very angry with me, if you do not come to see us." He brought us news that the Savage, Brehault, was dead; and that he had left two children, a boy and a little girl. Now as we desired very much to send some children to France to have them educated, that they might afterward help their people, Father de Nouë made up his mind to follow this good Savage, a journey not without difficulties. Here are the particulars thereof: The inns found on the way are the woods themselves, where at nightfall they stop to camp; each [87] one unfastens his snowshoes, which are used as shovels in cleaning the snow from the place where they are going to sleep. The place cleaned is usually made in the form of a circle; a fire 165 is made in the very middle of it, and all the guests seat themselves around it, having a wall of snow behind them, and the Sky for a roof. The wine of this inn is snow, melted in a little kettle which they carry with them, provided they do not wish to eat snow in lieu of drink. Their best dish is smoked eel. As they must carry their blankets with them for cover at night, they load themselves with as few other things as possible.

Le Pere estant arriué dans la cabane, on ne scauoit quelle chere luy faire: Il n'y a point icy de complimens, on ne dit ny bon iour, ny [88] bon soir. Tout leur tesmoignage de resioüyssance ou action de graces consiste en ceste aspiration, Ho! ho! ho! ho! &c. On saluë icy le monde par effects. Aussi-tost chacun se met en deuoir, l'vn met de l'eau dans la chaudiere, ou plustost de la neige; l'autre la met sur le feu; l'autre iette dedans de grandes pieces de chair d'Eslan, sans la lauer de peur de perdre la graisse; cela estant cuit à demy, on le retire pour en remettre d'autre. Comme on estoit en cet exercice, voicy l'vn des gendres de la Nasse qui reuient de la chasse, apportant deux Castors: aussi-tost en tesmoignage de resioüyssance de la venuë du Pere, il les met en pieces, & les iette dans la chaudiere. Vn autre luy fait present d'vn ieune Castor fort delicat, mais auec prieres qu'on se donnast bien garde de donner les os 166 aux chiens, autrement ils croient [89] qu'ils n'en prendroient plus: ils bruslent ces os fort soigneusement, si les chiens les mangeoient, la chasse ne vaudroit plus rien. Le Pere me dit qu'il s'estonnoit du degast de viande qu'ils faisoient. Voila vn grand mal pour ce miserable peuple, quand il a dequoy, ce ne sont que festins; & la pluspart du temps il meurt de faim le lendemain. On alla à trois lieuës de là chercher vn Orignac qu'ils auoient tué, pour en donner la chair au Pere, auec mille excuses, en deux mots, que peutestre ne le trouueriõs nous pas bon. Ils pressoient le Pere de demeurer quelques iours auec eux, disans qu'ils auoient veu du bois rongé, & qu'infailliblement ils trouueroient d'autres Elans.

When the Father reached the cabin, they did not know what welcome to give him. There are no greetings here; they say neither "good day" nor [88] "good evening." Their manifestations of rejoicing, or expressions of thanks, consist of this aspiration: "Ho! ho! ho! ho!" etc. They greet people here by actions. Immediately each begins his work; one puts water, or rather snow, in a kettle; another places it on the fire; another throws in large pieces of Venison, not washing them for fear of losing the grease. This being half cooked, it is withdrawn in order to put in some more. While so engaged, one of the sons-in-law of la Nasse returns from the hunt, bringing two Beavers; he tears them to pieces at once, and throws them into the kettle, in proof of his joy at seeing the Father. Another gives him a young and very tender Beaver, with the request that he should be most careful not to give the bones to the dogs, otherwise they believe [89] they will take no more Beavers. They burn these bones very carefully. If a dog should eat them, there would be no more good hunting. The Father told me that he was astonished at their waste of meat. This is a great misfortune for these miserable people, for they have nothing but feasts when they have plenty, and 167 are generally dying of hunger the next day. They went a distance of three leagues from there to get a Moose they had killed, to give the meat of it to the Father, with a thousand excuses, saying, in short, that perhaps we might not find it good. They pressed the Father to remain with them a few days, saying that they had seen wood which had been gnawed, an infallible sign that they would find more Elk.

Le Pere voulant partir, lon fait trois traisnes qu'on charge de chair; l'vne pour luy, l'autre pour nostre Pierre qui estoit allé là; la troisiesme [90] pour vn François qui accompagnoit le Pere. A peine auoient-ils fait deux cens pas apres leurs adieux, que le Pere demeure tout court, il ne voyoit goutte, & n'entendoit rien: la fumée de la cabane, les neiges de dehors, le défaut de nourriture; car il n'auoit mangé qu'vn peu de ceste chair à demy cruë, le trauail du chemin l'affoiblirent si fort, qu'il fut contraint de retourner d'où il venoit. Il auoit bien porté vn peu de pain & de pois, mais les Sauuages s'en saisirent incontinent, tant ils en sont auides, luy disant qu'il en mangeroit tant qu'il voudrait estant de retour en nostre maison. Le bon Sauuage La Nasse voyant la debilité du Pere, luy demande s'il veut demeurer; Non, dit-il, mais ie ne puis traisner ce fardeau que tu m'as donné. Allons, respond le Sauuage, ie le traisneray pour toy, & ie prendray [91] 168 ceste grande peau de loup marin pour t'enuelopper dedans, & te traisner en ta maison: si tu es malade, prends courage, ie ne t'abandonneray point. Ils s'en reuindrent à la maison le mieux qu'ils peurent: nostre Pierre courrut deuant apporter les nouuelles: Nous enuoyasmes viste vn garçon auec vne bouteille de cidre, & du pain, pour leur donner courage. Le vent leur donnoit si violemment en face, qu'ils furent contraints de laisser leurs traisnes à trois lieuës de Kebec, on les renuoya querir le iour suiuant. Les Pere qui n'estoit malade que de foiblesse & de trauail, ayant trouué le repos, se remit incontinent.

When the Father wished to depart, they made three sledges which they loaded with meat; one for him, another for our man Pierre, who was there, and the third [90] for a Frenchman who accompanied the Father. They had moved scarcely two hundred steps, after their farewells, when the Father suddenly stopped short; he could see nothing and could hear nothing. The smoke of the cabin, the snow outside, the lack of nourishment, for he had eaten only a very little of that half-cooked meat, and the difficulties of the way had weakened him so that he was compelled to return whence he came. He had carried with him a little bread and a few peas; but the Savages had taken possession of them at once, so fond are they of them, telling him that he could eat as much as he wanted of these things on his return to our house. The good Savage La Nasse, seeing the Father's weakness, asked him if he wished to remain. "No," said he, "but I cannot drag this load which you have given me." "Very well," answered the Savage, "I will drag it for thee, and I will take [91] this great sealskin to wrap thee up in, and draw thee to thy house. If thou art sick, take courage, I will not abandon thee." They returned to the house as best they could, our Pierre running before them to bring the news. We hurriedly sent a boy with a 169 bottle of cider and some bread to renew their strength. The wind blew so violently in their faces that they were compelled to leave their sledges three leagues from Kebec, and send for them on the following day. The Father, who was sick only from weakness and overwork, having rested, immediately recovered.

Voila, mon Reuerend Pere, vn eschantillon de ce qu'il faut souffrir courant apres les Sauuages, ce qu'il faut faire necessairement si on les [92] veut ayder à se sauuer: Et partant que, V.R. voye s'il luy plaist qui seront ceux qu'elle destinera pour ceste mission. On ne souffre point ces incommoditez demeurant dans la maison, tout ce qu'on y endure est tolerable: mais quand il faut deuenir Sauuage auec les Sauuages, il faut prendre sa vie, & tout ce qu'on a, & le ietter à l'abandon, pour ainsi dire, se contentant d'vne croix bien grosse & bien pesante pour tout richesse. Il est bien vray que Dieu ne se laisse point vaincre, & que plus on quitte, plus on trouve: plus on perd, plus on gaigne: mais Dieu se cache par fois, & alors le Calice est bien amer.

Vne chose me semble plus qu'intolerable, c'est qu'on est pesle-mesle, fille, femme, homme, garçõs tous ensemble dans vn trou enfumé; & plus on s'auance en la cognoissance [93] de la langue, plus on entend de salatés. Dieu veuille que les yeux n'en 170soient point offensez, on me dit que non. Ie ne pensois pas que les Sauuages eussent la bouche si puante comme ie le vay remarquant tous les iours. Coucher sur la terre couuerte d'vn peu de branches de pin, n'auoir qu'vne écorce entre la neige & vostre teste, traisner vostre bagage sur des montagnes, se laisser rouler dans des vallons espouuãtables, ne manger qu'vne fois en deux ou trois iours quand il n'y a point de chasse, c'est la vie qu'il faut mener en suiuant les Sauuages. Il est vray que si la chasse est bonne, la chair ne vous est point épargnée: sinon il faut estre en danger de mourir de faim, ou de bien souffrir. Vn de nos François qui a demeuré auec eux cét hyuer passé, nous a dit qu'il n'auoit mangé en deux iours qu'vn petit bout de [94] chandelle qu'il auoit porté par mesgarde dans sa pochette. Voila peutestre mon traittement pour l'hyuer prochain, car si ie veux sçauoir la langue, il faut de necessité suiure les Sauuages. Ie crains neantmoins que nostre famille accreuë ne me retienne cette année, mais il y faut aller tost ou tard, i'y voudrais desia estre, tant i'ay de mal au cœur de voir ces pauures ames errãtes sans aucun secours faute de les entendre. On ne peut mourir qu'vne fois, le plustost n'est pas tousiours le pire. Changeons de propos: Il faut que ie remarque icy vne iniure que les Sauuages donnent aux François, c'est qu'ils aiment ce qu'ils ont: quand vous refusez quelque chose à vn Sauuage, aussi-tost il vous dit Khisakhitan: tu aime cela, sakhita, sakhita, aime le, aime le, comme s'ils vouloient dire qu'on est attaché à ce qu'on aime, & qu'on [95] le prefere à leur amitié.

One thing seems to me more than intolerable. It is their living together promiscuously, girls, women, men, and boys in a smoky hole. And the more progress one makes in the knowledge [93] of the language, the more vile things one hears. May it please God that one's eyes be not offended; I am told that they are not. I did not think that the mouth of the Savage was so foul as I notice it is everyday. To sleep on the earth, covered with a few branches of pine, nothing but the bark between the snow and 171 your head; to drag your baggage over the mountains, to let yourself roll down into frightful valleys; to eat only once in two or three days, when there is no hunting,—that is the life you must lead in following the Savages. It is true that, if the hunting is good, there is no lack of meat; if not, one must be in danger of dying from starvation, or of enduring great suffering. One of our Frenchmen, who lived with them last winter, told us that during two days he ate nothing but a small piece of [94] candle, that he had accidentally carried in his pocket. This is the treatment that I shall perhaps have next winter; because, if I wish to learn the language, I must necessarily follow the Savages. I fear, however, that our growing family may keep me here this year; but sooner or later I must go. I would like to be there already, I am so sick at heart to see these poor straying souls, without any help because of our inability to understand them. We can die but once; the soonest is not always the worst. Let us change the subject; I must speak here of the charge which the Savages make against the French. It is that they love what is theirs; when you refuse anything to a Savage, he immediately says Khisakhitan, "Thou lovest that," sakhita, sakhita, "Love it, love it;" as if they would say that we are attached to what we love, and that we [95] prefer it to their friendship.

Nostre Sauuage voudroit bien viure auec nous 172comme frere, en vn mot il voudroit entrer en communauté de tout. Ie te donneray, dit-il, de tout ce que i'ay, & tu me donneras de tout ce que tu as: Ce seroit le moyen de manger en vn mois toutes les prouisions d'vne année, car ils ne cessent de manger tant qu'ils ont dequoy, n'en ayant plus, ils en cherchent, & en demandent auec importunité. Il est vray que ce bon homme voit bien que ceste procedure n'est pas bonne: & quand ie luy represente qu'il ne fait pas bien, prodiguant ses viures en peu de temps: ce n'est pas moy, dit-il, qui fait cela, c'est ma femme. Il s'estonne quand nous luy faisons manger d'vn morceau d'Ours ou d'Orignac six sepmaines apres qu'il nous l'a donné; car en ce temps-là on mangera deux & trois [96] & quatre ours en sa cabane, si on en prend autant.

Le 13. de Feurier Dieu nous fit vne faueur fort signalée: Mon maistre nommé en sa langue comme i'ay desia souuent dit, Pierre Pastedechouan, s'en alla sans nous rien dire. Depuis qu'il estoit auec nous, il s'estoit vn peu remis: il se confessoit de tẽps en tẽps sãs se vouloir cõmunier quoy qu'on luy dit. Sa raison estoit que iamais il ne s'estoit cõmunié en son pays, si biẽ en France: mais i'estois là mieux disposé qu'icy, disoit-il. Comme il sentit approcher le Caresme, il nous fit plusieurs interrogations sans que nous prissiõs garde où elles buttoient: scauoir mõ à quel âge on estoit obligé de ieusner, si dans tout le Caresme on ne mangeroit point de chair, & choses semblables. La peur qu'il eut du ieusne, & la croyance qu'il auoit que [97] les gens de La Nasse auroient bõne chasse, fit qu'il s'en alla les trouuer sans nous en parler. Voyant mon secours perdu pour la langue, nous demandasmes derechef à Dieu qu'il 174 luy pleust nous donner pour la seconde fois celuy qu'il nous auoit dõné pour la premiere. La Theologie de ce bon aueugle né n'est pas bonne, qui dit que Dieu n'exauce point les pecheurs, si fait bien quand il luy plaist. La Nasse ayant mangé toute sa chasse, & n'en trouuant plus dans les bois, la faim le pressa si fort, qu'il ne sçauoit de quel coste se tourner. Nostre Pierre se voyant dans le ieusne deuant que d'estre en Caresme, ayant pense perdre la vie sur vne glace qui coula dessous luy, & passé quatre iours sans quasi rien manger, nous reuient voir tout defait apres 15 iours d'absẽce, il ne nous dit point que la famine le ramenoit, aussi attribuay-ie [98] son retour à celuy qui nous le donnoit pour la seconde fois: Il demeura donc auec nous iusques à Pasques, m'aydant à conclurre ce que i'auois enuie d'acheuer de nostre Dictionnaire.

On the 13th of February God did us a very signal favor. My teacher, named in his language, as I have often said already, Pierre Pastedechouan, went off without giving us notice. Since he had been with us, he had somewhat improved; he had been to confession from time to time, but would not take communion, whatever might be said to him. His reason was that he had never taken communion in his country, though he had in France; "But I was," he said, "more disposed to it there than here." As he felt that Lent was approaching, he asked us a number of questions, the full tendency of which we did not comprehend; namely, at what age it was necessary to fast; if one should not eat meat at all during Lent, and similar things. The fear he had of fasting, and his belief that [97] the people of La Nasse would be lucky in their hunt, led him to go to them without telling me. Seeing that I had lost my help in learning the language, we again asked God to give us, if it pleased him, for a second time, the one he had given us at first. The Theology of that worthy man, blind from birth, who says that God does not hearken to sinners except when it is agreeable to him, is not 175good. La Nasse having eaten all his game, and finding no more in the woods, was so pressed with hunger that he knew not on which side to turn. Our Pierre found himself fasting before the beginning of Lent; having nearly lost his life upon the ice, which slipped from under him, he passed four days with scarcely anything to eat and returned to us completely exhausted, after 15 days of absence. He did not tell us that hunger brought him back, therefore I attributed [98] his return to him who gave him to us for a second time. He remained with us until Easter, helping me to finish what I was very anxious to complete, our Dictionary.

Le Vendredy Sainct, il s'en voulut aller à la chasse auec nostre Sauuage qui estoit du retour, mais ie luy dis qu'il n'iroit point qu'il ne se fust acquitté du deuoir que doiuent rendre à Dieu tous les Chrestiens en ce tẽps-là; i'aduerty nostre Sauvage de ne le point receuoir en sa cõpagnie; ce qu'il fit. Il se confessa donc & se communia le iour de Pasques. Le lendemain nostre Sauvage retournant pour vendre au sieur de Caën vn ieune Eslan qu'il auoit pris tout vif (lequel mourut depuis) nostre homme l'accosta, & luy dit que nous ne l'auions retenu sinon pour prier Dieu le iour precedẽt, & que l'ayant [99] fait nous estions contens qu'il le suiuit: Il est vray que pour le contenter nous luy auions dit que s'estant acquitté de ses deuotiõs, il pourroit s'en aller à la chasse à la premiere 176occasion, ce qu'il a fait auec promesse de retourner, mais nous ne l'auõs point veu depuis. Dieu soit beny de tout: ie ne m'osois promettre tout ce que i'ay tiré de luy, i'en ay assez pour me rendre capable d'aller hyuerner parmy les Sauuages, auec profit.

La Nasse reuenant de la chasse nous dit que ce pauure ieune homme auoit trauersé les bois pour aller trouuer ses frères à Tadoussac: pour moy i'estime qu'il a la foy, i'en ay de tres-grands indices: mais comme c'est vne foy de crainte & de seruitude, & que d'ailleurs il est enchaisné par vne infinité de mauuaises habitudes, il a de la peine de quitter la liberté blasmable des Sauuages, [100] pour s'arrester sous le ioug de la loy de Dieu.

Le 21. de Mars, vn Sauuage mangeant chez nous à terre, selon leur coustume, s'arresta tout court, disant qu'il ne mangeroit pas dauantage, autrement qu'il mourroit: Ie luy demanday pourquoy, il me dit qu'il auoit veu vne lumiere brillãte tourner tout à l'entour du plat: ie voulus mettre la main sur le plat, il s'escria, Khiga nipin, Khiga nipin, tu mourras, tu mourras: Or comme ie commence à cognoistre leurs fantaisies, pour luy faire voir sa simplicité: ie prends vne cuillerée ou deux de ce qu'il mãgeoit, & en mangeay moy-mesme, il commence à me regarder comme tout estonné, & voyant que ie n'auois point de mal; i'en mãgeray aussi, fit-il, puis que tu en as mangé.

On dit que quelques Basques ou Anglois leurs ont baillé l'apprehension [101] que les François les vouloient empoisonner. C'est pourquoy plusieurs vous inuitent de gouster le premier de ce que vous leur presentez. En quoy il arriua vne chose agreable à vn Sauuage fort adonné a boire: le sieur du Plessis luy ayãt fait presenter vn verre de vin, ou de sidre; 178 il se tourne, & le donne à vn François pour en taster: ce François le tasta si bien, qu'il n'y laissa rien. Le Sauuage qui le voyoit faire, crioit prou egouspé, egouspé, c'est assez, c'est assez: mais l'autre tira iusques au bout, puis presenta le verre tout vuide au Sauuage, pour l'apprendre vne autre fois à quitter ces deffiances.

Le 22. nostre Pierre ayant pris vn Castor, vne Sauuage l'ayant écorché, nostre frere le prit & le laua: ceste femme voyant qu'il faisoit tomber à terre le sang de cét animal, s'écria, en verité cét homme n'a point [102] d'esprit, & se tournant vers Pierre, luy dit, tu ne prendras plus de Castors, on a respandu le sang du tien: c'est vne de leurs superstitions, qu'il ne faut point respandre à terre le sang pur du Castor, si on veut auoir bonne chasse, du moins Pierre nous le dit ainsi.

Le premier iour d'Auril le Capitaine des Algonquains nous vint voir, & nous apporta de la chair d'Elan, ses gens en auoient tué dix, quoy qu'vn Sauuage vous donne pour vn grand mercy, (c'est vn mot qu'ils ont appris des François) il leur faut rendre quelqu'autre chose pour vn autre grand'mercy, autrement vous serez tenu pour vn ingrat. Ils reçoiuent assez volontiers sans donner: mais ils ne sçauent que c'est de donner sans receuoir. Il est vray que si vous les voulez suiure dãs les bois, ils vous nourriront sans vous riẽ demander, [103] s'ils croient que vous n'ayez riē: Mais s'ils s'apperçoiuẽt que vous ayez quelque chose, & qu'ils en ayẽt enuie, ils ne cesseront de vous presser que vous ne leur ayez donné.

Pour retourner à ce Capitaine, ie luy demanday s'il auoit vn fils, & s'il ne vouloit point nous le dōner 180 pour l'instruire; il me demanda combien ie voulois d'enfans, & que i'en auois desia deux: ie luy dis qu'auec le tẽps peutestre i'en nourrirois vingt, il s'étonna: Habilleras-tu bien, me dit-il, tant de mõde? Ie respondis que nous ne les prendrions pas que nous n'eussions le moyen de les habiller, il repart qu'il seroit bien content de nous donner le sien, mais que sa fẽme ne le voudroit pas. Les femmes ont icy vn grand pouuoir: qu'vn hõme vous promette quelque chose, s'il ne tient pas sa promesse, il pense s'estre bien excusé, quand il vous a [104] dit que sa femme ne l'a pas voulu: ie luy dis donc qu'il estoit le maistre, & qu'en France les femmes ne commandoient point à leurs maris: cela est bien, dit-il, mais pour mon fils ie suis assez sçauant pour l'instruire, ie luy apprẽdray à haranguer: instruits premierement les Montagnaits, si cela reüssit bien, nous te donnerons nos enfans.

Ie luy parlay de Dieu, il m'escoutoit fort attentiuement: Ie luy enseignay quelque petite priere en langage Montagnaits qu'il entend fort bien; il les prononçoit en sa langue, & me promit qu'il les diroit souuẽt. Or cõme le tẽps me pressoit d'aller reciter mon office, ie luy dis que i'allois prier Dieu: il me suiuit, entra dãs ma chambrette, & s'y tint iusques à ce que i'eusse acheué, me faisãt aprés plusieurs interrogations; bref il ne s'en retourna qu'à la nuict.

[105] Le 18. & le 20. d'Auril, il tonna fort & ferme auec de grands éclairs, & cependant la riuiere estoit encor glacée, & la terre couuerte de neige; ce qui fait voir qu'il y a de la chaleur en l'air, & que ces neiges & froids sont accidentels, & contre la nature du climat: 182noꝰ sommes parallelles à la Rochelle, cõme i'ay desia dit. Tous les François pourront tesmoigner qu'ils n'ont point veu dans le cœur de la France mois de May si chaud, que celuy qu'ils ont esprouué à Kebec.

La chaleur est icy grande & brûlante; & cependant i'ay remarqué depuis que ie suis icy qu'il a gelé tous les mois de l'année. Ie ne m'estonne point de ces gelées: nous auons du costé du Nord vne chaisne de montagnes peut-estre de cent ou deux cens lieues d'estendue. Nous ne sommes pas éloignez de six lieuës de ces [106] monts prodigieux, & peutestre tousiours couuerts de neiges: Ie vous laisse à penser si les vents qui passent par là nous peuuent apporter beaucoup de chaleur. De plus nous sommes dans les bois de 800 ou mille lieuës. Nous habitons les bords de deux fleuues, dont l'vn engloutiroit les quatre beaux fleuues de France sans regorger. Voila les vrayes causes & alimens du froid. Si le pays estoit découuert iusques à ces montagnes; nous aurions peutestre l'vne des plus fœcondes vallées qui soient en l'vniuers: L'expérience nous fait voir que les bois engendrent les frimas & les gelées. Les terres de ceste famille qui est icy estant plus découuertes que les nostres, sont plustost déchargées de neiges, & moins sujettes à ces froids du matin. Les nostres aussi ne sentent point ces rigueurs si souuent, que celles de la [107] maison des RR. Peres Recolets qui sont plus referrez dans les bois.

183 The heat here is intense and burning, and yet I have observed since I have been here that there has been frost every month of the year. I am not surprised at these frosts. We have on the North of us a chain of mountains, probably one or two hundred leagues in extent. We are not distant six leagues from these [106] stupendous mountains, probably always covered with snow.42 I leave you to decide whether the wind coming from that direction can bring much heat. Besides, we are in a forest covering from 800 to a thousand leagues. We live upon the banks of two rivers, one of which would swallow up the four great rivers of France without overflowing. Behold herein the real cause and source of the cold. If the country were cleared as far as the mountains, we should probably have one of the most fruitful valleys in the universe. Experience teaches us that the woods engender cold and frosts. The lands owned by the family living here, having been cleared more than ours, are sooner freed from snow, and less subject to cold in the morning. Neither do we feel these rigors so often as do those who live in the [107] house of the Reverend Recolet Fathers, who are farther in the woods.

Il y a quantitè de iours en hyuer dont l'ardeur du Soleil se fait bien plus fortement ressentir qu'en France. Le premier iour que ie vey nostre riuiere prise, ie m'estonnay, car le temps estoit fort doux; & cherchant la raison de cela, celle-cy me vint en 184 pensée. La riuiere se glace tousiours sur les bords, & quand la marée viẽt à monter, elle dètache ces glaces, & les ameine en haut. Or est-il que nõ pas loin de nous il y a vn fault, ou des rochers qui empeschent les glaces a la marée de passer plus outre. Ces glaces estant donc ramassées & pressées sur cette riuiere, qui est au milieu d'vn si grand bois, où le froid & la neige se conseruent aisément: elles se lient ensemble, & ainsi de mille & mille glaces il s'en fait vne qui se va grossissant tous les iours, & [108] qui fait vn grand pont sur toute la riuiere. La Lombardie n'est pas loin des Alpes dont le sommet est tousiours blanc de neige, & neantmoins ie ne sçay si l'Europe a quelque vallée plus agréable & plus fertile que cette contrée: i'en dy le mesme du lieu que nous habitons s'il estoit deserté & cultiue. Voila ma pensée touchant le pays: si ie me trompe ce n'est pas merueille, cela m'arriue assez souuent, tout gist à le deserter: mais ô mõ Dieu, que de peine à purger vne forest embarassee d'arbres tombez! ie dirois volontiers depuis le deluge.

There are many days in the winter when the heat of the Sun makes itself felt a great deal more than it does in France. The first day that I saw our river frozen, I was astonished, because it was very mild weather; and, in seeking a reason for it, this came to my mind. A river always freezes first along its banks; and, when the tide rises, it loosens this ice and carries it higher up. Now, not far from us there is a waterfall or some rocks, which prevent the tidal ice from passing beyond them. This ice being 185 thus massed and pressed together in the river, which is in the midst of so great a wood that the snow and cold are easily preserved, it becomes consolidated; and thousands and thousands of blocks of ice are frozen into one mass which goes on increasing every day, [108] making a great bridge over the whole river. Lombardy is not far from the Alps, the summits of which are always white with snow, and yet I do not know that Europe has a more agreeable and more fertile valley than that country. I would say the same of the place in which we live, if it were cleared and cultivated. This is my opinion touching this country; if I am mistaken, it is not strange, as that happens to me often; everything depends upon clearing the land. But oh, my God! What labor there will be in clearing a forest encumbered with fallen trees, I might well say, since the deluge.

Le 23. du mesme mois d'Auril, nous veismes partir les glaces, cela est effroyable: on m'a dit qu'on en auoit veu passer devãt le fort lõgues d'vne demie lieuë; ce sont des ances d'eau glacée que la marée de la grãde riuiere va détachant. Sur nostre [109] petite riuiere les glaces n'y sõt pas si affreuses, & neantmoins ie leur ay veu emporter de gros morceaux de terre, arracher des souches, briser quelques arbres qu'elles entouroiẽt. On en voit marcher de tous droits dessus ces glaces au beau milieu de la riuiere, qui en vne seule marée paroist aussi belle & aussi claire, comme si elle n'auoit point esté glacée.

186 Le 7. de May, vn Sauuage estant venu voir la Nasse nostre voisin: cõme ie vey qu'il se portoit mal, ie l'aborday, & luy parlay de Dieu, l'exhortant à auoir recours à luy: il me respondit, Toy, tu cognois Iesus, prie le pour moy, car moy ie ne le cognois point, ie ne cognois que nostre Manitou. Ie luy dis qu'il prononçast souuẽt de cœur ces paroles, O Iesus qui estes bon, ayez pitié de moy, il mourut quelque temps apres.

Les Montagnaits le tenoient pour [110] l'vn de leurs grands sorciers, ou consulteurs de Manitou: ie sçauray quelque iour si vrayement il y a de la diablerie en leur fait: pour le present ie ne puis dire autre chose que les vns disent que ouy, les autres que non: c'est à dire qu'il n'y a rien d'asseuré.

I'estois l'an passé maistre de deux escoliers, ie suis deuenu riche, i'en ay maintenant plus de vingt. Aprés le depart de mon maistre, i'ay recueilly & mis en ordre vne partie de ce qu'il m'auoit enseigné, & que i'auois escrit çà & là, m'accommodant à son humeur, qui souuent ne me dictoit que ce qui luy venoit en fantaisie. Ayant donc rallié la pluspart de mes richesses, ie me suis mis à composer quelque chose sur le Catechisme, ou sur les principes de la foy; & prenant mon papier en main, i'ay commencé à appeller quelques enfans auec vne petite clochette. La premiere [111] fois i'en auois six, puis douze, puis quinze, puis vingt; & dauantage ie leur fais dire le Pater, Aue, & Credo, en leur langue: ie leur explique grossierement le mystere de la Sainte Trinité, & de l'Incarnation; & à tous bouts de champ ie leur demande si ie dis bien, s'ils entendent bien, ils me respondent tous, eoco, eoco, ninisitoutenan: ouy, ouy, nous entendons. Ie 188 les interroge par apres s'il y a plusieurs Dieu, & laquelle des trois personnes s'est fait homme: ie forge des mots approchans de leur lãgue, que ie leur fais entendre. Nous commẽçons le Catechisme par ceste priere, apres auoir fait le signe de la Croix; Noukhimami Iesus, ïagoua Khistinohimaonitou Khik hitouina caié Khiteritamouïn. Ca cataouachichien Maria ouccaonia Iesu, cacataouachichien Ioseph aïamihitouinan. Mõ Seigneur ou Capitaine Iesus; enseignez moy vos paroles & vostre volonté! [112] ô bonne Marie Mere de Dieu! ô bon Ioseph priez pour nous.

Last year I was master of two pupils; I have become rich, for I now have more than twenty. After the departure of my teacher, I gathered up and arranged in order a part of what he taught me, and what I had written here and there, accommodating myself to his humor, he often dictating only what happened to suit his fancy. Having thus brought together the greater part of my riches, I began to compose something in the way of a Catechism, or on the principles of the faith. Taking my paper in hand, I began to call a few children by ringing a little bell. At first [111] I had six, then twelve, then fifteen, then twenty, and more. I have them say the Pater, the Ave, and the Credo, in their language. I explain to them, very crudely, the mysteries of the Holy Trinity and of the Incarnation, and at every few words I ask them if I speak well, if they can understand perfectly; they all answer me: eoco, eoco, ninisitoutenan, "yes, yes, we understand." Afterwards I ask them whether there are several Gods, and which of the three persons became man. I coin words approximating to their language, which I make them understand. We begin the Catechism by this 189 prayer, after having made the sign of the Cross: Noukhimami Jesus, ïagoua Khistinohimaonitou Khik hitouina caié Khiteritamouïn. Ca cataouachichien Maria ouccaonia Jesu, cacataouachichien Joseph aïamihitouinan. "My Lord, or Captain, Jesus, teach me your words and your will! [112] Oh, good Mary, Mother of God! Oh, good Joseph, pray for us!"

Nous finissons par le Pater noster que i'ay composé, quasi en rimes en leur langue, que ie leur fais chanter: & pour derniere conclusion, ie leur fais donner chacun vne escuellée de pois qu'ils mangent de bon appetit: quand ils sont beaucoup, i'en donne seulement à ceux qui ont bien respondu. C'est vn plaisir de les entendre chanter dans les bois ce qu'ils ont appris: les femmes mesme le chantent, & me viennent par fois escouter par la fenestre de ma classe, qui nous sert aussi de refectoir, de despense, de tout. I'estois prest d'aller par les cabanes assembler tous les enfans, mais la venuë de mõsieur Champlain qui nous a amené du monde, m'occuppe pour quelque temps: si tost que ie me seray dégagé de la plus grande presse, ie commenceray [113] cét exercice, ie prie Dieu, pour lequel ie l'entreprens, de le benir.

Mes escoliers me viennent trouuer d'vne demie lieuë loing pour apprendre ce qui leur est nouueau: il y en a desia quelques-vns qui scauent fort bien qu'il n'y a qu'vn Dieu, que Dieu a tout faict, qu'il s'est faict hõme pour nous, qu'il luy faut obeïr, & que ceux qui ne croiront pas en luy iront dans les feux, & ceux qui luy obeïront iront dans le ciel.

190 Quand ie leur parle du Fils de Dieu, ils me demandent si Dieu est marié, puis qu'il a vn fils; ce sont les hommes qui font ceste question. Ils s'estonnent quand ie leur dis que Dieu n'est ny homme ny femme: ils demandent comme il est donc fait: ie responds qu'il n'a ny chair, ny os, qu'il ressemble à l'ame. Il y en eut vn qui me fit rire, car il repartit; il est [114] vray, l'ame n'a point d'os, ny de chair, l'ay veu la mienne, elle n'en auoit point; ie voulus l'instruire là dessus, mais ils n'ont point de paroles pour signifier vne chose puremẽt spirituelle, ou s'ils en ont ie ne les scay pas. Ie ne vay encore qu'à tastõs, & ce qui me donne plus de regret ne les pouuant entendre, c'est que ie preuoy bien que mon ignorance sera de longue durée, tãt pour ce qu'ils n'arrestẽt point en vn lieu, que pour-autant que mes soings vont estre plus partagez qu'ils n'estoient. Dieu pouruoira à tout, il est plus grand que nostre cœur.

Au reste le fruict qu'on peut recueillir de ceste mission sera grand, s'il plaist à Dieu: Si les Peres qui sont destinez pour les Hurons, natiõ stable, peuuent entrer dans le pays; & que les guerres ne troublent point ces peuples: il est croyable que dans [115] vne couple d'années, on verra qu'il n'y a nation si barbare qui ne soit capable de recognoistre & honorer son Dieu. On s'estonne que depuis tant d'années qu'on viẽt en la Nouuelle France, on n'entend rien dire de la conuersion des Sauuages, il faut défricher, labourer, & semer, deuant que de receuillir. Qui des Religieux qui ont esté icy a iamais sçeu parfaitement la langue d'aucune nation de ces contrées? fides ex auditu, la foy entre par l'aureille. Comment peut vn 192 muet prescher l'Euangile? Au temps que le Pere Brebeuf commençoit à se faire entendre, la venuë des Anglois le contraint de quitter ces pauures peuples, que luy dirent à son depart: Escoute, Tu nous as dit que tu auois vn Pere au Ciel qui auoit tout fait, & que celuy qui ne luy obeïssoit pas, estoit ietté dans des feux. Nous t'auons demandé d'estre instruicts: [116] & tu t'en vais, que ferons nous? Vn Capitaine l'abordant luy dit Eschom, ie ne suis pas baptisé, & tu t'en vais, mon ame sera donc perduë, que feray-ie à cela? Tu dis que tu reuiendras; va-t'en donc, & prends courage, reuiens deuant que ie meure. Vn vieillard d'vn autre village que celuy où habitoit le Pere l'entendant parler des choses dernieres, de la recompense des bons, & du chastimẽt des meschans, luy dit, eschom, les gens de ton village ne vallent rien; voila de meschans hommes, ils ne nous communiquent point ce que tu leur dis: & cependant cela est si important, qu'il en faut parler au Conseil de tout le pays. Sont-ce pas là des indices d'vne heureuse moisson? Le Diable preuoit bien ce fruict, car de l'heure que ie parle, il fait ce qu'il peut pour empescher la venuë des Hurons; & par consequent pour fermer [117] la porte à l'Euangile, & à ceux qui l'annoncent.

However, the fruit which may be gathered from this mission will be great, if it please God. If the Fathers who are assigned to go to the Hurons, a stationary tribe, are able to enter the country, and if war does not trouble these people, probably in [115] two years it will be seen that there is not a nation so barbarous as not to recognize and honor God. Some are astonished that they hear nothing about the conversion of Savages during the many years that we have been in New France. It is necessary to clear, till, and sow, before harvesting. Who of the Religious who have been here have ever known perfectly the language of any tribe in these countries? Fides ex auditu, faith enters by the ear. How can a mute preach the Gospel? When Father Brebeuf was beginning to make himself understood, the arrival of the English compelled him to leave these poor people, who said to him, at his departure: "Listen, thou 193 hast told us that thou hast a Father in Heaven who made all, and that he who did not obey him was cast into the flames. We have asked thee to instruct us; [116] when thou goest away, what shall we do?" A Captain, approaching, said to him: "Eschom,44 I am not baptized and thou art going away; my soul will be lost. What can I do for it? Thou sayest thou wilt return. Go then, and have courage; return before I die." An old man, in a village other than that where the Father lived, hearing him speak of the end of all things, of the reward of the good, and of the punishment of the wicked, said to him: "eschom, the people of thy village are worthless; they are wicked men; they do not tell us what you tell them, and, nevertheless, it is so important that we ought to talk of it at the Council of the whole land." Are not these indications of a very gratifying harvest? The Devil foresees this harvest; for, while I am speaking, he is doing all in his power to prevent the Hurons from coming and consequently to shut [117] them out from the Gospel and from those who bring it to them.

Pour ces peuples errants & vagabonds, parmy lesquels Dieu m'a dõné mon departement, quoy que mes souhaits me fissent pancher du costé des nations stables & permanentes, le fruict sera plus tardif, il viendra neantmoins en son temps, i'y voy de bonnes dispositions. Premierement la crainte qu'ont les Algonquains de leurs ennemis les Hiroquois, leur fait 194abandonner leur pays: & comme ils l'aiment naturellement, ils demandent instãment qu'on aille faire vne habitation parmy eux, ayãs dessein de fermer vn bourg à l'entour du fort qu'on dressera là, & de se ramasser là dedans: ce que Messieurs de la Compagnie de ceste Nouuelle France auront bien agreable. Secondement qui scauroit parfaitement leur langue, il seroit tout-puissant [118] parmy eux, ayant tant soit peu d'eloquence. Il n'y a lieu au monde où la Rhetorique soit plus puissante qu'en Canadas: & neantmoins elle n'a point d'autre habit que celuy que la nature luy a baillé: elle est toute nuë & toute simple, & cependant elle gouuerne tous ces peuples, car leur Capitaine n'est esleu que pour sa langue: & il est autant bien obey, qu'il l'a bien penduë, ils n'ont point d'autres loix que sa parole. Il me semble que Ciceron dit qu'autrefois toutes les nations ont esté vagabondes, & que l'eloquence les a rassemblées: qu'elle a basti des villes & des citez. Si la voix des hommes a tant de pouuoir, la voix de l'esprit de Dieu sera-elle impuissante? Les Sauuages se rendent aisément à la raison, ce n'est pas qu'ils la suiuent tousiours, mais ordinairement ils ne repartent rien contre vne raison qui [119] leur conuainc l'esprit.

For these wandering and vagabond people, among whom God has given me my work, although my wishes cause me to prefer the stable and permanent tribes, the harvest will be later, but it will come in its own time; I see favorable indications of it. In the first place, the fear that the Algonquains have of their enemies, the Hiroquois, makes them abandon their country; and, as they naturally love it, they are earnestly requesting that some of us settle among them, having planned to enclose a village around the fort which they will build there, and to gather all of their forces therein, which the Gentlemen of the 195 Company of New France will consider with favor. Secondly, he who knew their language well would be all-powerful [118] among them, however little eloquence he might have. There is no place in the world where Rhetoric is more powerful than in Canada, and, nevertheless, it has no other garb than what nature has given it; it is entirely simple and without disguise; and yet it controls all these tribes, as the Captain is elected for his eloquence alone, and is obeyed in proportion to his use of it, for they have no other law than his word. I think it is Cicero who says that all nations were once vagabond, and that eloquence has brought them together; that it has built villages and cities. If the voice of men has so much power, will the voice of the Spirit of God be powerless? The Savages listen to reason readily,—not that they always follow it, but generally they urge nothing against a reason which [119] carries conviction to their minds.

Vn Capitaine demandant secours à l'Anglois qui estoit icy pour aller en leurs guerres, l'Anglois voulant esquiuer, le payoit de raisons apparentes: sçauoir est qu'il auoit des malades, que ses gens ne s'accommoderoient pas bien auec les Sauuages. Et ce Capitaine refuta si pertinemment toutes ces defaites, que l'Anglois fut contraint de luy dire; iay besoin de mes gens, ie crains que les François ne nous viennent assaillir. Alors le Sauuage luy dit, Tu parle maintenant, nous t'entendons bien iusques icy, tu n'as ri 196ẽ dit: ils acquiescerent à cette raison, quand on leur fera voir la conformité de la loy de Dieu, auec la raison, ie ne croy pas qu'on trouue grande resistance en leur entendement: leur volonté qui est extrémement volage & changeante, appriuoisee par les graces de [120] celuy qui les appellera, se rengera en fin à son deuoir. En troisiesme lieu, ce peuple peut estre conuerty par des seminaires: mais voicy comment il faut esleuer à Kebec les enfans des Sauuages, qui seront plus haut en ceste autre habitation. On les aura à la fin, ils les donneront s'ils voyent qu'on ne les enuoye point en France. Pour les enfans de ce païs-cy il les faudra enuoyer là haut: La raison est que les Sauuages empeschent leur instruction, ils ne sçauroient supporter qu'on chastie vn enfant, quoy qu'il fasse, ils n'ont qu'vne simple reprehension: de plus c'est qu'ils pensent tellement vous obliger en vous donnant leurs enfans pour les instruire, nourrir, & habiller: qu'en outre ils vous demanderont plusieurs choses, & vous seront extrémement importuns, vous menaçant de retirer leur enfant si [121] vous ne leur accordez leur demande.

A Captain once asked the Englishman who was here to help them in their wars; the Englishman, wishing to evade him, answered with superficial reasons: to wit, that some of his men were sick, and that his people would not get along well with the Savages. And this Captain so pertinently refuted all his objections that the Englishman was compelled to say: "I need my men, I am afraid the French will come and attack us." Then the Savage said: "Now thou art talking, we understand thee well; thus far, thou hadst said nothing." They acquiesced in this reason. When they are made to see the conformity of the law of God with reason, I do not think that much opposition will be found in their minds. Their will, which is extremely volatile and changeable, when 197 enlightened by the grace of [120] him who will call them, will at last be brought into the line of duty. In the third place, these people may be converted by means of seminaries; and how necessary it is to educate at Kebec the children of the Savages, who belong to settlements farther up the river. We shall have them [the children] at last; for they will give them, if they see that we do not send them to France. As to the children of this section, they must be sent up there. The reason is, that the Savages prevent their instruction; they will not tolerate the chastisement of their children, whatever they may do; they permit only a simple reprimand. Moreover, they think they are doing you some great favor in giving you their children to instruct, to feed, and to dress. Besides, they will ask a great many things in return, and will be very importunate in threatening to withdraw their children, if [121] you do not accede to their demands.

Le 14. de May, ie baptisay le petit Negre, duquel ie fis mention l'an passé: quelques Anglois l'ont amené de l'isle de Madagascar, autrement de Sainct Laurens, qui n'est pas loin du Cap de Bonne Esperance, tirant à l'Orient, c'est son païs bien plus chaud que celuy où il est maintenant. Ces Anglois le donnerent au Kers, qui ont tenu Kebec, & l'vn des Kers le vendit cinquante escus à ce qu'on m'a dit, à vn nommé le Bailly, qui en a fait present à ceste honneste famille qui est icy. Cet enfant est si content 198que rien plus, il m'a encor bien recreé en l'instruisant: car voulant recognoistre si les habitans de son païs estoient Mahometans, ou Payens; ie luy demandois s'il n'y auoit point de maison en son païs où on priast Dieu, s'il n'y auoit point de Mosquées, si on n'y parloit point [121 i.e., 122] de Mahomet. Il y a, dit-il, des Mosquées en nostre païs: Sont-elles grandes? luy repartis-ie, elles sont, répond-il, comme celles de ce païs-cy. Et luy disant qu'il n'y en auoit point en Frãce, ny en Canada. I'en ay veu, dit-il, entre les mains des François & des Anglois qui en ont porté en nostre païs, & maintenant on s'en sert pour tirer. Ie recognus qu'il vouloit dire des mousquets, & non des Mosquées; ie me sousris & luy aussi: il est grandement naïf, & fort attentif à la Messe & au Sermon. C'est le quatriesme que i'ay baptisé depuis mon arriuée; car Dieu ayant donné à Madame Coullart vn petit enfãt, ie luy ay administré ce Sacremẽt, ce que i'auois desia fait à 2 petits Sauuages.

On the 14th of May, I baptized the little Negro of whom I spoke last year. He was brought here by Englishmen from the island of Madagascar, otherwise Saint Lawrence, which is not far from the Cape of Good Hope, toward the East. It is a great deal warmer in his country than here. These Englishmen gave him to the Kers, who held Kebec; and one of the Kers sold him for fifty écus, I am told, to a person named le Bailly, who presented him to this estimable family that is settled here.45 This child could not be more contented than he is, and it has been a recreation for me to teach him. Wishing to know whether the inhabitants of his country were Mahometans or Pagans, I asked him if there were no houses there in which they prayed to God, if there 199 were no Mosques, if they did not talk there [121 i.e., 122] of Mahomet. "There are," said he, "Mosques in our country." "Are they large?" I asked him. "They are," he answered, "like those of this country." On telling him that there were none in France nor in Canada, "I have seen some," said he, "in the hands of the French and English who brought them into our country, and now they use them to shoot with." I perceived that he meant to say muskets, and not Mosques; I smiled, and so did he. He is most ingenuous, and very attentive to Mass and to the Sermon. He is the fourth that I have baptized since my arrival; for, God having given a little child to Madame Coullart, I administered this Sacrament to him, as I had done before to 2 little Savages.

Le 19. on nous vint apporter nouuelle qu'vn vaisseau Anglois estoit entré à Tadoussac depuis quelques iours: Nous ne sçauions si c'étoit [123] vn courreur, ou s'il y auoit quelque trouble entre la France & l'Angleterre; chacun bastissoit sur ses cõiectures, & tout le monde se tenoit sur ses gardes. Le Dimanche suiuãt, iour de la Saincte Trinité, estant allé dire la Sainte Messe au fort, on me dit que si nous entendions tirer deux coups de canon, que nous nous retirassions promptement auec nos François dans la forteresse.

Le lendemain 22. du mesme mois de May, nous oüysmes ioüer le canon de bon matin, sur l'incertitude de ce que ce pourroit estre.

Le Pere de Nouë prend nostre Sauuage, & s'en va 200 à Kebec: & sans y tarder, nous rapporte nouuelle que le sieur de Champlain estoit arriué: que le Pere Brebeuf s'en venoit incontinent en nostre petite maison. Nous allasmes remercier nostre Seigneur. Cependant voicy le Pere [124] Brebeuf qui entre, Dieu scait si nous le receusmes & embrassasmes de bõ cœur. Quelques Sauuages estãs chez nous, & voyãs nostre ioye à cét heureux rencontre, s'écrierent selõ leur coustume quand ils admirent quelque chose: chteé! chteé! se resiouïssans auec nous de l'arriuée du Pere, lequel apres auoir salué nostre Seigneur en nostre petite chapelle, nous dit que le pere Masse estoit à Tadousac, que le Pere Daniel, & le Pere Dauost nous venoient voir du grand Chibou. Il m'apporta si grande quantité de lettres, que ie fus confus voyãt le souuenir & tesmoignage d'affection de tant d'honnestes personnes: Quid retribuam Domino pro omnibus quæ retribuit mihi: Qu'il soit beny pour vn iamais s'il veut, en recõnoissance de ses bien-faits: que nous beuuions son calice: fiat, fiat, ce nous sera trop d'honneur. Mais ie le prie d'appliquer [225 i.e., 125] en particulier vne seule goutte de celuy qu'il a beu pour ceux qui nous obligent tãt, pour les associez de la Compagnie de cette Nouuelle France, desquels Dieu se veut seruir pour sa gloire, pour V. R. pour toute sa Prouince, & pour tous ceux qui cooperent au salut de tant de pauures ames esgarées: Vne petite gouttelette de ce diuin calice nous enrichira tous: & puis que mes prieres sont trop foibles pour obtenir vn si grand bien, ie supplie V. R. d'interposer les siennes, & celles encore de tant d'ames sainctes qui sont dessous sa charge: Mais passons outre.

In the uncertainty as to what was going on, Father de Nouë took our Savage and started for Kebec; and he brought back without delay the news that sieur de Champlain had arrived, and that Father Brebeuf was coming as fast as possible to our little house. We hastened to thank our Lord. In the meantime, 201 behold, Father [124] Brebeuf enters. God knows whether we received and embraced him with glad hearts. Several Savages were with us, and, seeing our joy at this happy meeting, cried out, according to their custom when they are pleased, chteé! chteé! rejoicing with us over the arrival of the Father, who, after having honored our Lord in our little chapel, told us that father Masse was at Tadoussac and that Father Daniel and Father Davost were also coming to see us from the grand Chibou.46 He brought me such a quantity of letters that I was overcome upon seeing the souvenirs and testimonials of affection of so many estimable people. Quid retribuam Domino pro omnibus quæ retribuit mihi: Blessed be he forevermore, if it be his will that in return for these benefits we should drink of his cup; fiat, fiat, that would be too great honor for us. But I entreat him [225 i.e., 125] to apply one single drop of what he drank, especially to those who have helped us so much, to the associates of the Company of New France, of whom God wishes to make use for his glory,47 to Your Reverence, to all your Province, and to all those who coöperate in the salvation of so many poor lost souls; a little drop of this divine cup will enrich us all; and as my prayers are too weak to obtain so great a blessing, I beg Your Reverence to interpose yours, and those also of so many saintly souls who are under your charge. But let us pass on.

Ayant sçeu l'arriuée de Monsieur de Champlain, ie 202 l'allay salüer. Arriuant au fort, ie veis vne escoüade de soldats François armez de piques & de mousquets qui s'ẽ approchoiẽt tambour battant: si tost qu'ils y furent entrez, Monsieur de Caën remit [226 i.e., 126] les clefs du fort entre les mains de Monsieur du Plessis Bochard, qui les remit le lendemain entre celles de Monsieur de Champlain, pour entrer dans la conduite des vaisseaux, selon l'ordonnance de Monseigneur le Cardinal.

Ie remerciay le mieux qu'il me fut possible Mõsieur de Champlain de la charité qu'il auoit exercée enuers nos Peres qui a esté très-grande, cõme me témoignoit le Pere Brebeuf.

Le 24. de May, dixhuict canots de Sauuages estans descendus à Kebec, le sieur de Champlain se doutãt qu'ils pourroient passer iusques aux Anglois, qui auoient trois vaisseaux à Tadoussac, & vne barque biẽ haut dans la riuiere, s'en alla dans les Cabanes de ces Sauuages, & leur fit parler fort à propos par le sieur Oliuier, truchement, honneste homme, & bien propre pour ce [227 i.e., 127] pays-cy. Il leur dit donc par la bouche de cét interprete, que les François les auoient tousiours aimez & defendus, que luy les auoit secourus en personne dans leurs guerres: qu'il auoit grandement chery le Pere du Capitaine auquel il parloit; lequel fut tué à ses costez en vn combat où luy-mesme fut blessé d'vn coup de fleche, qu'il estoit homme de parole; que nonobstant les incommoditez des mers, il les estoit reuenu voir cõme ses freres: qu'eux ayant desiré & demandé qu'on fit vne habitation de François en leur pays pour les defendre contres les incursions de leurs ennemis, qu'il auoit eu dessein de leur accorder, & que cela seroit desia mis 204 en execution sans le détourbier des Anglois: qu'au reste il estoit pour le present occupé à la reparation des ruines qu'auoient fait ces mauuais hostes: qu'il ne manquera pas de leur [228 i.e., 128] donner contentement si tost qu'il aura pourueu aux affaires plus pressantes; que les Peres (parlant de nous autres) demeureroient parmy eux, & les instruiroient, cõme aussi leurs enfans. Cependant, nonobstant les grandes obligations qu'ils auoient aux François, ils estoient descendus en intentiõ d'aller voir des voleurs qui venoient pour dérober les François, qu'ils auisassent bien à ce qu'ils feroient, que ces voleurs estoient passagers, & que les François demeuroient au pays comme leur appartenant. Voila vne partie du discours que leur fit tenir le sieur de Champlain, autant que i'ay peu sçauoir, par le rapport qui m'en a esté fait par ceux qui estoient presents.

On the 24th of May, eighteen canoes of Savages having descended to Kebec, sieur de Champlain, suspecting that they might go on to the English, who had three vessels at Tadoussac and a bark far up the river, went into the Cabins of these Savages, and made to them a very suitable address through sieur Olivier the interpreter,49 who is an excellent man and well fitted for this [227 i.e., 127] country. He said to them through the lips of this interpreter that the French had always loved and defended them, that he had assisted them in person in their wars; that he had greatly cherished the Father of the Captain to whom he was talking, who was killed at his side in a battle where he himself was wounded by an arrow;50 that he was a man of his word, and that, notwithstanding the discomforts of the sea voyage, he had returned to see them again, as if they were his brothers; as they had expressed a wish that a French settlement should be made in their country, to defend them against the incursions of their enemies, he contemplated granting this desire, and it would already have been granted but for the obstacles created by the English; he was, moreover, then engaged in repairing the ruins that these wicked guests had left behind them; that he would not fail to satisfy them [228 i.e., 128] all as soon as he attended to the more urgent affairs; that the Fathers (speaking of us), would remain 205 among them and would instruct them as well as their children. Yet, notwithstanding the great obligations that they [the Savages] were under to the French, they had descended the river with the intention of going to see the thieves who came to pillage the French. He said they should consider well what they were doing; that these robbers were only birds of passage, while the French would remain in the country as it belonged to them. This is a part of the discourse that sieur de Champlain delivered to them, as far as I have been able to learn, from the report made to me by those present.

Pendant cette harangue, le Capitaine & ses gens escoutoient fort attentiuement, luy entr'autres paroissoit profondement pensif, tirant [229 i.e., 129] de son estomach cette aspiration de temps en temps, pendant qu'on luy parloit, hám! hám! hám! comme approuuant le discours du truchement: lequel estant acheué, ce Capitaine prend la parole pour respōdre, mais auec vne rhetorique aussi fine & deliée, qu'il en scauroit sortir de l'escolle d'Aristote, ou de Ciceron. Il gagna au commencemẽt de son discours la bienueillance de tous les François par vne profonde humilité, qui paroissoit auec bonne grace dans ses gestes & dans ses paroles.

Ie ne suis, disoit-il, qu'vn pauure petit animal qui va rampant sur la terre: Vous autres François vous estes les grands du monde, qui faites tout trembler. 206 Ie ne scay comme i'ose parler deuant de si grands Capitaines: si i'auois quelqu'vn derriere moy qui me suggerast ce que ie dois dire, ie parlerois plus hardimẽt. [230 i.e., 130] Ie me trouue estonné, ie n'ay iamais eu d'instruction, mon pere m'a laissé fort ieune, si ie dis quelque chose ie le vais recueillant çà & là à l'aduanture, c'est ce qui me fait trembler.

Tu nous dis que les François nous ont tousiours aimez, nous le sçauons bien, & nous mentirions si nous disions le contraire. Tu dis que tu as tousiours esté veritable, aussi t'auõs-nous tousiours creu. Tu nous as assisté en nos guerres, nous t'en aimons tous dauantage, que veux-tu qu'on responde? tout ce que tu dis est vray.

Tu dis que les François sont venus habiter à Kebec pour nous defẽdre, & que tu viendras en nostre pays pour nos proteger. Ie me souuiens bien d'auoir ouy dire à nos peres que quand vous estiez là bas à Tadoussac, les Montagnaits vous allerent voir, & vous inuiterent à nostre deceu de monter çà haut, où nos peres [231 i.e., 131] vous ayant veu, vous aimerent, & vous prierent d'y faire vostre demeure.

Pour l'habitation que tu dis que nous auons demandé aux trois riuieres, ie ne suis qu'vn enfant, ie n'ay point de memoire, ie ne sçay si ie l'ay demandée: vous autres vous auez vostre Massinahigan, (c'est à dire, vous auez cognoissance de l'escriture,) qui vous fait souuenir de tout: mais quoy que c'en foit, tu seras tousiours le bien venu. Remarquez la prudence de cét homme, à faire voir que non seulemẽt les Sauuages, mais encor que les François desirent cette habitatiõ; il poursuiuit son discours, disant: Quand tu 208viendras là haut auec nous, tu trouueras la terre meilleure qu'icy: tu feras au commencement vne maison cõme cela pour te loger (il designoit vne petite espace de la main:) c'est à dire tu feras vne [232 i.e., 132] forteresse, puis tu feras vne autre maison comme cela, designant vn grand lieu, & alors nous ne serons plus des chiens qui couchẽt dehors: nous entrerons dans cette maison, il entendoit vn bourg fermé: En ce temps-là on ne nous soupçonnera plus d'aller voir ceux qui ne vous aiment pas: tu semeras des bleds, nous ferons comme toy, & nous n'irons plus chercher nostre vie dãs les bois nous ne serons plus errans & vagabonds.

"As to the settlement thou sayest we have asked for at the three rivers, I am only a child; I have no recollection, I do not know that I have asked for it! You, you have your Massinahigan; (that is to say, you have a knowledge of writing), which makes you remember everything. But, however that may be, thou wilt always be welcome." Note the discretion of this man, to make it plain that not only the Savages, but the French, desire this settlement. He continued his discourse, saying, "When thou shalt come up there with us thou wilt find a land better than this; thou wilt make, to begin with, a house like this to live in" (he indicated a little space with his hand); "that is to say, thou wilt make a [232 i.e., 132] fortress. Then thou wilt make another house like that," designating a large space, "and then we shall no longer be dogs who sleep outside, we shall go into that 209 house." He meant to say an enclosed village. "Then we shall no longer be suspected of going to see those who do not love you. Thou wilt sow wheat; we shall do as thou dost, and we shall no longer go to seek our living in the woods; we shall no longer be wanderers and vagabonds.

Voila le sieur de Caën qui a creu que i'auois enuoyé des Castors vers les estrangers; i'ay enuoyé vers ce quartier là quelques peaux d'Orignac, non pour traitter, mais pour coupper les bras à nos ennemis. Tu scais que les Hiroquois ont de grãds bras, si ie ne leur couppois, il y a longtemps que nous seriõs tous pris: i'enuoye des presents aux nations qui [233 i.e., 133] leur sont voisines, afin qu'elles ne se ioignent pas auec eux; ce n'est pas pour offenser les François, mais pour nous conseruer.

Tu dis que nous voulons aller à l'Anglois, ie m'en vay dire à mes gẽs qu'on n'y aille point: ie te promets que ny moy, ny ceux qui ont de l'esprit n'iront pas: que s'il y a quelque ieune homme qui fasse vn sault iusques là sans estre veu, ie n'y sçaurois que faire, tu scais bien qu'on ne peut pas tenir la ieunesse. Ie le difendray à tous, si quelqu'vn y va, il n'a point d'esprit: tu peux tout, mets des chalouppes aux auenuës, & prends les Castors de ceux qui iront.

Tu nous dis que les Peres viuront parmy nous, & nous instruiront, ce bon-heur sera pour nos enfans, 210nous qui sommes desia vieux, nous mourrons ignorans, ce bien n'arriuera pas sitost que nous voudrions.

[234 i.e., 134] Tu dis que nous prenions garde à ce que nous ferons, tu nous pinse au bras, & nous fremissons: tu nous pinse puis apres au cœur, et tout le corps nous tremble. Nous ne voulõs point aller aux Anglois, leur Capitaine a voulu faire alliance auec moy, & me tenir pour son frere & ie n'ay pas voulu, ie me suis retiré disant, qu'il estoit trop grand Capitaine. Ie me souuenois bien d'vne parole que tu nous auois dit, que tu retournerois: ie t'attendois tousiours, tu as esté veritable, tu le seras encore en nous venant voir en nostre pays: ie n'ay qu'vne crainte, c'est qu'en ce commerce des François auec nos gens, il n'y ait quelqu'vn de tué, & alors nous seriõs perdus: mais tu scais que tout le monde n'est pas sage, les plus aduisez se tiendront tousiours dans leur deuoir.

[235 i.e., 135] Voila à peu pres la response de ce Sauuage qui estonna nos François, lesquels m'ont tesmoigné qu'il releuoit sa voix selon les suiets qu'il traitoit, puis la rabbaissoit auec tant d'humilité, & vne posture ou action si soubmise, qu'il gagnoit l'affection de tous ceux qui le regardoient sans l'entendre.

La conclusion fut que le sieur de Champlain leur dit, quãd cette grãde maison sera faite, alors nos garçõs se marieront à vos filles, & nous ne serons plus qu'vn peuple: ils se mirẽt à rire; repartans: Tu nous dis tousiours quelque chose de gaillard pour nous resiouyr, si cela arriuoit nous serions bien-heureux. Ceux qui croient que les Sauuages ont vn esprit de plomb & de terre, cognoistront par ce discours qu'ils ne sont pas si massifs qu'on les pourroit depeindre.

[236 i.e., 136] Ce Capitaine nous vint voir quelques 212 iours apres en nostre maison, mais ie n'eus pas le loisir de l'entretenir cõmme ie desirois.

Le 29. le sieur de Champlain vint entendre la Messe en nostre petite chapelle, nous le retinsmes à disner: de bonne fortune nostre Sauuage nous auoit apporté vn petit morceau d'Ours, nous luy en presentasmes; en ayant gousté il se mit à rire, & me dit si on sçauoit en Frãce que nous mãgeons des Ours, on detourneroit la face de nostre haleine, & cependant vous voyez combien la chair en est bonne et delicate.

Apres le disner, i'allay salüer le Capitaine de Nesle dãs son vaisseau, quantité de petits Sauuages me suiuoient. I'en pris seulement six ou sept auec moy, ie les fis chanter leur Pater en Sauuage dans le Nauire: nos François y prenoient grand plaisir. [237 i.e., 137] Le bon pour eux fut que le Capitaine de Nesle leur fit donner du Cascaracona, & du toutouch pimi; c'est ainsi qu'ils appellent le biscuit & le formage. Au depart comme le Capitaine eut fait tirer vn coup de canon par honneur, ces enfans regardoient auec estonnement, & se monstroient si constans, que si on leur vouloit payer leur chanson en mesme monnoye, ils voudroient gagner leur vie en chantant.

Le dernier iour de May, la Nasse nostre Sauuage nous vint dire qu'vn de leurs gens auoit songé qu'il y auroit des François tuez. Or soit que le Diable leur ait donné ce sentimẽt, soit que de plusieurs songes il s'en rencontre quelqu'vn de veritable par cas fortuit. Quoy que c'en soit, le 2 iour de Iuin les Hiroquois tuerent deux de nos Frãçois, & en blesserent quatre autres, dont l'vn mourut [238 i.e., 138] bien-tost apres: voicy comme arriua ce malheur. Vne barque & vne 214chalouppe montoient dans le grand fleuue de S. Laurens, la chalouppe passa deuant; & pour aller plus viste, quelques mattelots mirent pied à terre pour la tirer, auec des amares ou des cordes: comme ils vindrent à doubler vne pointe de terre, trente ou 40. Hiroquois qui estoiẽt en embuscade viennent fondre dessus eux, auec des cris espouuẽtables: ils tuënt d'abbord les deux premiers qu'ils ont à la rencõtre à coups de haches: ils decochent vne gresle de fleches auec vne telle vistesse & promptitude, que nos François ne sçauoient de quel costé se tourner, n'ayans pas preueu ce coup là. Ils eurent bien la hardiesse de vouloir aborder la chalouppe auec leur canots, & n'eust esté qu'vn François les coucha en iouë auec son harquebuse, & que la [239 i.e., 139] barque qui n'estoit pas loin, équippa viste vne chalouppe pour venir au secours, ayãt entẽdu les cris du combat, il est croyable que pas vn n'en fut échappé. Les Hiroquois voyant cette harquebuse, & ceste autre chalouppe qui venoit au secours, s'enfuirent, écorchant au preallable les testes de ceux qu'ils auoient tuez, & remportans ces peaux par brauade.

On the last day of May, la Nasse, our Savage, came to tell us that one of their men had dreamed that some Frenchmen would be killed. Now, either because the Devil had given them this sentiment, or that among all their dreams there is now and then one that happens perchance to be true, however that may be, on the 2nd day of June the Hiroquois killed two of our Frenchmen and wounded four others, one of whom died [238 i.e., 138] shortly afterward. This catastrophe happened in this way: A bark and shallop were ascending the great river St. Lawrence; the latter went ahead, and, to hasten its speed, sailors went ashore to tow it with lines or cords. As they came to double a point of land, thirty or 40 Hiroquois, who were in ambush, fell upon them with horrible cries; they killed the two men first encountered, 215 with blows from their hatchets, then discharged a storm of arrows so suddenly and unexpectedly that our Frenchmen did not know which way to turn, not having foreseen the attack. They even dared to try to board the shallop in their canoes; and, had it not been that a Frenchman took aim at them with his arquebus, and that the [239 i.e., 139] bark, which was not far away, speedily equipped a boat to come to the rescue, having heard the cries of the combat, it is probable that not one of them would have escaped. The Hiroquois, seeing the arquebus, and the other boat coming to their help, fled, first skinning the heads of those whom they had killed and bearing away the scalps by way of bravado.

Le 8. de Iuin, le Pere Masse arriua de Tadoussac, il réueilla nostre ioye, voyant qu'apres auoir esté si long temps malade sur la mer il se portoit bien. Il nous dit que Pierre Pastedechouan estoit plus meschant que iamais. Que les Anglois qui estoient à Tadoussac l'auoient perdu par l'yurognerie: O que celuy-là sera coupable deuant Dieu, qui a introduict l'heresie en ces contrées! Si ce Sauuage auoit de l'esprit, estant comme il est corrompu par ces miserables [240 i.e., 140] heretiques, il seroit vn puissant obstacle à la publication de la foy, encore n'y apportera-il que trop d'empeschement, si Dieu ne luy touche 216 le cœur. Il fait paroistre par ses deportemens qu'il nous estoit donné pour tirer de luy les principes de sa lãgue, & non pas pour le bien de son ame, puis qu'il se bande contre son Dieu & contre la verité.

Il fait icy des chaleurs si violentes en ce mois de Iuin, & vne si grãde seicheresse, que ie n'ay rien veu ny senty de semblable en France, tout brusle sur la terre, rien n'aduance par ce temps-là; & neantmoins il a gelé à glace en vn matin en la maison des Peres Recolets. La nuict fortifiant la fraicheur des bois, cause de ces gelées du matin; nous sommes voisins de cette maison, & cependant cela n'est point arriué chez nous, pource que nous auons vn plus grand air.

[241 i.e., 141] Le 16 du mesme mois de Iuin, nous auons rendu l'vn de nos petits enfans à sa mere, vostre Reuerence nous ayant mandé qu'il n'y auoit pas encore dequoy establir vn seminaire: & par consequent n'ayant enuoyé ceux qu'elle destine pour auoir soin d'instruire les enfans que nous aurions peu auoir, craignant d'ailleurs que ceste femme ne retirast son fils en cachette, & s'enfuit dans les bois de peur qu'on ne fist passer en France: i'ay mieux aimé luy rendre franchement, afin de luy donner à cognoistre que si nous tenons des enfans, ce n'est point pour les dérober à leurs parẽts, ains pour leur propre bien: afin aussi qu'elle dise aux autres Sauuages qu'ils sont bien nourris auec nous, pour les induire à nous donner les leurs quand on aura moyen de les nourrir. Cette pauure femme me demanda pourquoy ie [242 i.e., 142] luy rendois son fils? & quand elle le rameneroit? Ie luy respondis que depuis la venuë des vaisseaux, ie l'auois tousiours veu en crainte qu'on ne l'enuoyast en France, nonobstāt les asseurances que ie luy auois 218 baillé qu'il n'iroit point: & pour luy monstrer que nous estions veritables, cōme aussi pour luy oster toute crainte que nous luy remettions entre les mains: qu'aussi-tost que ie sçaurois la langue, & que nous seriōs bastis, que nous le reprendrions auec plusieurs autres. Au bout du compte la principale raison qui m'a induit à luy rendre, est que i'apprehendois qu'elle ne l'emmenast à nostre desceu: car alors elle eut forgé mille menteries parmy les Sauuages pour se couurir: & comme ie ne scay pas bien la langue, ie n'eusse peu nous iustifier: ce qui auroit induit les Sauuages à nous refuser leurs enfans quand il sera temps [243 i.e., 143] de les demander: ô que c'est vn grãd mal de ne pouuoir produire ses raisons! de ne parler qu'en begayant, & par signes!

[241 i.e., 141] On the 16th of the same month of June, we restored one of our little children to its mother, your Reverence having informed us that you did not yet have the means to establish a seminary here, and consequently had not sent those who had been appointed to look after the instruction of these children. Apprehending, moreover, that this woman might take away her child secretly, and fly with it to the woods, for fear that we might send it to France, I preferred to restore it to her freely, that she might understand that, if we kept children, it was not to hold them by force from their parents, but for their own good; also that she might say to the other Savages that the children were well fed with us, and so lead them to let us have theirs, when we have the means to care for them. This poor woman asked me why I [242 i.e., 142] gave up her child, and when she should bring it back. I answered that, since the arrival of the ships, I had always noticed that she was afraid we would send it to France, notwithstanding the assurances I had given her to the contrary. [We did this] to prove to her that we were true to our word, and also in order to relieve her of all apprehension that we might not restore it to her hands; that, as soon as I knew their language, and after we had built, we would take it again with many others. But, in fact, the principal reason which induced me to restore it to her is that I feared she might take it unknown to us; and then she would have forged a thousand lies 219 among the Savages to excuse herself, and, as I do not know their language well, I should not have been able to justify ourselves! This would have caused the Savages to refuse their children to us when the time comes [243 i.e., 143] to ask them. Oh, what a great misfortune it is not to be able to give one's reasons, to speak only stammeringly and by signs.

Le 23. du mesme mois, le sieur du Plessis nous enuoya dire que douze ou quatorze canots de la nation des sorciers estoient descendus iusques à Saincte Croix, quinze lieuës ou enuiron au dessus de Kebec, quelques iours auparavant nous en auions veu descendre vne douzaine d'vne autre nation nommée la nation d'Iroquet, du nom de leur Capitaine; Dieu soit beny, puis que la crainte des Hiroquois ne les a point empesché de venir. Ces sorciers, c'est ainsi que les François appellent ceste natiõ, pource qu'elle fait vne particuliere profession de consulter leur Manitou, ou parler au diable. Ces sorciers, dis-ie, sont venus iusques à Kebec; l'vn deux regardant fort attentiuement [244 i.e., 144] vn petit François qui battoit vn tambour, & s'approchant fort prés pour le mieux considerer, ce petit garçon luy donna vn coup de l'vn de ses bastõs, & le fit saigner par la teste à bon escient; aussi-tost tous ceux de sa nation qui regardoient 220 ce tambour, voyant ce coup, s'offencerent: ils s'en vont trouuer le truchement François, & luy disent: voila l'vn de tes gens qui a blessé l'vn des nostres, tu scais bien nostre coustume, fais nous des presens pour cette blessure. Cõme il n'y a point de police parmy les Sauuages, si l'vn d'eux en tuë ou blesse vn autre, s'il peut euader, il en est quitte pour quelques presẽs qu'il fait aux amis du defunct, ou de l'offensé. Nostre truchement luy repartit; toy-mesme tu sçais bien nos façons de faire, quãd quelqu'vn de nous fait mal, on le chastie: Cét enfant a blessé l'vn de vos gens, il sera [245 i.e., 145] tout maintenant foüetté en ta presence. On fait venir le petit garçon; quand les Sauuages veirent que c'estoit tout de bon qu'on despoüilloit ce petit batteur de Sauuages & de tambour, & que les verges estoient toutes prestes, ils commencerẽt à prier qu'on luy pardonnast, alleguans que c'estoit vn enfant, qu'il n'auoit point d'esprit, qu'il ne scauoit pas encor ce qu'il faisoit; mais comme on le vouloit chastier à toute force, l'vn d'eux se met tout nud, iette sa robe sur l'enfant, s'écriant à celuy qui le vouloit frapper; touche sur moy, si tu veux, mais tu ne le frapperas point: voila comme le pauure petit euada. Toutes les nations Sauuages de ces quartiers, & du Brasil, à ce qu'on nous témoigne, ne scauroient chastier ny voir chastier vn enfant: que cela nous donnera de peine dans le dessein que nous [246 i.e., 146] auons d'instruire la ieunesse!

On the 23rd of the same month, sieur du Plessis sent word to us that twelve or fourteen canoes of the tribe of sorcerers had gone down as far as Sainte Croix, fifteen leagues or thereabouts above Kebec.51 A few days before, we had seen a dozen belonging to another tribe called Iroquet, from the name of their Captain,52 also going down. God be blessed, since the fear of the Hiroquois did not prevent their coming. These sorcerers,—it is thus that the French call that tribe, because they make a special profession of consulting their Manitou, or talking to the devil,43—these sorcerers, I say, came as far as Kebec. One of them was looking very attentively [244 i.e., 144] at a little French boy who was beating a drum; and, going near to him so as to see him better, the little boy struck him a blow with one of his drumsticks, and made his head bleed badly. Immediately all the people of his tribe who were looking at the drummer, seeing this blow given, took offense at it. They went and found the French interpreter, and said to him: "Behold, one of thy people has wounded one of ours; thou knowest our custom well; give us presents for this wound." As there is no government among the Savages, if one among them kills or wounds another, he is, providing he can escape, released from all punishment by making a few 221presents to the friends of the deceased or the wounded one. Our interpreter said: "Thou knowest our custom; when any of our number does wrong we punish him. This child has wounded one of your people; he shall be [245 i.e., 145] whipped at once in thy presence." The little boy was brought in; and when they saw that we were really in earnest, that we were stripping this little pounder of Savages and drums, and that the switches were all ready, they immediately began to pray for his pardon, alleging that it was only a child, that he had no mind, that he did not know what he was doing; but, as our people were nevertheless going to punish him, one of the Savages stripped himself entirely, threw his blanket over the child, and cried out to him who was going to do the whipping: "Strike me, if thou wilt, but thou shalt not strike him;" and thus the little one escaped. All the Savage tribes of these quarters, and of Brazil, as we are assured, cannot chastise a child, nor see one chastised. How much trouble this will give us in carrying out our plans [246 i.e., 146] of teaching the young!

Le 24. du mesme mois, le Pere Daniel arriuant, nous apporta nouuelle de la venuë du Capitaine Morieult, dans le vaisseau duquel il auoit laissé le Pere Dauost à Tadoussac: ayant pris le deuant par le moyen d'vne barque qui montoit a Kebec.

Le dernier iour de Iuin, le Truchement François 222 qui a demeuré long-temps parmy ces sorciers, & qui en est reuenu nouuellemẽt, nous vint voir auec trois Sauuages ses hostes, nous leur donnasmes à mãger: Ils recognurent fort bien le Pere Brebeuf, ayant hyuerné auec luy aux Hurons: Nous les menasmes en nostre petite Chappelle, qui a commẽcé ceste année à s'embellir. L'an passé pour tableau de l'Autel c'estoit vn meschãt linceul, & deux petites images de carton: en vn mot il n'y auoit purement que ce qu'il falloit pour [247 i.e., 147] celebrer la Saincte Messe. Or comme on nous a enuoyé ceste année quelques petits ornemens, nous l'auons embellie le mieux que nous auons peu: ils regardoient tous fort attentiuement: iettans les yeux sur le ciel de l'Autel, ils veirẽt vn S. Esprit figuré par vne colombe, entourée de rayons: ils demanderent si cét oiseau n'estoit point le tonnerre, car ils croyent, comme ie remarquay l'an passé, que le tonnerre est vn oiseau; & quand ils voyent quelque beau panache ils demandent si ce ne sont point des plumes du tonnerre.

On the last day of June, the French Interpreter, who had been a long time among these sorcerers, and who but recently came from them, came to see us with three Savages who were his guests; we gave them something to eat; they recognized Father Brebeuf at once, having passed the winter with him among the Hurons.55 We took them into our little Chapel, which we have this year begun to decorate. 223 Last year, for Altar-piece, we had nothing but an old sheet with two little card pictures upon it. In a word we had only what was absolutely necessary for the [247 i.e., 147] celebration of the Holy Mass. Now, as they have sent us this year a few little ornaments, we have decorated it as best we could. The Savages gazed at it with fixed attention; raising their eyes to the Altar ceiling, and seeing the Holy Spirit pictured as a dove, surrounded by rays of light, they asked if that bird was not the thunder; for they believe, as I wrote last year, that the thunder is a bird; and, when they see beautiful plumes, they ask if they are not the feathers of the thunder.

Ie leur fis demander s'ils seroient bien contens qu'on les allast instruire en leur pays, & qu'on leur donneroit l'explication des images que nous leur faisions voir; ils témoignerent qu'ils en seroient bien contens.

Le second iour de Iuillet, vn de nos François fut assommé lauant la lessiue [248 i.e., 148] en vn ruisseau voisin du fort, on creut que c'estoit quelque Hiroquois; on court, on cherche, on ne trouue rien. Le Pere Brebeuf & le Pere de Nouë estoient proche de l'habitation, dans vne cabane de Hurons: ils accoururent au bruit, ils vont voir le pauure blessé, qui n'a point parlé, & n'a suruescu que deux iours depuis les coups 224receus: En fin deux Sauuages Montagnaits ont donné aduis aux François du meurtrier, qui a esté pris & cõduit au fort; où il a confessé qu'il auoit fait ce meurtre: c'est vn Sauuage de la petite nation. Voicy le suiect qui l'a porté à cette cruauté; Vn sien parent s'en allant à la guerre, luy recommanda de tuer vn certain Sauuage qu'il luy nommoit: ce miserable auoit souuẽt tasché de le surprẽdre, & de le massacrer: mais voyant qu'il n'en pouuoit venir à bout, l'autre se tenant tousiours [249 i.e., 149] sur ses gardes: il a deschargé sa cholere sur le premier François qu'il a trouué à l'escart.

On the second of July, one of our Frenchmen was struck down while washing some clothes [248 i.e., 148] in a brook near the fort. It was believed to have been the act of some Hiroquois; there was a great deal of running and searching, but nothing was found. Father Brebeuf and Father de Nouë were near the settlement in a cabin of the Hurons. On hearing the noise, they ran out and went to see the poor man who had been wounded; he was speechless and survived only two days after receiving the blows. Finally two Savages, Montagnaits, informed the French who the murderer was. He was seized and taken to the fort, where he confessed that he had committed the crime. He is a Savage of the petite nation.56 This is what led him to the act of cruelty: One of his relatives, upon going to war, recommended him to kill a certain Savage whom he 225 named. This wretch had often tried to surprise and kill him; but, seeing that he had not accomplished it, the other being always [249 i.e., 149] on the lookout, he vented his wrath upon the first Frenchman whom he found alone.

Voila comme nos vies sont peu asseurées parmy ces Barbares: mais nous trouuons là dedans vne puissante consolation, qui nous met hors de toute crainte, c'est que mourans de la main des Barbares en venant procurer leur salut, c'est imiter en quelque façon nostre bon Maistre, à qui ceux-là mesme donnerent la mort, ausquels il venoit apporter la vie.

Le 3. du mesme mois, le Pere Dauost arriua de Tadoussac, il fut contrainct de se faire apporter dans vn canot par des Sauuages, voyant que le vaisseau auquel il estoit ne pouuoit monter faute de vent, craignãt d'ailleurs que les Hurons ne descendissent, & ne s'en retournassent sans luy en leur pays. Dieu soit glorifié [250 i.e., 150] pour iamais, qui nous a rassemblez tous en nostre petite maisonette, auec vne grande ioye & vn grãd desir de luy offrir nos vies pour son seruice.

Le 4. Louys Amantacha Hurõ qui a esté baptisé en France, & instruit par nos Peres, & qui auroit fait merueille en son pays s'il n'eut esté pris des Anglois, se vint confesser & communier en nostre petite Chapelle. Il y auoit deux iours qu'il estoit descendu à Kebec, nous venant visiter dés le commencement de 226son arriuée, ie l'inuitay à penser vn petit à sa conscience, il me promit qu'il le feroit, aussi n'y a-il pas manqué.

Le 5. trois Capitaines de diuerses nations nous vindrent voir, nous leur mõstrasmes quelques tableaux, taschant de leur faire entendre ce qu'ils representoient, nous les fismes manger, puis ie leur fis present à [251 i.e., 151] chacun d'vn chappelet de rassade, ils estoient les plus contens du monde; ie leurs fis le meilleur accueil qui me fut possible scachant que nos Peres qui vont aux Hurons, deuoient passer par leur pays.

Le 10. on nous donna aduis sur le soir qu'vn petit Sauuage estoit malade à la mort, il y auoit vne bonne demie lieuë de chemin à faire depuis nostre maison iusques à sa cabane. La nuict approchoit, la mort du dernier François a ietté quelque défiance dans l'esprit des autres, si bien qu'on se tient vn peu sur ses gardes: nonobstant cela, ie ne pouuois permettre que ce pauure petit fut abandonné: i'auois desir de l'aller baptiser moy-mesme, mais ayant esté indisposé, & ressenty quelques accés de fiéure depuis quelque tẽps: nos Peres trouuerent plus à propos que le Pere Brebeuf y allast. Il part [252 i.e., 152] donc auec le Pere de Nouë dans vn canot, ils rencontrerent vn François aupres des Cabanes, qui leur dit que ces Sauuages ne vouloient point monstrer leur enfant aux François, cela ne les arreste point, ils entrent dans la Cabane, & le Pere Brebeuf qui iargonne aussi bien que moy en Sauuage, leur fit entendre le mieux qu'il pût la cause de sa venuë: le Pere de Nouë courut incontinent vers le Truchement, pour le supplier de venir faire vn tour vers ce malade. Cõme il est fort honneste homme & bien vertueux, il quitte son soupper, & 228s'en vient trouuer les Peres, qui le supplient de declarer aux Sauuage pourquoy ils venoiẽt si tard: scauoir est qu'ils aimoient ce petit enfant, & que s'il mouroit sans baptesme, qu'il n'iroit point au Ciel: au contraire si on le baptisoit, qu'il seroit tousiours bien-heureux. Ils demandent en [253 i.e., 153] outre si ses parens ne seroient pas biẽ contens qu'on le baptisast: la mere respond que pour elle qu'elle en estoit tres-contente, que son mary estoit yure, & qu'il dormoit dans vne autre Cabane. Le Pere passe outre, & demande si au cas qu'il mourut, ils ne voudroiẽt pas bien l'apporter en nostre maison, pour l'enterrer en nostre Cimetiere: & s'il retournoit en santé, si elle ne voudroit pas bien nous le dõner pour l'instruire: elle respond que son fils estoit mort, & que s'il rechappoit, qu'aussi-tost qu'il pourroit marcher (car il n'a enuiron que six mois) qu'elle nous l'ameneroit. Vn Sauuage entẽdāt cela, courut voir le pere de l'enfant; & l'éueilla; luy ayant rapporté tout ce qu'auoient dit les Peres, il respōdit; encore que ie sois yure, i'entend biẽ tout ce que tu dis: va t'en, & dis à ces Peres qu'ils baptisent mõ fils? ie scay [254 i.e., 154] bien qu'ils ne luy feront point de mal; s'il meurt, c'est qu'il est mortel; s'il réchappe, ie leur donneray pour l'instruire. Le Messager rapporta la nouuelle, & le Pere Brebeuf enuoye querir de l'eau à la riuiere, cependant le Pere de Nouë & le Truchement se mettent à genoux, recitent l'Hymne Veni Creator; & le Pere Brebeuf baptise ce pauure petit, luy donnant le nom de François, en l'honeur de S. François Xauier: disant aux parens que d'oresnauant il le falloit nommer François, & que s'il mourroit, qu'il iroit tout droit au Ciel, où il seroit à iamais bien-heureux. Ces pauures gens témoignerent vn tres-grand contentement, reïterans 230 souuent ce nom François, François: & faisans voir qu'ils auoiẽt pris vn singulier plaisir en cette action. L'vn des Sauuages de la Cabane se mit à dire que si le Sauuage qui a tué le [255 i.e., 155] François dernier mort estoit de leur nation qu'il auroyent prié le Capitaine des François de le faire mourir voulãt dõner vne preuue de l'amour qu'il portoit à tous les Frãçois. Enfin les Peres retournerent à dix heures du soir bien ioyeux, & comme ie demandois au Pere Brebeuf s'il n'estoit pas bien content d'auoir si bien conclud la iournée: helas! dit-il, ie viendrois tout exprés de France, & trauerserois tout l'Ocean pour gagner vne petite ame à N. Seigneur.

On the 10th, toward evening, we received news that a little Savage was sick unto death. It was a good half league from our house to his cabin. Night was approaching; the death of the last Frenchman had caused some fear in the minds of the others, so much so that we were on our guard. Notwithstanding that, I could not suffer this poor little one to be abandoned. I wished to go and baptize it myself; but, being indisposed, and having felt for some time a slight attack of fever, our Fathers thought it best that Father Brebeuf should go. So he started [252 i.e., 152] off with Father de Nouë in a canoe. They encountered a Frenchman near the Cabins, who said that these Savages did not want to show their child to the French. That did not stop them. They entered the Cabin, and Father Brebeuf, who can jargon as well as I can in Savage, made them understand as best he could the cause of his visit. Father de Nouë ran hurriedly to the Interpreter, to beg him to come and do a service for the sick. As he was a very honest and worthy man, he left his supper and joined the Fathers, who besought him to inform the Savages why they had come so late; that it was because they loved that little child, and that if it died without baptism it would not go to Heaven; on the contrary, if it were baptized it would be forever happy. They asked [253 i.e., 153] also if its parents would not be very glad to have it baptized. The mother answered that for her part she would be very well 229pleased, but that her husband was drunk, and asleep in another Cabin. The Father continued, and asked, if the child should die, if they would not bring it to our house and bury it in our Cemetery; and, if it were restored to health, if they would not give it to us to be educated. She answered that her son was dead; but that if he revived, as soon as he should be able to walk (for he was only about six months old) she would bring him to us. A Savage, who heard this, ran to the father of the child and aroused him; having reported to him all that the Fathers had said, he answered: "Though I am drunk, I understand very well all that thou sayest; go and bid those Fathers baptize my son; I know [254 i.e., 154] very well that they will do him no harm; if he dies, it is because he is mortal; if he recovers, I shall give him to them to be educated." The Messenger brought the news, and Father Brebeuf sent to the river for water, while Father de Nouë and the Interpreter knelt down, reciting the hymn Veni Creator; and Father Brebeuf baptized this poor little one, giving him the name of François, in honor of St. François Xavier, telling the parents that they must hereafter call him François, and that if he died he would go straight to Heaven, where he would be forever blest. These poor people gave evidence of their great happiness, often repeating the name "François, François," and showing that they had taken a great deal of pleasure in what we had done. One of the Savages in the Cabin said that if the Savage who had recently killed [255 i.e., 155] the Frenchman belonged to his tribe, he would have prayed the Captain of the French to kill him, wishing to give a proof of the love that they bore to all Frenchmen. In short, the Fathers returned home at 231 ten o'clock at night very happy; and when I asked Father Brebeuf if he were not glad to have ended the day so well: "Ah!" said he, "I would come expressly from France, and cross the great Ocean, to reclaim one little soul for Our Lord."

Il m'adiousta que le Pere de l'enfant s'appelloit la Grenouille, alors ie le cognus fort bien, c'est vn Capitaine des Algonquains; il nous est venu voir, ie luy ay quelquefois parlé de Dieu, i'en fais mentiõ cy-dessus: c'est luy qui me demandoit combien ie voulois d'enfans, & qui s'estonna quand ie luy repartis que nous en voulions vingt, & bien dauantage [256 i.e., 156] quand nous les pourrions nourrir.

Au reste, c'est chose estrange combien les Sauuages sont addonnés à l'yurongnerie, nonobstãt les defenses du sieur de Champlain, il y a tousiours quelqu'vn qui leur traite, ou vend quelque bouteille en cachette: si bien qu'on ne voit qu'yurongnes hurler parmy eux, se battre & se quereler. Le Truchement m'a dit que les Sauuages de la nation de celuy qui est prisonnier au fort pour auoir tué ce François, luy reprochoiẽt que c'estoit l'eau de vie, & non ce Sauuage, qui auoit cõmis ce meurtre; voulant dire qu'il estoit yure quand il fit ce coup: Tiens ton vin & ton eau de vie en prison, disent-ils, ce sont tes boissons qui font tout le mal, & non pas nous autres. Ils pensent s'estre 232 bien excusez du mal qu'ils ont fait, quand ils disent qu'ils estoient yures: ie ne voudrois pas les croire aisément [257 i.e., 157] en ce poinct, car ils feignent fort bien cette manie quand ils veulent couurir leur malice.

Pour retourner à cét enfant nouuellement baptisé, il mourut le lendemain au soir: & le iour suiuant le Pere Brebeuf allant au fort, veit les Sauuages qui trauersoient le grand fleuue S. Laurens, pour le porter en terre à l'autre port. Ie croy qu'ils ne l'apporterent pas chez nous pour auoir plus de liberté de faire festin sur sa fosse, selõ leur coustume. Quasi à mesme temps vn ieune garçon huguenot qui a passé dans les vaisseaux, & qui deuoit retourner auec eux, s'est noyé tout deuant le fort, estrange effect de la prouidence & predestination du bon Dieu! vnus assumetur, alter relinquetur.

Le Pere Brebeuf ne laissa point d'entrer dans la Cabane d'où on auoit tiré cét enfant mort. Il y en [258 i.e., 158] trouua encor vn autre malade: il parla de le baptiser, sa grand'mere respondit; ie suis contente que tu le baptise, pourueu que tu le guerisse. Le Truchement des Algonquains qui se fait bien entendre des Montagnaits se trouuant là, le Pere leur fit vn petit discours du Baptesme, & de ses effects: Vous ne recherchez, leur disoit-il, que le corps, & nous recherchons l'ame, qui est purifiée par ce Sacrement, faisant approprier leurs paroles le mieux qu'il pouuoit à nos mysteres. Le Baptesme guarit tousiours l'ame, ne fait point de mal au corps: ains au contraire luy rend souuent la santé. Ils demanderent combien il falloit d'eau pour baptiser: Le Pere respond qu'on n'auoit point d'esgard à la quantité. La 234conclusion fut que les parẽs prirent eux-mesmes l'enfant, & le disposerent pour receuoir cette benediction: [259 i.e., 159] mais le Pere iugeant qu'il n'estoit pas en dãger de mort, ne se voulut point haster.

Le lendemain noꝰ l'allasmes voir le Pere de Nouë & moy, la crainte que nous auiõs qu'il ne mourut sans estre baptisé, nous fit partir par vn temps tout à fait violent: les vents & la pluye sembloient vouloir tout rompre, & tout noyer. Ie voulois aussi aller entendre de confession vn Bengalois qui auoit esté blessé, & qui me demandoit: c'eft vn ieune homme amené des Indes Orientales, & fait Chrestien en Frāce, qui a hyuerné icy auec nous. Ie le veis, & le cõsolay le mieux que ie pûs. Pour le petit Sauuage m'estant presenté à l'vne des portes de sa Cabane, on me dit aouesse, retire toy: mais ayans ouy ma voix, ils me dirent que ie passasse par l'autre porte: i'entre donc pendant que le Pere de Nouë cherchoit le [260 i.e., 160] Truchement. Vne femme m'arresta au premier pas, me disant, appitou, sieds toy là. Ie luy responds, ouy, ie veux voir l'enfant. attend, attend, me dit-elle, tu le verras. Le plus grãd sorcier d'entr'eux, à ce que me dit le Truchement, qui arriua bien-tost apres, chantoit & souffloit cét enfant pour le guerir. Ils auoient fait vn petit retrenchement où estoit l'enfāt, i'en voulus deux ou trois fois approcher, mais on ne me le voulut pas permettre. Les Sauuages m'arrestoient à tous coups. Attendant que ce beau medecin eut traité son malade, l'enfant estoit nud comme la main, couché dans vn petit berceau d'écorce, sur de la poudre de bois pourry. Il auoit vne grosse fiévre qui le brusloit, & ce charlatan pour le guerir battoit & tournoit vn instrument remply de petites pierres, fait iustement comme vn tambour de [261 i.e., 161] Basque. Il chantoit auec cela à gorge desployée: en 236 vn mot luy & sõ cõpagnon pour oster la fieure a ce petit garçon faisoient vn bruit capable de la donner à vn hõme biẽ sain. Le sorcier s'approchoit du malade, le souffloit par tout le corps, à ce que ie pouuois coniecturer, car ie ne le voiois pas, mais i'entendois son souffle tiré du profond de l'estomach: il battoit ce tambour à ses oreilles, cependant il y auoit vn grand silence parmy les autres Sauuages qui estoient dans la mesme cabane. Sa medecine donnée il m'appelle, & me dit que ie visse l'enfant, & que ie luy en disse mon aduis: pour luy qu'il croioit qu'il avoit ie ne sçay quoy de noir dans le corps, & que c'estoit cela qui le faisoit malade, voila le resultat de ce grãd bruit. Ie m'approche, ie touche le poulx de l'enfant, ie luy trouue vne grosse fieure, & leurs dy qu'il auoit vne maladie [262 i.e., 162] que nous appellions la fieure, & qu'il le falloit laisser reposer, & non pas le tuer auec ce grand bruit qui augmentoit sa maladie, & qui depuis peu i'auois eu quelques accés de fiéure, & que le repos m'auoit guery. Le sorcier me repart, cela est bon pour vous autres, mais pour nous c'est ainsi que nous guerissons les malades. Helas que les hommes qui ne cognoissent pas Dieu sont ignorans, voire mesme dans les choses naturelles! Pour cōclure ce point, nous nous en retournasmes par eau comme nous estions venus, sans baptiser l'enfant, ne iugeant pas sa maladie mortelle, la fiebure quoy que bien grande estãt intermittente.

The next day Father de Nouë and I went to see the child. Our fear lest he should die without being 235baptized made us set out in the midst of very stormy weather; the wind and rain seemed bent on breaking and drowning everything. I also wanted to go and hear the confession of a Bengalese, who had been wounded, and had sent for me. He is a young man brought from the East Indies, who had been converted to Christianity in France, and has been passing the winter here with us. I saw him, and consoled him as best I possibly could. As to the little Savage, having presented myself at one of the doors of the Cabin, they said to me: aouesse, "go away." But, having heard my voice, they told me to come in by the other door; I went in, while Father de Nouë was seeking the [260 i.e., 160] Interpreter. A woman stopped me at the first step, saying, appitou, "sit thee down there." I answered her, "yes, I want to see the child." "Wait, wait," said she to me, "thou shalt see him." The greatest sorcerer they have among them, according to the Interpreter, who arrived shortly afterward, sang and blew upon the child to cure him. They had made a little retreat where the child was. Two or three times I tried to get near it, but was not permitted. The Savages stopped me every time. I waited until this fine doctor had treated his patient; the child, naked as one's hand, lay in a cradle of bark, upon pulverized rotten wood. He was burning with a high fever; and this charlatan, to cure him, was beating upon and whirling around an instrument full of little stones, made exactly like a [261 i.e., 161] tambourine. With all this he howled immoderately. In a word, he and his companion, in order to cure this little boy of a fever, made enough noise to give one to a healthy man. The sorcerer approached the patient, and blew all 237 over the body, as I conjectured, for I could not see what he was doing, but I heard his breath drawn from the depths of his stomach. He beat the tambourine in the child's ears, during which there was great silence among the other Savages who were in the same cabin. His medicine having been given, he called me and told me I might then see the child, and that I should give him my opinion; as to him, he believed that the child had something or other black in his body, and it was that which made him sick. Behold the result of this great noise. I approach, I feel the pulse of the child, I discover a raging fever; and I tell him that he has a sickness [262 i.e., 162] which we call fever, that he must be left to rest, and not be killed by this great noise which makes him worse; that recently I had an attack of fever, and that rest had cured me. The sorcerer replied: "That is very good for you people; but, for us, it is thus that we cure our sick." Alas! how ignorant are they who do not know God, indeed even in natural things! To end this story, we returned by water as we came, without baptizing the child, believing that the disease was not mortal; the fever, although very high, being intermittent.

A quelques iours de là ie le retournay voir, ses parents nous ayans signifié qu'ils estoient bien aises que nous y allassions, i'y rencontray encor vn sorcier qui le souffloit, mais [263 i.e., 163] celuy cy n'entendoit pas si bien son mestier que l'autre, aussi est il plus ieune, il 238me laissa voir ses beaux mysteres, il battoit son tambour aux oreilles de ce pauure petit qui s'égorgeoit de pleurer, il luy souffloit sur la teste auec vn sifflement qu'il faisoit bruire entre ses dents: il tournoit son tambour deçà delà à ses costés, derrière son dos, puis le ramenoit sur l'enfant; En vn mot il se tuoit de bien faire, & ne faisoit rien qui vaille. Il n'entendoit rien à faire le iongleur à comparaison de l'autre. C'est chose estrãge que les Sauuages aient tãt de creance à ces charlatans! ie ne sçay comme le mensonge est plus adoré que la verité! Bref ce petit enfant se guerissant, son pere & sa mere nous sont venus voir, & l'õt apporté auec eux, nous remercians par cette visite de la peine que nous auions pris pour luy.

After a few days I returned to see him, his parents having made known to us that they would be very glad if we should come. Again I met a sorcerer who was blowing upon the body, but [263 i.e., 163] this one did not understand his trade so well as the other; he was also younger, and allowed me to see his beautiful mysteries. He beat his tambourine in the ears of this poor little child, who was almost choking with tears. He blew upon his head, with a whistling 239sound made between his teeth; he turned his tambourine on this side and that side of his ribs, behind his back, and then brought it again over the child. In a word, he nearly killed himself with exertion, but accomplished nothing of any account. He knew nothing at all about playing the juggler, compared with the other. Strange that the Savages have so much faith in these charlatans! I do not know why falsehood is worshipped more than truth. In short, this little child being cured, its father and mother came to see us and brought it with them, thanking us by this visit for the trouble we had taken for it.

[264 i.e., 164] I'en ay esté voir d'autres de puis au delà du grand fleuue Sainct Laurens, où vne partie des Sauuages s'estoient cabanés. Si ie continuë cet exercice les meres me tiendront biẽ tost pour medecin des petits enfans, car elles me disent desia leurs maladies, mais nous sommes appointés bien contraires: ils pensent seulement aux corps, & nous à l'ame.

Le 27 de Iuillet Louys de Saincte Foy surnommé des Sauuages Amantacha, duquel i'ay parlé cy dessus, retourna vers le sieur de Champlain qui l'auoit enuoié au deuãt de la grosse trouppe de Hurons qu'on attendoit de iour en iour: il en estoit desia venu quelques canots en diuers iours tantost sept ou huit, & tantost dix ou douze à la fois, mais en fin le 28. de Iuillet il en est arriué cent quarãte ou enuiron tout à la fois qui portoient biẽ cinq cens Hurons, d'autres disent [265 i.e., 165] 700 auec leurs marchãdises. Les Sauvages de l'Isle & les Algõquains, qui sont deux nations qu'on rencontre venant des Hurons à Kebec, les auoient voulu dissuader de venir iusques aux François, disans 240 qu'on leur iouëroit vn mauuais party à cause de la mort d'un nommé Bruslé qu'ils auoient tué, & qu'vn Algonquain de la petite nation aiant tué vn François, on l'auoit pris prisonnier, & que c'estoit fait de sa vie, qu'on en feroit autant à quelque Huron. Leur dessein estoit de tirer toute la marchandise de ces Hurons à très-bas prix pour la venir par apres traiter eux mesmes soit aux François, soit aux Anglois. Louys Amantacha se rencontrant là dessus asseura ceux de sa nation de la bienueillance des Frãçois, protestant qu'il estoit content qu'on le mit a mort au cas que les François ne leurs fissent vn tres-bon [266 i.e., 166] accueil. Que pour Bruslé qui auoit esté massacré, on ne le tenoit point pour François, puis qu'il auoit quitté sa nation pour se mettre au seruice de l'Anglois. Enfin il a si bien fait que six ou sept cens Hurons sont venus iusques à Kebec; vn plus grand nombre s'estoit mis en chemin, mais les vns s'en sont retournés pour la peur qu'on leur donnoit, les autres pour auoir ioüé & perdu leurs marchandises, car les Sauuages sont grands ioueurs, & quelques-vns d'entre eux ne viennent à la traite auec les François que pour iouër, d'autres pour voir, quelques vns pour dérober, & les plus sages & les plus riches pour trafiquer. Ie ne croy pas qu'il y ait nation sous le ciel plus portée au larcin que la Huronne, il faut tousiours auoir les yeux sur leurs pieds & sur leurs mains quãd ils entrent en quelque endroit. On dit qu'ils dérobent [267 i.e., 167] des pieds aussi bien que des mains. I'en regardois vn chés nous qui auoit ietté les yeux sur vn des outils de la menuiserie de nostre frere, la pensée me venant qu'il s'en pourroit saisir, ie le veillay tant que ie peu, mais il fut plus adroit à prendre que moy à regarder. Il cache l'outil si dextrement que ie ne luy 242 vy faire aucune action. Voiant neantmoins la place vuide ie me doubtay de ce qui estoit, i'en donnay aduis au Pere Brebeuf qui entend assés bien leur langue: il accoste mon homme qui voulut nier le fait au commencement, mais en fin il cõfesse la debte, rend son larcin en riant, tant il estoit contrit de son peché. Le Pere de Nouë en surprit vn autre qui enleuoit vn petit morceau de fer blanc qui seruoit d'aiguille à vn meschant quadran que i'ay tracé, vn autre déroba vne lettre par la fenestre de la chambre du Pere Masse. [268 i.e., 168] prendre & n'estre point decouuert estant vne marque d'esprit parmy eux. L'vtilité n'est pas tousiours le seul obiet de leur larcin. Vn François aiant ouy dire que les Sauuages de cette nation estoient grands larrons, se moqua de leur subtilité, disant qu'il leur donnoit tout ce qu'ils luy prendroient: quelques vns l'allerent voir, il leur presenta à boire, pour toutes actions de graces ils luy enleuerent sa tace, mais si finement qu'il ne s'en prit point garde qu'ils ne fussent partis.

On the 27th of July, Louys de Saincte Foy, surnamed by the Savages Amantacha,21 of whom I have spoken above, came back to sieur de Champlain, who had sent him to meet a great crowd of Hurons who were expected from day to day. Already a few canoes had arrived on different days, sometimes seven or eight, sometimes ten or twelve at a time; but at last, on the 28th of July, there arrived about one hundred and forty all at once, carrying easily five hundred Hurons—or [265 i.e., 165] 700, as some say—with their merchandise. The Island Savages 57 and the Algonquains, two tribes on the route from the Hurons to Kebec, had tried to dissuade them from visiting the French, saying we would do them a bad turn on account of the death of one Bruslé,58 whom they had killed; and that an Algonquain of the petite 241nation, having killed a Frenchman, had been taken prisoner, and had been condemned to death; also that the same would be done to some Huron. Their design was to get all the merchandise from these Hurons at a very low price, in order afterwards to come themselves and trade it, with either the French or the English. Louys Amantacha, meeting them above, assured those of his tribe of the good feeling of the French toward them, declaring that they might put him to death if the French did not give them a very warm [266 i.e., 166] welcome. As to Bruslé, who had been murdered, he was not looked upon as a Frenchman, because he had left his nation and gone over to the service of the English. In short, he convinced them so thoroughly, that six or seven hundred Hurons came to Kebec; a greater number were on the way, but some of them went back because they had become frightened, and others because they had lost their merchandise in gambling. For these Savages are great gamblers, and some of them come to trade with the French for this purpose alone; others come to look on, some to steal, and the wisest and the richest to trade. I do not believe that there is a people under heaven more given to stealing than the Hurons. It is necessary to have your eye both on their feet and on their hands, when they enter a place. It is said that they steal [267 i.e., 167] with their feet as well as with their hands. I saw one, at our house, casting his eyes on one of the carpenter's tools of our brother. Thinking he might take it, I watched him as well as I could, but he was more skillful in taking than I was in watching. He concealed the tool so adroitly that I did not see him make any movement. But seeing that the place 243 was empty, I suspected what had happened. I told Father Brebeuf of it; and, as he understands their language tolerably well, he spoke to my man, who tried to deny the theft at first, but at last confessed and laughingly returned the property, showing how contrite he was over his sin. Father de Nouë detected another, who stole a little piece of tin which served as a needle to a poor quadrant that I had fashioned; another stole a letter through the window of Father Masse's room. [268 i.e., 168] To steal, and not to be discovered, is a sign of superior intelligence among them. Utility is not always the sole object of their thefts. A Frenchman, having heard that the Savages of this tribe [the Hurons] were great thieves, sneered at their boasted cunning, saying that he would give them all they could steal from him; some of them called upon him and he gave them something to drink; all their thanks was to steal his cup, and so shrewdly did they do it that he did not miss it until they were gone.

Ie ne scaurois dire comme cette nation porte les cheueux, chacũ suit sa fantaisie: les vns les ont longs & pendans d'vn costé comme les femmes, & courts & retroussez de l'autre, si bien qu'ils ont vne oreille cachée, & l'autre descouuerte. Quelques-vns sont iustement rasez à l'endroit où les autres portent vne longue [269 i.e., 169] moustache. I'en ay veu qui auoient vne grande raye toute rasée, qui leur trauersoit toute la teste passant par le sommet & venant rendre au milieu du front: d'autres portent au mesme endroit comme vne queuë de cheueux qui paroist releuée à cause qu'ils se rasent de part & d'autre de cette queuë. O que l'esprit des hommes est foible! Il y a plus de quatre mille ans qu'ils cherchent à s'embellir & à s'orner, & 244 toutes les nations de la terre n'ont peu encore conuenir au point de la beauté & de l'ornement.

Le 29 du mesme mois de Iuillet ayant appris que les Hurons deuoyent tenir conseil où il se debuoit agir de nos Peres qui sont destinez pour leur pais, nous les allasmes voir le Pere Brebeuf & moy. Ie trouuay Louys Amantacha au fort, ie m'entretins auec luy de choses bonnes: & passant [270 i.e., 170] de discours en discours, il me témoigna qu'il estoit tres-contẽt de ce que nos Peres alloyent secourir sa natiõ. Il s'est employé pour trouuer qui les embarquast, ou plustôt pour les choisir; car vn grand nombre s'offroit au Pere Brebeuf, luy-mesme en vouloit prendre vn auec soy. Il nous promet merueille, & pour tesmoigner le sentiment qu'il a du secours que Vost. Reu. enuoye aux Hurons ses compatriotes, il luy rescrit de sa propre main, m'asseurãt qu'il retournera l'an qui vient à Kebec pour mener en son païs les autres Peres qu'õ y enuoyera. C'est trop peu (dit-il) de trois Religieux pour tant de milles ames qui se trouuent parmy nous. Il me demãdoit vn liuret d'images des mysteres de nostre Foy, pour les faire voir à ceux de sa nation, à fin de prendre de là occasion de les instruire: mais comme ie n'en auois point, il [271 i.e., 171] me dit qu'il en escriroit au sieur le Maistre. I'ay mis les lettres qu'il enuoye à V. R. auec celles-cy, ie prie Dieu qu'elle les reçoiue toutes. Ie croy que ce ieune homme luy est biẽ cogneu: il a esté conduit en France par nos Peres, baptise à Rouën par leur entremise: Monsieur le Duc de Longueuille fut son parain, & Madame de Villars sa maraine: il demeura entre les mains des Anglois par la prise qu'ils firent de la flotte Françoise & de tout ce païs 246 cy: il estoit si bien instruit, que l'vn des Capitaines nommé Kers, peu affectionné à nostre Compagnie, comme estant heretique, témoigna publiquemẽt qu'il appartenoit aux Iesuistes de biẽ esleuer les enfans, voyant les deportemens de ce ieune Sauuage. Le sieur Oliuier Truchement des François m'a rapporté cecy cõme l'aiant ouy de la bouche mesme de ce Capitaine [272 i.e., 172] Huguenot. Depuis cette prise ce pauure ieune homme a esté quelque temps auec les Anglois, & puis auec les Sauuages de sa natiõ: Dieu vueille que la cognoissance de leur heresie & de leurs vices (car il auouë que les Anglois sont dissolus iusques au dernier point) n'empesche pas que la premiere semence qu'on a iettée dãs son ame ne produise les fruits que le Ciel attend, & que nous esperons. Mais venons au Conseil de sa natiõ. Estant assemblé, le sieur de Chãplain nous fit appeller. I'ay appris que Louïs XI. tint vn iour son conseil de guerre en la campagne, n'ayant pour throsne ou pour chaire qu'vne piece de bois, ou vn arbre abbattu qu'il rẽcontra par fortune au milieu d'vn champ. Voila le portraict du conseil des Hurons, excepté qu'ils sont assis encore vn peu plus bas, c'est à dire à platte terre, tous pesle-meslez sans [273 i.e., 173] aucun ordre, sinon que ceux d'vne nation ou village se mettent les vns pres des autres, pendant qu'on dispute en France de la preseance, & qu'õ s'amuse à presenter vne chaire à celuy qu'on iugeroit impertinent de l'accepter, on auroit acheué, & conclu trois cōseils parmy les Sauuages, qui au bout du conte ne laissent point d'estre fort graues, & serieux dans leurs harangues assez longues: ils estoient enuiron soixante hommes en leur assemblée sans conter la ieunesse qui estoit esparse çà 248 & là. Chaqu'vn s'estant placé le mieux qu'il pût, vn Capitaine commença sa harangue, le sommaire estoit que la nation des Hurons, des Ours & autres estoient assemblées pour tenir cõseil auec les Frãcois. Sa harãgue finie tous les Sauuages pour approbation de ce discours tirerent du profond de l'estomach ceste aspiration, ho, ho, ho, releuant [374 i.e., 174] fort la derniere syllabe. Ceste harangue finie, & le conseil declaré legitimemẽt assemblé par cette belle approbation, le mesme Capitaine en recommença vne autre, qui ne vouloit dire autre chose sinon qu'ils estoyẽt venus voir leurs amis & leurs freres les François, & pour affermir ceste amitié & alliance, qu'ils offroient tous des presens à leur capitaine le Sieur de Champlain, & là dessus luy presenterent trois paquets de robbes de castor. La conclusion fut que tous les Sauuages approuuerent ceste harangue par leur aspiratiō de ho! ho! reïterée, & les François par l'acceptation des presens qu'on offroit. Le mesme capitaine poursuivãt son discours, disant que tous ces peuples se resiouïssoyent du retour du Sieur de Champlain, & qu'ils se venoyent tous chauffer à son feu: le bois qu'ils y mirent furent encore [275 i.e., 175] deux ou trois paquets de robbes de castor dont ils luy firent present. Sur l'heure mesme ce troisiesme discours fut approuué comme le second.

On the 29th of the same month of July, having learned that the Hurons were to hold a council, when they would take some action concerning our Fathers who were destined for their country, Father Brebeuf and I went to see them. I found Louys Amantacha in their midst. I had an interview with them about some serious matters; and, passing [270 i.e., 170] from one subject to another, he told me that he was highly pleased because our Fathers were going to the help of his tribe. He was trying to find some one who would take them, or rather to choose some one, for a great number had offered themselves to Father Brebeuf; he himself wanted to take one with him. He promised us wonders, and, as evidence of his appreciation of the assistance Your Reverence is sending to the Hurons, his countrymen, he writes to you with his own hand, also assuring me that he will return the coming year to Kebec, to take back to his country the other Fathers who will be sent there. "It is too few," said he, "only three Religious for so many thousand souls which make up our tribe." He asked me to give him a little book containing the pictures of the mysteries of our Faith, that he might show them to the people of his tribe, and thus take the opportunity to teach them. But as I did not have any he [271 i.e., 171] told me that he would write sieur le Maistre.59 I have enclosed the letters he sends to Your Reverence with these; I pray God that you may receive them all. I believe that this young man is well known to you. He was taken to France by our Fathers, and baptized in Rouën through their agency; 247Monsieur the Duc de Longueville was his godfather, and Madame de Villars his godmother. He remained in the hands of the English, after they had taken the French fleet and all this country. He was so well taught that one of the Captains, named Kers,45 who had but little liking for our Society, as he is a heretic, publicly confessed that the Jesuits know how to bring up children well, seeing the deportment of this young Savage. Sieur Olivier,49 the French Interpreter, reported this to me as something which he had heard himself from the mouth of this Huguenot [272 i.e., 172] Captain. After this capture [of the French] this poor young man remained some time with the English, and then with the Savages of his tribe. May God grant that the knowledge of their heresy and of their vices (for he declares that the Englishmen are in the highest degree dissolute) may not prevent the first seed sown in his soul from bringing forth the fruit that Heaven awaits, and for which we hope. But let us speak of the Council of his tribe. After it had assembled, sieur de Champlain had us summoned. I have been told that Louïs XI. once held his council of war in the country, having for throne or chair only a piece of wood, or a fallen tree, that he happened to find in the midst of a field. This is the picture of the council of the Hurons, only they are seated a little lower still, that is to say, flat upon the ground, all pellmell without [273 i.e., 173] any order, unless it be that the people of one tribe or village are placed near those of another. While in France they are discussing precedence, and amusing themselves in offering a chair to one whom they would consider impertinent if he accepted it, here they will have held and concluded three councils 249 among the Savages, who, upon the whole, do not cease to be very grave and serious in their rather long speeches. There were about sixty men in their assembly, without counting the young men who were scattered here and there. Each one getting the best place he could find, a Captain began his harangue, the substance of which was that the Huron tribe, the tribe of the Bear, and others, had met for the purpose of holding a council with the French. When this speech was finished, all the Savages, as a sign of their approval, drew from the depths of their stomachs this aspiration, ho, ho, ho, raising [374 i.e., 174] the last syllable very high. When this speech was finished, and the council had declared itself lawfully assembled by this fine method of assent, the same Captain began another speech, adding nothing to what he had said already, unless it were that they had come to see their friends and brothers, the Frenchmen, and, to strengthen this friendship and alliance, they all offered presents to their captain, Sieur de Champlain, and thereupon they presented to him three packages of beaver skins. The end was that the Savages expressed their approval of this harangue by reiterating their aspiration, ho! ho! and the Frenchmen by accepting the presents offered. The same captain, continuing his speech, said that all these people were rejoiced at the return of Sieur de Champlain, and that they all came to warm themselves at his fire. The fuel they brought to the fire was [275 i.e., 175] two or three more packages of beaver skins, which they gave him as a present. This third speech was immediately approved like the second.

Là dessus le sieur de Champlain prit la parolle, & leur fit dire qu'il les auoit tousiours aimés, qu'il desiroit grandement de les voir comme ses freres, & qu'aiant esté enuoié de la part de nostre grand Roy pour les proteger, qu'il le feroit très-volontiers: qu'il auoit enuoié au deuant d'eux vne barque & une chalouppe, & que les Hiroquois anoient tué trois de nos 250 hõmes en trahison, que cela ne luy faisoit point perdre cœur, que les François ne craignoient rien, & qu'ils cherissoient grandement leurs amis: qu'ils ne creussent point ceux qui les voudroient diuertir de les venir voir, & que leur ayant donné leur parolle ils estoient veritables, ainsi qu'ils l'auoient [276 i.e., 176] peu remarquer par le passé qu'il recognoissoit encor les vieillards de leur nation pour auoir esté à la guerre auec eux: qu'il les remercioit de leurs presens, & qu'il sçauroit bien les recognoistre. Il adiousta que nos Peres les alloient voir en leur païs en témoignage de l'affectiō que nous leur portions, disant des merueilles en nostre faueur. Ce sont nos Peres, leur disoit-il, nous les aimons plus que nos enfans & que nous mesmes: on fait grand estat d'eux en France, ce n'est point la faim ny la disette qui les amene en ce païs cy: ils ne vous vont pas voir pour vos biens ny pour vos pelleteries. Voicy Louïs Amantacha de vostre nation, qui les cognoist, & qui sçait biẽ que ie dy vray: si vous aimez les François comme vous dites, aimez ces Peres, honorez les, il vous enseigneront le chemin du Ciel, c'est ce qui leur fait [177] quitter leur païs & leurs amis & leurs commodités pour vous instruire, & notamment pour enseigner à vos enfans vne si grande science & si necessaire.

Thereupon sieur de Champlain began to speak, and told them that he had always loved them, that he 251 wished very much to have them as his brothers, and, having been sent in behalf of our great King to protect them, he would do it very willingly; that he had sent to meet them a bark and a shallop, and that the Hiroquois had treacherously killed three of our men; that he did not lose heart on that account, that the French feared nothing, and that they cherished their friends very dearly; that they must not believe those who would like to divert them from coming to see the French, and that, having given them their word, they would keep it, as they had been [276 i.e., 176] able to observe in the past; that he still recognized old men among their people, from having gone to war with them; that he thanked them for their presents, and would know very well how to requite them. He added that our Fathers were going to see them in their country, as a proof of the affection which we bore them, telling marvelous things in our favor. "These are our Fathers," said he, "we love them more than our children or ourselves; they are held in very high esteem in France; it is neither hunger nor want that brings them to this country; they do not come to see you for your property or your furs. Here is Louïs Amantacha, of your own tribe, who knows them, and who knows very well that I tell the truth. If you love the French people, as you say you do, then love these Fathers; honor them, and they will teach you the way to Heaven. This is what makes them [177] leave their country, their friends, and their comforts, to instruct you, and especially to teach your children a knowledge so great and so necessary.

Deux Capitaines haranguerent apres cela, ce fut à qui honoreroit le plus le sieur de Champlain & les François, & à qui nous tesmoigneroit de l'affection: l'vn d'eux disoit que les François n'estans plus icy, la terre n'estoit plus terre, la riuiere n'estoit plꝰ riuiere, le ciel n'estoit plꝰ ciel: mais qu'au retour du sieur de Champlain tout estoit retourné à son estre, la terre estoit deuenuë terre, la riuiere estoit deuenue riuiere, 252 & le ciel auoit paru ciel. L'autre confessoit que les Sauuages estoyent tous craintifs & paoureux, mais que le sieur de Champlain estoit effroiable en ses regards; qu'estant en guerre il iettoit d'vne œillade la terreur dans le cœur de ses [178] ennemis; & apostrophant la ieunesse de son païs il luy disoit: Prenez garde maintenant, escoutez ce qu'on nous dit: ne dites pas qu'on n'a point parlé de tout cecy en plein conseil: ie vous aduertis, afin que par apres voꝰ obeyssiez.

La conclusion du conseil fut que le Pere Brebeuf leur dit en leur langue, que nous allions auec eux pour y viure & mourir: qu'ils feroyent nos freres, que d'oresnauant nous serions de leur nation: & que si nos Peres ne demeuroyent point dans tous leurs villages, ce n'estoit point qu'ils n'aimassent toute la nation, mais qu'ils ne pouuoyent pas habiter en tant de lieux, estans vn si petit nombre, que le temps viendroit que nos freres nous viendroyẽt secourir, & que noꝰ seriõs en chacune de leurs demeures: que nous leur enseignerions le moyẽ d'estre à iamais bien-heureux. Louys [179] Amantacha confirma tout cecy, & tous les Sauuages à leurs accoustumées tesmoignerent leur contentement par leur profonde aspiration ho ho ho ho! Puis entourant le Pere Brebeuf, c'estoit à qui l'embarqueroit, les vns me venoient prendre & me toucher en la main, & se disoient l'vn l'autre, regarde comme ils se ressemblent, parlans du Pere & de moy, ce sont deux freres: bref les hõmes du village où auoient demeuré nos Peres s'addressans au Pere Brebeuf luy dirent, ouure nous tõ cœur, ne cache, rien ou veux tu demeurer en nostre païs? Veux tu estre dans nos Cabanes, ou en 254 auoir vne à part? I'en veux auoir vne à part, dit le Pere. Hé bien, repartent ils, nous irons tous nous cabaner à l'entour de toy, nous nous sommes separés, & auons rompu nostre village à la mort du François qui a esté tué en nostre païs: [180] chacun s'en est allé qui deçà qui delà. Si tost que tu auras pris place, nous reuiendrons tous auec toy, & tu nous defendras; car que serions nous sans toy? Voila comme nos Peres estoiẽt aimez de ce pauure peuple. O que ie dirois volõtiers mes sentimens voiãt ces pauures barbares caresser auec tant d'amour ceux qu'ils ne cognoissent pas! O s'ils penetroyent dans les desseins que nous auōs! Que Dieu soit beny pour iamais, ie le supplie de leur ouurir le cœur: pour moy i'espere que si vn seul village se couuertit, le feu ne tardera point d'en brusler beaucoup d'autres, & que les nations voisines qui sont fort peuplées, se voudront chauffer aussi bien que les Hurons à ce diuin brasier.

The conclusion of the council was that Father Brebeuf told them, in their language, that we were going with them to live and to die in their country; that they would be our brothers, that hereafter we would be of their people; and, that if our Fathers did not live in each one of their villages, it would not be because they did not love the whole tribe, but because they could not live in so many places, being so few in number; that the time was not distant when our brothers would come to aid us, and then one of us would live in each one of their villages, and that we would teach them how to be forever happy. Louys [179] Amantacha confirmed all this; and all the Savages, according to their custom, evinced their satisfaction by their profound aspiration: ho, ho, ho, ho! Then they surrounded Father Brebeuf, each one wanting to carry him away in his boat. Some came to me and touched my hand, saying to each other: 255 "See how much they look alike," speaking of the Father and of me, "they are two brothers." In short, the people of the village where our Fathers had lived, addressing Father Brebeuf, said to him: "Open thy heart to us, conceal nothing; where dost thou wish to live in our country? Dost thou wish to live in our Houses or have one apart?" "I wish to have a separate one," said the Father. "Very well," answered they, "we will all go and build our houses around thee; we separated, and broke up our villages on the death of the Frenchman who was killed in our country; [180] and every one went away, some here and some there. As soon as thou shalt have chosen thy place, we will return with thee, and thou wilt defend us; for what would we do without thee?" This shows how our Fathers were loved by these poor people. Oh, how I wish I could describe my feelings on seeing these poor barbarians so lovingly caress those whom they did not know! Oh, if they could only penetrate into our purposes! God be forever blessed! I beseech him to open their hearts. As for me, I hope that, if a single village is converted, the fire will not be long in spreading to a great many others; and that the neighboring tribes, which are very populous, will wish to warm themselves with the Hurons at this divine flame.

Le dernier de Iuillet iour de feste de nostre S. Pere Ignace, le Sieur de Champlain & les capitaines des vaisseaux qui estoyent icy, estans venus [181] gagner les Indulgences en nostre petite Chapelle, quantité de Hurons nous venans voir, nous fusmes contraints de fermer nostre porte, & de leur dire qu'on faisoit festin, afin de les empescher d'entrer. C'est vne maxime entr'eux qui'ils ne mettront iamais le pied dans la cabane de celuy qui fait festin: il n'y a que les conuiez à qui cela soit loisible. Or neãtmoins comme ils desiroient de voir, l'vn d'eux ayant mis la teste à vne fenestre appella ses compagnons, & le sieur de Champlain prenant plaisir à les voir admirer, donna à l'vn d'eux vn morceau d'écorce de citron, il 256 en gouste, & commence à s'escrier, ô que cela est bon! Il en depart a ceux qui estoient auec luy, qui furent saisis de la mesme admiration: ils demanderent ce que c'estoit, le sieur de Champlain leur dit en riant, que c'estoit de l'écorce des citroüilles de [182] France, les voila bien estonnés, & cōmencēt à se dire les vns aux autres, que nos citroüilles estoient admirables: là dessus ceux qui n'en auoient point gousté se mettent à la fenestre, & demandent au sieur de Chāplain si toutes les citrouilles estoient mangées, & qu'ils voudroient bien en taster, pour en porter les nouuelles en leur païs. Ie vous laisse à penser si tous ceux qui estoient dans la chambre se mirent à rire. On les fit entrer apres les Vespres dans la Chappelle qui estoit gentiment ornée selon nos petites richesses, ce nous est vn contentement bien sensible de voir que nostre Seigneur ait vne petite maison au milieu des grands bois que nous habitons: c'est icy qu'ils furent estonnés tout à fait: nous auions mis les Images de S. Ignace, & de S. Xauier sur nostre autel, ils les regardoient auec estonnement: ils croyoient que [183] ce fussent personnes viuantes, ils demandoient si c'estoient des Ondaqui: le mot Oqui & au plurier Ondaqui signifie entre eux quelque diuinité, en vn mot ce qu'ils recognoissent par dessus la nature humaine: ils demandoient encor si le tabernacle estoit leur maison, & si ces Ondaqui s'habilloient des ornemens qu'ils voyoient à l'ẽtour de l'Autel. Le Pere Brebeuf leur aiant expliqué ce que representoient ces Images, ils mettoient la main à la bouche, & se la frappoient en signe d'estonnement; Il y auoit trois Images de la Vierge, en diuers endroits: ils demanderent successiuement de l'vne apres l'autre qui c'estoit: le Pere 258 leur disant à toutes que c'estoit la mere de celuy qui a tout fait, ils se mirent à rire, demandans comment cela se pouuoit faire qu'vne seule persõne eut trois meres: car ils prenoient ces trois figures [184] pour la representation de trois personnes differentes, on leur fit entendre que ces trois images figuraient la mesme persõne. ô qu'il seroit bon d'auoir tous les mysteres de nostre foy bien figures! ces images aident grandement, & parlent desia d'elles mesmes.

On the last of July, the fête day of our Holy Father Ignace, Sieur de Champlain and the captains of the vessels here, having come [181] to receive Indulgences in our little Chapel, so many Hurons came also that we were compelled to close our door, saying that we were having a feast, in order to prevent them from entering. It is a maxim among them that they will never put their feet in the cabin of any one who is 257having a feast. It is only to the invited that entrance is permitted. Now, notwithstanding this, as they were very curious to see, one of them put his head in at a window and called his comrades; sieur de Champlain, enjoying their wonder, gave a piece of lemon peel to one of them, who, on tasting it, cried out: "Oh, how good that is!" He divided it with those who were with him, who were all seized with the same admiration. They asked what it was; sieur de Champlain said to them, laughing, that it was the rind of a French [182] pumpkin. This astonished them very much, and they said to each other that our pumpkins were wonderful. Thereupon, those who had not tasted appeared at the window, and asked sieur de Champlain if all the pumpkins were eaten, saying that they would like to taste them, so as to tell about them in their country. You can judge for yourself how all in the room began to laugh! After Vespers, they were allowed to enter the Chapel, which was neatly decorated according to our limited means. It is a source of infinite satisfaction to us to see that our Lord has a little house in the midst of the great forests in which we live. It was here that they were completely astonished. We had placed Statues of St. Ignace and of St. Xavier upon our altar; they looked upon them with awe, believing [183] them to be living persons; they asked if they were Ondaqui. The word Oqui, and its plural Ondaqui, signifies among them some divinity; in a word, what they recognize as above human nature. They asked also if the tabernacle was their house, and if those Ondaqui dressed themselves in the ornaments which they saw around the Altar. Father Brebeuf having explained to them what these 259 Images represented, they put their hands on their mouths and struck them in sign of astonishment. There were three Images of the Virgin in different places. They asked successively about each one, who it was; the Father explaining to them, that it was the mother of him who had made everything. They began to laugh, asking how it could possibly be that a single person had three mothers; for they took the three figures [184] for the representation of three different persons. They were made to understand that these three images represented the same person. Oh, how fortunate it would be if all the mysteries of our faith could be well represented! These images help a great deal, and speak for themselves.

Sur le soir le Pere Brebeuf estant allé à Kebec ou au fort des François, où estoient les Hurons pour voir ceux auec lesquels nos Peres s'embarqueroient, le Capitaine de la Rochelle (c'est ainsi que nos François, ont appellé l'vn de leurs villages ou Bourgades) dõnans les noms des villes de France à ces pauures bicoques. Ce Capitaine donc aborde le Pere Brebeuf, & s'efforce de luy persuader qu'il aille demeurer en sa bourgade se presentant pour l'embarquer ou tout autre qu'il voudra, viẽs, disoit il, auec moy, tu seras assuré parmy nous, [185] on ne te dérobera point, ie soustiens tout le pays sur mes espaules, ie te protegeray, nous t'aimõs tous, tu ne manqueras de rien, nostre pays est le meilleur entre les Hurons. Le Pere s'arrestãt vn petit sãs respõdre. Ie voy bien, dit-il, que tu crains d'offenser ceux du village où tu as demeuré qui te veulent auoir, tu es maistre de tes actions, dy leur que tu veux venir auec nous, & ils ne te diront plus riẽ. Le pere prent delay pour y penser. Nous aiant communiqué cette emulation entre les villages qui vouloient tous auoir nos Peres, ie luy dy qu'il me sembloit qu'ils deuoient imiter S. Pierre & S. Paul, qui s'en allerent attaquer l'idolatrie dans la principale ville du monde, & ainsi que la 260 Bourgade la plus renommée entre les Hurons deuoit estre le lieu de leur demeure: car celle-cy faisant ioug à la loy de Dieu, toutes les autres [186] s'y soubmettroient aisement. Le voila donc deliberé de demeurer dãs la Rochelle, cette bourgade estant l'vne des plus grandes, & des plus peuplées de cette nation, veu mesme que c'est là où les Conseils de tout le païs se concluent en dernier ressort: le mal estoit qu'il n'osoit declarer sa volõté, de peur d'ẽcourir la disgrace des autres Bourgades. Il s'aduisa de prier le sieur de Champlain de tesmoigner à tous les Capitaines que sa volonté estoit que tous les Francois allassent demeurer à la Rochelle, ce qu'il fit. ces Capitaines demanderent pourquoy les autres villages seroient priués de ce bien, & puis que six Frãçois alloient là, qu'il les falloit loger en six villages ou bourgades. Non pas, dit le sieur de Champlain, ie desire qu'ils soient tous ensemble, pour deux raisons (remarqués qu'il faut payer ces peuples de raison pour calmer [187] leur esprit) I'enuoye, ce dit-il, deux petits garçons & vn ieune hõme auec les Peres: s'ils sont separez, ils feront peut estre des querelles auec vos gens, car ils n'auront personne qui les gouuerne: de plus, si nos François sont dispersez, ils s'en iront où ils voudront, & si quelqu'vn des autres François ou de vous autres desire de luy parler, on ne sçaura où il est: mais s'ils demeurent tous ensemble, ceux qui demeureront à la maison scauront le lieu où se seront transportez ceux qui en sortiront. Ayez un peu de patience, & vous aurez tous des François en vos bourgades. Les voila donc tous contens, horsmis le capitaine du village où le Pere Brebeuf & le Pere de Nouë auoient demeuré; car il s'attendoit 262 qu'on retourneroit là pour restablir ce village, qui s'est dispersé. Voila donc le lieu de la demeure de nos [188] Peres arrestée, reste à voir qui les embarquera. Pour euiter toute enuie, le Pere Brebeuf fit assembler les capitaines, & les plus âgez d'entr'eux en conseil. Ce capitaine mescontent ne s'y trouua point, ains reprocha au capitaine de la Rochelle qu'il estoit cause que les Frãçois n'alloyẽt point en son village. Celuy-cy se purge le mieux qu'il peut, disant que c'estoit le Sieur de Champlain qui auoit desiré cela: au reste, pour ne point choquer cet homme fasché, il s'excusa d'embarquer l'vn de nos Peres, disant qu'il n'auoit dans son canot que de la ieunesse qui n'estoit pas propre à ramer, mais que nous ne trouuerions que trop de personnes qui noꝰ porteroyent. Nos Peres auoyent bien desir d'estre embarquez dans les canots d'vn mesme village, mais il fut arresté dans leur conseil qu'il falloit donner ce contentement aux [189] autres villages, d'en passer quelqu'ũ iusques dans le pays & ainsi nos Peres deuoyent estre portez en diuers villages, pour se rassembler par apres dans la Rochelle.

Toward evening, Father Brebeuf having gone to Kebec, or to the French fort, where the Hurons were, to see those with whom our Fathers were to embark, the Captain of la Rochelle 60 (it is thus our French people have named one of the Huron villages or Settlements, having given the names of the French cities to these poor straggling villages) accosts Father Brebeuf and tries to persuade him to go and live in his village, offering to carry him and as many more as he wished to have go. "Come with me," said he, "thou wilt be safe with our people, [185] no one will steal from thee; I hold the whole country upon my shoulders; I shall protect thee; we all love thee, thou wilt want for nothing; our country is the best among the Hurons." The Father, pausing a little before answering, "I see clearly," continues he, "that thou hast fear of offending those of the village where thou hast lived, and who wish to have thee. Thou art master of thy actions, tell them that thou wishest 261to come with us, and they will say nothing more to thee." The father took time to think it over. Having told us of this rivalry among the villages, each desiring to have our Fathers, I said to him that it seemed to me they ought to imitate St. Peter and St. Paul, who went forth to attack idolatry in the principal city of the world, and in like manner the most renowned Village of the Hurons ought to be their dwelling place; for, if that one came under the yoke of the law of God, all the others [186] would easily submit to it. So he decided to remain at la Rochelle, this place being one of the largest and the most populous of this tribe; and besides, it is there that all the Councils of this country are held for final action. The trouble was that he dared not declare his wish, for fear of offending the other Villages. He made up his mind to ask sieur de Champlain to notify all the Captains that it was his wish that all the French should go and live at la Rochelle, which he did. These Captains asked why all of the other villages should be deprived of this blessing, saying that, as six Frenchmen were going, they ought to be lodged in six villages or towns. "No," said sieur de Champlain, "I desire that they should all live together, for two reasons" (notice that reasons must be given to these people to pacify [187] them): "I send," said he, "two little boys and a young man with the Fathers. If they are separated, they will perhaps quarrel with your people, for they will have no one to govern them; besides, if our Frenchmen are separated, they will go where they please, and, if some of the other Frenchmen or your people wish to talk to one of them, they will not know where to find them. But, if they all live together, those who remain at 263 home will know where the absent ones can be found. Have a little patience, and you will all have Frenchmen in your villages." They were all then satisfied, except the captain of the village where Father Brebeuf and Father de Nouë had lived, for he expected that they would return to rebuild the village which had been abandoned.61 Thus, the place of habitation of our [188] Fathers being fixed, it remained to be seen with whom they would each embark. To avoid all jealousies, Father Brebeuf had all the captains and the oldest among them assemble in council. This discontented captain did not go there, but he reproached the captain of la Rochelle with having been the cause of the French not going to his village. The latter defended himself from the charge as best he could, saying that such was the wish of Sieur de Champlain. Finally, lest he should offend this angry man, he excused himself from furnishing passage for one of the Fathers, saying that his canoe was manned only by young people who were not fit to paddle, and that we would find only too many other persons who would be glad to convey us. Our Fathers were very anxious to embark together in the canoes of one village, but it was decided in the council that it was necessary to satisfy the [189] other villages by allowing them to carry some of the Fathers up into the country. And so it was that our Fathers were to be taken to different villages, to meet afterward at la Rochelle.

Le premier iour d'Aoust les Hurõs venoyent voir nostre Chapelle en ayant ouy parler à ceux qui l'auoient veuë, & ie croy que s'ils faisoyẽt quelque seiour à Kebec qu'il n'y en a pas vn qui ne la vint visiter. Leur foire est bien tost faicte. Le premier iour qu'ils arriuent ils font leur cabane, le second ils tiennent leurs conseils, & font leurs presents; le troisiesme & quatriesme ils traittent, ils vendent, ils acheptent, ils troquent leurs pelleteries & leur petun contre des couuertures, des haches, des chaudieres, des capots, des fers de flêches, des petits canons de 264 verre, des chemises, & choses semblables, C'est vn plaisir de les voir pẽdant cette traitte, laquelle [190] estant finie ils prennent encore vn iour pour leur dernier conseil, pour le festin qu'on leur fait ordinairemẽt, & pour danser, & puis le lendemain de grand matin ils passent comme vne volée d'oiseaux. Or ceux qui auoient debité leur marchandise de bonne heure venoyent voir nostre maison allechez par le recit qu'on leur faisoit de la beauté de nostre Chappelle. Le Pere Brebeuf les entretenoit: & comme il eut parlé du Paradis & de l'Enfer à l'vne de leurs bandes, l'vn d'eux l'arreste, & luy dict: Et que ferons nous, Eschom, (c'est le nom qu'ils donnẽt au Pere) afin que nous n'allions point dans ces grands tourmens? Le Pere leur ayant dit ce qu'il falloit faire; ils tesmoignerent qu'ils estoyent prests d'obeir. Il leur dit que cette Chapelle estoit le lieu où nous prions le grãd Dieu du ciel, & qu'ils se missent tous à genoux, & [191] qu'ils luy fissent leurs prieres en leur cœur. Ie les vey tous s'y mettre les vns apres les autres, ou plustost s'accroupir deuant l'Autel, car ils ne sçauent que c'est de s'agenouiller, ce n'est point l'vne de leurs postures. Leur oraison faicte, qui ne fut pas longue, le Pere demanda à l'vn d'eux ce qu'il auoit dit à ce grand Dieu: Il repart: Ie luy ay dict, Prens courage à nous aider & à nous secourir, & à nous donner vn bō voyage: Voila la priere de ce pauure barbare. Pendant que l'vn d'eux prioit, vn autre luy dit: Regarde bien en ton cœur ce que tu diras à ce grand Maistre. O que ne sçauons nous les langues de ces pauures Sauuages! Ce sera quand il plaira à Nostre Seigneur; Que son sainct nom soit beny pour vn iamais.

On the first day of August, the Hurons came to see our Chapel, having heard it spoken of by those who had seen it; and I believe that, if they had made a longer stay at Kebec, there would not have been one who did not visit it. Their fair is soon over. 265 The day of their arrival they erect their huts; the second, they hold their councils and make their presents; the third and fourth, they trade, sell, buy, barter their furs and their tobacco for blankets, hatchets, kettles, capes, iron arrow-points, little glass beads, shirts, and many similar things. It is a pleasure to watch them during this trading. When it [190] is over they take one day more for their last council, for the feast which is generally made for them, and the dance; and early the next morning they disappear like a flock of birds. Now those who had sold their goods early came to see our home, attracted thither by the description they had heard of the beauty of our Chapel. Father Brebeuf entertained them; and, after he had discoursed upon Paradise and Hell to one of their companies, a man interrupted him, asking: "And what shall we do, Eschom" (that is the name they give to the Father), "that we may escape these great torments?" When the Father told them what they must do, they assured him that they were ready to obey. He said that this Chapel was the place in which we offered prayers to the great God of the sky, that they must kneel down, and [191] that they should pray to him in their hearts. I saw them all get on their knees one beside the other, before the Altar, or rather they squatted down, for they do not know what kneeling is, as it is not one of their postures. Their prayer, which was not long, having been made, the Father asked one of them what he had said to the great God. He replied: "I said to him, 'Have courage to aid and succor us, and to give us a good voyage.'" That was the prayer of this poor barbarian. While one was praying, another said to him: "Look well into thy heart for what thou wilt say to 267 this great Master." Oh, if we only knew the language of these poor Savages! That will come when it pleases Our Lord. May his holy name be forever blessed!

266 Le 3. du mesme mois d'Aoust le Sieur de Champlain festina tous les [192] Hurons. Les mets du festin furent de la sagamité cõposée de pois, de pain esmié ou de galette puluerisée, & de pruneaux, tout cela bouilly dans vne grande chaudiere dont on se sert pour faire de la biere, auec de l'eau sās sel, leur a semblé tres-excellente. Ie ne declareray point les particularitez de ce banquet, ny de leur chant & de leur danse: ce sera pour vn autre fois.

(Continued in Vol. vi.)

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. V

In reprinting Le Jeune's Brief Relation (1632), commonly classed as the first Relation of the regular series, we follow the original Cramoisy in Lenox Library. This is the copy marked "GB" in Winsor's list; it was formerly in the Bancroft collection, which was absorbed by the Lenox, being considered the chief jewel therein. Other copies are known to be in Brown Library, Providence; British Museum; and Bibliothèque Nationale and Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, Paris. Winsor mentions a copy in the Murphy collection, but it was not included in the sale catalogue; the Kalbfleisch collection mentioned by Winsor had a copy, but that library is now dispersed.

Extracts from this Relation, for which "privilege" was issued Nov., 1632, appear in Mercure François, vol. xviii., pp. 56-72; the date of the "privilege" for this volume of Mercure is March, 1633. The Relation given in the Quebec Reprint (1858), is after the copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale.

Further references are in Sabin, vol. x., no. 39946, and vol. xvi., under caption "Relations;" Carayon, no. 1260; Winsor, p. 301; Brown, vol. ii., no. 381; Lenox, p. 4; and Harrisse, no. 49. Harrisse, in describing the title-page, misspells Barthelemy Iacquinot, "Bartelemy Iacquinet,"—an error in which Lenox and Sabin follow him; the Brown Catalogue gives the name correctly, and has a facsimile of the page.

Collation. Title, 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; text, pp. 3-68; privilege, dated Nov., 1632, 1 unnumbered p.; blank, 1 p.

XXI

In our reissue of Le Jeune's Relation of 1633 (No. 2 of the Cramoisy series), we follow the original in the Brown Library, at Providence, R. I. Harvard College Library possesses a copy which is evidently, in the main, from the same setting of type as the Brown copy, but with variations. It is apparently the Harvard copy which is described in Harrisse's Notes, no. 55, although, in the catalogues of these respective libraries, each example is entered as "H. 55." We shall for convenience designate them as "Brown H. 55," and "Harvard H. 55," respectively.

A word-for-word collation of these two examples of H. 55 convinces us that the original issue of the press is the one at Brown, making this, so far as we are aware, a unique copy. As the working of the edition progressed, some occasion arose for changing the phraseology of the text upon pp. 225, 226 (i.e., 125, 126, correct pagination) in signature H, these two pages being in part reset. The following sentences, which appear on p. 225 (i.e., 125) of the Brown copy, were expunged from the sheet, and do not appear in the Harvard and other examples of this Relation:

There was also expunged from pp. 225, 226 (i.e., 125, 126) the following paragraph, which appears only in the Brown copy:

To occupy the space, the following fifteen lines were substituted on pp. 225, 226 (i.e., 125, 126), and these appear in the Harvard and later issues of the document, but not in the Brown copy:

272 While form H was off the press, and the above alteration of text taking place, certain types appear to have dropped out or been moved in other pages of the same form, making a half-dozen verbal errors on pp. 115, 119. The form, with the text thus altered, was again sent to press, and apparently Harvard H. 55 is the result. Another peculiarity in the Harvard copy is,—and this is noted by Harrisse,—that the letter P in the word "Par," on the title-page, has been partially dropped: the Brown copy is perfect, in this respect.

In due course, a second issue of the Relation became necessary,—but in what year it is now impossible to say; for, after the custom of Cramoisy, the dates of the original title-page and Privilege were reproduced in the new edition, which is the one known to bibliographers as "H. 56," having been described by Harrisse in his Notes, no. 56. This edition—we describe the example in Lenox Library—was printed from an entire resetting of type, the altered text of Harvard H. 55 having been selected for "copy," although the orthography was occasionally modernized. Harrisse, in giving the title-page of H. 56, accidentally omits two line-ending indicators; with these exceptions, his description applies to the copy of H. 56 in Lenox. But he errs in saying that H. 56 does not differ from H. 55 (he describes the Harvard copy), save in the arrangement of the title with its repetition of "de," in the substitution of a ram's head for a cupid in the vignette of p. 1, and a few errors in pagination. The differences are more numerous: in page-numberings, are many discrepancies; in the contents of lines, on several of the pages of each, there is considerable variance,—although both continue to end their pages273 uniformly, save that H. 56 is on p. 57 a line short; there are also frequent variations in spelling and capitalization.

An abridgment of the Relation appears in Mercure François, vol. xix., pp. 771-802. The Privilege for this volume, which covers events in 1633, bears date March, 1636.

See further references in Carayon, no. 1261; Sabin, vol. x., nos. 39,947, 39,948. and vol. xvi., p. 536 (this bibliographer strictly follows Harrisse); Brown Catalogue, vol ii., nos. 118, 417; Pilling's Bibliography of the Algonquian Languages (Washington, 1891), p. 307; O'Callaghan Sale Catalogue, no. 1212 (wherein the description follows Lenox H. 56); Barlow's Rough List (N. Y., 1885), no. 338, p. 77; Barlow Sale Catalogue, no. 1273 (the copy therein mentioned sold for $120); Græsse, tome iv., livr. i., p. 154; Murphy Sale Catalogue, no. 1344; O'Callaghan's Bibliography (1850), p. 36; Sommervogel, tome iv., p. 795, no. 2; Winsor, p. 301 (the Bancroft copy referred to is now in Lenox); and Dodd, Mead & Co.'s Trade Catalogue (April, 1896), wherein a copy, with "the date cut from title," is priced at $200.

Examples of the Relation of 1633 may be found in the following libraries: Harvard (H. 55), Brown (H. 55 and 56), Lenox (H. 56, two copies), and British Museum (ed. not specified).

Title-page. Given in photographic facsimile, from the copy of H. 55, in Brown Library, Providence.

Collation of Brown H. 55. Title, 1 p.; blank at back of title, 1 p.; text, pp. 3-216; Privilege, in small type, on p. 216.

NOTES TO VOL. V

(Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of English text.)

1 (p. 11).—Paul le Jeune was born in July, 1591, at Chalons-sur-Marne, France. His parents were Huguenots; but, upon attaining his majority, he became a Catholic, and entered the Jesuit novitiate, at Rouen, Sept. 22, 1613. Pursuing his studies at La Flèche and Clermont, he became an instructor at Rennes and Bourges, and, later, professor of rhetoric at Nevers (1626-28) and at Caen (1629-30). He then spent two years as a preacher at Dieppe, and two years more as superior of the residence there. On the return of the French to Quebec, he came there with De Caen, as superior of the Canadian mission. His first year was spent in the French settlements; in the second, he wintered among the Montagnais, in order to learn their language. When the settlement of Three Rivers was founded (1634; see vol. iv., note 24), he went there with Buteux, returning to Quebec before the death of Champlain, whose funeral sermon he preached. Le Jeune remained superior of the mission until 1639, and continued his labors in Canada during ten years more. In 1649, he returned to France, where he became procuror of foreign missions; and died there Aug. 7, 1664. Besides his Relations of the missions, he wrote several religious works; one of these, A Ten Days' Retreat, was reprinted at Rennes in 1843. Rochemonteix says of Le Jeune: "He carried a will of steel in a heart of fire." Suite thus characterizes him: "He was a typical missionary—fervent, devoted, asking only to be directed towards sacrifice."

2 (p. 11).—This document is given in Martin's Bressani, pp. 295, 296. It states that Richelieu had already offered the Canadian mission to the Capuchins, but that they had declined to enter the field formerly occupied by the Jesuits.

3 (p. 11).—The order of Ursulines was founded Nov. 25, 1535, at Brescia, by, Angela Merici. To the three vows of Augustine, it added a fourth, requiring the instruction of girls. It became established in France by the end of the sixteenth century, thence spreading to Germany. The first Ursuline convent in America was established at Quebec, in 1639, by the efforts of Madame de la Peltrie.

276 4 (p. 11).—Low Sunday: the first Sunday after Easter, so called because Easter is High Sunday. It is also called White Sunday, because on that day the neophytes wear their white robes to the church; and Quasimodo Sunday, because the introit for this day begins with the words, "Quasi modo geniti infantes."

6 (p. 19).—Cartier (Brief Récit, fol. 12) describes "a sort of fish as large as porpoises, but not like them; their bodies well-shaped, and heads like that of the greyhound; as white as snow, without any spot; in that river [Saguenay] there are a great number of them, living between the sea and the fresh water. The people of that country call them Adhothuys; and we were told that they are very good to eat." Packard, in Labrador Coast (N. Y., 1891), p. 443, mentions the white whale (Delplanapterus Catodon, Linn.) as "not uncommonly seen passing in schools along the [Labrador] coast, in the summer time."

7 (p. 19).—Gaspay bay: on the coast of Gaspé, (see vol. iii., note 45), south of Cape Rosière. This bay appears on De Fer's map (1705), as G. de Gas; its present name is Gaspé.

8 (p. 35).—But one wife: Cf. the accounts of Membertou's unique monogamy, given by Lescarbot and Biard,—vol. i., p. 215; and vol. ii., pp. 23, 227, 229.

9 (p. 35).—Basque scaffold: a point two leagues above Tadoussac; mentioned by Champlain, and shown on a map by Lotter (n. d.), as Cape Chafaut aux Basques; Bellin (1744) names it Echafaut aux Basques; obviously a place used by the Basque fishermen for drying fish.

Margry says (Navig. Fr., pp. 113, 114): "The Basques made their way at first to the ports on the eastern shore of the island [Newfoundland]. There they invented the process of drying codfish, that they might carry a greater quantity on their ships. This was done on scaffolds, which they called pignalac; and the "shipowners of St. Jean de Luz and Siboure sent out vessels expressly for this catching and drying fish, independently of those sent for the whale fishery."

10 (p. 37).—St. Lawrence Island: evidently another name for the Isle of Orleans.

11 (p. 41).—These were the sons of Gervase (or Jervis) Kirk (see vol. iv., note 46), who was born in 1566, in Derbyshire, England, the eldest son of a gentleman's family; later, he became a merchant in London. In 1596, he married Elizabeth Gondon, of Dieppe, France, by whom he had seven children. His sons David, Lewis, and Thomas, were aged respectively 32, 30 and 26 years, at the time Quebec was taken. They were all prominent members of the Merchant 277Adventurers to Canada. Gervase died Dec. 17, 1629. David was knighted by Charles I., in 1633, as a reward for his services in taking Quebec; but (according to H. Kirke) neither he nor his heirs ever received any pecuniary recompense for the heavy losses he incurred in that enterprise, although, in the negotiations for the restitution of Canada, the French King had agreed to pay the sum of 82,700 livres to Kirk. Brymner (Can. Archives, 1894, pp. viii.-x.) gives a document (probably 1683) detailing the claims of the Kirks to the territories of Nova Scotia and Quebec.

A colony had been established in Newfoundland, in 1621, by George, Lord Baltimore, who received from James I. a large tract of land in the southeastern part, extending westward to Placentia Bay, which he named Avalon; but he abandoned it in 1629. A grant of the whole island was made by Charles I., Nov. 13, 1637, to the Duke of Hamilton, Sir David Kirk, and others; and Kirk, who after a few years became the sole owner of Newfoundland, continued as its ruler until his death (about 1653). He did much to develop the resources of the island,—encouraging immigration, opening the fisheries to other nations as well as to the English, and protecting the industry from pirates. As the Kirk family were devoted loyalists, they suffered many losses under the Commonwealth, and Sir David's property was for some time sequestrated as that of a malignant. Finally, in 1660, his heirs were obliged to yield possession of Newfoundland to Cecil, Lord Baltimore, who claimed it under the grant made to his father.—See Henry Kirke's First English Conquest of Canada (London, 1871); Prowse's Hist. N. F., pp. 138-157; and Kingsford's Canada, vol. i., pp. 142, 143.

The name is also variously spelled Ker, Kerk, Kertk, Kirke, Kirtk, Kyrck, Quer, Querch, and Quercq.

A daughter of David Kirk became the second wife of Pierre Radisson, the Hudson Bay explorer.

12 (p. 41).—Laverdière gives (at end of Champlain, "Pièces justificatives," pp. 25, 26) the letters from Charles "to ye Canadian marchants and ye com̃anders under them for rendring Kebeck." The merchants claimed to have spent £60,000 in their Canadian expedition; and they were greatly incensed at the restitution of Canada to France, ignoring as it did the rights granted them by the crown. Their letter to Isaac Wake, the representative of England in the treaty of St. Germain, is also given by Laverdière (ut supra, pp. 27-31); they complain that the interests of English subjects were neglected in the treaty.

13 (p. 41).—The widow of Louis Hébert (see vol. ii., note 80). Her name was Marie Rollet; her second husband was Guillaume Hubou, whom she married May 16, 1629; she died May 27, 1649, at Quebec.

278 14 (p. 53).—Moustache: a name applied, in olden times, to a long lock of hair hanging from one side of the head.

15 (p. 67).—Raymond de la Ralde has been already mentioned as De Caen's successor (see vol. iv., note 27); he was a Catholic, but was unfriendly to the Jesuits, who complained of him as leagued with De Caen against them. He attacked the English fishing vessels in Newfoundland, in the summer of 1628, capturing several of them, but on one occasion losing 67 of his men as prisoners; an account of this affair is given in letters from Lord Baltimore to Charles I. and the Duke of Buckingham.—English Colonial Papers, vol. iv., nos. 56, 57.

16 (p. 69).—The phrase in the original is trois brasses; the brasse was a linear measure, of five old-French feet, or 1.62 metres, equivalent to 5.318 English feet.

17 (p. 71).—Nation of the Bear (Attignaouantans).—The territory of this nation, the most westerly of the Huron confederacy, was sharply defined on all four sides. Portions of Georgian Bay formed two of these,—Nottawasaga Bay, on the west, and Matchedash Bay, on the north. Along their eastern side, the river Wye separated them from the other Huron tribes. Another natural boundary afforded them a partial protection on the south; this was Cranberry Lake and marsh, which extended up the Wye River to Orr Lake, twelve miles farther east, forming a wide, impassable marshy tract, which protected all of the Huron tribes along their southern frontier. This important water system is indicated by the name of Lake Anaouites on Ducreux's map. The country of the Bear clan nearly coincided with the boundaries of the present township of Tiny, in which have been found, up to the present year (1897), the remains of about thirty-five village sites and twenty ossuaries. The surface of Tiny is undulating, nowhere exceeding 500 feet above the level of Georgian Bay. At the north, the ground rises as it recedes from the shore, around which there still remains a fringe of the original forest. Along the southern half, there is a long reach of shore, with bleak sand-dunes, where a stunted vegetation barely exists,—a feature common to the southeastern shores of all the great lakes. Behind these, the soil of the interior is now occupied by agricultural settlers. It was also on the higher ground of these interior parts that the Attignaouantans, as their remains show, had their habitations when the Jesuits were among them. It should be observed that Champlain used the name Attignaouantans (Ochatequins; see vol. ii. of this series, note 58) for the entire Huron confederacy. The generic name, Ouendat (Wyandot), including the Attignaouantans as one of the confederates, appears to have been 279brought into use at a later date (Lalemant's Relation, 1639). If the others were in the district at the time of Lalemant's visit, he overlooked their differences, as he makes so distinction in the case of the inhabitants of even the most easterly town of the district, Cahiagua. Yet we know that Arendarrhonons were at Cahiagua in his time, as these were said to cherish his memory twenty-two years afterward (Lalemant's Relation, 1640).—A. F. Hunter.

18 (p. 71).—Tobacco Nation (Khionontaterrhonons; also called, by the French, Nation de Petun).—The territory of this tribe coincided closely with the present township of Nottawasaga, Simcoe county, their villages having been situated on rising spurs along the eastern side of the Blue Mountains. This country is now covered by well-cultivated farms. Remains of the aborigines are abundant there, as many as thirty-two village sites and forty ossuaries having been found at various times. David Boyle, of the Provincial Archæological Museum, has devoted much time to a minute examination of several of these, and the museum contains many relics from this locality. Most frequently found, has been the tobacco-pipe, especially the trumpet-mouthed variety, which is found in great abundance and diversity of pattern, and of which many specimens are contained in the museum. This is a natural result of their extensive raising and marketing of tobacco, from which their name was derived. In a scholarly paper, "Historical Sketch of the Tionontates, or Dinondadies, now called Wyandots," (Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 262), J. G. Shea traces the wanderings of the remnant of this tribe, after it was almost annihilated by the Iroquois in 1649-50, down to their settlement on the reserve in Anderdon township, near Amherstburg, Ont., where their descendants may be found to this day. James H. Coyne, B. A., of St. Thomas, Ont., points out, in a recent pamphlet, The Country of the Neutrals (St. Thomas, 1895), p. 19, that some of the survivors of the Neutrals had united with this remnant of the Tobacco Nation while they were at Mackinac.—A. F. Hunter.

19 (p. 71).—Nation of the Sorcerers (Aoueatsionaenrrhonons; also named "Gens puants").—This was an Algonkin tribe of Nipissings, at the lake of that name. They were also called Bissiriniens; and their Huron name was sometimes spelled Askicouaneronons. Like other Northern Algonkin nations, they rendezvoused at the lake only in the winter season (Lalemant's Relation, 1641, chap. vii.). During the later wars between the Hurons and Iroquois, they withdrew toward Hudson Bay, to avoid the fury of the latter, and there mingled with other nations. In recent years, graves, and other remains of this tribe, have been found on Biscuiting Island, and at other points about Lake Nipissing.—A. F. Hunter.

280 20 (p. 73).—Fire Nation: so named by the French—a translation of Assistaeronnons, the name applied to the tribe by the Hurons; also known as Mascoutins (with numerous variants in spelling). This was an Algonkin tribe, located in Southern Michigan, Northern Indiana and Illinois, and Central and Southeastern Wisconsin. Nicolet visited them (1634) on the upper Fox River of Wisconsin, probably near Berlin. Champlain mentions them as enemies of the Ottawas and Neutrals; they were probably driven by those tribes westward from the vicinity of Detroit. Shea thinks the Mascoutins "were probably at last confounded with the Kickapoos," of Western and Southwestern Wisconsin.

21 (p. 73).—Amantacha: also known among the French as Louis de Sainte-Foi; the Huron lad mentioned by Lalemant (vol. iv. of this series, p. 225), who in 1626 was sent to France by the missionaries, and baptized. Having been instructed there by the Jesuits, he returned to Canada before the capture of Quebec, after which event he entered into the service of the English; but, after the return of the French, he was very useful to the missionaries in their intercourse with the natives.

22 (p. 75).—Sebastien Cramoisy, a well-known publisher, was born at Paris in 1585, and died there in January, 1669. The Imprimerie Royale was established in 1640, by Louis XIII., who placed it in charge of Cramoisy. His brother Gabriel was his partner during 1644-58, and, beginning with 1663, Sebastien Mabre-Cramoisy (according to Harrisse, a son of another brother, Claude; but, according to Baillet, Sebastien's grandson). Upon Sebastien's death, he was succeeded by Mabre-Cramoisy, who retained the title of Printer to the King, until 1687. This family became widely known as the printers of the entire original series of the Jesuit Relations (1632-73); but some of their other publications have been more famous as specimens of book-making,—for instance, their Nicephori Callisti historiæ ecclesiasticæ, lib. 18, etc. (1630).

Sebastien was an alderman, an administrator of the hospitals, and president of the Grande Navire, an association of the booksellers of Paris; his name also appears as a charter member of the Hundred Associates (1627).

23 (p. 83).—Otherwise known as the "Hundred Associates" (see vol. iv., note 21).

24 (p. 87).—This "MS. dictionary" was probably the work of Massé or Brébeuf, while engaged upon the first Canadian mission (1625-29); some of their translations into Montagnais are mentioned in vol. iv., note 30. In acquiring the native dialects, they were greatly aided by the Récollet missionaries. Le Clercq states that the latter had prepared Huron, Montagnais, and Algonkin dictionaries, 281and that he himself had seen fragments of these, in their hand-writing. He also says that copies of these dictionaries were presented to Louis XIII., in 1625; but Shea remarks that "no trace of these has ever been found."—Shea's Le Clercq, vol. i., pp. 248, 249.

Dictionaries and other MSS. in Algonkin, the work of Jesuit missionaries, are still extant, in the archives of the mission of Lac des Deux Montagnes (Oka), Quebec; one of these is dated 1661.—See Pilling's Bibliog. Algon. Lang., pp. 6, 7. Several MSS. of this character are also in the archives of St. Mary's College, Montreal.

25 (p. 87).—Hakluyt's account of Cartier's third voyage (1540) thus mentions the "diamonds" of this locality: "And vpon that high cliff wee found a faire fountaine very neere the sayd Fort: adioyning whereunto we found good store of stones, which we esteemed to be Diamants.... the most faire, pollished, and excellently cut that it is possible for a man to see, when the Sunne shineth vpon them, they glister as it were sparkles of fire." Afterwards, meeting Roberval at St. John's Bay, Cartier "tolde him that hee had brought certaine Diamonts, and a quantitie of Golde ore, which was found in the Countrey. Which ore the Sunday next ensuing was tryed in a Furnace, and found to be good."—Goldsmid's Hakluyt, vol. xiii., pp. 150, 151, 164. On p. 155 of the same volume is a letter from Jacques Noel, a grandnephew of Cartier, in which Noel declares that he has seen a map of Canada, drawn by his uncle, on which the latter had written these words: "By the people of Canada and Hochelaga it was said, That here is the land of Saguenay, which is rich and wealthy in precious stones."

Champlain says, in Voyages (Prince ed.), vol. i., p. 253: "Along the shore of Quebec, there are diamonds in some slate rocks, which are better than those of Alençon." Kalm describes the black limeslate of this region, in his Travels into North America (Forster's trans., London, 1772), vol. ii., p. 371, and adds: "The large cracks are almost filled up with transparent quartz crystals, of different sizes. One part of the mountain contains vast quantities of these crystals, from which the corner of the mountain which lies to the S. S. E. of the palace has got the name of Pointe de Diamante or Diamond Point."

26 (p. 93).—La Nasse: Champlain mentions this savage as warning the French of Kirk's approach to Quebec (1629). Le Jeune describes (Relation, 1634, post) the baptism of La Nasse, under the name of Joseph, and his pious death some months later.

27 (p. 95).—Cf. Jouvency's account of a similar occurrence (vol. i. of this series, p. 269).

28 (p. 97).—Sagamité: a word derived by Maurault (Hist. Abenakis, p. 13) from sôgmôipi, "the repast of chiefs." The most 282common form in which the Indians prepared maize as food; termed "samp," or "hominy," by the English. The corn, usually pounded into meal, was boiled in water, with the addition of meat, fish, or oil, when they had such, to enrich and flavor it. Various kinds of vegetables, in their season,—beans, peas, pumpkins,—were boiled with the corn, especially when the latter was still green: a survival of this usage remains in our modern "succotash," of corn and beans. Sagard describes, in Grand Voyage (Tross ed., 1865), pp. 94-98, this and various other methods of cooking maize. Creuxius gives (Hist. Canad., p. 23), a picture of Indian women preparing corn; and Lafitau describes at length the cultivation of maize, its use as food, and the preparation of sagamite, in his Mœurs des Sauvages Ameriquains (Paris, 1724), t. ii., pp. 63-89. Cf. Carr's Food of Amer. Ind., pp. 178-182.

29 (p. 103).—The bulbs were those of the yellow lily (Lilium Canadense), which have been, from the earliest historic times, used as food by the Indians.—Pickering's Chronological History of Plants (Boston, 1879), p. 641; and Thoreau's Maine Woods, p. 194, 284, 326. Trumbull says (Conn. Hist. Colls., vol. ii., p. 26) that "sheep'nak is the modern Abnaki name for the bulbous roots of the yellow lily,"—possibly the Micmac sgabun or shuben (see our vol. ii., note 77). Cf. Josselyn's New England's Rarities Discovered (London, 1672), reprinted, with introduction and valuable annotations by Tuckerman, in Trans. Amer. Antiq. Soc., vol. iv., (Boston, 1860), pp. 105-238; on p. 176, he says of the water lily (Nuphar advena): "The Indians eat the roots, which are long a-boiling. They tast like the liver of a sheep. The moose-deer feed much upon them; at which time the Indians kill them, when their heads are under water."

Cf. also Brunet's note on Nelumbium luteum, in Tailhan's ed. of Nicolas Perrot's Memoire sur les Sauvages (Leipzig and Paris, 1864), p. 194. Nuttall says of the Nelumbium (which he calls Cyamus luteus): "The Osages and other Western natives employ the roots of this plant for food, preparing them by boiling. When fully ripe, after a considerable boiling, they become as farinaceous, agreeable, and wholesome a diet as the potato. This species is everywhere made use of by the natives, who collect both the nuts and the roots."—"Flora of Arkansas Territory," in Trans. of Am. Philos. Soc., new series, vol. v. (Phila., 1837), p. 160.

31 (p. 105).—Cf. vol. i., p. 261; and Sagard's Canada, pp. 271-273, for descriptions of the vapor-bath as a therapeutic agent, among the North American aborigines.

32 (p. 105).—Maurault (Hist. Abenakis, p. 15) says that the Abenakis 283"were not wont to show their discontent or hatred by oaths or blasphemies. The same thing may still be noticed among them. They have the greatest horror of imprecations and blasphemies; and there are no words in their language to express these, so often uttered by Canadians." Cf. Schoolcraft (Ind. Tribes, vol. vi., p. 682): "The Algonquin language has no words for the expression of oaths; an Algonquin can neither swear nor blaspheme."

33 (p. 107).—Pierre Antoine, surnamed Pastedechouan (Patetchounon, or Atetkouanon); a young Montagnais or Canadian, who was taken to France (1620) by the Récollet missionaries, and there baptized and educated. Sagard says that "he became proficient in Latin and French; and, on his return to Quebec [1625], the missionaries were obliged to send him back to his relatives for a time, that he might regain his native language, which he had almost forgotten." Captured by Admiral Kirk in 1628, he refused to serve as an interpreter, and soon after escaped. See an account of this youth in Sagard's Canada, pp. 865, 936-938; cf. Creuxius's Hist. Canad., p. 110; Shea's Le Clercq, vol. i., pp. 235, 273, 294-296.

34 (p. 111).—Guillaume Guillemot, sieur Duplessis-Bochart (sometimes written Duplessis-Querbodo); the lieutenant of Emery de Caen, upon the latter's return in 1632, and afterwards admiral of the fleet, under Champlain. In 1634, he transported Robert Giffard's colony to Beauport; and, in the same year, he took an active part in the foundation of Three Rivers. He seems to have been a prominent and influential member of the Quebec colony, for nearly twenty years, though but few details of his life are known. In November, 1651, he was appointed governor of Three Rivers (his salary being 5,250 livres per annum), in which position he remained until Aug. 19, 1652, when he was slain by the Iroquois, while endeavoring to repel their attack upon his post. Charlevoix mentions him as "a good officer and a worthy man;" and Mother Mary of the Incarnation writes of him as "a very brave and honorable gentleman." See Sulte's account of him, Chron. trifluv., pp. 126, 136, 137; and Can.-Français, vol. ii., p. 45; also Ferland's Cours d' Histoire, vol. i., p. 406.

35 (p. 113).—Nicolas Marsolet (Marsollet), born at Rouen, 1587; he seems to have come to Canada with Champlain (about 1608, according to Sulte; but 1613, according to Tanguay), and was long an interpreter for the Montagnais and Algonkin tribes. Champlain says (Laverdière's ed., pp. 1229, 1249-1263) that, when Kirk captured Quebec, Marsolet, with several other Frenchmen, deserted to the English; and that it was through Marsolet's trickery that he himself was not allowed by Kirk to take with him to France the three Indian girls who had been presented to him some time before. 284Marsolet, however, afterwards asserted that the English forced him to remain with them. He married Marie La Barbide, probably about 1636; and their daughter Marie, born in the following year, is mentioned in the Journal des Jésuites, under date of 1647. In 1646-47, Marsolet figures as a leader of the habitants in their quarrels with the Hundred Associates. April 16 of the latter year, he obtained from the company the fief of St. Aignan, with a half-league frontage on the St. Lawrence, and a depth of two leagues; but in 1669 he sold it to Michel Pelletier. In 1672, Marsolet obtained from Talon another grant, nearly as large as the former, on the Grande Rivière du Chêne, apparently in the present Lotbinière county; this fief was known as Prairies Marsolet. He died May 15, 1677.—Sulte's Can.-Français, vols. ii.-v.; and Ferland's Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 234. Sulte calls him "the little king of Tadoussac;" during most of his life, he was engaged in trade at that port. Many of his descendants now live in the vicinity of Three Rivers.

36 (p. 115).—Alien word: Maurault, speaking of the alliance between the English and the Mohicans (1621), says of the latter that "many of them had learned to speak English passably." He adds: "All the savages of New England showed great aptitude for learning the English language, and gradually introduced many English words into their own. The Abenakis showed the same aptitude for that language. But it was not the same with the French; these savages knew only a few words of that language, which they pronounced almost unintelligibly, although a great many of them spoke English quite readily."—Hist. Abenakis, pp. vii.-ix., 39.

37 (p. 115).—Sagamo: cf. vol. i., note 16. This word appears, in varying forms, in many Algonkin dialects. The Abenaki word, according to Kidder, is "sogmo,"—o being a nasal vowel; Vetromile writes it "saghem," or "sangman," and defines it as "over the whole world." Maillard gives the Micmac word as "chakman." The Lenâpe word was "sakima;" the Algonkin is "okima," as given by Cuoq.

Schoolcraft relates (Ind. Tribes, vol. vi., p. 202) a legend current among the Ottawas, concerning "Sagima, a renowned personage, to whom they attribute the origin of their tribe."

38 (p. 117).—See Cuoq's "Grammaire de la langue algonquine," in Canad. Roy. Soc. Proc., vol. ix., sect. 1, p. 85; and vol. x., sect. 1, p. 41. Cf. Pilling's Bibliog. Algon. Lang., pp. 6-9.

39 (p. 127).—Raquettes: snowshoes. This word is very old; its earlier forms were rachete or rasquete. It is derived by Littré (through Low Latin racha) from the Arabic rāha, "palm of the hand;" by Menage and others, from Latin reticulata, "netted." In either case, its present use is traceable to certain ball-games. 285The earliest of these was that called by the French "paume" (from Latin palma), in which the ball was struck with the palm of the hand; it was exceedingly popular in the countries of Western Europe, and was common at least as early as the thirteenth century, afterwards becoming known as "tennis" (a word of uncertain derivation). Of historic interest, in this connection, is the serment du jeu paume (oath of the tennis court), a name given to that session of the Third Estate at Versailles, June 20, 1789, at which the deputies swore not to adjourn till they had given a constitution to France.

Heathcote, in Tennis (London, 1890), says: "It is probable that the Italians, when playing la paume, found that a glove was a useful protection to the hand; and, when balls were made harder and heavier, that a thicker glove was required. The transition from the thick glove to a network of strings, and the adoption of the leverage afforded by the use of a handle, may have suggested to an ingenious inventor the prototype of the implement we now use." The racket was introduced into France, probably in the fourteenth century.

To apply the name of this instrument to the snowshoe, so similar in shape to the former, was an obvious and easy transition. The use of netted snowshoes was universal among the North American tribes, from whom it has been adopted by the white inhabitants of Canada and the mountainous regions of the United States. Lafitau describes snowshoes and their use, in his Mœurs des Sauvages, tome ii., pp. 220-223; as does Schoolcraft, in Ind. Tribes, vol. iii., p. 68,—several illustrations being given, of specimens from Minnesota, Utah, and Oregon. Among the different tribes, they are of various sizes and shapes; their length varies from fifteen inches to six feet, and the width from thirteen to twenty inches; those used by the Western tribes turn upward at the front end. The snowshoes worn by the women are shorter, often painted and otherwise ornamented.

40 (p. 133).—Concerning the division of labor between men and women, see vol. ii., note 33. Cf. the references given by Carr, in Mounds of Mississippi Valley; this paper has also been published separately (Cincinnati, 1883); see pp. 7-35, in that edition. Cf. also Tailhan's Perrot, pp. 29, 30, 181.

41 (p. 157).—The aborigines of North America had but vague and uncertain ideas of a Supreme Being or Creator. They believed in certain supernatural Beings, called Manitous (Algonkin), or Okis (Huron-Iroquois), which they conceived under the forms of beasts, birds, or reptiles,—occasionally in human form, or even that of stones. Another class of beings embodied the polytheistic tendencies 286of the savage mind,—the manitous of the sun and the moon, of the water, of the winds, etc.; and the progenitors or "Kings" of various animals,—of which Michabou, Messou, or Manabozho ("the Great Hare") was the chief. The Huron deity Jouskeha and the Huron-Iroquois Areskoui are apparently personifications of the Sun. Sometimes, too, are found deifications of heroes, as the Iroquois Taounyawatha, or Hiawatha, the Northern counterpart of the Peruvian Viracocha, the Carib Tamu, or the Aztec Quetzalcoatl,—all suggestive, in personal characteristics, and in their influence upon their respective peoples, of the Greek Prometheus.

Charlevoix, in Journal Historique (Paris, 1744), pp. 344-347, gives an account of Michabou, Areskoui, and other deities, and of the tutelary genius that each Indian adopts. Lafitau (Mœurs des Sauvages, tome i., pp. 126, 127, 145) says that Areskoui is the Supreme Being, in the belief of the Hurons; and he cites the saying of a Huron convert that Areskoui was such as the missionaries described their God to be. Lafitau tries to prove, by arguments more ingenious than convincing, that Areskoui was the same as the Ares (or Mars) of the Thracians. Perrot relates the legends of the Great Hare, in his Mémoire (Tailhan's ed.), pp. 3-7. Many legends of Manabozho and Manitou are collected by Schoolcraft in his Algic Researches (N. Y., 1839); cf. Ind. Tribes, vol. i, p. 317. Parkman (Jesuits, pp. lxxii.-lxxv.) outlines the whole subject as connectedly as is possible, giving many references to other authors. Brinton has just issued (1896) a third and revised edition of his Myths of the New World, which fully treats these legends; he regards Manabozho as an impersonation of Light, and belonging to the world-wide cycle of Sun-myths. Cf. A. F. Chamberlain's "Nanibozhu among the Algonkian Tribes," in Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. iv. (1891), pp. 193-213.

42 (p. 183).—The mountains here referred to are the Laurentian; they extend along the north shore of the St. Lawrence from Belle Isle Straits to Quebec, and thence N. W. to the Arctic Ocean,—a distance of about 3,500 miles. They form the watershed between the St. Lawrence and Hudson Bay, and also between that bay and the region of the Mackenzie River. The general elevation of the Laurentian range is 1,500 to 2,000 feet, although some peaks in the neighborhood of the Saguenay reach a height of 4,000 feet. The valleys are often worn into deep pits, containing ponds and lakes; and some of the streams are formed by a succession of these lakes, united by short outlets. These mountains are generally thickly wooded; the rocks are eozoic; and the region is rich in minerals,—graphite, asbestos, phosphates, mica, iron, etc.—See Annual Reports of Canadian Geological Survey.

287 43 (p. 187).—Consulter of Manitou; diviner or soothsayer, often called "sorcerer" by the French; the aoutmoin or pilotois described by Lescarbot (Nouv. France, pp. 678-681, 683), Biard (vol. ii., of our series, pp. 75, 77), and Champlain (Laverdière's ed.), pp. 335. 336—See note 41, ante; cf. Rochemonteix's Jésuites, vol. i., pp. 110, 111.

44 (p. 193).—Eschom: more correctly written Echon, since, according to Brébeuf (Relation 1636, part 2, chap, iv.), the sound of M is unknown in the Huron dialect. A name given to Brébeuf by the Hurons, during his first stay among them (see vol. iv., note 30). After his death, they similarly named Chaumonot, in accordance with their custom of bestowing a dead man's name upon one of his relatives, or upon some person adopted by the tribe, who thus became the representative and successor of the deceased. The word echon is the Huron name of a certain tree, valued by the natives for its medicinal properties,—according to Suite de la vie du Chaumonot (1693), pp. 13, 14.

45 (p. 197).—This negro lad is mentioned by Le Jeune in the Relation of 1632, p. 63, ante. Ker is one of the numerous variants of Kirk's name. "The estimable family living" at Quebec was that of Madame Hébert and her son-in-law, Guillaume Couillard (vol. ii., note 80; vol. iv., note 38); see note 13, ante. For value of écu, see vol. i., note 34.

Le Baillif, a native of Amiens, had come with De Caen, in 1622, as a clerk. Champlain says (Laverdière's ed., pp. 1228-1231) that this man was discharged by his employer, as being extremely vicious; that he deserted to the English, in 1629; that Kirk gave him the keys of the company's buildings; that Le Baillif availed himself of this opportunity to plunder the stores of all their contents, including 3,500 to 4,000 beaver skins belonging to De Caen; that his scandalous conduct displeased even the English; and that he illtreated the French who remained at Quebec. Le Clercq says that Le Baillif tried to induce the English to plunder the Jesuit residence.

47 (p. 201).—The remainder of this paragraph is not found in the Lenox copy (H. 56); see Bibliographical Data, ante, document xxi.

48 (p. 203).—An important variation in the text occurs at this point in the Lenox copy, for which see Bibliographical Data, ante, document xxi.

49 (p. 203).—Oliver the interpreter: Oliver Le Tardif, born at Honfleur, in 1601. He probably came over with Champlain, when a mere lad; his name first appears as one of the signers of a petition from the Quebec settlers to Louis XIII., dated Aug. 18, 1621, asking that the disputes between the rival commercial companies in Canada, 288and the disorders arising therefrom, might be settled by royal authority. This petition was sent to France by the Récollet Father George Le Baillif; it is given in full by Le Clercq (Shea's ed., vol. i., pp. 161-174). By Champlain we are told (Laverdière's ed., pp. 1042, 1113, 1228) that Le Tardif was serving as an interpreter in 1623; that he was proficient in the Montagnais, Algonkin, and Huron dialects; that he was, in 1626-29, a sub-agent for the Hundred Associates; and, at the capture of Quebec, he gave up the keys of the storehouse to Kirk. Returning at that time to France, he came back to Quebec with either De Caen or Champlain. Nov. 3, 1637, he married the eldest daughter of Guillaume Couillard, Louise, then less than thirteen years of age. Seven years later, his adopted daughter, Marie Manitouabewich, was married to Martin Prevost,—the first marriage in Canada of a Frenchman to an Indian woman. In 1642, he was general manager for the Hundred Associates; and, in 1650, the agent of a company (including Lauson Rosée, Cheffault, and others) to whom had been conceded the Isle of Orleans. Laverdière says that Le Tardif was at one time seignior over part of Beaupré. His death occurred Jan. 28, 1665.—Sulte's Can.-Français vols. ii. and iii.

50 (p. 203).—Assisted in their wars. Champlain here refers to his expeditions, with the Ottawas and other tribes of the St. Lawrence valley, against the Iroquois, in 1609, 1610, and 1615. In the last of these, during an attack made by the allies on an Iroquois fort (Oct. 11), Champlain was wounded by arrows, as were also two Ottawa chiefs, Ochateguin and Orani (Voyages, Laverdière's ed., pp. 528, 532, 533, 919). Laverdière reproduces Champlain's illustration of the battle, and thinks this fort was near the foot of Lake Canandaigua, in Ontario county, N. Y.; but Slafter identifies it with one, the remains of which were discovered years ago, on the shore of Nichols's Pond, in Fenner township, Madison county, N. Y.—Champlain (Prince Soc.), vol. i., pp. 130-132.

51 (p. 219).—Sorcerers: the Nipissiriniens, or Nipissings, around Lake Nipissing; Ferland says (Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 92) that the term "Sorcerers" was given them "because more sorcerers [medicine men] were found among them than among other tribes." Charlevoix says of them (Journ. Hist., pp. 186, 187): "These are the true Algonquins, and they alone have retained the Algonquin Language without alteration."—See Hunter's account of their habitat, note 19, ante.

52 (p. 219).—Iroquet (also written Hiroquet, Hirocay, Iroquay, and Yroquet): the name of both the tribe and its chief, the latter being frequently mentioned by Champlain. He took part in two of 289the latter's expeditions against the Iroquois (1609 and 1615). In 1610, Champlain persuaded Iroquet to allow a French lad to spend the winter with his tribe, to learn their language and become acquainted with the country and its people; Laverdière thinks this boy was Étienne Brulé (see note 58, post). After the Iroquois expedition of 1615, Iroquet and his men, as well as the French, spent the winter in the Huron country; and quarrels which then arose between the Iroquets and their hosts compelled Champlain reluctantly to abandon a journey of exploration northward from Lake Nipissing, which he had long desired to undertake. He states that Iroquet lived about 80 leagues from the Grand Sault (Sault St. Louis); Ferland (Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 91) says the tribe "occupied, southwest of the Ottawa, the interior of a triangular territory of which Vaudreuil, Kingston, and Ottawa form the angles." Their Huron name was Onontchataronons (Relation of 1646).

Charlevoix relates, in his Histoire de la Nouvelle France (Paris, 1744), vol. i., p. 228, that in August, 1642, two old men of the Iroquets told Maisonneuve, at Montreal, that "their tribe formerly lived on this island; that they were driven out by the Hurons; and that they took refuge, some with the Abenakis, some among the Iroquois, and some with the conquering Hurons." He also describes (Journ. Hist., pp. 110, 111) a sanguinary conflict which had occurred, in former times, between the Iroquets and the other Algonkin tribes, in which the former were almost exterminated. This battle took place near the mouth of the Becancourt River, a little below Three Rivers. So many dead bodies remained in the stream and on its banks, that it was called, even till Charlevoix's time, "la Rivière Puante" (stinking river).

Sulte (Can. Français, vol. i., pp. 76-83) thus epitomizes the successive changes in tribal locations on the St. Lawrence: "The Algonquins dwelt along the Ottawa; the Iroquois, on the St. Lawrence. About the year 1500, the Algonquins drove the Iroquois from the shores of their river, and there established themselves. The Iroquois settled between Lake Champlain and Lake Ontario. Between 1500 and 1530, the Hurons (or some other Iroquois tribe) retook Montreal from the Iroquets, an Algonquin tribe; and most of the Iroquets passed into the ranks of the Iroquois by this conquest [adopted by the conquerors, according to the custom prevalent among most of the aboriginal tribes].... In 1535, Jacques Cartier visited, at Montreal, the Huron-Iroquois.... Towards 1560, the Algonquins massacred nearly all the Iroquet warriors at the Rivière Puante, and the rest of this tribe returned to the Algonquins. Between 1560 and 1600, the Iroquois tribe of Agniers [Mohawks] was the one chiefly at war with the Algonquins. From 1560 290to 1600, the Algonquins gained the ascendency in every direction. The Iroquois tribe that held Montreal retired westward; this was, apparently, the Huron tribe that Champlain found, in 1615, near Lake Simcoe. It was about 1600 that the league of the Five Nations seems to have commenced, and it swept the shores of the river.... The Algonquins, crushed by the Iroquois, fell back upon the Ottawa. In 1609, Champlain was accompanied, in his expedition against the Iroquois, by bands of Hurons, Algonquins, Iroquets, and Montagnais; and the French alliance again attracted Algonquins to the St. Lawrence, who settled chiefly at Three Rivers.... About 1630, the Iroquois gained ascendency over the Algonquins, thanks to the firearms sold them by the Dutch. In 1647, Piescaret, an Algonquin chief, was assassinated; and, after that, his tribe, as well as the Hurons, was destroyed. Until 1665, the Iroquois reigned supreme in the greater part of Canada." See also Perrot's Mémoire, chap, iv., and Tailhan's notes thereon, pp. 165, 166.

53 (p. 221).—Antoine Daniel was born at Dieppe, May 27, 1601; and, at the age of twenty, entered the Jesuit novitiate at Rouen. This completed, he was an instructor there, during 1623-27; then for three years studied theology at Clermont. He was, after 1630, a teacher and preacher at the college of Eu, until his departure for Canada (1632), whither he went with his brother, Captain Charles Daniel (see vol. iv., note 46). He endeavored, with Brébeuf and Davost, to go at once to the Huron country; but the savages refused to take them, and they were compelled to wait for a more favorable opportunity. This came a year later, when these three returned with the Hurons who had come down to Three Rivers for trade,—reaching their destination, after a journey full of hardships and suffering, in which Daniel was abandoned on the way by his savage guides. They established themselves at Ihonatiria (see note 60, post), and Daniel remained there until his death,—except during the two years 1636-38, when he was at Quebec, attending to some Huron lads whom he had taken thither to instruct in religion and in the ways of civilization. In the summer of 1648, the Iroquois made a sudden raid, and, on July 4, surprised and utterly destroyed the town of Teanaustayé (called by the missionaries St. Joseph). Daniel, after doing all in his power to encourage and console his people, was murdered at his church door by the Iroquois; his body, riddled with arrows, was thrown into the flames that consumed the building. He was the second martyr among the Jesuits sent to New France. The Hurons called him "Antwen" (also written Antouennen), a corruption of his Christian name. He was distinguished for his humility, obedience, patience, and courage.—See Rochemonteix's Jésuites, vol. ii., p. 74.

291 54 (p. 221).—Ambroise Davost came (1632), with Charles and Antoine Daniel, to St. Anne's, Cape Breton Island (see vol. iv., note 46); but in May, 1633, both missionaries went to Quebec with Champlain, who, on his way thither, had stopped at Cape Breton. In July, 1634, he was assigned to the Huron mission, where he tarried two years, returning to Quebec with Daniel in 1636. He seems to have remained there and at Montreal until 1643; then, with health broken by toil and hardship, he departed for France, but died while on the voyage.

56 (p. 223).—Petite nation: an Algonkin tribe, living east of the Ottawa River, which is "even to this day," says Laverdière, "called the river of the Petite Nation." Their name was also given to the falls of the Chaudière; and to a seigniory granted, in 1674, to Mgr. de Laval, and situated some fifteen leagues below the falls. Champlain mentions this tribe (1613) as the Ouescharini (their Algonkin appellation, written by Ferland Ouaouechkaïrini).

57 (p. 239).—The French called this tribe Nation de l'Isle, because their principal habitat was on Allumettes Island, in the Ottawa River. Their Algonkin name was Kichesipiirini; the Huron (used by Lalemant, in Relation of 1639), Ehonkehronons. Around their island the river was obstructed by dangerous rapids, involving a portage of canoes and goods. They profited by this position to levy a toll on all travelers who passed them.

58 (p. 239).—Étienne Brulé, a native of Champigny, France, came to Quebec with Champlain, at an early age, probably as early as 1608. He was an interpreter for the Hurons during many years, and lived with various tribes,—spending thus eight years, according to Champlain. In 1615, he went with the latter to the Huron country, and was sent by his commander to the Carantouanais (allies of the Hurons, and probably the Andastes, living on the upper Susquehanna), to hasten the coming of their warriors on the expedition against the Iroquois. Champlain saw no more of him until three years later, when he came down to Quebec with the annual trading party of the Hurons. He told Champlain that he had been obliged to remain among the Carantouanais, and had explored the country southward to the sea (Slafter thinks, to Chesapeake Bay); had been captured by Iroquois, and narrowly escaped death by torture; but had finally succeeded in making his way back to the Hurons. After the capture of Quebec (1629), Brulé deserted to the English; but, soon afterward, he went with Amantacha to the Huron country, where (1633) he was murdered by the savages. Sagard says this was in revenge for some misdemeanor he had committed there, and that his flesh was eaten by his murderers. Champlain says that 292Brulé was licentious and otherwise depraved, thus setting a bad example to the savages, for which he should have been severely punished.—See Voyages (Laverdière's ed.), pp. 523, 621, 629, 1065, 1249-51; also Sagard's Canada, pp. 465-467.

59 (p. 245).—This was Simon Le Maistre, a merchant of Rouen, and one of the Hundred Associates,—later, a member of the royal council and receiver-general of tithes in Normandy. He aided in fitting up the expedition sent by Madame de Guercheville to found St. Sauveur (see vol. iii., p. 261). Jan. 15, 1636, he obtained a seigniory on the Bruyante (Chaudière) river, extending three leagues on each side of the river, and six leagues in depth. Two weeks later, he transferred this concession to Jean de Lauson, for whom it was named Côte de Lauson.

60 (p. 259).—La Rochelle. Sagard mentions (Canada, p. 208) "Tequeunoikuaye, also named Quieuindohian; by the French called La Rochelle, and by us [the Récollets] the town of St. Gabriel ... the chief town of that region, and the guardian and rampart of all the towns of the Bear Nation, where they generally decide all affairs of great importance." This town was afterwards known as Ossossané; and the Jesuit mission established there was named for the Immaculate Conception.

A. F. Hunter supplies the following information regarding La Rochelle: "There is scarcely any doubt as to its location. It was on the frontier toward the Iroquois, near the pass between Cranberry Lake and Nottawasaga Bay. Du Creux's map places it (under the name of Conception) at a short distance from Nottawasaga Bay, in the S. W. part of the Huron territory; and there is, within and adjoining the sixth concession of Tiny township, a group of remains of village sites and ossuaries corresponding exactly with this position. All the references in Champlain, Sagard, and the Relations, seem to indicate the same locality. The identity is so evident, that this group has been regarded as Ossossané since the first discovery of remains there, several years ago. When first visited by Champlain, it was well palisaded, as it also was when, twelve years later, the Récollets conducted there the mission of St. Gabriel. Afterwards, its position was changed; and again, in 1636, five villages were consolidated into one. The 'feast of the dead,' witnessed by Brébeuf in that year, was held at this place. These data, and the discovery of ossuaries, indicate the existence of various village sites in one neighborhood. From the earliest visit of Champlain (1615) until the dispersion of the Hurons, it was the capital of their confederacy,—the place where the most important councils were held. Pijart founded the mission of the Conception there in 1637; and it was the headquarters of the entire Huron mission, after the 293destruction of Ihonatiria by a pestilence, in 1638, until the establishment of Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye. At a meeting of the Canadian Institute on March 19, 1887, the Reverend Father Laboreau, of Penetanguishene, presented to the Provincial Archæological Museum a brass finger-ring found in one of the ossuaries at Ossossané. On the seal of this ring are engraved the letters I. H. S., with a cross standing on the bar of the H."

(See Hunter's "Archæological Research in the Huron Country," at end of this volume.)

61 (p. 263).—This abandoned village was known among the Hurons as Toanché. As stated in note 58, ante, Étienne Brulé was murdered there in 1633. The Indians, dreading lest the French should take revenge upon them for this deed, hastily abandoned Toanché, and fixed their dwellings at a spot two or three miles distant naming their new village Ihonatiria (see vol. iv., note 30). A. F. Hunter writes, concerning the locality of these towns:

"The exact positions of these villages have not yet been established beyond question. Martin thinks the various data furnished by Sagard and Brébeuf 'seem to indicate the west entrance of what is now called Penetanguishene Bay' (Life of Jogues, appendix A.). But Taché thinks the borders of the small inlet called Thunder Bay, fully six miles farther west, the more probable location. This bay is a small natural harbor, where landing is easy. At the time of Taché's researches (1865), it was the nearest point to any village site then discovered, the remains of one having been traced at a place distant about a mile from its shore. Parkman and Laverdière adopted Taché's opinion,—the latter assuming that Toanché was identical with Otoüacha, where Champlain had landed. The evidence in favor of Thunder Bay as the landing place of Brébeuf, although scanty, is superior to that produced for any other locality. The exact site of Toanché, however, can not yet be determined, because, except in a few places, the original forest still covers the shores of the inlet, with those of Matchedash Bay adjoining it, and to some distance inland. Farther back in the country, the farms of the settlers are mostly cleared, and village sites have been exposed by plowing; but these are too far distant from the Bay to correspond with either of the villages in question. A large ossuary in this vicinity, discovered in 1846, at the distance of about two miles from Thunder Bay, is described by Martin in his edition of Bressani's Relation, p. 101; also more fully by Edward W. Bawtree (Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, July, 1848), whose account is reprinted in Squier's Antiquities of the State of New York (Buffalo, 1851), pp. 100-107. Bawtree there describes another bone-pit, found two miles farther west, and at about the same distance from the inlet. 294The present writer also examined, in July, 1887, another large ossuary, and a small one beside it, then in the woods, and distant about a mile from the southwest angle of Thunder Bay. Martin and Taché apparently agree in placing Ihonatiria west of Penetanguishene Bay; but no site has yet been found there which will entirely correspond with the statements made by early writers. As in the case of Toanché, Du Creux's map is silent as to its position. Rough estimates of its distances from other villages sometimes appear in the Relations; as, that it was two leagues from Aronté, or four leagues from Ossossané (La Conception). But, even when the positions of these others are known, such data, without the direction of the compass being given, are insufficient to determine its position, or distinguish it among the sites of any given neighborhood. It was the seat of the mission of St. Joseph, and for nearly four years (1634-38) the headquarters of the Huron missions, until the destruction and dispersion of the village by a pestilence."

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN THE HURON COUNTRY.

Father Brébeuf and his associates planted the missions to the Hurons in what is now the extreme northern part of Simcoe County. Or, more exactly defined, they were included within the boundaries of the present townships of Medonte, Tay, and Tiny, which the Canadian Government surveyed and opened for settlement in the period between the years 1820 and 1828. An influx of European settlers began soon after the latter date, and, in the course of clearing the forest and cultivating the soil, they found numerous remains of the Hurons, with here and there traces of the Jesuits. Brief notices here follow of those students of history and archæology who have labored to identify the sites of the Huron missions, or to throw light upon the subject. Other references to their work will be made in the notes on the respective mission sites.

In 1835, Father Jean Baptiste Proulx came to St. Anne's church, Penetanguishene, as its first resident pastor. His attention was soon drawn to the Jesuit remains in that vicinity; and in June, 1845, he purchased, for the sum of £43. 15s., (old Canadian currency), the east half of lot no. 16 in the third concession of the Township of Tay (100 acres), on which are situated the ruins of Fort Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye. On account of its associations with the pioneers of their church in Canada, this property is still owned by the Jesuit Society.

Father Felix Martin, S. J., visited, in 1845, the ruins of Fort Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye, and the mission sites whose exact positions were then known with certainty. His descriptions of these appear in his edition of Bressani's Relation, and in his Life of Jogues. The former work contains a reproduction of Creuxius's map (1660), which includes his "Chorographia Regionis Huronum."

Rev. Geo. Hallen, an Episcopal clergyman resident at Penetanguishene after 1840, contributed tracings of the two mission forts (one on the Wye, the other on Christian Island), to Father Martin's Bressani.

During two years of service as staff assistant-surgeon at Penetanguishene (1846-48), Dr. Edward W. Bawtree examined six large Huron ossuaries, the first found in the district. He described these296 at some length in an article, "Indian Sepulchral Pits in Canada" (see reference to this article in note 61, ante). Bawtree's collection of Huron relics is in the Museum of the Army Medical Department at Netley, Eng.

Within the first six years after his appointment to the chair of history, in Toronto University (1854-60), Sir Daniel Wilson made several visits to the Huron country, to examine village sites and ossuaries, and his publications concerning the Hurons were numerous, not only during this period but throughout the rest of his lifetime. His visits after 1860 appear to have been less frequent, probably because Taché's survey had covered the ground. Wilson made a special study of crania; and of his archæological memoirs his best known is "The Huron Race and its Head-form," in Canadian Journal, 2nd series, vol. xiii. (1871-73), pp. 113-134, in which he compares the Huron skull with that of the mound-builder.

While Dr. J. C. Taché held the chair of physiology in Laval University, Quebec (1860-64), he devoted his summer vacations to explorations in the Huron country, and attempted, by examination of the published records and maps, to identify the sites of the missions. In this period he carefully examined some fourteen village sites and sixteen ossuaries, his identifications of which are adopted by Parkman and Laverdière. Taché drafted a map of the Huron country, which, together with the records of his explorations, is in the Museum of Laval University, besides many Huron relics secured by him. With the exception of some extracts from letters to the historians just named, and to a few others, scarcely anything appeared from his pen on the subject.—See Hamel's sketch of Taché in Annuaire de l'Université Laval (Quebec, 1894), pp. 98-103.

Prof. Henry Montgomery, of Trinity University, Toronto, visited, during 1876-78, twelve Huron ossuaries. He minutely examined one of these, as well as several village sites and earthworks, in the immediate neighborhood of St. Louis, at which town Brébeuf and Lalemant were captured in 1649. He gave a short account of his investigations in an article, "Indian Remains in Simcoe and Muskoka," (Toronto Globe, August 3, 1878); and he donated the principal part of his collection of Huron relics to the Toronto University museum, since destroyed by fire.

Charles A. Hirschfelder, Toronto, in a paper, "Anthropological Discoveries in Canada" (Toronto Mail, Dec. 2, 1882; also, Proceedings of Brit. Assoc. for Adv. of Science, Montreal, 1884, pp. 915, 916), described the Huron ossuaries and other remains which he had examined. He made, in the Huron country and in other parts of Ontario, a collection of four thousand specimens, which are preserved in the museum of the Dominion Government at Ottawa. In297 the course of his work, he investigated the sites of the missions of St. Joseph, St. Ignace, and Ste. Marie, on Christian Island.

Rev. J. W. Annis, M. A., of the Methodist Episcopal church, while residing in the district (1884-87), made a collection of Huron relics, many of them from the sites of the mission towns. Since his death, this collection (400 specimens) has been placed in the Provincial Archæological Museum at Toronto. His investigations extended to the sites of St. Ignace, St. Louis, Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye, and Wenrio.

James Bain, Jr., librarian of the Toronto Public Library, has thrown some light on the subject of the Huron missions. A paper read by him before the Canadian Institute in April, 1885, on "The Present Condition of the old French Fort at St. Marie," of which an abstract appears in the Proceedings, 3rd series, vol. iii. (1886), pp. 278, 279, describes, from personal inspection at different times, the razing of these ruins during the previous thirty years.

Since Father Th. F. Laboreau became (1873) pastor of St. Anne's, Penetanguishene, he has devoted much time to the examination of mission sites. A paper, "Reminiscences of the Huron Missions," read before the Canadian Institute, Toronto, March 19, 1887, describes some of his investigations. Another paper read before the same body, Sept. 25, 1891, on "The Early History of the Mission of St. Anne's, Penetanguishene," reviews its history from the year of its foundation (1835) until the commencement of the memorial church in memory of the martyred Jesuits, Brébeuf and his companions, in the erection of which Father Laboreau himself has shown so much zeal. The corner stone of this edifice was laid Sept. 5, 1886; and by 1890 the work had advanced so far that the basement could be used for regular services.

David Boyle, curator of the Ontario Archæological Museum, Toronto, in the course of his scientific work has made numerous visits to the Huron country. More than a thousand relics in the museum have been taken from village sites of the Hurons and Tobacco Nation, including the mission towns in both. His nine Annual Reports, and a small work, Primitive Man in Ontario, which are the most valuable contributions to the archæology of Ontario yet published, abound in many references to the relics of these localities.

A. C. Osborne, a journalist, formerly of Penetanguishene, has written various articles on the Huron missions—"The Land of the Wyandots," "The Flight of the Hurons from Ste. Marie to Christian Island," etc.

An article by Joseph Wallace, Sr., Orillia, Ont, in The Canadian Indian (Sault Ste. Marie, Ont.), Feb. 1891, p. 134, entitled "A Fishing Station of the Ancient Hurons Identified," describes the channel298 between Lakes Simcoe and Couchiching, staked across by the Hurons for catching fish, the stakes having been preserved under water to the present day. A series of eleven articles, "Scenes from the Past," in the Orillia Packet (Feb.-June, 1896), relates the story of the Huron missions in a concise form.

Space is lacking to enumerate all those who have devoted their energies to this work, though in less degree than the foregoing. Notwithstanding all their efforts, however, the work cannot be regarded as complete.

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Editor	Reuben Gold Thwaites
Translator from the French	John Cutler Covert
Assistant Translator from the French	Mary Sifton Pepper
Translator from the Latin	William Frederic Giese
Translator from the Italian	Mary Sifton Pepper
Assistant Editor	Emma Helen Blair

The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. 5: Quebec, 1632-1633

Transcriber's Note.

THE JESUIT RELATIONS
AND
ALLIED DOCUMENTS
Vol. V

EDITORIAL STAFF

CONTENTS OF VOL. V

ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. V

PREFACE TO VOL. V

Le Jeune's Brieve Relation

[3] Brieve Relation dv Voyage de la Novvelle France.

[3] Brief Relation of the Journey to New France.1

Le Jeune's Relation, 1633

[3] Relation de ce qvi s'est passé en la Novvelle France en l'annee 1633.

[3] Relation of what occurred in New France in the year 1633.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. V

XX

XXI

NOTES TO VOL. V

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN THE HURON COUNTRY.

Transcriber's Note.

Corrections.

Errata.

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

Preface to Volume V		1
Documents:—
XX.	Brieve Relation dv voyage de la Novvelle France, fait au mois d'Auril dernier. Paul le Ieune; Kebec, August 28, 1632	5
XXI.	Relation de ce qui s'est passé en La Novvelle France, en l'année 1633. Paul le Ieune (first installment)	77
Bibliographical Data: Volume V		269
Notes		275

I.	Portrait of Paul le Jeune, S.J. Photo-engraving from oil painting by Donald Guthrie McNab	Frontispiece
II.	Photographic facsimile of title-page, Le Jeune's Relation of 1632	8
III.	Photographic facsimile of title-page, Le Jeune's Relation of 1633	80
IV.	R. C. Church at Penetanguishene, Ont., built in memory of the Jesuit Martyrs in the Huron country; now in course of construction. (From a recent photograph.)	295

The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. 5: Quebec, 1632-1633

Transcriber's Note.

THE JESUIT RELATIONS AND ALLIED DOCUMENTS Vol. V

EDITORIAL STAFF

CONTENTS OF VOL. V

ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. V

PREFACE TO VOL. V

Le Jeune's Brieve Relation

[3] Brieve Relation dv Voyage de la Novvelle France.

[3] Brief Relation of the Journey to New France.1

Le Jeune's Relation, 1633

[3] Relation de ce qvi s'est passé en la Novvelle France en l'annee 1633.

[3] Relation of what occurred in New France in the year 1633.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. V

XX

XXI

NOTES TO VOL. V

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN THE HURON COUNTRY.

Transcriber's Note.

Corrections.

Errata.

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

THE JESUIT RELATIONS
AND
ALLIED DOCUMENTS
Vol. V