Besides the higher-grade deities, whose worship is enjoined and treated of in the Shāstras and Purānas, numerous other minor deities, none of whom however find a place in the Scriptures, are worshipped by the lower classes. The principle underlying the whole fabric of the worship of these minor deities, who for the most part are the spirits of dead ancestors or heroes, has more in it of fear for their power of harming than of love for their divine nature. All untoward occurrences in domestic affairs, all bodily ailments and unusual natural phenomena, inexplicable to the simple mind of the villager, are attributed to the malignant action of these nameless and numerous spirits, hovering over and haunting the habitations of men.1 The latent dread of receiving injuries from these evil spirits results in the worship by the low-class people of a number of devas and mātās, as they are called. The poor villager, surrounded on all sides by hosts of hovering spirits, ready to take offence, or even to possess him, on the smallest pretext, requires some tangible protector to save him from such malign influences.1 He sets up and enshrines the spirit that he believes to have been beneficent to him, and so deserving of worship, and makes vows in its honour, often becoming himself the officiating priest. Each such deity has its own particular thānak (sthāna) or locality. Thus there is hardly a village which has not a particular deity of its own. But in addition to this deity, others in far off villages are generally held in high esteem.1

There are a number of ways in which these lower-class deities can be installed. Their images are made either of wood, stone, or metal.2 No temples or shrines are erected in their honour.3 An ordinary way of representing them is by drawing a trident, (trishūl, a weapon peculiar to god Shiva) in red-lead and oil on an upright slab of stone on a public road, on any dead wall, on the confines of a village, or a mountain side, or a hill top, in an underground cellar, or on the bank of a stream.4 Some people paint tridents in their own houses. The trishūl, or trident, may also be made of wood, in which case its three points are plastered with red-lead and oil and covered with a thin coating of tin.5 Sometimes carved wooden images in human shape, daubed over with red-lead and oil, are placed in a small wooden chariot or in a recess about a foot square. In some shrines two brooms or whisks of peacock’s feathers are placed on either side of the image.6 A slight difficulty overcome or a disease remedied by a vow in honour of any of these deities offers the occasion for an installation, and in all future emergencies of the same kind similar vows are observed. A mātā installed to protect a fortress or a street is called a Gadheri Mātā, and the worshippers of a fortress, or street, mother are known as Pothias.7 At the time of installation flags are hoisted near the dedicated places. A troop of dancers with jingling anklets recite holy verses, while the bhuva, exorcist-priest, performs the ceremonies. Generally installations are frequent during the [16]Navarātra8 holidays when, if no human-shaped image is set up, a trishūl at least is drawn in red-lead and oil.9 Some of these evil deities require, at the time of their installation, the balidān (sacrifice or oblation) of a goat or a he-buffalo. Also, when a spirit is to be exorcised, the symbol of the familiar spirit of the exorcist is set up and invoked by him.9 After the installation, no systematic form of worship is followed in connection with them.10 Regular forms are prescribed for the real gods of the Purānas. But upon these the low-caste people are not authorised to attend.

Still, in practice there are two forms of worship: ordinary or sāmānya-pūjā and special or vishesha-pūjā.11 Ordinary worship is performed by bathing the deity—which can be done by sprinkling a few drops of water over it—burning a ghi, or an oil, lamp before it, and by offering a cocoanut and a pice or a half-anna piece. The last is taken away by the bhuva, or priest, who returns generally half or three-quarters of the cocoanut as a prasād of the god.

There are no particular days prescribed for such worship, but Sundays and Tuesdays would seem to be the most favoured.12 On such days, offerings are made for the fulfilment of a vow recorded in order to avoid a bādhā, or impending evil. In the observance of this vow the devotee abstains from certain things, such as ghi, butter, milk, rice, juvar, betelnut till the period of the vow expires. When a vow is thus discharged, the devotee offers flowers, garlands, incense, food or drink according to the terms of his vow.12 The dhūpa, i.e., burning incense of gūgal (balsamodendron) is one of the commonest methods of worship.

The days for special worship are the Navarātra holidays, the second day of the bright half of Āshādh, the ninth month of the Hindu Calendar,13 Divāsā14 or the fifteenth day of the dark half of Āshādh, and Kālī-chaudas15 or the fourteenth day of the dark half of Āshvin, the last month; besides other extraordinary occasions when a spirit has to be exorcised out of a sick person.

The Navarātra days are said to be the most auspicious days for devī-worship. People believing in the power of the mātās observe fast on these days. Most of them at least fast on the eighth day of the Navarātra known as Mātā-ashtamī, taking only a light meal which consists of roots, as a rule, especially the suran (Amorphophallus campanulatus), and of dates and milk.16 On the Navarātra days red-lead and oil are applied to the images of the devis, and a number of oblations, such as loaves, cooked rice, lāpsi17, vadān18 and bāklā19 are offered.20 The utmost ceremonial cleanliness is observed in the preparation of these viands. The corn is sifted, cleaned, ground or pounded, cooked, treated with frankincense, offered to the gods and lastly partaken of before sunset, and all these operations must be performed on the same day; for the offerings must not see lamp-light.21 Girls are not allowed to partake of these offerings. All ceremonies should be conducted with much earnestness and reverence; otherwise the offerings will fail to prove acceptable to the mātās or devis.21

On Mātā-ashtamī and Kālī-chaudas devotees sometimes offer rams, goats or buffaloes as victims to the devis or devas in addition to the usual offerings of lāpsi, vadān and bāklā.21 The night of Kālī-chaudas is believed to be so favourable for the efficacious [17]recitation (sādhana) of certain mantras, mysterious incantations possessing sway over spirits, that bhuvas (exorcists) leave the village and sit up performing certain rites in cemeteries, on burning-ghats, and in other equally suitable places where spirits are supposed to congregate.22

On Divāsā, the last day of Āshādh, the ninth month, low-caste people bathe their gods with water and milk, besmear them with red-lead and oil, and make offerings of cocoanuts, lāpsi, bāklā of adād (Phaseoleus radiatus) or kansār23. Particular offerings are believed to be favoured by particular deities: for instance, khichdo (rice and pulse boiled together) and oil, or tavo (flat unleavened loaves) are favoured by the goddess Meldi, boiled rice by Shikotar and lāpsi by the goddess Gātrād.24

On these holidays, as well as on the second day of the bright half of Āshādh the devotees hoist flags in honour of the spirits, and play on certain musical instruments producing discordant sounds. Meanwhile bhuvas, believed to be interpreters of the wills of evil spirits, undergo self-torture, with the firm conviction that the spirits have entered their persons. Sometimes they lash themselves with iron chains or cotton braided scourges.25 At times a bhuva places a pan-full of sweet oil over a fire till it boils. He then fries cakes in it, and takes them out with his unprotected hands, sprinkling the boiling oil over his hair. He further dips thick cotton wicks into the oil, lights them and puts them into his mouth and throws red-hot bullets into his mouth, seemingly without any injury.26 This process secures the confidence of the sevakas or followers, and is very often used by bhuvas when exorcising spirits from persons whose confidence the bhuvas wish to gain. A bowl-full of water is then passed round the head of the ailing person (or animal) to be charmed, and the contents are swallowed by the exorcist to show that he has swallowed in the water all the ills the flesh of the patient is heir to.26

In the cure of certain diseases by exorcising the process known as utār is sometimes gone through. An utār is a sacrificial offering of the nature of a scapegoat, and consists of a black earthen vessel, open and broad at the top, and containing lāpsi, vadān, bāklā, a yard of atlas (dark-red silk fabric), one rupee and four annas in cash, pieces of charcoal, red-lead, sorro (or surmo-lead ore used as eye-powder), an iron-nail and three cocoanuts.26 Very often a trident is drawn in red-lead and oil on the outer sides of the black earthen vessel.27 The bhuva carries the utār in his hands with a drawn sword in a procession, to the noise of the jingling of the anklets of his companions, the beating of drums and the rattling of cymbals. After placing the utār in the cemetery the procession returns with tumultuous shouts of joy and much jingling of anklets.28

Sometimes bhuvas are summoned for two or three nights preceding the day of the utār ceremony, and a ceremony known as Dānklān-beswān or the installation of the dānklā29 is performed. (A dānklā30 is a special spirit instrument in the shape of a small kettle-drum producing, when beaten by a stick, a most discordant, and, by long association, a melancholy, gruesome and ghastly sound—K. B. Fazlullah).

Many sects have special deities of their own, attended upon by a bhuva of the same order.31 The bhuva holds a high position in the society of his caste-fellows. He believes himself to be possessed by the devi or mātā whose attendant he is, and declares, [18]while possessed by her, the will of the mātā, replying for her to such questions as may be put to him.32 The devis are supposed to appear in specially favoured bhuvas and to endow them with prophetic powers.33

The following is a list of some of the inferior local deities of Gujarat and Kathiawar:—

(1) Suro-pūro.—This is generally the spirit of some brave ancestor who died a heroic death, and is worshipped by his descendants as a family-god at his birthplace as well as at the scene of his death, where a pillar (pālio) is erected to his memory.34

(2) Vachhro, otherwise known by the name of Dādā (sire).—This is said to have been a Rajput, killed in rescuing the cowherds of some Chārans, who invoked his aid, from a party of free-booters.35 He is considered to be the family-god of the Ahirs of Solanki descent, and is the sole village-deity in Okha and Baradi Districts.36 Other places dedicated to this god are Padānā, Aniālā, Taluka Mengani,37 Khajurdi, Khirasarā and Anida.38 He is represented by a stone horse, and Chārans perform priestly duties in front of him.39 Submission to, and vows in honour of, this god, are believed to cure rabid-dog-bites.40

(3) Sarmālio commands worship in Gondal, Khokhāri and many other places. Newly-married couples of many castes loosen the knots tied in their marriage-scarves as a mark of respect for him.41 Persons bitten by a snake wear round their necks a piece of thread dedicated to this god.40

(4) Shitalā is a goddess known for the cure of small-pox.—Persons attacked by this disease observe vows in her honour. Kālāvad and Syādlā are places dedicated to her.40

(5) Ganāgor.—Virgins who are anxious to secure suitable husbands and comfortable establishments worship this goddess and observe vows in her honour.40

(6) Todāliā.—She has neither an idol nor a temple set up in her honour, but is represented by a heap of stones lying on the village boundary—Pādal or Jāmpā. All marriage processions, before entering the village (Sānkā) or passing by the heap, pay homage to this deity and offer a cocoanut, failure to do which is believed to arouse her wrath. She does not command daily adoration, but on occasions the attendant, who is a Chumvāliā Koli, and who appropriates all the presents to this deity, burns frankincense of gugal (balsamodendron) and lights a lamp before her.42

(7) Buttāya also is represented by a heap of stones on a hillock in the vicinity of Sānkā. Her worshipper is a Talabdia Koli. A long season of drought leads to her propitiation by feasting Brāhmans, for which purpose four pounds of corn are taken in her name from each threshing floor in the village.42

(8) Surdhan.—This seems to have been some brave Kshatriya warrior who died on a battlefield. A temple is erected to his memory, containing an image of Shiva. The attending priest is an Atit.42

(9) Ghogho.—This is a cobra-god worshipped in the village of Bikhijada having a Bajana (tumbler) for his attending priest.42

(10) Pir.—This is a Musalman saint, in whose honour no tomb is erected, the special site alone being worshipped by a devotee.42

(11) Raneki is represented by a heap of stones, and is attended upon by chamārs (tanners). Her favourite resort is near the Dhedvādā (i.e., a quarter inhabited by sweepers). A childless Girasia is said to [19]have observed a vow in her honour for a son, and a son being born to him, he dedicated certain lands to her; but they are no longer in the possession of the attendants.43

(12) Hanuman.—On a mound of earth there is an old worn-out image of this god. People sometimes light a lamp there, offer cocoanuts and plaster the image with red-lead and oil. A sādhu of the Māragi sect, a Koli by birth, acts as pujari.43

(13) Shaktā (or shakti).—This is a Girasia goddess attended upon by a Chumvāliā Koli. On the Navarātra days, as well as on the following day, Girasias worship this goddess, and if necessary observe vows in her name.43

(14) Harsidh.—Gāndhavi in Bardā and Ujjain are the places dedicated to this goddess. There is a tradition connected with her that her image stood in a place of worship facing the sea on Mount Koyalo in Gandhavi. She was believed to sink or swallow all the vessels that sailed by. A Bania named Jagadusā, knowing this, propitiated her by the performance of religious austerities. On being asked what boon he wanted from her, he requested her to descend from her mountain-seat. She agreed on the Bania promising to offer a living victim for every footstep she took in descending. Thus he sacrificed one victim after another until the number of victims he had brought was exhausted. He then first offered his four or five children, then his wife and lastly himself. In reward for his self-devotion the goddess faced towards Miani and no mishaps are believed to take place in the village.44

(15) Hinglaj.—This goddess has a place of worship a hundred and fifty miles from Karachi in Sind, to which her devotees and believers make pilgrimage.44

In the village of Jāsdān, in Kathiawar, there is an ancient shrine of Kālu-Pīr in whose memory there are two sepulchres covered with costly fabrics, and a large flag floats over the building. Both Hindus and Musalmans believe45 in this saint, and offer cocoanuts, sweetmeats and money to his soul. A part of the offering being passed through the smoke of frankincense, burning in a brazier near the saint’s grave in the shrine, the rest is returned to the offerer. Every morning and evening a big kettle-drum is beaten in the Pīr’s honour.46

Other minor deities are Shikotār, believed by sailors to be able to protect them from the dangers of the deep;47 Charmathvati, the goddess of the Rabarīs;48 Macho, the god of the shepherds;48 Meldi, in whom Vaghries (bird-catchers) believe;49 Pithād, the favourite god of Dheds;50 Dhavdi, who is worshipped by a hajām (barber);51 Khodiar;52 Géla,52 Dādamo,52 Kshetrapāl,52 Chāvad,53 Mongal,53 Avad,53 Pālan,53 Vir [20]Vaital,54 Jālio,54 Gadio,54 Paino,54 Parolio,54 Sevalio,54 Andhario,54 Fulio,54 Bhoravo,54 Ragantio,54 Chod,55 Gātrad,55 Mammai and Verai.56 There are frequent additions to the number, as any new disease or unusual and untoward incident may bring a new spirit into existence. The installation of such deities is not a costly concern,57 and thus there is no serious check on their recognition.

The sun, the beneficent night-dispelling, light-bestowing great luminary, is believed to be the visible manifestation of the Almighty God,58 and inspires the human mind with a feeling of grateful reverence which finds expression in titles like Savitā, Life-Producer, the nourisher and generator of all life and activity59.

He is the chief rain-sender60; there is a couplet used in Gujarat illustrative of this belief. It runs:—“Oblations are cast into the Fire: the smoke carries the prayers to the sun; the Divine Luminary, propitiated, responds in sending down gentle showers.” “The sacred smoke, rising from the sacrificial offerings, ascends through the ethereal regions to the Sun. He transforms it into the rain-giving clouds, the rains produce food, and food produces the powers of generation and multiplication and plenty. Thus, the sun, as the propagator of animal life, is believed to be the highest deity.60”

It is pretty generally believed that vows in honour of the sun are highly efficacious in curing eye-diseases and strengthening the eyesight. Mr. Damodar Karsonji Pandya quotes from the Bhagvadgītā the saying of Krishna:

“I am the very light of the sun and the moon.61” Being the embodiment or the fountain of light, the sun imparts his lustre either to the bodies or to the eyes of his devotees. It is said that a Rajput woman of Gomātā in Gondal and a Brahman of Rajkot were cured of white leprosy by vows in honour of the sun.62 Similar vows are made to this day for the cure of the same disease. Persons in Kathiawar suffering from ophthalmic disorders, venereal affections, leucoderma and white leprosy are known to observe vows in honour of the sun.63

The Parmār Rajputs believe in the efficacy of vows in honour of the sun deity of Māndavrāj, in curing hydrophobia.64

Women believe that a vow or a vrat made to the sun is the sure means of attaining their desires. Chiefly their vows are made with the object of securing a son. On the fulfilment of this desire, in gratitude to the Great Luminary, the child is often called after him, and given such a name as Suraj-Rām, Bhānu-Shankar, Ravi-Shankar, Adit-Rām.65

Many cradles are received as presents at the temple of Māndavrāj, indicating that the barren women who had made vows to the deity have been satisfied in their desire for a son, the vows being fulfilled by the present of such toy-cradles to the sun. In the case of rich donors, these cradles are made of precious metal.66

At Mandvara, in the Muli District of Kathiawar, the Parmār Rajputs, as well as the Kāthis, bow to the image of the sun, on their marriage-day, in company with their newly-married brides.66 After the birth of [21]a son to a Rajputani, the hair on the boy’s head is shaved for the first time in the presence of the Māndavrāj deity,67 and a suit of rich clothes is presented to the image by the maternal uncle of the child.68

The sun is सर्वसाक्षी the observer of all things and nothing can escape his notice.69 His eye is believed to possess the lustre of the three Vedic lores, viz., Rigveda, Yajurveda and Sāmaveda, and is therefore known by the name of वेदत्रयी. The attestation of a document in his name as Sūrya-Nārāyana-Sākshi is believed to be ample security for the sincerity and good faith of the parties.70 Oaths in the name of the sun are considered so binding that persons swearing in his name are held to be pledged to the strictest truth.71

Virgin girls observe a vrat, or vow, called the ‘tili-vrat’ in the sun’s honour, for attaining अखंड सौभाग्य—eternal exemption from widowhood. In making this vrat, or vow, the votary, having bathed and worshipped the sun, sprinkles wet red-lac drops before him.72

According to Forbes’s Rāsmālā, the sun revealed to the Kāthis the plan of regaining their lost kingdom, and thus commanded their devout worship and reverence. The temple named Suraj-deval, near Thān, was set up by the Kāthis in recognition of this favour. In it both the visible resplendent disc of the sun and his image are adored.73

People whose horoscopes declare them to have been born under the Sūrya-dashā, or solar influence, have from time to time to observe vows prescribed by Hindu astrology.74

Cultivators are said to observe vows in honour of the sun for the safety of their cattle.75

The following are some of the standard books on sun-worship:—

(1) Aditya-hridaya—literally, the Heart of the Sun. It treats of the glory of the sun and the mode of worshipping him.

(2) Brihadāranyakopanishad and Mandula-Brahmans—portions of Yajurveda recited by Vedic Brahmans with a view to tender symbolic as well as mental prayers to the sun.

(3) Bibhrād—the fourth chapter of the Rudri.

(4) A passage in Brāhman—a portion of the Vedas, beginning with the words स्वयंभूरसि Thou art self-existent—is entirely devoted to Sun-worship.76

(5) Sūrya-Purāna—A treatise relating a number of stories in glorification of the sun.

(6) Sūrya-kavacha.77

(7) Sūrya-gīta.

(8) Sūrya-Sahasranama—a list of one thousand names of Sūrya.78

It is customary among Hindus to cleanse their teeth every morning with a wooden stick, known as dātan79 and then to offer salutations to the sun in the form of a verse which means: “Oh God, the dātans are torn asunder and the sins disappear. Oh the penetrator of the innermost parts, forgive us our sins. Do good unto the benevolent and unto our neighbours.” This prayer is common in the mouths of the vulgar laity.80

Better educated people recite a shloka, which runs: “Bow unto Savitri, the sun, the observer of this world and its quarters, the eye of the universe, the inspirer of all energy, the holder of a three-fold personality [22](being an embodiment of the forms of the three gods of the Hindu Trinity, Brahma, Vishnu and Maheshvar)—the embodiment of the three Vedas, the giver of happiness and the abode of God.81

After his toilet a high-caste Hindu should take a bath and offer morning prayers and arghyas to the sun.82 The Trikāla-Sandhyā is enjoined by the Shāstras on every Brahman, i.e., every Brahman should perform the Sandhyā thrice during the day: in the morning, at mid-day and in the evening. The Sandhyā is the prayer a Brahman offers, sitting in divine meditation, when he offers three arghyas to the sun and recites the Gāyatrī mantra 108 times.83

The arghya is an offering of water in a spoon half filled with barley seeds, sesamum seeds, sandal ointment, rice, and white flowers. In offering the arghya the right foot is folded below the left, the spoon is lifted to the forehead and is emptied towards the sun after reciting the Gāyatrī mantra.84 If water is not available for offering the arghyas, sand may serve the purpose. But the sun must not be deprived of his arghyas.85

The Gāyatrī is the most sacred mantra in honour of the sun, containing, as it does, the highest laudations of him.85 A Brahman ought to recite this mantra 324 times every day. Otherwise he incurs a sin as great as the slaughter of a cow.86 Accordingly a Rudrākshmālā, or a rosary of 108 Rudrāksh beads, is used in connecting the number of Gāyatrīs recited.87 It is exclusively the right of the twice-born to recite the Gāyatrī. None else is authorised to recite or even to hear a word of it. Neither females nor Shūdras ought to catch an echo of even a single syllable of the Gāyatrī mantra88.

A ceremony, called Sūryopasthān, in which a man has to stand facing the sun with his hands stretched upwards at an angle towards the sun, is performed as a part of the sandhyā.89

Of the days of the week, Ravivar, or Sunday is the most suitable for Sun worship90. Persons wishing to secure wealth, good-health and a happy progeny, especially people suffering from disorders caused by heat and from diseases of the eyes, barren women, and men anxious for victory on the battlefield, weekly observe vows in honour of the sun, and the day on which the vow is to be kept is Sunday.91 It is left to the devotee to fix the number of Sundays on which he will observe the vrat, and he may choose to observe all the Sundays of the year.92 On such days the devotees undergo ceremonial purifications by means of baths and the putting on of clean garments, occupy a reserved clean seat, light a ghi-lamp and recite the Aditya-hridaya-pātha, which is the prescribed mantra for Sun worship.93 Then follows the Nyāsa, (न्यास) in the recitation of which the devotee has to make certain gestures (or to perform physical ceremonials). First the tips of all the four fingers are made to touch the thumb as is done in counting. Then the tips of the fingers are made to touch the palm of the other hand. Then one hand is laid over the other. Then the fingers are made to touch the heart, the head, the eyes, and the hair in regular order. The right hand is then put round the head and made to smite the left.93 An ashtadala or eight-cornered figure is drawn in gulal, [23](red powder) and frankincense, red ointment and red flowers are offered to the sun.94 Durvā grass is also commonly used in the process of Sun-worship.95

Sometimes a hexangular figure is drawn instead of the ashtadal, a copper disc is placed over it and the sun is worshipped by Panchopachar or the five-fold ceremonials.96 Of all ceremonials a namaskār is especially dear to the sun.97 It is said:—

A namaskār or bow is dear to the sun; a stream of water (pouring water in a small stream over Shiva’s idol) is dear to Shiva: benevolence to Vishnu and a good dinner to a Brahman.97

In observing vows in the sun’s honour on Sundays, the following special foods are prescribed in particular months:98—

(1) In Kārtika, the first month, the devotee is to take only three leaves of the Tulsi or the holy basil plant.

(2) In Mārgashīrsha, the devotee may only lick a few pieces of candied sugar.

(3) In Pausha, the devotee may chew three stalks of green darbha grass.

(4) In Māgha, a few seeds of sesamum and sugar mixed together may be swallowed.

(5) In Phālguna, a consecrated draught of curds and sugar may be drunk.

(6) In Chaitra, people should break their fasts with a little ghi and molasses.

(7) In Vaishākha, the only satisfaction allowed to those observing the vrat is to lick their own palms three times.

(8) In Jyeshtha, the fast is observed simply on three anjalis or palmfuls of pure water.

(9) In Ashādha, three chillies may be eaten.

(10) In Shrāvana, only cow-urine and molasses are tasted.

(11) In Bhādrapada, cow-dung and sugar are partaken of.

(12) In Āshvina, the application of chandan (sandal wood) either in the form of an ointment or of powder.

Only a few very pious and enthusiastic devotees observe all Sundays in the above manner. In average cases, the devotee allows himself rice, ghi, sugar, milk, i.e., white food, the restriction being only as to colour.98

People observing vows in honour of the sun take food only once during the day, and that too in bājas or dishes made of khākhara (or palāsh) leaves. This is considered one of the conditions of worship, there being some mysterious relation between Sūrya and the khākhara.99

If the Pushya Nakshatra happens to fall on a Sunday, the worship of the sun on that day is believed to be most efficacious in fulfilling the desires of the devotees.100

Of the days of the month, the seventh day of both the bright and the dark halves of each month101 and the Amāvāsyā day, i.e., the last day of a Hindu calendar month,102 are set apart for Sun-worship. The ceremonies of the worship are the same as those on Sundays. In fact, in almost all the observances in connection with the sun the same ceremonials are to be gone through. Very often a Brahman recites the pātha directing [24]his hosts or hostesses to perform certain ceremonial gestures. On the last of the number of days which the devotee has decided to observe, the vrat is celebrated and Brahmans are feasted. This celebration of the vrat is known as vratujavavun.103

The special occasions for Sun-worship are the Sankrānti days and the solar eclipses.

In each year there are twelve Sankrānti days on which the sun moves from one sign of the zodiac to another. Sun-worship is performed on all these Sankrāntis, but Makara-Sankrānti, which falls on the 12th or 13th of January, is considered the most important.104 The Uttarāyana-parvan falls on this day, i.e., the sun now crosses to his northern course from his southern, and the time of that Parvan is considered so holy that a person dying then directly attains salvation.105 On this day, many Hindus go on a pilgrimage to holy places, offer prayers and sacrifices to the sun, and give alms to Brahmans in the shape of sesamum seeds, gold, garments and cows.106 Much secret, as well as open, charity is dispensed,107 grass and cotton-seeds are given to cows, and lāpsi108 and loaves to dogs.107 Sweet balls of sesamum seeds and molasses are eaten as a prasād and given to Brahmans, and dainties such as lāpsi are partaken of by Hindu households, in company with a Brahman or two, who are given dakshinā after the meals.109

On solar eclipse days, most of the Hindu sects bathe and offer prayers to God. During the eclipse the sun is believed to be combating with the demon Rāhu, prayers being offered for the sun’s success. When the sun has freed himself from the grasp of the demon and sheds his full lustre on the earth, the people take ceremonial baths, offer prayers to God with a concentrated mind, and well-to-do people give in alms as much as they can afford of all kinds of grain.110

The Chāturmās-vrat, very common in Kathiawar, is a favourite one with Hindus. The devotee, in performing this vrat, abstains from food on those days during the monsoons on which, owing to cloudy weather, the sun is not visible. Even if the sun is concealed by the clouds for days together, the devout votary keeps fasting till he sees the deity again.111

Barren women, women whose children die, and especially those who lose their male children, women whose husbands suffer from diseases caused by heat, lepers, and persons suffering from ophthalmic ailments observe the vow of the sun in the following manner.112 The vows are kept on Sundays and Amāvāsyā days, and the number of such days is determined by the devotee in accordance with the behests of a learned Brahman. The woman observes a fast on such days, bathes herself at noon when the sun reaches the zenith, and dresses herself in clean garments. Facing the sun, she dips twelve red karan flowers in red or white sandal ointment and recites the twelve names of Sūrya as she presents one flower after another to the sun with a bow.113 On each day of the vrat, she takes food only once, in the shape of lāpsi, in bajas of khākharā or palāsh leaves; white food in the form of rice, or rice cooked in milk is sometimes allowed. She keeps a ghi-lamp burning day and night, offers frankincense, and sleeps at night on a bed made on the floor.114

People who are declared by the Brahmans to be under the evil influence (dashā) of Sūrya, observe vows in the sun’s honour and go through the prescribed rites on Sundays. Such persons take special kinds of food and engage the services of priests to recite [25]holy texts in honour of the sun. If all goes well on Sunday, Brahmans, Sādhus and other pious persons are entertained at a feast. This feast is known as vrat-ujavavun. Some persons have the sun’s image (an ashtadal) engraved on a copper or a golden plate for daily or weekly worship.115

On the twelfth day after the delivery of a child, the sun is worshipped and the homa sacrifice is performed.116

If at a wedding the sun happens to be in an unfavourable position according to the bridegroom’s horoscope, an image of the sun is drawn on gold-leaf and given away in charity. Charity in any other form is also common on such an occasion.116

A Nāgar bride performs sun-worship for the seven days preceding her wedding.117

In Hindu funeral ceremonies three arghyas are offered to the sun, and the following mantra is chanted118:—

It means—one should ever recite the six names of the Sun, Aditya, Bhāskar, Bhānu, Ravi, Surya, Divākar, which destroy sin.

The sun is also worshipped on the thirteenth day after the death of a person, when arghyas are offered, and two earthen pots, containing a handful of raw khichedi—rice and pulse—and covered with yellow pieces of cotton are placed outside the house. This ceremony is called gadāso bharvo.118

Rajahs of the solar race always worship the rising sun. They also keep a golden image of the sun in their palaces, and engage learned Brahmans to recite verses in his honour. On Sundays they take only one meal and that of simple rice (for white food is most acceptable to the sun).119

Circumambulations round images and other holy objects are considered meritorious and to cause the destruction of sin.120 The subject has been dwelt on at length in the Dharma-sindhu-grantha, Vratarāja, and Shodashopachāra among the Dharma-Shāstras of the Hindus.121

The object round which turns are taken is either the image of a god, such as of Ganpati, Mahādev or Vishnu122 or the portrait of a guru, or his footmarks engraved or impressed upon some substance, or the agni-kunda (the fire-pit),123 or the holy cow124, or some sacred tree or plant, such as the Vad (banyan tree), the Pipal (ficus religiosa),125 the Shami (prosopis spicegera), the Amba (mango tree), the Asopalava tree (Polyalthea longifolia),126 or the Tulsi (sweet basil) plant.

It is said to have been a custom of the Brahmans in ancient times to complete their daily rites before sunrise every morning, and then to take turns round temples and holy objects. The practice is much less common now than formerly.127 Still, visitors to a temple or an idol, usually are careful to go round it a few times at least (generally five or seven). The usual procedure at such a time is to strike gongs or ring bells after the turns, to cast a glance at the shikhar or the pinnacle of the temple, and then to return.128

Women observing the chāturmās-vrat, or the monsoon vow, lasting from the eleventh day of the bright half of Ashādh (the ninth month) to the eleventh day of the bright half of Kārtik (the first month) first worship the object, round which they wish to take turns, with panchāmrit (a mixture of milk, curds, sugar, ghi and honey). The number of turns may be either 5, 7, 21 or 108. At each turn they keep entwining a fine cotton thread and place a pendā129 or a bantāsā130 or a betel-leaf or an almond, a cocoanut, a fig or some [26]other fruit before the image or the object walked round. These offerings are claimed by the priest who superintends the ceremony.131 When a sacred tree is circumambulated, water is poured out at the foot of the tree at each turn.132

During the month of Shrāvan (the tenth month) and during the Purushottama (or the intercalatory) month, men and women observe a number of vows, in respect of which, every morning and evening, they take turns round holy images and objects.133

People observing the chāturmās-vrat (or monsoon vow), called Tulsi-vivāha (marriage of Tulsi), worship that plant and take turns round it on every eleventh day of both the bright and the dark halves of each of the monsoon months.133 The gautrat-vrat (gau = cow) necessitates perambulations round a cow, and the Vat-Sāvitri-vrat round the Vad or banyan tree. The banyan tree is also circumambulated on the Kapilashashthi day (the sixth day of the bright half of Mārgashīrsha, the second month) and on the Amāvāsyā or the last day of Bhādrapada (the eleventh month).134

Women who are anxious to prolong the lives of their husbands take turns round the Tulsi plant or the banyan tree. At each turn they wind a fine cotton thread. At the end of the last turn, they throw red lac and rice over the tree and place a betelnut and a pice or a half-anna piece before it.135

The Shāstras authorise four pradakshinās (or perambulations) for Vishnu, three for the goddesses, and a half (or one and a half)136 for Shiva.137 But the usual number of pradakshinās is either 5, 7, 21 or 108. In taking turns round the image of Vishnu, one must take care to keep one’s right side towards the image, while in the case of Shiva, one must not cross the jalādhari138 or the small passage for conducting water poured over the Shiva-linga.137

Sometimes in pradakshinās the votary repeats the name of the deity round which the turns are taken while the priest recites the names of the gods in Shlokas.139 Sometimes the following verse is repeated.140

‘I am sinful, the doer of sin, a sinful soul and am born of sin. O lotus-eyed One! protect me and take away all sins from me. Whatever sins I may have committed now as well as in my former births, may every one of them perish at each footstep of my pradakshinā.’

The recitation and the turns are supposed to free the soul from the pherā of lakh-choryasi141. Alms are given many times to the poor after pradakshinās.142

The reason why pradakshinās are taken during the day is that they have to be taken in the presence of the sun, the great everlasting witness of all human actions.143

[27]

As all seeds and vegetation receive their nourishment from solar and lunar rays, the latter are believed in the same way to help embryonic development.144

The heat of the sun causes the trees and plants to give forth new sprouts, and therefore he is called ‘Savita’ or Producer.145 Solar and lunar rays are also believed to facilitate and expedite delivery.146 The medical science of the Hindus declares the Amāvāsya (new-moon day) and Pūrnima (full-moon day) days—on both of which days the influence of the sun and the moon is most powerful—to be so critical for child-bearing women as to cause, at times, premature delivery.147 Hence, before delivery, women are made to take turns in the sunlight and also in moonlight, in order to invigorate the fœtus, thus securing that their delivery may be easy. [The assistance rendered by solar rays in facilitating the delivery is said to impart a hot temperament to the child so born, and that by the lunar rays a cool one.]148 After delivery, a woman should glance at the sun with her hands clasped, and should offer rice and red flowers to him.149 Sitting in the sun after delivery is considered beneficial to women enfeebled by the effort.150 It is a cure for the paleness due to exhaustion,151 and infuses new vigour.152

The Bhils believe that the exposure of a new-born child to the sun confers upon the child immunity from injury by cold and heat.153

The practice of making recently delivered women sit in the sun does not seem to be widespread, nor does it prevail in Kathiawar. In Kathiawar, on the contrary, women are kept secluded from sunlight in a dark room at the time of child-birth, and are warmed by artificial means.154 On the other hand, it is customary in many places to bring a woman into the sunlight after a certain period has elapsed since her delivery. The duration of this period varies from four days to a month and a quarter. Sometimes a woman is not allowed to see sunlight after child-birth until she presents the child to the sun with certain ceremonies, either on the fourth or the sixth day from the date of her delivery.155

A ceremony called the Shashthi-Karma is performed on the sixth day after the birth of a child, and the Nāmkaran ceremony—the ceremony of giving a name—on the twelfth day. The mother of the child is sometimes not allowed to see the sun before the completion of these ceremonies.156 Occasionally, on the eleventh day after child-birth, the mother is made to take a bath in the sun.157

Exactly a month and a quarter from the date of delivery a woman is taken to a neighbouring stream to offer prayers to the sun and to fetch water thence in an earthen vessel. This ceremony is known as Zarmāzaryan.158 Seven small betel-nuts are used in the ceremony. They are carried by the mother, and distributed by her to barren women, who believe that, by eating the nuts from her hand, they are likely to conceive.159 [28]

In difficult labour cases, chakrāvā water is sometimes given to women. The chakrāvā is a figure of seven cross lines drawn on a bell-metal dish, over which the finest white dust has been spread. This figure is shown to the woman in labour: water is then poured into the dish and offered her to drink.160 The figure is said to be a representation of Chitrangad.161 It is also believed to be connected with a story in the Mahābhāarata.162 Subhadrā, the sister of god Krishna and the wife of Arjuna, one of the five Pāndavas, conceived a demon, an enemy of Krishna. The demon would not leave the womb of Subhadrā even twelve months after the date of her conception, and began to harass the mother. Krishna, the incarnation of god, knowing of the demon’s presence and the cause of his delay, took pity on the afflicted condition of his sister and read chakrāvā, (Chakravyūha) a book consisting of seven chapters and explaining the method of conquering a labyrinthine fort with seven cross-lined forts. Krishna completed six chapters, and promised to teach the demon the seventh, provided he came out. The demon ceased troubling Subhadrā and emerged from the womb. He was called Abhimanyu. Krishna never read the seventh chapter for then Abhimanyu would have been invincible and able to take his life. This ignorance of the seventh chapter cost Abhimanyu his life on the field of Kuru-kshetra in conquering the seven cross-lined labyrinthine forts. As the art of conquering a labyrinthine fort when taught to a demon in the womb facilitated the delivery of Subhadrā, a belief spread that drinking in the figure of the seven cross-lined labyrinthine fort would facilitate the delivery of all women who had difficulties in child-birth.162

The figure Swastika (literally auspicious), drawn as shown below, is an auspicious sign, and is believed to be a mark of good luck and a source of blessings. It is one of the sixteen line-marks on the sole of the lotus-like feet of the god Ishwar, the Creator of the Universe.163 The fame of the good effects of the Swastika figure is said to have been first diffused throughout society by Nārad-Muni, as instructed by the god Brahma.164

Various conjectures have been made concerning the origin of this figure. The following explanation is found in a work named Siddhāntsar. The Eternal Sat or Essence, that has neither beginning nor end nor any maker, exhibits all the religious principles in a chakra or a wheel-form. This round shape has no circumference; but any point in it is a centre; which being specified, the explanation of the whole universe in a circle is easy. Thus the figure ☉ indicates the creation of the universe from Sat or Essence. The centre with the circumference is the womb, the place of creation of the universe. The centre then expanding into a line, the diameter thus formed represents the male principle, linga-rūp, that is the producer, through the medium of activity in the great womb or mahā-yoni. When the line assumes the form of a cross, it explains the creation of the universe by an unprecedented combination of the two distinct natures, animate and inanimate. The circumference being [29]removed, the remaining cross represents the creation of the world. The Swastika, or Sathia, as it is sometimes called, in its winged form (卍) suggests the possession of creative powers by the opposite natures, animate and inanimate.165

Another theory is that an image of the eight-leaved lotus, springing from the navel of Vishnu, one of the Hindu Trinity, was formerly drawn on auspicious occasions as a sign of good luck. The exact imitation of the original being difficult, the latter assumed a variety of forms, one of which is the Swastika.166

Some people see an image of the god Ganpati in the figure. That god being the master and protector of all auspicious ceremonies has to be invoked on all such occasions. The incapacity of the devotees to draw a faithful picture of Ganpati gave rise to a number of forms which came to be known by the name of Swastika.167

There are more ways than one of drawing the Swastika, as shown below, but the original form was of the shape of a cross. The first consonant of the Gujarati alphabet, ka, now drawn thus ક, was also originally drawn in the form of a cross (+). Some persons therefore suppose that the Swastika may be nothing more than the letter ક (ka), written in the old style and standing for the word kalyān or welfare.168

Though the Swastika is widely regarded as the symbol of the sun, some people ascribe the figure to different deities, viz., to Agni,169 to Ganpati,170 to Laxmi,171 to Shiva,172 besides the sun. It is also said to represent Swasti, the daughter of Brahma, who received the boon from her father of being worshipped on all auspicious occasions.173 Most persons, however, regard the Swastika as the symbol of the sun. It is said that particular figures are prescribed as suitable for the installation of particular deities: a triangle for one, a square for another, a pentagon for a third, and the Swastika for the sun.174 The Swastika is worshipped in the Ratnagiri district, and regarded as the symbol as well as the seat of the Sun-god.175 The people of the Thana district believe the Swastika to be the central point of the helmet of the sun; and a vow, called the Swastika-vrat, is observed by women in its honour. The woman draws a figure of the Swastika and worships it daily during the Chāturmās (the four months of the rainy season), at the expiration of which she presents a Brahman with a golden or silver plate with the Swastika drawn upon it.176

A number of other ideas are prevalent about the significance of the Swastika. Some persons believe that it indicates the four directions;177 some think that it represents the four mārgas—courses or objects of human desires—viz., (1) Dharma, religion; (2) Artha, wealth; (3) Kām, love; (4) Moksha, salvation.178 Some again take it to be an image of the ladder [30]leading to the heavens.179 Others suppose it to be a representation of the terrestrial globe, and the four piles of corn placed in the figure, as shown below (p. 16) represent the four mountains, Udayāchala, Astāchal, Meru and Mandārāchala.180 The Swastika is also believed to be the foundation-stone of the universe.181

The Swastika is much in favour with the gods as a seat or couch, and as soon as it is drawn it is immediately occupied by some deity.182 It is customary therefore to draw the Swastika on most auspicious and festive occasions, such as marriage and thread ceremonies, the first pregnancy ceremonies and the Divali holidays.183 In the Konkan the Swastika is always drawn on the Antarpāt, or the piece of cloth which is held between the bride and the bridegroom at the time of a Hindu wedding.184 And at the time of the Punyāha-wāchan, a ceremony which precedes a Hindu wedding, the figure is drawn in rice and is worshipped.184 Throughout the Chāturmās some persons paint the auspicious Swastikas, either on their thresholds or at their doors, every morning.185

On the sixth day from the date of a child’s birth, a piece of cloth is marked with a Swastika in red lac, the cloth is stretched on a bedstead and the child is placed upon it.186 An account of this ceremony is to be found in the treatises Jayantishastra, Jātakarma, and Janakālaya.186

Before joining the village-school, little boys are made to worship Saraswati, the goddess of learning, after having installed her on a Swastika, in order that the acquisition of learning may be facilitated.187

A Brahman host, inviting a party of brother-Brahmans to dinner, marks the figure one (૧) against the names of those who are eligible for dakshinā, and a Swastika against the names of those who are not eligible. These latter are the yajamāns or patrons of the inviting Brahman, who is himself their pūjya, i.e., deserving to be worshipped by them. A bindu or dot, in place of the Swastika, is considered inauspicious.188

The Swastika is used in calculating the number of days taken in pilgrimage by one’s relations, one figure being painted on the wall each day from the date of separation.188

It is said that the Swastika when drawn on a wall is the representation of Jogmāya. Jogmāya is a Natural Power, bringing about the union of two separated beings.189

The Jains paint the Swastika in the way noted below and explain the figure in the following manner:—The four projectors indicate four kinds of souls: viz., (1) Manushya or human, (2) Tiryach or of lower animals, (3) Deva or divine, (4) Naraki or hellish. The three circular marks denote the three Ratnas or jewels, viz., (1) Jnān or knowledge, (2) Darshana or faith, (3) Charita or good conduct; and the semi-circular curve, at the top of the three circles, indicates salvation.190

[31]

Every Jain devotee, while visiting the images of his gods, draws a Sathia (Swastika)191 before them and places a valuable object over it. The sign is held so sacred that a Jain woman has it embroidered on the reticule or kothali in which she carries rice to holy places.192

‘I am the very light of the sun and the moon,’ observes Lord Krishna in his dialogue with Arjuna,193 and the moon also receives divine honours like the sun. Moon-worship secures wealth, augments progeny, and betters the condition of milch-cattle.194 The suitable days for such worship are the second and the fourth days of the bright half of every month (Dwitīya or Bīj and Chaturthi or Choth, respectively) and every full-moon day (Purnima or Punema). On either of these days the devotees of Chandra (the moon) fast for the whole of the day and take their food only after the moon has risen and after they have seen and worshipped her.195 Some dainty dish such as kansār,196 or plantains and puris,197 is specially cooked for the occasion.

A sight of the moon on the second day of the bright half of every month is considered auspicious. After seeing the moon on this day some people also look at silver and gold coins for luck.198 The belief in the value of this practice is so strong that, immediately after seeing the moon, people refrain from beholding any other object. Their idea is that silver, which looks as bright as the moon, will be obtained in abundance if they look at a silver piece immediately after seeing the moon.199 Moon worship on this day is also supposed to guarantee the safety of persons at sea.200 In the south, milk and sugar is offered to the moon after the usual worship, and learned Brahmans are invited to partake of it. What remains after satisfying the Brahmans is divided among the community.199 On this day, those who keep cattle do not churn whey nor curd milk nor sell it, but consume the whole supply in feasts to friends and neighbours.201 The Ahirs and Rabaris especially are very particular about the use of milk in feasts only: for they believe that their cattle are thereby preserved in good condition.202

The fourth day of the dark half of every month is the day for the observance of the chaturthi-vrat (or choth-vrat). This vrat is observed in honour of the god Ganpati and by men only. The devotees fast on this day, bathe at night after seeing the moon, light a ghi lamp, and offer prayers to the moon. They also recite a pāth containing verses in honour of Ganpati, and, after worshipping that god, take their food consisting of some specially prepared dish. This vrat is said to fulfil the dreams of the devotees.203

The day for the chaturthi-vrat in the month of Bhādrapad (the 11th month of the Gujarati Hindus) is the fourth day of the bright half instead of the fourth day of the dark half,204 and on this day (Ganesh [32]Chaturthi205) the moon is not worshipped. The very sight of her is regarded as ominous, and is purposely avoided.206 The story is that once upon a time the gods went out for a ride in their respective conveyances. It so happened that the god Ganpati fell off his usual charger, the rat, and this awkward mishap drew a smile from Chandra (the moon). Ganpati, not relishing the joke, became angry and cursed Chandra saying that no mortal would care to see his face on that day (which happened to be the fourth day of the bright half of Bhādrapad). If any one happens to see the moon even unwittingly on this day, he may expect trouble very soon.207 There is one way, however, out of the difficulty, and that is to throw stones on the houses of neighbours. When the neighbours utter abuse in return, the abuse atones for the sin of having looked at the moon on the forbidden night. The day is therefore called (in Gujarat) Dagad-choth, i.e., the Choth of stones.208

On the fourth day of the dark half of Phālgun (the 5th month of Gujarati Hindus) some villagers fast for the whole of the day and remain standing from sunset till the moon rises. They break their fast after seeing the moon. The day is, therefore, called ubhi (i.e., standing) choth.209

Virgins sometimes observe a vow on Poshi-Punema or the full-moon day of Pausha (the 3rd month of the Gujarati Hindus). On this day a virgin prepares her evening meal with her own hands on the upper terrace of her house. She then bores a hole through the centre of a loaf, and observes the moon through it, repeating while doing so a verse210 which means: O Poshi-Punemadi, khichadi (rice and pulse mixed together) is cooked on the terrace, and the sister of the brother takes her meal.211 The meal usually consists either of rice and milk or of rice cooked in milk and sweetened with sugar, or of kansār. She has to ask the permission of her brother or brothers before she may take her food; and if the brother refuses his permission, she has to fast for the whole of the day.212 The whole ceremony is believed to prolong the lives of her brothers and her future husband. The moon is also worshipped at the time of griha-shānti, i.e., the ceremonies performed before inhabiting a newly-built house.213

If the moon is unfavourable to a man born under a particular constellation, on account of his occupying either the 6th, the 8th or the 12th square in a kundali214 (see below) prayers are offered to the moon; and if the occasion is a marriage, a bell-metal dish, full of rice, is presented to Brahmans.215

[33]

The appearance of the moon and the position of the horns of her crescent at particular times are carefully watched as omens of future events. Cultivators believe that if the moon is visible on the second day of the bright half of Āshādh (the 9th month of Gujarati Hindus), the sesamum crops of that season will be abundant; but if the moon be hidden from sight on that day, the weather will be cloudy during the whole of Āshādh, and will prove unfavourable to vegetable growth.216 If the moon appears reddish on a Bīj day (or the second day of the bright half of a month), and if the northern horn of the crescent be high up, prices in the market are believed to rise; if, on the other hand, it is low, it prognosticates a fall in prices. If the two horns are on a level, current prices will continue.216

Similarly, the northern horn of the crescent, if it is high up on the Bīj day of Āshādh, augurs abundant rainfall; if it is low, it foreshadows a season of drought.217

If the moon presents a greenish aspect on the full-moon day of Āshādh, excessive rains may be expected in a few days; if on that day she rises quite clear and reddish, there is very little hope of good rains; if she is partly covered by clouds when she rises and then gets clear of the clouds, and then again disappears in the clouds in three ghadis,218 three pohors,218 or three days, rain is sure to fall.219

If on the 5th day of the bright half of Chaitra, the moon appears to the west of the Rohini constellation, the prices of cotton are believed to rise; if to the east, they are said to fall; and if in the same line, the current rates are believed to be likely to continue.220

The Bīj (2nd day) and the ninth day of Āshādh (the 9th month of the Gujaratis and the 4th month of the Hindus of the Deccan) falling on a Sunday is a combination that foretells excessive heat. If they fall on Wednesday, intense cold is said to be the result. Their occurring on a Tuesday, threatens absence of rains, and on a Monday, a Thursday or a Friday, foreshadows excessive rainfall.221

Thunder on Jeth-Sud-Bīj, or the second day of the bright half of Jyeshtha, is a bad omen and threatens famine.222

The spots on the moon have given rise to numerous beliefs, mythological as well as fanciful. One of them is that they are the result of a curse, pronounced by the sage Gautama on Chandra. Indra, the god of rain, was infatuated with the charms of Ahalyā, the wife of Gautama, and with the help of Chandra laid a cunning plot to gain his ignoble object. Accordingly, one night, Chandra set earlier than usual, when Indra assumed the form of a cock and crowed at midnight in order to deceive Gautama into the belief that it was dawn, and therefore his time for going to the Ganges to perform his religious services. The trick was successful, and the holy sage being thus got rid of, Indra assumed the form of Gautama himself and approached Ahalyā, who was surprised to see her husband (as she thought) so quickly returned. The wily god allayed her suspicions by explaining that it was not yet time for the morning ceremonies, and thus enjoyed the favours due to her husband. Gautama, in the meanwhile, finding the water of the Ganges cool and placid, and discovering that it was not yet dawn, returned to his hermitage. On reaching home he detected the treachery of Indra, who tried to escape in the disguise of a tom-cat. The exasperated sage then cursed Indra, Chandra and his wife: Indra to have a thousand sores on his person, Ahalyā to turn into a stone, and Chandra to have a stain on his fair face.223

Another mythological story is that Daksha Prajāpati, the son of Brahmā, gave all his [34]twenty-seven daughters in marriage to Chandra, who was inspired with love for one of them only, named Rohini, the most beautiful of them all. The slighted twenty-six sisters complained to their father, Daksha, of Chandra’s preference for Rohini. Daksha in anger cursed Chandra to be attacked by consumption (which is supposed to be the reason of the waning of the moon) and his face to be marred by a stain.224

The curse of Gautama and the curse of Daksha are also supposed to be reasons of the waxing and the waning of the moon.

Another belief regarding the moon-spots is that when the head of Ganpati was severed by Shiva’s trident, it flew off and fell into the chariot of the moon. The spots are either the head itself225 or are due to drops of blood fallen from the flying severed head.226

The spots are also said to be explained by the fact of the image of god Krishna or Vishnu227 residing in the heart of the moon who, as a devotee of Vishnu, holds his image dear to his heart.228

The moon is often called mrigānka (lit. deer-marked) and mriga-lānchhana (lit. deer-stained); and a further explanation of the spots in this connection is that the moon-god took into his lap a strayed deer, out of compassion, and thus his lap became stained.229 Jains believe that in the nether parts of the moon’s vimān or vehicle, there is an image of a deer whose shadow is seen in the spots.230

Some persons declare the spots to be a shami tree (prosopis spicigera).231 The belief of the masses in Gujarat is said to be that the spot on the moon’s disc is the seat of an old woman, who sits spinning her wheel with a goat tethered near her.232 If the droppings of the goat were to fall on earth, departed souls would return to the earth.233

It is said that a child and a tree are never seen to grow except during the night. Such growth is therefore held to be due to lunar rays.234 As all trees, plants, etc., thrive owing to the influence of the moon, the moon-god is called the lord of herbs. The moon is also a reservoir of nectar and is called Sudhākar, i.e., one having nectarine rays.235 As the lord of herbs, the moon-god is supposed to have the power of removing all diseases that are curable by drugs, and of restoring men to health.236

Persons suffering from white leprosy, black leprosy, consumption and diseases of the eyes are believed to be cured by the observance of the Bīj and Punema vows.237 Consumption in its incipient and latter stages is also said to be cured by exposure to the rays of the moon.238 Constant glimpses of the moon add to the lustre of the eyes.239 On the Sharad-Punema, or the 15th day of the bright half of Ashvin (the last month of the Gujaratis and the 7th month of the Deccani Hindus), tailors pass a thread through their needles in the belief that they will thereby gain keener eyesight.240

A cotton-wick is exposed to the moon on Sharad-Punema, and is afterwards lighted in oil poured over the image of Hanūmān. The soot, which is thus produced, if used on the Kali-chaudas day—the fourteenth day of the dark half of Ashvin—is said to possess much efficacy in strengthening the eyesight and also in preserving the eyes from any disease during the ensuing year.241

Sweetened milk or water is exposed to moonlight during the whole of the night of [35]Sharad-punema (the full-moon day of Ashvin) in order to absorb the nectarine rays of the moon, and is drunk next morning. Drinking in the rays of the moon in this manner is believed to cure diseases caused by heat as well as eye-diseases, and it similarly strengthens the eyesight and improves the complexion.242 Sugar-candy thus exposed and preserved in an air-tight jar is partaken of in small quantities every morning to gain strength and to improve the complexion.243 The absorption of the lunar rays through the open mouth or eyes is also believed to be of great effect in achieving these objects.244

Once upon a time the gods and demons, by their united efforts, churned the ocean and obtained therefrom fourteen ratnas or precious things.245 These were distributed among them. Lakshmi, the kaustubha jewel, the Shārnga bow and the conch-shell fell to the share of Vishnu, and the poison, Halāhal visha, was disposed of to Shiva. Only two things remained, sudhā, or nectar, and surā or liquor. To both gods and demons the nectar was the most important of all the prizes. A hard contest ensuing between them for the possession of it, the demons, by force, snatched the bowl of nectar from the gods. In this disaster to the gods, Vishnu came to their help in the form of Mohini—a most fascinating woman—and proposed to the demons that the distribution of the immortalising fluid should be entrusted to her. On their consent, Vishnu or Mohini, made the gods and the demons sit in opposite rows and began first to serve the nectar to the gods. The demon Rāhu, the son of Sinhikā, fearing lest the whole of the nectar might be exhausted before the turn of the demons came, took the shape of a god and placed himself amongst them between Chandra (the moon) and Sūrya (the sun). The nectar was served to him in turn, but on Chandra and Sūrya detecting the trick, the demon’s head was cut off by Vishnu’s discus, the sudarshana-chakra. Rāhu however did not die: for he had tasted the nectar, which had reached his throat. The head and trunk lived and became immortal, the former being named Rāhu, and the latter Ketu. Both swore revenge on Chandra and Sūrya. At times, therefore, they pounce upon Chandra and Sūrya with the intention of devouring them. In the fight that ensues, Chandra and Sūrya are successful only after a long contest, with the assistance of the gods, and by the merit of the prayers that men offer.246

The reason of the eclipse is either that Chandra and Sūrya bleed in the fight with Rāhu and their forms get blackened247; or that the demon Rāhu comes between the two luminaries and this earth, and thus causes an eclipse248; or because Rāhu obstructs the sun and the moon in their daily course, and this intervention causes an eclipse249; or because Rāhu swallows the sun and the moon, but his throat being open, they escape, their short disappearance causing an eclipse.250

Besides the mythological story, there is a belief in Gujarat that a bhangi (scavenger or sweeper), creditor of the sun and the moon, goes to recover his debts due from them, and that his shadow falling against either of them causes an eclipse.251 [36]

A third explanation of the eclipse is that the sun and the moon revolve round the Meru mountain, and the shadow of the mountain falling upon either of them causes an eclipse.252

It is believed amongst Hindus that eclipses occur when too much sin accumulates in this world.253 Most Hindus regard an eclipse as ominous, and consider the eclipse period to be unholy and inauspicious. The contact of the demon Rāhu with the rays of the sun and the moon pollutes everything on earth. Great precautions therefore become necessary to avoid pollution.254 A period of three pohors255 (prahars) in the case of the moon, and of four in the case of the sun, before the actual commencement of an eclipse, is known as vedha, i.e., the time when the luminaries are already under the influence of the demon. During this period and during the time of an eclipse people observe a strict fast. Anyone taking food within the prohibited period is considered sutaki or ceremonially impure, as if a death had happened in his family.256 An exception is, however, made in the case of children, pregnant women and suckling mothers who cannot bear the privation of a strict fast. From the beginning of an eclipse to its end, everything in the house is believed to be polluted, if touched.256

As the sun and the moon are believed to be in trouble during an eclipse, people offer prayers to God from the beginning of the vedha for their release. It is the custom to visit some holy place on an eclipse-day, to take a bath there, and to read holy passages from the Shāstras. Some people, especially Brahmans, sit devoutly on river-banks and offer prayers to the sun.256 Much secret as well as open charity is given at the time of an eclipse. But the receivers of charity during the actual period of an eclipse are the lowest classes only, such as bhangis, mahārs and māngs. When an eclipse is at its full, these people go about the streets giving vent to such cries as āpó dān chhuté chānd (give alms for the relief of the moon!).257

Among the gifts such people receive are cotton clothes, cash, grain such as sesamum seeds, udad, pulses, and salt.258 The gift of a pair of shoes is much recommended.259 Sometimes a figure of the eclipsed sun or moon is drawn in juari seeds and given away to a bhangi.260

Although the period of an eclipse is considered inauspicious, it is valued by those who profess the black art. All mantras, incantations, and prayogas, applications or experiments, which ordinarily require a long time to take effect, produce the wished for result without delay if performed during the process of an eclipse.261

If a man’s wife is pregnant, he may not smoke during the period of an eclipse lest his child become deformed.262 Ploughing a farm on a lunar-eclipse day is supposed to cause the birth of Chāndrā-children, i.e., children afflicted by the moon.262

After an eclipse Hindus bathe, perform ablution ceremonies, and dress themselves in clean garments. The houses are cleansed by cowdunging the floors, vessels are rubbed and cleansed, and clothes are washed, in order to get rid of the pollution caused by the eclipse.263 Unwashed clothes of cotton, wool, silk or hemp, according to popular belief, do not become polluted.263 The placing of darbha grass on things which are otherwise liable to pollution is also sufficient to keep them unpolluted.264

Brahmans cannot accept anything during the impious time of an eclipse, but after it [37]is over, alms are freely given to them in the shape of such costly articles as fine clothes, gold, cattle and the like.265

After an eclipse Hindus may not break their fast till they have again seen the full disc of the released sun or the moon. It sometimes happens that the sun or the moon sets gherāyalā (while still eclipsed), and people have then to fast for the whole of the night or the day after, until the sun or the moon is again fully visible.266

There is a shloka in the Jyotish-Shāstra to the effect that Rāhu would surely devour Chandra if the nakshatra, or constellation of the second day of the dark half of a preceding month, were to recur on the Purnima (full-moon day) of the succeeding month. Similarly, in solar eclipses, a similar catastrophe would occur if the constellation of the second day of the bright half of a month were to recur on the Amāvāsya (the last day) of that month.267 The year in which many eclipses occur is believed to prove a bad year for epidemic diseases.268

The Jains do not believe in the Hindu theory of grahana (or the eclipse).269 Musalmans do not perform the special ceremonies beyond the recital of special prayers; and even these are held to be supererogatory.270

With the exception that some people believe that the stars are the abodes of the gods,271 the popular belief about the heavenly bodies seems to be that they are the souls of virtuous and saintly persons, translated to the heavens for their good deeds and endowed with a lustre proportionate to their merits.272 And this idea is illustrated in the traditions that are current about some of the stars. The seven bright stars of the constellation Saptarshi (or the Great Bear) are said to be the seven sages, Kashyapa, Atri, Bhāradwāj, Vishwāmitra, Gautama, Jāmadagni and Vasishtha, who had mastered several parts of the Vedas, and were considered specialists in the branches studied by each, and were invested with divine honours in reward for their proficiency.273 Another story relates how a certain hunter and his family, who had unconsciously achieved great religious merit, were installed as the constellation Saptarshi274 (or the Great Bear). A hunter, it is narrated in the Shivarātri-māhātmya, was arrested for debt on a Shivrātri275 day, and while in jail heard by chance the words ‘Shiva, Shiva’ repeated by some devotees. Without understanding their meaning, he also began to repeat the same words, even after he was released in the evening. He had received no food during the day, and had thus observed a compulsory fast. In order to obtain food for himself and his family, he stationed himself behind a Bel276 tree, hoping to shoot a deer or some other animal that might come to quench its thirst at a neighbouring tank. While adjusting an arrow to his bowstring, [38]he plucked some leaves out of the thick foliage of the tree and threw them down. The leaves, however, chanced to fall on a Shiva-linga which happened to stand below, and secured for him the merit of having worshipped god Shiva with Bel-leaves on a Shivrātri day. He was also all the while repeating the god’s name and had undergone a fast. The result was that not only were his past sins forgiven, but he was placed with his family in heaven.277

Similarly, Dhruva, the son of king Uttānapād, attained divine favour by unflagging devotion, and was given a constant place in the heavens as the immovable pole-star.278

According to Hindu astrology, there are nine grahas279 or planets, twelve rāshis280 or signs of the zodiac, and twenty-seven nakshatras281 or constellations. Books on astrology explain the distinct forms of the nakshatras. For instance, the Ashvini constellation consists of two stars and presents the appearance of a horse. It ascends the zenith at midnight on the purnima (the 15th day of the bright half) of Ashvin (the first month of the Gujarati Hindus). The constellation of Mrig consists of seven stars, four like the legs of a sofa and three others under them in a line. All these twenty-seven groups of stars reach the zenith at midnight on particular days in particular months; and the months of the Hindu calendar are named after them.282

All planets influence the life of a person, one way or the other, according to their position in the heavens at the time of his birth. A kundali, i.e., a figure like the one shown here, is drawn by astrologers to illustrate the respective positions of the planets. The twelve squares of the diagram represent the twelve signs of the zodiac, and the positions of the planets in different squares influence persons in different ways. Ravi (the Sun), Budha (Mercury) and Shukra (Venus) occupy one rāshi for one month; Chandra (the Moon) occupies a rāshi for 135 ghadis,283 i.e., two days and a quarter; Mangal (Mars) for one month and a half; Guru (Jupiter) for thirteen months; Shani (Saturn) for two years and a half, and Rāhu for a year and a half. This is their normal and ordinary motion. But if they take an abnormal course and move either too fast or too slow, they finish their revolution through a rāshi within a shorter or a longer period.284

If the planet Guru (Jupiter) occupies either the 1st, 3rd, 4th, 6th, 8th, 10th, or 12th, square of a kundali, it is said to bring about a rupture with friends, pecuniary wants, and an increase in the number of enemies.285 [39]

If Shani (Saturn) occupies the 1st, 2nd, 4th, 5th, 7th, 8th, 9th, or the 12th square in a man’s kundali, it causes despondency of mind, family quarrels, imminent injuries from foes, and pecuniary wants.286

The presence of Mangal (Mars) in the 3rd, the 6th, or the 11th square is auspicious.286

Of the nine planets, Budha, Guru, and Chandra are benevolent, Mangal and Ravi are neither benevolent nor baneful; and Shani, Rāhu, and Ketu are downright malevolent.287 Each planet has a story connected with it concerning its benevolence or malevolence, and showing also the way to secure its propitiation. For instance, the malevolence of Shani drove King Vikrama to unknown countries, and subjected him to grave calamities. On the advice of a wise man, however, he observed the Saturday-vows and thus overcame his difficulties.288

When a planet is unfavourable to a person, it has to be propitiated by vows, and the person who is under its evil influence often lays upon himself the obligation of abstaining from particular articles of food or from wearing certain articles of clothing for a certain number of days.289 Particular days of the week are set apart as appropriate for the worship of particular planets, and, on such days, the person keeping the vow observes a fast and worships the planet through the medium of a Brāhman.290 For instance, vrats or vows are observed on Tuesdays in honour of Mangal (Mars), when an image of the planet, engraved on a golden dish, is worshipped, and the person observing the vow takes food consisting of wheat only, and that too, only once during the day. This mode of fasting is followed for a number of consecutive Tuesdays prescribed by an astrologer; and on the last Tuesday, when pūrnāhuti291 is offered, Brāhmans are feasted and dakshina is given to them. A piece of red cloth and some corn are used in the installation of the planet; these and the golden engraving are carried away by the priest.288

Similarly, in propitiating Rāhu and Ketu the same ceremonies are gone through: only, instead of wheat, mug (Phaseolus mungo) is eaten by the devotee. In the same way Shani (Saturn) is said to favour the diet of adād (or lentils): Guru (Jupiter) inclines to chana (or gram), while Shukra (Venus) favours cholā (dolichos sinensis).288

Certain forms or figures, called mandals, are favoured by particular grahās, and are drawn in their honour in worshipping them. Different things, too, are given in charity in honour of different planets.292

All the nine grahas and the twenty-seven nakshatras are worshipped on the occasion of the Griha-Shanti ceremony, which is performed before occupying a newly erected building.287

It is considered inauspicious to hold a marriage ceremony while Shukra (Venus) is invisible. In such a case, however, the ceremony may be performed after setting up and worshipping a small golden image of the planet.

Of the stars, the constellation of saptarshi is perhaps the one most often worshipped. Its worship forms a part of the ceremonies performed on the occasion of investing boys with the sacred thread293 and also of the ceremonies of marriage. The worship of the saptarshi on marriage occasions is believed to be an attestation of the marriage, and to secure the benign care of the saptarshi for the couple. The form of worship is sometimes as follows: a red and white piece of [40]cloth is stretched on the ground, bearing an image of the saptarshi over it; wheat and rice are scattered over the cloth, a ghi-lamp is lighted, and red lac and flowers are offered to the image.294 Another form of worship is to mark seven red-lac-dots on a pātla or a wooden stool, and to place seven pice and seven betel-nuts thereon. After worshipping the seven pice, the bridal pair are made to take four turns round the stool, touching the stool with their great toes at every turn. A proverb runs to the effect that, whatever may happen to the couple, still the seven pice of satpati (i.e., the ceremony described) are secure.295 A third process is to form seven small piles of kamod,296 on each of which, successively, the bride places her right foot while the bridegroom removes each pile one by one.297

The fifth day of the bright half of Bhādrapad (the eleventh month of the Gujarati Hindus) is observed as a day of worship in honour of the saptarshi group. People observe a fast on that day. Brāhmans set up seven chāts298 in honour of the seven sages, adding an eighth in honour of Arundhatī, the wife of Vasishtha, and worship them by shodashopachār (i.e. sixteen-fold ceremonial). The worship is said to secure felicity for departed souls.299

The saptarshi are also annually worshipped by Brāhmans on cocoanut-day (the 15th day of the bright half of Shrāvan) on the occasion of changing their sacred threads. Hindu seamen also worship the constellation on the same day.300

In the performance of the Nīl-parvān ceremony, which is held to propitiate the spirits of departed ancestors, and which requires a calf and a heifer to be married, an entertainment being simultaneously given to one hundred and eight Brāhmans, and on the occasion of Vastu or the ceremonies performed before or at the time of occupying a newly-built house, burnt offerings and worship are offered to the saptarshi.301

Every Brāhman must offer arghyas302 to, and worship, the agastya constellation, in a hut of darbha303 and kāsada,303 within seven days from the date of its appearance. Failure to make this offering brings pollution on him for seven months, and disqualifies him from performing any of the rites or ceremonies prescribed by the Shastras.301

Married couples are made to look at the Pole star immediately after the Hymenal knot is tied by the priest, in the hope that they may be as long-lived or as inflexible or unmoved by the ups and downs of life.295

The twelfth day after the death of a person, known as Tārā-bāras (or the star-twelfth) is kept as the day of star-worship by the relatives of the deceased, when one member of the family observes a fast on that day in honour of the deceased, and takes food only after worshipping the stars at night. It is customary on this day to give up the use of bronze vessels and to give them away in charity.304

Just as persons carrying or accompanying a corpse to the cemetery are considered sutaki (under ceremonial impurity), so those who witness this rite are also considered unclean: but they are purified by a sight of the stars.305

Young girls watching the starry sky at night recite a verse which means, “I worshipped the star-spangled firmament first and [41]then my lover Ābhlā dabhlā Kankunā dābhlā306—“Ye stars! blind the prowling thief and seize him if he tries to steal away, and your blessings on my lord confer!”307

The Rohini and Krittika constellations, popularly known as Gadli, are supposed to indicate the rise and fall in the cotton-market.308

The dimmest star of the saptarshi group foretells the death of a person within six months from the date on which it becomes invisible to him.309 Again, if a man cannot perceive the saptarshi or the galaxy in the sky, it is considered such a bad omen that his end is believed to be near at hand.310

The rainbow is believed to be the bow of Indra,311 the god of rains, and is therefore called ‘Indra-dhanushya.’ We see it when Indra draws his bow to release the rains from the rākshasas (demons);312 or, when successful in bringing down rain, Indra manifests his glory by drawing a bow;313 or when in the struggle for supremacy between Summer and the rainy season, Indra draws his bow to defeat Summer.314

It is also believed that when Rāmachandra, the hero of the Rāmāyana, adjusted an arrow to the bow of Shiva, to compete for the hand of Sītā in the swayamvara (or maiden’s-choice marriage) celebrated by her, the bow was split into three pieces, which ever since present themselves as rainbows in the sky.315

The rainbow is popularly regarded as an indication of good or bad rainfall according as it appears at particular hours and in particular directions. If a rainbow appears in the east a speedy rainfall is expected; if on the other hand it is seen in the west, rainfall is apprehended to be distant.316 Some people, however, believe the contrary, i.e., they regard the appearance of a rainbow in the west as an indication of good rains, and in the east as a sign of scarce rainfall.317 Perhaps both ideas are reconciled by a third belief according to which the appearance of a rainbow in a direction facing the sun, indicates the proximity of rain.318

If a rainbow is seen at sunset or sunrise just before the commencement of rain the fall of rain will be excessive; but if it appears after rainfall, the rain will probably cease.319 According to some persons the appearance of a rainbow in the morning portends a drought.320 There is, however, a popular saying to the effect that were the kachbi, i.e., the rainbow, to be seen at sunrise in the west, it foretells great floods before nightfall.314

The sight of a rainbow is sometimes regarded as a bad omen. Some believe that it shortens a man’s life and brings misfortunes to him.310 Others believe that it is calamitous to a man’s relations by marriage, especially to the mother-in-law, who is sure to lose her power of hearing.321 People sometimes clash earthen vessels against one another to avert the evils which are to be feared from a rainbow.322 It is also said that the sight of the whole of the rainbow is a good omen: [42]but the sight of a part, however large, is inauspicious.323

According to the Purānas, the milky way or ākāsh-ganga is the celestial River Ganga which was brought down by Bhagīrath to the earth.324 King Sagar once performed an ashwa-medha325 sacrifice, when, according to custom, he let loose a horse, and sent his sixty thousand sons with it. Indra, jealous of the growing power of Sagar, stole the horse and concealed it in the hermitage of Kapila, when the sage was deeply absorbed in religious meditation. The sixty thousand sons of Sagar followed it to this asylum, where they taunted and insulted the sage, believing him to be the thief. Kapila, who was ignorant of the theft, opened his long-closed eyes in anger, emitting sparks of flame from them, and destroyed the sons of Sagar together with the whole of their army. Bhagīrath, the grandson of Sagar, propitiated the sage, and on his advice practised religious austerities in honour of Shiva for the purpose of bringing down the River Ganga from heaven. Through the kindness of God Shiva, Bhagīrath was at last successful in bringing the celestial river down to this world; and with the water of the river he revived the sons of Sagar. The River Ganga (i.e., the Ganges) in this world is therefore also known by the name of Bhāgirathi. It is this heavenly river which we see as the milky way.326 Like the sacred Ganges on the earth, the River Ganga in the celestial regions is held in great respect by the gods327 and purifies the heavenly bodies, just as the earthly Ganges washes away the worst sins of mortals.323

Some people, however, believe the milky way to be the track by which the holy Ganges descended from heaven to earth.328

Another belief is that the God Vishnu, at the time of his Vāman (or Dwarf) incarnation, touched the ina (i.e., the Egg) in his third footstep and thus caused a flow of waters, which is known as ākāsh-ganga.329 Some suppose the milky way to be a ladder leading to the heavens.330 Astrologers call it Vatsa, a fictitious creature with numerous horns, mouths, and tails.331 According to another belief, the milky way consists of two rekhās—lines—one of sin and the other of good and meritorious actions. The length of one line compared to the other betokens the predominance of good or evil as the case may be.332 The milky way is also supposed to be the track left by the rath or car of Rāmachandra.333

Ākāsh-ganga or the milky way is said to consist of one crore and eighty lacs of stars.334 If a man cannot perceive the milky way in the sky, his end is believed to be near at hand.335

The Musalmāns declare the milky way to be the track formed by the footstep of the horse of the Prophet Muhammad, on the occasion of his night-journey to Heaven.330 [43]

The occasion for earth-worship most frequently arises when anything is to be built upon its surface. At the time of setting the manek-stambha, or the first pillar of a marriage-bower or a bower for a thread-ceremony,336 before commencing the construction of wells, reservoirs, and tanks336 and in laying the foundation-stone of a house, a temple, or a sacrificial pit,337 or of a street, a fortress, a city, or a village,338 or of any constructive work raised upon or made under the ground, certain ceremonies, called khat-muhūrt or khat-puja, are performed. The earth-mother is then worshipped in the manner prescribed in the Shastras, to propitiate her against interruptions in the completion of the work undertaken. The owner or the person interested in the new construction pours a little water on the earth where the foundation-pit is to be dug, sprinkles red lac and gulal (red powder), places a betel-nut and a few precious coins, and digs out the first clod of earth himself.339 Some of the things offered to the earth at the time of khat-puja are panchāmrit,340 betel-nuts, betel-leaves, pancha-ratna (or the five kinds of precious things, namely, gold, silver, copper, coral, and pearls), a bowl and green garments.337 Under the influence of particular rāshis (signs of the zodiac), particular corners of the building under construction are required to be dug in the khat-muhūrt ceremonies.338 For instance, a little digging in the north-west corner is believed to be favourable to the constructor who happens to be under the influence of Sinha (Leo), Kanya (Virgo) and Tula (Libra): in the north-east corner, if under the influence of Vrishchika (Scorpio), Dhanu (Sagittarius) and Makar (Capricornus): in the south-east corner if under the sway of Kumbha (Aquarius), Mīn (Pisces) and Mesha (Aries): in the south-west corner in the case of Vrishabh (Taurus), Mithun (Gemini) and Kark (Cancer).338 After the worship of the earth-mother, sugar or molasses is distributed among neighbours, bystanders and relatives, in token of the auspiciousness of the occasion.341 An image of Ganpati is worshipped in a copper-dish, this is buried underground, and a brick is laid on it when starting the work of construction.338 In setting up the manek-stambha on marriage occasions, a small earthen bowl is filled with milk, curds, turmeric, dūrvā-sprouts342 and mag seeds (Phaseolus mungo), and buried in the ground after being sprinkled over with red lac and rice.343

The ceremonies appertaining to khat-muhūrt are treated of at length in a book called Dharma-sindhu.344 They are believed to secure durability of construction.339

On the Dasarā345 day or the 10th day of the bright half of Ashvin (the last month), Rājās go out in state with their ministers and subjects to worship the earth-mother and the holy shami tree (prosopis spicegera). A wetted plot of ground is first dug over with pikes, javālā (tender wheat plants) and [44]shami leaves are then mixed with the muddy earth, and small balls of the mixture are made. A pice and betel-nut are placed in each ball, and they are presented to the worshipper as a mark of good luck. Travellers carry such balls with them on their journeys for luck. Kings carry the same to obtain success on the battle-field. The Pāndavas had such balls with them on the field of Kurukshetra when they obtained a victory over the Kauravas.346 The balls are also used as pastānā.347 The javālā in the balls are taken out and allowed to grow in an earthen vessel filled with clay and manure till they reach a span in height, when they are taken up and used.348

Earth-worship is performed before burying treasure underground, and also when a marriage-procession, at the time of returning, reaches the limits of the bridegroom’s village.349

In some places, virgins worship the plot of ground on which the Holi is lighted, for about ten or twelve days after the Holi holiday.350

Another occasion for earth-worship is the third day of the bright half of Chaitra (the sixth month), on which day Vishnu saved the earth in his Varāha (or Boar) incarnation, when it was being carried to the nether regions by the demon Shankhāsur.351

On the eighth day of the bright half of Māgh and also of Āshvin (the fourth and the last month respectively), naivedya (an oblation of food) is offered to the earth-mother, and is then used as her prasād (gift). No cooked food is allowed to fall on the ground on this day: even the leavings after meals are given away to cows.352

When any ceremony is to be performed on the earth’s surface, as much of the spot as is required for the ceremony is cleansed by watering it and plastering it with cow-dung. A betel-nut and a pice are then placed on it as the Chādā or rent of the spot.353

On those occasions when dakshina is given to Brāhmans outside the village limits, worship of the earth-mother is performed by pouring milk on the ground, and by placing seven betel-nuts and seven single copper-pieces thereon.354

Some ambitious Brāhmans dig earth from near the roots of a banyan tree after offering prayer to the earth, and out of it, make an image of Parthishwar—Lord of the Earth—hoping thereby to obtain wealth. The same ceremony, if observed near the roots of a pipal tree (ficus religiosa), is believed to confer wealth and male issue.348

When Vishnu killed the demons Madhur and Kaitabha, the earth was strewn with their flesh and marrow (meda). Therefore the earth is called medini, and for the same reason is unclean, and no holy objects are allowed to touch it.355 Another explanation is that the earth was rendered unclean because blood was shed on its surface in the combat of the demon Vritrāsur with the god Indra.356

The things polluted by a contact with the earth are either objects which are to be [45]dedicated to gods, such as sandal-wood ointment, panchāmrit,357 the leaves of the bel tree (Aegle marmelos), tulsi leaves (leaves of the holy or sweet basil plant), betel-leaves and flowers;358 or objects which are sacred because of their having been dedicated to the gods, including tīrtha359 or water used in bathing the images of gods360; or things which are by nature so holy that it is improper to place them on the bare earth; for instance, images of deities, water of the sacred Ganges or the Jumna,361 any holy writ,362 a conch-shell and even gold.363 Cooked food also deserves respect, as it supports the lives of men, and it is sinful in a Hindu to let it lie on the bare ground. Any irregular conduct in this respect arouses the wrath of the Annadeva (or the food deity).364

It is, however, maintained by some that the reason why certain things, such as materials of worship, are not allowed to touch the earth, is that the earth itself being a deity, such things would be dedicated to this deity by a contact with the earth and would thus become incapable of any further use, as things that are dedicated to one deity cannot again be offered to another.365

During the course of the recitation of mantras (holy hymns) in honour of Vishnu and Mahādeva; on the occasion of offering prayers to the grahas (planets) for their propitiation; and on occasions like Vishnuyāga,366 Mahārudra,366 Shatachandi366, Gāyatri-purashcharan367 and Brāhmana-varana368 the devotee or the sacrificer and the priest sleep on darbha grass or on clean woollen blankets, spread on the bare ground.358

Other occasions for sleeping on the floor are the days of the observance of certain vrats or vows; such as, the Divāsa or the 15th day of the dark half of Āshādh (the ninth month), the Janmāshtami or the 8th day of the dark half of Shrāvana (the tenth month), the days of Goatrad, a vrat lasting from the 11th day to the 15th day of the bright half of Bhādrapad, Mahāshivarātri or the 14th day of the dark half of Māgh, the Ekādashi day or the 11th day of both the bright and dark halves of a month,362 the Navrātra days or the first nine days of Āshvin, eclipse days, and the day of Jāgran or the 15th day of the bright half of Āshādh,364 besides, sometimes, the whole of the months of Shrāvana and the Purushottam or intercalary month; and the chāturmās, i.e., the four months of the rainy season.369

A Brāhman in his brahmacharya (or the period of his life which, according to the Shāstras, should be devoted to the acquirement of learning, and which commences from the date of his being invested with the sacred thread and terminates at the age of twenty-three) and a widow are not allowed by the Shāstras to sleep elsewhere than on beds made on the ground.362

Women, while in menstruation, sleep on the floor for four days.359 Some women, when they are separated from their husbands, also sleep in this fashion.369

A dying person, two or three minutes before his death, is placed on the ground, which [46]is first purified with cow-dung-plaster.370 For ten days after a death, the members of the deceased’s household and his relatives sleep on beds spread on the bare ground.371 If the demise be very affecting, the nearest relatives sleep on the floor for periods which may extend to three months, six months, or even for a year, and sometimes the penance lasts for their whole lives.370

It is customary, among some sects, not to allow the sātharā—i.e., the spot lately occupied by a corpse in the house—to be suna or unoccupied for a single night. Someone must sleep on the spot for twelve consecutive days from the date of demise.372

Pilgrims,373 after pilgrimage, abandon sensual pleasures, take their meals only once every day, and sleep on the floor.370 It is customary to sleep always on the ground while in holy places. Devotees, ascetics, sādhus, and their disciples sleep on the ground.371

The God Indra has twelve meghas or clouds under his control, and he directs each of them to pour out their waters wherever he likes. When in the least irritated in the execution of his orders, Indra’s voice is heard in this world in thunder-claps which rise to a terrible pitch if the deity becomes downright angry.370 Thunder is also said to be the loud laughter of Indra when in a happy mood.374

Another belief is that during the rainy season, Indra plays gedi-dānda375, and the strokes given to the gedi in the course of the game, produce what we call thunder;376 or, that the clouds are god’s footballs, and thunder is produced by his foot striking them, while at play during the rainy season.371 Some believe thunder to be due to the loud sounds produced by various musical instruments which are played upon the occasion of the marriage-ceremony of Indra.377 According to others, thunder is produced by the cannon of Indra;378 or, as some again say, by the trumpetings of Airāvat, the elephant of Indra379; or, we hear thunder when Indra draws his bow and adjusts an arrow to the bow-string, in order to bring about the fall of rain.380

A further belief attributes thunder to the very rapid pace of the chariot of Bhagwān.381 Some people, however, say that it is produced when Bhīma (one of the five Pāndavas) wields his prodigious club or bludgeon.382 In the opinion of others, Vidyut or Tanyatun, the offspring of Lambā, the daughter of Daksha, and the wife of Dharmarāj thunders in the rainy season.383 It is also suggested that the god of rains shakes the heavens and thus produces thunder.372 The Shāstras, it is said, declare that thunder is caused by the sounds of the dundubhi—or [47]kettledrums—beaten by the gods in delight at the sight of rain.384 There is also a popular belief in the Surat district that an old hag causes thunder either when she grinds corn or when she rolls stones in the clouds.385

The prevalent belief about lightning seems to be that it is the girl whom Kansa tried to dash against a stone, but who escaped and went up to the sky. Kansa, the tyrant king of Mathura, was informed by a heavenly voice, by way of prophecy, that a son would be born to his sister who would cause his destruction. Kansa thereupon confined his sister Devaki and her husband Vasudeva in prison, loaded them with fetters, and kept the strictest watch over them. He took from Devaki, and slew, every child of hers as soon as it was born. In this way he disposed of her first six children. On the seventh occasion, however, on which Devaki gave birth to a son named Krishna, a girl was born at the same hour to Nanda in Mathura; and Vasudeva secretly interchanged the two children in spite of the vigilance of Kansa. When Kansa knew of his sister having been delivered, he seized the infant girl and tried to dash her against a stone. The little one immediately flew away to the skies, where she still dwells in the form of Vijli or lightning.386

The Shāstras describe Vijli as the distinctive weapon of Indra, just as pashupatākā is peculiar to Shiva and the Gāndīva bow to Arjuna.387

Other beliefs about lightning are that Vijli is the sister of Megharāja, the god of rains, and appears to announce his approach:388 that Vijli is a goddess who rests upon winds, fire, and rains:389 that Vijli is but the thunderbolt of Indra:390 that lightnings are the flashes of the bright weapon of Indra:391 that lightning is the lustre of the fireworks and the lamps lighted by the gods in honour of the nuptials of Indra:392 that lightning is produced by the sparks caused by the friction of the gedi and the dāndā of Indra when the god plays the game.393 Vijli is also known as Saudāmini, i.e., one residing on Mount Sudāma.394

The occurrence of thunder and the appearance of lightning on particular days and in particular directions are regarded as signs of the abundance or scarcity of rain during the season.

Thunder during the Rohini nakshatra395 is a bad omen: it foreshadows either a famine,396 or a Boterun, i.e., complete cessation of rains for seventy-two days after the thunder-claps are heard.391 According to another view, if the Rohini nakshatra lasts for a fortnight and if the sky is clear during the period and yet lightning and thunder occur, a Boterun will be the consequence; but if lightning and thunder were to accompany the clouds in the same nakshatra, heavy and plentiful rains may be confidently expected.397 Lightning without clouds in the same nakshatra is believed to be the cause of what is popularly called Rohinī-dāzi, i.e., the burning heat of Rohini.398

Some persons expect a Boterun after kadakas or crashing thunder. Others apprehend a famine if they hear thunder on the second day of the bright half of Jyeshtha (the eighth month).391 [48]

Thunder or lightning in the Hasta399 nakshatra foretells good harvests and a prosperous year.400 Thunder in the same nakshatra is believed to muzzle the jaws of serpents and other noxious creatures, and to achieve this object, also, a sāmelu (or a log of wood) is struck against a mobhārā (or a hollow stone used for threshing corn).401 If thunder is not heard during this nakshatra, mosquitoes and other insects and vermin are believed to be likely to multiply.402

If thunder is heard during the Ārdrā nakshatra, the rainfall will be delayed for a month.403

Lightning is commonly seen on the second and the fifth day of the bright half of Āshādh, and is considered a sign of good rainfall, while its absence indicates a probable scarcity of rain.404 Its appearance on the fifth day of Āshādh is believed by some to foretell an early fall of rain.400 Since the rainfall, and therefore the state of the crops during the ensuing year, are suggested by lightning on this day, corn-dealers settle a rise or fall in the price of corn according as lightning is or is not seen on that occasion.405

Thunder in the east predicts a speedy fall of rain.400 If flashes of lightning are seen in the north-east or the north, rain will fall within three days.400 Lightning in the south-east or the south foretells extreme heat.406

Long-continued thunder shows that the rainfall is distant. Similarly, continued flashes of lightning intimate danger to the lives and property of people.406 Sudden thunder portends an immediate cessation of rain.400 Thunder or lightning out of season threatens calamity to the country.407

Vijli or lightning is said to be fettered on the fifth day of the bright half of Āshādh—(or, as some say, on the second day of Shrāvan)401—after which date no apprehensions of its destructive powers need be entertained.408 Till then, however, it is free and is likely to injure those persons409 who have not cut or shaved their hair from their birth.410

The occurrence of lightning is believed to cause the delivery and sometimes even the death of pregnant women.411

Any period marked by the occurrence of lightning is considered inauspicious.412

The Puranas speak of fourteen worlds—the seven swargas (celestial regions) and the seven pātāls (nether regions)413. Underneath the seventh pātāl414 lies Shesha (the divine cobra) who supports all the fourteen worlds on one of his one thousand hoods. On account of the heavy burden, the serpent-god sometimes gets tired, and tries to change his position. The result of the movement is an earth-quake.408 According to another version, an earthquake occurs when Shesha changes [49]his posture in sleep,415 or is the result of a hair falling from the body of Shesha.416 Some people say that ordinarily Shesha does not feel the weight of the fourteen worlds on his head; he bears the load as if it were only a single sesamum seed. But when too much sin accumulates in any of the regions, the burden becomes unbearable for him: he begins to shake under it, and an earthquake occurs.417

Some believe that there is a tortoise under the divine cobra who supports the world;418 others go further, and add a frog below the tortoise:419 and it is said that the slightest motion on the part of either the tortoise or the cobra is the cause of an earthquake.

Another belief is that earthquakes occur whenever there is tyranny or injustice on the part of a king, or whenever immorality spreads in society, because the earth is unable to bear the sin, and trembles at the sight of it.420

According to a different opinion, the earth is supported by the Pothia or the favourite bull of Shiva on one of his horns. An earthquake is caused whenever he transfers the earth from one horn to another in order to relieve the former from the constant pressure of the burden.421

There is also a belief that deities of some strange species reside in the nether regions, and the earth is shaken whenever these beings fight among themselves.419

According to the Varāha-sanhita, an earthquake is always the precursor of some unprecedented calamity.422 The prevalent belief in the popular mind seems to be that an earthquake is the result of immorality and sin, and further that it forebodes some dire calamity, such as famine, pestilence, an outbreak of fire, a revolution, or a great war.423 The phenomenon is, therefore, regarded with great fear; and when it occurs, people endeavour to avoid the contingent evils by such meritorious acts as the giving of alms, and generally by leading a virtuous life.424

The most popular of the holy rivers are the Ganges, the Jumna (or Jamuna), the Narbadā, the Saraswati (near Sidhpur), the Kāveri, the Godāvari, the Gandaki, the Sarayu, the Dāmodari, the Sindhu (or Indus), the Mahānad, the Gomati (near Dwārka), the Brahmaputra, the Sābarmati, the Ghels (near Gaddheda), the Tungabhadra, the Suvarnabhadrā, the Bhadrashitā, the Jambuvati, the Phalaku (or Phalgu), the Kaushiki, the Tāmraparni, the Sita and the Alakanandā. Any point where three rivers meet is also a sacred place. Most of the holy rivers are the subject of many traditions, and books have been written to celebrate their merits.

The Ganges, the Jumna, and the Godāvari are said to be the holiest of all rivers.423 There are a number of beliefs about the origin of the Ganges. One of them is that the Ganges is the stream caused by King Bali washing the feet of Vāman (the Dwarf incarnation of Vishnu).425 Another story relates that the god Brahma was exhausted by overwork at the time of the marriage of Shiva and Pārvati. The gods, therefore, created water from their own lustres, and gave it to Brahma in a gourd, to be used in a similar contingency. When Vishnu in his Vāman avatār (or Dwarf incarnation) bestrode the heavens with a single step, Brahma washed his toe in the water from this gourd. A stream was thus created called Swarga-ganga [50]and brought down to the earth by Bhagīrath, the grandson of Sagar. When the Ganges fell from the heavens, it was supported and held fast by God Shiva in his jatā or matted hair. It was released by his loosening the hair, and in its course, inundated the sacrificial ground of King Jahnu. The latter, being angry, drank up its waters. On the entreaties of Bhagīrath, he released the stream by tearing off his thigh.426 The river then flowed to the spot where the sixty thousand sons of Sagar were burnt to ashes; and it is said by some that one of the sixty thousand was saved at the end of each year up to the year 1955 of the Samvat era (corresponding to A. D. 1899), by the end of which period all the sixty thousand had attained salvation. From the earth the Ganges went to the nether regions. Thus flowing in the heavens, on the earth and in the Pātāl, the Ganges is called Tripathaga (i.e., flowing in three courses). In its divine form, the Ganges is the wife of Shiva. Owing to the curse of Brahma, she was born in human form in this world and was married to Shantanu, by whom she became the mother of Bhishma, the heroic uncle of the Kauravas and the Pāndavas.427

It is customary among Hindu pilgrims, when they visit Kāshi (Benares) to take with them copper-vessels filled with Gangājal (water of the Ganges), and to worship the Gangā when they reach their homes after the pilgrimage. A figure is drawn in seven different kinds of corn; the bowl is placed on it; abil gulāl (red powder), frankincense, and naivedya (an oblation of food) are offered: a ghi lamp is lighted: a Brahman woman is dressed as Uma, the wife of Shiva, and Brahmans are entertained at a feast, dakshina being given to them.428

The water of the Ganges, as well as that of the Jumna, is believed to be so pure that it cannot be affected by microbes, even if kept for years in the house. This quality is believed to be a manifestation of its divine nature. It is further called patit-pāvan (lit. purifier of the fallen), and exculpates the sinful from their sins, either by a single draught or by bathing in it.429 Gangājal is kept in most Hindu families, a draught of it taken by a dying person being believed to secure moksha or eternal salvation for the soul.430

A vow is observed by women, in honour of the Ganges, for the first ten days of the month of Jyeshtha. On these days they rise early in the morning and bathe in the holy waters of the Ganges.431

Sometimes ghi lamps are placed upon the waters of the Ganges or the Jumna, and vessels of metal, pice, and cocoanuts are cast into the stream. At such a time, when many people are standing on the banks offering prayers with folded hands, or engaged in the arati,432 the river presents a very picturesque scene, the numerous lights being reflected in the water.433

The Jamuna or Yamuna is the daughter of the Sun, and the sister of Yama, the god of Death. The banks of the Jumna are well known as the scene of the amorous sports of God Krishna.434 The story of the defeat of the demon Kāliya Nāg who was ejected from the Jumna by Krishna is well-known. [51]

It is said that those who have bathed in the Jumnā or have once tasted its water, need not be afraid of Yama, the god of Death.435 It is considered meritorious among the Hindus to bathe the image of god Shiva in water from the holy Jumnā or the Ganges or the Godāvari.436 There is a popular shloka in honour of the Jumnā which runs:—“Victory to thee! Oh Yamunā, flowing through the Madhu-vana (the Madhu woods), the bearer of shining waters, the companion of Jāhnavi, the daughter of Sindhu, the ornament of the enemy of Madhu (viz., Krishna), the appeaser of Mādhava, the dispeller of the danger of Gokal, the destroyer of the sins of the world, the giver of intellect, the scene of the amorous sports of Keshava. Victory to thee! O remover of difficulties, purify me.”437

The banks of the Godāvari are known as the site of the hermitage of Gautama. When the planet Brihaspati (Jupiter) enters the Sinha-rāshi (the constellation Leo)438 the holy Ganges goes to the Godāvari, and remains there for one year. During that year, all the gods are believed to bathe in this river. Thousands of pilgrims visit Nasik to offer prayers to the Godāvari, and after bathing in the river, give alms to Brahmans. Similarly, on the Kapilāshashti day, on which six jogs or conjunctive incidents occur simultaneously, the virtue of all tīrthas or holy places is believed to be concentrated in the Godāvari at Nasik.437

The mere sight of the Narbadā has the same effect as a bath in the Ganges or the Jumnā.439 It is said that the Narbadā is the image of Shiva, and that fragments of the stony bow of Shiva are to be found in its bed.440 The stones in the bed of this river have the same sanctity as the images of god Shiva.441 Shāligram stones, which are worshipped as the images of Vishnu, are found in this river.441 It is an act of high merit among Hindus to take a pradakshinā round the Narbadā, i.e., to travel along the banks of the river, inhabited as the region is by many Sādhus and other holy persons.442 Ashvatthāmā, the immortal son of Drona, is believed to reside on the banks of this river and to pay occasional visits to the Bhils in the neighbourhood.442 The Shukla-tīrtha, situated on the Narbadā, is visited by numerous pilgrims, and a fair is held there on every sixtieth year.442

The sage Kapila instructed his mother Devahūti with divine knowledge on the banks of the Saraswati. Since then, the river is held sacred and funeral ceremonies—Shrāddhas—are performed on its banks in honour of departed female ancestors.440 Similarly Shrāddhas in honour of male ancestors are performed at the confluence of the Ganges, the Jumnā, and the Saraswati at Allahabad.443444

Of the Gandaki it is said that it contains as many shankars (images of Shiva) as there are sankars (stones). The shāligram stone is found in this river also. The Saryu is sacred as the scene of the childish sports of Rāmachandra, the hero of the Rāmāyana. On the banks of the Phalaku or Phalgu, Rāmachandra performed Shrāddha ceremonies in honour of his father Dasharath.440 [52]

A bath in the waters of a holy river washes away the sins of the bather.445 It is also meritorious to repeat the names of the several holy rivers.446 The performance of Shrāddha ceremonies on the banks of a holy river secures the felicity of deceased ancestors in heaven.445 At the time of performing Shrāddhas at a holy place, Hindus shave their moustaches, bathe in the sacred waters, and then go through the necessary ceremonies, in the course of which pindas are offered to the Pitars (spirits of dead ancestors). Brahmans are feasted after the ceremonies, and dakshinā is given to them.447 Tarpan or an offering of water with flowers, ointment, red lac, cocoanuts, and betel, is frequently made to the river on the banks of which the ceremonies are performed.448 The bones of a deceased person, left unburnt after cremation of the body, are gathered together and thrown into holy rivers such as the Ganges, the Jumnā, and the Godāvari, for the purification of his soul.449

When heavy floods threaten a village or a city with serious injury, the king or the headman should go in procession to propitiate the river with flowers, cocoanuts, and other offerings in order that the floods may subside.450 A story is related of the occurrence of heavy floods in a village in the Jatalpur taluka, when a certain lady placed an earthen vessel (ordinarily used for curdling milk), containing a ghi lamp, afloat on the floods, whereupon the waters were at once seen to recede.451

Besides the holy rivers, there are numerous kunds or sacred pools which are regarded with equal reverence, and in which a bath has the same efficacy for destroying sin. Similarly, they are equally suitable places for the performance of Shrāddha ceremonies. These kunds are the subject of numerous beliefs, and each of them has a certain māhātmya or peculiar merit of its own. Six miles to the east of Dwārkā, near the sea-coast, there is a kund called Pind-tārak, where many persons go to perform the Shrāddha and the Nārāyan-bali ceremonies. They first bathe in the kund: then, with its water, they prepare pindas, and place them in a metal dish: red lac is applied to the pindas, and a piece of cotton thread wound round them; the metal dish being then dipped in the kund, when the pindas, instead of sinking, are said to remain floating on the water. The process is believed to earn a good status for the spirits of departed ancestors in heaven.445 It is further said that physical ailments brought on by the avagati—degradation or fallen condition—of ancestors in the other world, are remedied by the performance of Shrāddha on this kund.452

The Dāmodar kund is situated near Junāgadh. It is said that if the bones of a deceased person which remain unburnt after his cremation are dipped in this kund, the soul of that person obtains moksha (or final emancipation).445

There is a vāv or reservoir on Mount Girnār, known as Rasakūpikā-vāv. It is believed that the body of a person bathing in it becomes as hard as marble, and that if a piece of stone or iron is dipped in the vāv, it is instantly transformed into gold. But the vāv is only visible to saints and sages who are gifted with a supernatural vision.453

Kāshīpuri (Benares) contains a vāv called Gyān-vāv, in which there is an image of Vishweshwar (the Lord of the universe, i.e., Shiva). A bath in the water from this vāv is believed to confer upon a person the gift of divine knowledge.445 [53]

In the village of Chunval, a few miles to the north of Viramgām, there is a kund known as Loteshwar, near which stands a pipal tree. Persons possessed by ghosts or devils, are freed from possession by pouring water at the foot of the tree and taking turns round it, remaining silent the while.454

A bath in the Mān-sarovar near Bahucharāji is said to cause the wishes of the bather to be fulfilled. There is a local tradition455 that a Rajput woman was turned into a male Rajput of the Solanki class by a bath in its waters.454

There is a kund called Zilāka near Zinzuwādā with a temple of Naleshwar Mahādev near it. The kund is said to have been built at the time of King Nala. It is believed locally that every year, on the 15th day of the bright half of Bhādrapad, the holy Ganges visits the kund by an underground route. A great fair is held there on that day, when people bathe in the kund and give alms to the poor.456 There is also another kund close by, known as Bholava, where the river Saraswati is believed to have halted and manifested herself on her way to the sea.457

There is a kund in Baladāna near Wadhwan, dedicated to Hol, the favourite mātā of the Chārans. In this kund, black or red gagar bedinus—pieces of cotton thread—are sometimes seen floating in the water. They appear only for a moment, and sink if any one endeavours to seize them. The appearance of black pieces forebodes famine: but the red ones foretell prosperity.458

In Bhadakon near Chudā there is a kund called Garigavo. The place is celebrated as the spot of the hermitage of the sage Bhrigu and a fair is held there annually on the last day of Bhādrapad.458

Persons anxious to attain heaven, bathe in the Mrigi kund on Mount Girnār; and a bath in the Revati kund, which is in the same place, confers male issue on the bather.459 There is also a kund of the shape of an elephant’s footprint Pagahein on Mount Girnār. It never empties and is held most sacred by pilgrims.460 People bathe in the Gomati kund near Dwārkā and take a little of the earth from its bed, for the purification of their souls.461 In the village of Bābarā, Babhruvāhan, the son of Arjun, is said to have constructed several kunds, all of which are believed to be holy.460

The Lasundra kund near Lasundra in the Kaira District462 and the Tulsi-shyāma kund on Mount Girnār463 contain hot waters. There is also a hot kund called Devki-unai, about thirty miles to the south of Surat.462 There the waters remain hot throughout the whole of the year, except on the fifteenth day of the bright half of Chaitra. On this day, the waters cool, and people can bathe in the kund. Many pilgrims visit the place on this occasion, to offer money, cocoanuts, and red lac to the unai mātā, whose temple stands near the kund. It is said that King Rāma built this kund while performing a local sacrifice, and brought water up from the pātāl (nether regions) by shooting an arrow into the earth.464

Other holy kunds are: the Bhīm kund, the Gomukhi-gangā, and the Kamandalu kund on Mount Girnār near the temple of Bhimnāth Mahādeo; the Rādhā kund, the Lalita kund, and the Krishna-sarovar in Dwārkā; the Rāma-sarovar, the Sītā kund and the Devki-unai kund in Ayodhya (Oudh);465 and the Suraj kund466 and the Hanumāndhāra467 kund on Mount Girnār. [54]

Waterfalls are not very familiar to the people of Gujarāt. There is a belief, however, that barren couples obtain issue if they bathe in a waterfall, and offer a cocoanut.468

If a river source issues from an opening, in the shape of a go-mukh (cow’s-mouth), the stream is called dhodh, and is considered as sacred as the holy Ganges. A bath in such a dhodh has the same efficacy for absolving persons from their sins.469

When a person dies an accidental death and before the fulfilment of his worldly desires, his soul receives avagati (i.e., passes into a degraded or fallen condition), and it is not released from this state till Shrāddhas have been duly performed in its name, and the objects of its desire dedicated to it with proper ritual. The same fate befalls those souls which do not receive the funeral pindas with the proper obsequies. Such fallen souls become ghosts and goblins,470 and are to be found where water is, i.e., near a well, a tank, or a river.471

Those who meet death by drowning become goblins, residing near the scene of their death, and are a source of danger to all who approach the water; for instance, in Monāpuri and Sāsai, there are two ghunas (mysterious watery pits) haunted by bhuts (ghosts) which take the lives of one or two buffaloes every year.472 Mātās473 and Shankhinis also haunt wells, springs, and tanks and either drown, or enter the persons of those who go near their resorts.

Persons who are possessed in this manner, can be freed by bhuvas,473 who give them a magic thread to wear.474

There is a vāv called Nīlkanth vāv near Movaiya, in which a Pinjari (a female cotton-carder) is said to have been drowned, and to have been turned into a ghost, in which form she occasionally presents herself to the people.475

Another ghost haunts an old vāv, called Madhā, in Vadhwān and drowns one human being every third year as a victim. But a male spirit named Kshetrapāl resides in the kotha (or entrance) of the vāv, and saves those who fall near the entrance. A person is, however, sure to be drowned if he falls in any other part of the vāv.476 A ghost also resides in the vāv at Hampar near Dhrāngadhrā and terrifies the people at times.476

The goddess Rainadevi resides in water, and is worshipped by virgins on the fifteenth day of the bright half of Āshādh, when they grow javārās (tender wheat-plants) in an earthen vessel and present them to her, remaining awake for the whole of the night to sing songs in her honour.469

Daryā-Pir, the patron of Luvānās (merchants) and Khārvās (sailors), resides in the sea; and vows are observed in his honour by these people on the second day of the bright half of every month, when they pass a little water through his sieve.477 [55]

It is well known that a drowning person clings fast to anyone who tries to save him, and endangers the lives of both himself and his saviour.478 It is also believed by some people that the messengers of Varuna (the lord of all waters) seize those persons who bathe in a river earlier than the usual hour in the morning; and the act of saving a drowning person thus deprives Varuna of his victim, and brings down the wrath of that deity.479

Sometimes, for the sake of moksha, a person takes samādhi (i.e., drowns himself with a religious motive) in a holy river, such as the Ganges or the Jumnā. In such a case the relatives and other persons refrain from interference, and do not try to rescue the person.478

When a well is to be dug, an expert is first called to select a likely spot on which to dig. A Brahman is then consulted as to the auspicious hour on which the work of digging should be commenced.480 For this purpose, Tuesdays and those days on which the earth sleeps are to be avoided. The earth is supposed to be asleep on the following six days in every month, namely: the 1st, the 7th, the 9th, the 10th, the 14th and the 24th days following a sankrānti (i.e., the day on which the sun crosses from one constellation to another). Excluding these days, a date is generally fixed on which the Chandra-graha (or the planet moon) is favourable to the constructor of the well.481

On the appointed day, the expert, the constructor of the well, the Brahman priest, and the labourers go to the place where the well is to be dug, and an image of the god Ganpati—the protector of all auspicious ceremonies—is first installed on the spot and worshipped with panchāmrit.482483 A green coloured piece of atlas (silk cloth), about two feet long, is then spread on the spot, and a pound and a quarter of wheat, a cocoanut, betels, dates and copper coin are placed on it. A copper bowl containing some silver or gold coins and filled with water, is also placed there; the mouth of the bowl is covered with the leaves of the Ashoka tree (Jinesia Asoka) and a cocoanut is placed over the leaves. After this, the priest recites sacred hymns and asks his host to perform the khāt484 ceremonies.485 Among favourite offerings to Ganpati and the earth in the course of worship and in the performance of the khāt ceremonies are: curds, milk, honey, molasses, cocoanuts, dhanā (a kind of spices), leaves of nāgarvel (a kind of creeper) and red lac.480 The expert who is called to choose a proper site for the well offers frankincense and a cocoanut to the spot, and lights a lamp thereon. After the khāt486 ceremonies are over, the host distributes sugar or molasses among the bystanders, and offers a sum of money to the expert, who usually refuses it, asking the host to spend it in charity. Those who accept money give away a part of it in alms to the poor.480

Sometimes, to secure the unobstructed completion of the work, the god Ganpati and the goddess Jaladevi are installed and worshipped daily, till water appears in the well.481 Some people, however, install the goddess Jaladevi after the appearance of water, when a stone is taken out from the bottom of the well and is plastered with red-lead to represent the goddess and is ceremoniously worshipped. When the construction of the well is complete, vāstu, i.e., the ceremony in vogue after the completion of a new building, or jalotsava (the water-festival) is celebrated, Brahmans being entertained at a feast, with dakshinā given.487 [56]

The water of the Krukalas well in the island of Shankhodwār is believed to cure fever and diseases caused by morbid heat. A draught of the water of the Gomukhi-gangā near Girnār, makes one proof against an attack of cholera.488

The water of a gozarā well (i.e., a well which is polluted on account of a person bring drowned in it) cures children of bronchitis and cough.489490

There is a well near Ramdorana, of which the water is effective against cough,491 and the water of the Bhamaria well near Vasāwad possesses the same virtue.492

The water of the Mrigi kund near Junāgadh remedies leprosy.491

The Pipli well near Zālāwād and the Detroja-vāv near Kolki are well-known for the stimulative effect of their waters on the digestion.493

If a dark stone is found in the course of digging a well, the water of that well is believed to have medicinal properties.494

The birth of a child under the mul nakshatra endangers the life of its father: but the misfortune is averted if the child and its parents bathe in water drawn from one hundred and eight wells.488 Such water, if swallowed, is said to cure sanipāt or delirium.495

In the island of Shial there is a vāv called Thān-vāv, where mothers, who cannot suckle their children for want of milk, wash their bodices. When they afterwards wear these bodices, these are believed to be able to cause the due secretion of milk.496

The most famous of the sacred lakes are Pampa497, Bindu498, Pushkar and Sāmbhar near Ajmere, Mān-sarovar near Bahucharāji, Nārāyan-sarovar in Cutch, Rāvanrhad in the Himālayas, and Rāmarhad. The following popular myth is related about Mān-sarovar.

Two kings once agreed that the two children that should first be born to them should marry each other. But it happened that both the kings had daughters. One of them, however, concealed the fact, and gave out that the child born to him was a son. So that when the children attained a marriageable age, they were married to each other according to the agreement.

But the wife found out the secret when she went to stay with her supposed husband, and disclosed it to her parents, who invited the counterfeit son-in-law to their house with the object of ascertaining the truth. The alleged son, however, suspected the design and fled, with a mare and a bitch. On arriving near Mān-sarovar, the animals went into the lake in order to refresh themselves, when there was an immediate transformation; and the bitch and the mare came out a horse and a dog. On observing this miracle, their mistress followed their example and was also turned into a male. The story is still sung by girls in a garabi (song) during the Navarātra holidays.499

There is a belief that the ancient golden city of Dwārkā, the capital of god Krishna, still exists in the sea, although it is invisible to the eyes of mortals.494 A story is told of a man named Pipo Bhagat, who, once perceiving a golden bowl floating in the sea, plunged into the water and saw the golden palaces of Dwārkā and god Krishna resting therein. It is said that he returned with the tide and related his experience to several people.500 [57]

Similarly, the golden Lanka of Rāvan is still believed to exist under the sea, ruled over by Bibhishan, the brother of Rāvan, and visible only to the eyes of saints and holy persons.501 It is a common belief that the nether regions are inhabited by a species of semi-divine beings, half men and half serpents, called Nāgs, who possess magnificent palaces under the water.502 The story of Kāliya Nāg, who resided at the bottom of the Jumnā and was driven from that place by Krishna, is well known.503 There are a number of mythological traditions in the Purānas of kings and princes having visited these palaces in watery regions, and of their having brought back beautiful Nāgakanyās (daughters of Nāgs) therefrom.504 For instance, Arjuna married a Nāgakanyā named Ulupi when he was living in exile with his brothers. He also stayed for some time with the Nāgs.

Ghosts and demons sometimes inhabit palaces under the water. Deep waters, unfrequented by men, are the favourite resorts of such beings.505

The god Varuna resides in the waters, and is said to have once carried off Nand (the adoptive father of Krishna) to his watery abode, for having bathed in the Jumnā before dawn.503

Kālindi, the daughter of the king of the Kalingas, practised religious austerities in a palace under the waters of the Jumnā with the object of securing a suitable husband. Krishna, on being informed of this by Arjuna, went to the place and married her.506

There is a story in the Purānas that a king, named Nandrāj, used to bury his treasures in the sea with the assistance of a mani (jewel) which furnished a safe passage through the water. The mani was in the end burnt by the queen of Nandrāj and the treasure still lies hidden in the waters of the sea.507

It is narrated in the fourth chapter of Bhāgvat-purān that the ten thousand sons of Prachetas used to reside in palaces built under water.508

Mountains are held to be sacred in a variety of circumstances; thus, some are valued for possessing medicinal drugs: some are revered as the birthplaces of the gods, or as the residences of saints: some for possessing many tīrthas (holy spots): some because they were visited by Rāma or the Pāndavas: some serve as guardians of the four quarters: and some contain the sources of holy rivers.

Both the important ranges of the Presidency, the Sahyādri and the Sātpuda, are subjects of veneration in the popular mind. The Himālayas, the Vindhyā Mountains, and the Nilgiris command special respect. Other sacred mountains are Girnār and Shetrunja in Kāthiāwār, Mount Ābu, Pāvāgad near Baroda, Brahmagiri Ārāsur, Tryambak near Nasik, Koyalo, Govardhan near Mathurā, Revatāchal near Dwārkā, and Hinglaj in Sind.

It is said that in ancient times there were deep miry ditches where Girnār and Ābu stand at present. One day a cow belonging to the sage Vasishtha fell into one of them and was found by Kacha, the son of Brihaspati, after a long search. When the incident was brought to the notice of Vasishtha, he requested Meru (a mythical mountain) to send his two sons Girnār and Ābu to occupy and fill the ditches. Girnār required sixty-eight tīrthas to accompany him; and the boon was granted by the gods.509 [58]

Girnār is one of the seven great mountains which once possessed wings.510511 It is also known as the place where the sage Dattātraya performed religious austerities.512 The place is so holy that any person dying within a radius of twelve gaus513 from it is believed to attain moksha.514 A visit to the temples on Girnār absolves one from all sins; and taking a turn round Girnār and Shetrunja is said to bring good fortune.515 Bhagwān manifests himself to those who ascend the Bhairavajaya summit on Girnār. There is a rock on this mountain of which it is said that those who cast themselves from it directly attain heaven.516

Pāvāgad is known for the temple of Mahākāli Mātā. It is said that King Patai once propitiated her by austerities, and on being desired to demand a boon, asked the goddess to accompany him to his palace. The goddess was highly incensed at this request, and promptly destroyed him.516

Hanūmān, the monkey-god, once promised to take the Mountain Govardhan to meet Rāma. It is well known how the monkey allies of Rāma constructed a bridge of rocks across the sea to Laṅkā, and how Hanūmān supplied the requisite material by fetching huge mountains. Whilst engaged on this work, he was one day carrying the Govardhan mountain to the site of the bridge, when Rāma issued an order that all monkeys who were fetching mountains should deposit their burdens at the spot where they stood at the moment of the order. Hanūmān could not disobey the order of his lord, and he had accordingly to drop the Govardhan mountain near Mathurā. In order to fulfil Hanūmān’s promise, however, Vishnu held the mountain over his head for seven days, at the time of his Krishna incarnation.516

It is said that the inhabitants of the districts round Govardhan formerly revered and adored Indra. But Krishna condemned this custom, and introduced the worship of Govardhan. Indra was exasperated at this conduct, and poured tremendous rains on Gokal in order to drown Krishna and his followers. But Krishna held up the Govardhan mountain on his little finger and sheltered all his people under its cover. The mountain was supported in this manner for seven days, by the end of which the rains subsided and Indra confessed himself vanquished. Even now Vaishnavas form an image of Govardhan out of mud and worship it on the Janmāshtamī day (i.e., the eighth day of the dark half of Shrāvan).517

The Oshama Hill near Pātanvāv (in the jurisdiction of Gondal) is noted for the beautiful temples of Tapakeshwar Mahādev, and Mātari Mātā. It is said that Bhīma518 the second of the five Pāndavas, first met the giantess Hidimbā, on this hill.519 The charcoal-like stones which are dug out in numbers from this hill are believed by the people to have been blackened by the blood of the giant Hidimb, the brother of Hidimbā who was killed by Bhīma.520 [59]

Mount Shetrunja (or Shatruñjaya) possesses numerous Jain shrines and attracts thousands of pilgrims every year. The hearts of all pilgrims are believed to be purified from the moment they come within six miles of the mountain.521

Mount Ābu possesses the temple of Ambā Mātā where Krishna’s hair was clipped for the first time.522 Tryambak is known for the temple of Tryambakeshwar and the source of the holy Godāvari.523 About Revatāchal, it is said that the mountain was golden in ancient times.524 In the Vindhya Mountains is situated the famous temple of Omkār Mandhātā.525 The hermitage of Kākbhushundi in the Nilgiris was visited by Rāma when he listened to the religious stories read out by that sage. The sage Agatsya also is said to have resided in these mountains.526

The temple of Hinglaj stands on a hill, which is situated at a distance of eighteen days’ journey by road from Karachi. The Mātā is ministered to by a Musalman and the place is mostly visited by Atits, Bāvās, Khatris, Chhipās, Mochis, and other low-caste Hindus. On occasions the doors of the temple spontaneously open, and after the devotees have visited the Mātā, they again shut in the same mysterious manner.525

As the abode of Shiva and as containing the sources of the holiest of rivers, the Himālayas are the most sacred of all mountains, and possess many holy places of pilgrimage, such as Badrinārāyan, Kedārnāth, Hardwār, etc. Badrinārāyan is the favourite resort of those who have relinquished the world and who only wish to meditate on the Divine Being. The sages Nara and Nārāyan are said to have performed religious austerities in this place, and eighty-eight thousand rishis (sages) are believed to be similarly occupied there to-day. Owing to the excessive cold, the place is extremely difficult to reach. Pilgrims carry burning hearths with them to protect themselves against cold. Besides, it is necessary to cross the Pathar-nadi (or stony river), of which the water, if touched, turns one into stone. The method of crossing this river is to suspend sikāns or slings above its water and to swing from one sling to another.527

A hill called Swargārohan is believed to be twenty miles to the north of Badrikedārnāth and is said to lead to heaven. In ancient times the Pāndavas had repaired to this place in order to do penance for the sin of having killed their kinsmen in the Great War. But when they tried to ascend to heaven by the Swargārohan Hill, only Yudhishthir and his faithful dog were able to reach their goal: the rest were frozen in the snow.527

Mount Kailāsa, the abode of Shiva, is supposed to be situated in the northern part of the Himālayas. The mountain is described as always covered with verdure and full of beautiful gardens and of palaces made of jewels, with roads paved with golden dust and sphatika-mani (crystal stone).527 It is said that Rāvan, the king of Lankā, once uprooted this mountain and held it on the palm of his hand, in order to display his prowess. The demon Bhasmāsur, who was enamoured of the goddess Pārvati, is said to have performed the same feat in order to frighten Shiva.523

Another mythical mountain is Meru, which is supposed to occupy the centre of the earth.528 The sun, the moon, and all the planets revolve round this mountain, and it therefore plays an important part in the causation of day and night. For night falls on one side of the earth when the sun goes [60]to the other side of Meru; and the day begins when the sun emerges from that side of the mountain. Meru is sixty-eight thousand yojans529 in height, and penetrates the earth to the depth of sixteen thousand yojans. Its eastern side appears white, the southern is yellow, the western is black, and the northern red. The mountain is also believed to consist of gold and gems. The Ganges, in her fall from the heavens, is said to have descended first on the top of this mountain and then to have flowed in four streams in four directions. The southern stream is known as the Ganges; the northern, in Tartary, is called Bhadrasoma; the eastern is the same as the Sitā; and the western is named Chax or the Oxus. The top of this mountain is believed to be inhabited by gods, gandharvas (celestial musicians) and rishis (sages).530 According to the Yoga-vāsishtha, there is a kalpa-vriksha531 on the Lalmani summit of Meru, where a rishi named Bhushundkāk is engaged in devotional prayers since time immemorial.532 The Purānas declare that Vaivaswat Manu, the first man, resided near Meru, and that his descendants migrated to Ayodhyā to found there a kingdom which was afterwards ruled over by Rāma.530

It is believed by some people that mountain-tops are inhabited by a class of recluses, called Aghori-bāvās, who devour human beings.533 The Kālikā hill near Girnār is believed to be frequented by Joganis (female harpies) who take the lives of visitors to the hill, and it is said that none who visits the place is ever known to return.534 Persons who visit the temple of Kālikāmātā on Mount Girnār always lose one of their party, who falls a victim to the goddess.535

The changes in the seasons are attributed by some to Brahma, Vishnu, and Mahesha (Shiva), the gods of the Hindu Trinity. Brahma sends down the rains and produces corn, grass, etc., Vishnu protects and nourishes the harvests in winter, and Shiva causes the heat of the summer.536 There is also a belief that these three gods go down in turns to the pātāl (nether regions) and stay there for four months. Vishnu descends on the eleventh day of the bright half of Āshādh, and on that day the rainy season begins. When Vishnu comes up and Shiva takes his place, people experience the cold of winter: but as this god always keeps a dhuni537 burning near him, the waters under the surface of the earth, such as those in the wells, remain hot during this period. Such waters are cooled when Shiva returns and Brahma goes down to the pātāl: but the return of Shiva causes summer on the earth.538

According to another belief, the sequence of the seasons is controlled by the sun-god.539 There are six ritus or seasons: and the changes in the ritus depend upon the position of the sun in the twelve rāshis or signs of the Zodiac.540 Each ritu lasts for a period of two months, during which time the sun travels through two rāshis. Vasant-ritu is the period which the sun takes to pass through the Min (Pisces) and Mesha (Aries) rāshis. Grishma-ritu corresponds to the time during which the sun passes through Vrishabha (Taurus) and Mithun (Gemini). During Varshā-ritu the sun moves through the signs Karka (Cancer) and Sinha (Leo), and during Sharad-ritu through Kanyā (Virgo) and Tulā (Libra). Hemant-ritu is the time which the sun takes to travel through [61]Vrishchika (Scorpio) and Dhanu (Sagittarius). Shishir-ritu occurs when the sun stands in the Makar (Capricornus) and Kumbha (Aquarius) rāshis.541

Indra (the god of rain), Varuna (the lord of all waters), Vāyu (the god of wind), Agni (the god of fire), and the moon-god are also believed by some to have power over the seasons.542

The belief is as old as the Vedas that demons sometimes obstruct the fall of rain, and confine the waters of the clouds. It is Indra who fights with them and breaks through their castles by means of his thunderbolt, sending down showers of rain for the benefit of his worshippers. So, whenever there is an unusual drought, people still invoke the aid of this god, and celebrate a festival in his honour, called Ujjani or Indramahotsava. Homas543 are performed to propitiate the god, and Brahmans are entertained at a feast. Sometimes the festival is celebrated outside the village, where people go in large parties to dine together. The usual dish on such an occasion is Meghlādu or sweet balls of wheat-flour fried in ghi.

Another favourite ceremony supposed to cause rain to fall is the submersion of the image of Shiva in water, by blocking up the khāl or passage in the Shiva-linga by which water poured over the image usually runs off.542 This ceremony is known as Jala-jātrā. Rudrābhisheka, or the ceremony of pouring water in a constant stream over the image of Shiva for eleven consecutive days and nights, is sometimes performed with the same object.544

Sometimes the assistance of Shringhi rishi is invoked to bring about a fall of rain. The rishi is installed in water, mantras are recited, and prayers are offered before a sacrificial fire. This ceremony, called Parjanya-shānti, is said to have been performed within recent years in Bombay, and to have been successful in bringing rain.545

It is also said that rainfall can be caused by singing a song or a sacred hymn to the malār tune. There is a tradition that the well-known saint Narsinha Mehta once sang this tune on the occasion of the celebration of the first pregnancy of his daughter, and the performance was immediately followed by a shower of rain. Rain, which is brought down in this manner, can be put a stop to by singing to a different tune.546

Low-caste women have recourse to the following expedient to bring rain. Five or six of them place a quantity of muddy earth on a wooden stool, which is carried by one of them. The lump of mud is covered with leaves of the Gidotān or Tindotān creeper, and is called mehulo or meghalo. The whole party then sing songs, and visit every house in the village. A bowl of water is poured over the mehulo and the women receive some corn for their trouble.547

Some believe that when the worship of the village-gods is neglected and when the people grow corrupt, ill-treat the saints and are given to the killing of cows and Brahmans, Yama, the God of Death, directs his colleagues, Indra and Varuna, to threaten the world with a drought. The rainfall returns only when the people revert to righteous ways, and after Indra and Varuna have been conciliated by offerings.

The lower classes of the people believe a prolonged cessation of rain to be due to the wrath of local minor deities, aroused by the neglect of their worship. In such a contingency, therefore, they prepare bāklan548 of [62]uḍad (lentils), lāpsi,549 vadān550 and other dishes, and offer them to the local gods for their propitiation.551

To stop an incessant fall of rain, people often observe the Āladrā vow. The patel or headman issues a proclamation that on a particular day none should cook, or churn whey, or fetch water, or wash clothes, or attend to any of the multifarious household duties; but that all should pass the day in prayer. A complete cessation from toil in favour of earnest devotion to divine powers are the peculiar features of this vow. People do not abstain from food: but food must be prepared on the previous day. If the rains do not cease in spite of this vow, but threaten the village with inundation, the headman leads a procession to the confines of the village and makes an offering to the waters.552

In some places a spinning wheel, sometimes specially constructed of human bones,553 is turned by a naked person in the reverse direction to the usual one, with the object of causing the cessation of immoderate rainfall.554

A cessation of rains is also believed to be brought about by offering an oblation to the god Kasatia, and by the observance of the vow called Kasatia gānth (or tying the knot of Kasatia). The vow lasts for three weeks, and those who observe it do not partake of anything except rice555 (or, according to others, jirān, a kind of spice556).

Some persons attribute a heavy fall of rain to the wrath of Indra, and offer ceremonious prayers to appease that god.557 In some places people engage the services of magicians to restrain the fall of rain.558 Farmers sometimes brand the rain by casting burning sparks upon it in order to stop an incessant fall.559 Vows in honour of samudra (the ocean) are also observed with the same object.553

In the changing circumstances of life, women more readily have recourse to religious vows for the fulfilment of their wishes than men. This fondness of women for vows has brought into vogue a number of vrats or religious observances which are practised by women only. Gangigor or Ganāgor, Vat-Sāvitri, Molākat, Goutrāt, Alavana or Alunda, Eva-vrat, Tulsi-vrat, Umā masheshwar-vrat, and Surya-vrat are instances of such vows.551 The Molākat-vrat is observed by virgins from the eleventh to the fifteenth day of the bright half of Āshādh.560 The Goutrāt-vrat is believed to secure male progeny, as well as long life to the husband. It is observed on the fourth day of the dark half of Shrāvana, on which day women fast till the evening, and then take food after worshipping a cow.561 The object of the Eva-vrat (or Jiva-vrat) is to secure eternal exemption from widowhood, the day for this vow being the last day of Āshādh. It is then necessary to observe a fast till the evening; and the only food allowed is a preparation of wheat, taken at nightfall.562

On the fourth day of the dark half of Shrāvan, women observe a vrat called Bolchoth. In the morning the woman worships [63]a cow and her calf (which must both be of the same colour), applies a little cotton to the horns of the cow, and makes an auspicious mark on the foreheads of both with red lac. She then places an offering of betel and rice before the cow, takes four turns round the pair, and whispers in the ears of the cow the words tārun satya mārun vritya (your truth and my devotion). A Brāhman then recites the legend of the vrat.563

After narrating this story, the Brahman takes the betel and other things placed before the cow. The woman then returns home and takes food for the first time during that day, the meal consisting of loaves of bājrā-flour and some preparation of mag (phaseolus mungo). Some women take ghi and khir: but any preparation of cow’s milk is strictly forbidden. Similarly, there is a prohibition against using things which have been cut by a knife or scissors.564

The worship of the goddess Rāndal is a favourite vrat with Gujarati women. A bower is erected for the installation of the goddess, and a bājat or a wooden stool is placed therein. A piece of fine cloth is spread on the bājat, and a figure is drawn in seeds of corn. A kalasio or bowl, with a cocoanut on it, is placed over the figure. The cocoanut has two eyes painted on it in black collyrium and a nose in red lac, and is decorated with rich clothes and ornaments to represent the goddess Rāndal. Ghi lamps are kept constantly burning before the goddess for three consecutive days and nights. An invitation is sent to the neighbouring women, who bring offerings of ghi to the goddess, and dance in a group at night to the accompaniment of melodious garabis (songs).565 Sometimes, if a child is ill, or some misfortune is apprehended, gorānis, i.e., a certain number of unmarried girls and unwidowed women, are invited to a feast in honour of Rāndal.

On the Nāgapanchami day, i.e., the 5th day of the bright half of Shrāvan,566 women draw an image of a nāg (cobra), and worship it with sprouts of bājrā. In some places it is the custom to avoid all food but khichedi567 on this day.

The wad (the banyan tree) is worshipped on the first day of the dark half of Shrāvan. On that day the woman wears a necklace of fifteen leaves of this tree and prepares a dish called navamuthium.568 A dorā or piece of string is also worn on the person to ward off evil.569

Rishi-panchami,570 Gauri-pujan, Shitalāi-pujan, Shili-sātem are holidays observed only by women. On the Rishi-panchami day only niar571 rice is allowed to those who observe the vrat.572

Besides the observance of vrats, there are other ceremonies, auspicious as well as inauspicious, in which women alone can take part. Only women are concerned with all those ceremonies which are gone through on the birth of a child. On the twelfth day after birth, a name is given to the child by its aunt. The ceremony of making an auspicious mark on the throne of a king is performed by an unwidowed woman or an unmarried girl.573 [64]

At the time of a marriage, women make the auspicious mark on the forehead of the bridegroom and carry a lāman-divo574 to fetch ukardi.574 For nine days preceding the date of marriage the bride and the bridegroom are besmeared with pithi or yellow turmeric powder, when auspicious songs are recited by a party of women invited to witness the ceremony. When the bridegroom reaches the entrance of the marriage bower, he is welcomed there by his mother-in-law, who carries him on her hip to his seat in the marriage booth.575

It is necessary to make certain marks on the corpse of a woman, and these marks are made by women only.576 Similarly, women alone take part in the ceremony of getting a widow’s hair shaved on the ninth day after her husband’s death.577

The Shāstras have enjoined the worship of certain higher-grade deities, and have prescribed certain ceremonials for the purpose. But women are not authorised to make use of these ceremonies. The reason is that the Shāstras regard women as inferior to men and do not grant them the privileges given to the latter. They are not allowed to learn the Vedas nor can the Gāyatri-mantra be taught to them. The result is that women are not qualified to perform the ceremonial worship of such higher-grade deities as Vishnu, Shiva, Durgā, Ganpati, and Hanumān;578 similarly the sacrificial rites of Vishnuyāg, Shaktiyāg, Ashvamedha, Rāja-yajna, and Gāyatri-purashcharan can only be performed by men.579

It is the duty of men only to worship the shami tree (prosopis spicegera) on the Dasarā day, and the Hutāshani fire on the day of Holi.579

Women are not allowed to worship the god Kārtikey, who is said to shun women, and to have pronounced a curse against all who visit his image.579

The fifteenth day of the bright half of Chaitra is the anniversary of the birth of Hanumān, and a vrat called Hanumān-jayanti is observed on this day. This vrat,580 as well as the Ganesh-chaturthi-vrat581 are meant only for men.

The ceremonies of Shrāddha582 and the Baleva583 ceremonies can be performed by men only. The duty of giving agni-sanskār575 to corpses, i.e., of performing the necessary rites at a funeral, is also laid on men.

People who practise the art of attaining mastery over spirits and fiends, usually remain naked while they are engaged in the performance of their mysterious rites. There are many branches of this black art: for instance, Māran,584 Uchchātan,585 Lamban, Vashīkaran,586 Mohan,587 Stambhan,588 etc., and although the meli vidyā (sacrilegious art) is not held in respect by high-class Hindus, it is popular among the lower [65]classes. There is a belief that knowledge of this art dooms a person to hell; but it secures to those who master it a position of much importance, and therefore finds many followers. The art consists in the knowledge of certain mysterious incantations, which enable a person to influence the spirits and to bring about certain results through their agency. Not only has every person when learning this art, to remain naked, but all those who make prayogas or experiments in it afterwards must observe the same precaution. The night of Kāli-chaudas or the 14th day of the dark half of Ashvin, is considered to be the most favourable time for the sādhan or accomplishment of this secret art of remaining naked.589 On this day, it is the custom of those who exercise the art, to go stripped to a cemetery in the dead of night, and to cook food in a human skull as an offering to the spirits residing in the neighbourhood. On the same night, some sorcerers, after stripping themselves, are said to ride round the village on some mysterious conveyance.590

A practice is noted among low-class people of performing a sādhana before the goddess Jhāmpadi for the sake of progeny. The man who performs the sādhana, has first to go naked to a cemetery on a Sunday night, and to fetch therefrom the ashes of a corpse. At the time of the sādhana, the man takes his seat on a corpse, fills a madaliun or hollow bracelet with the ashes brought from the cemetery, and puts it on his arm above the elbow.591

Dhobis, Mālis, Vālands and other low-caste people remain naked while worshipping Bhairav.592 In the performance of the anushthān (propitiation) of such deities as Kāl-Bhairav,593 Batuk,593 Mani,594 Griva,594 etc., the devotees keep their persons uncovered. The worshippers of the goddess Jakshani also remain naked when they attend upon her.595

Persons who practise the art of curing men from the effects of serpent-bites by means of incantations, have to sit naked under water in order to gain efficacy for their mantras.592

Followers of the Devi-panth, Shakti-panth and Aghori-panth sects remain naked while worshipping or offering victims to their gods.596 Vāma-mārgis worship a nude image of the goddess Digambarā.591

The hook-shaped instrument, known as ganeshio, which is used by thieves in boring a hole through the walls of a house, is sometimes prepared by a blacksmith and his wife on the night of Kāli-chaudas, both being naked at the time. Instruments prepared in this fashion are believed to secure success for the thief, who scrupulously sets aside the first booty acquired by the help of the ganeshio for the blacksmith as a reward for his services. He does not grudge the reward however large the booty may be.590

In making dice according to the directions of Ramalashāstra, the workers should remain naked.595

There is a belief that granulations in the eyes of a child are cured if the maternal uncle fetches naked the beads of the Arani tree, and puts a circlet of them round the neck of the child.597

If a person uncovers himself on hearing the screech of an owl, and then ties and unties seven knots in a piece of string, repeating the process twenty-one times, the piece of string is believed to possess the virtue of curing Taria Tāv or periodical fever.598 Another remedy for the same ailment is to go to a distance of three miles from the village and there to eat food which has been cooked in a state of nudity.589 [66]

In the preparation of Nargudikalpa599 or Gujakalpa599, some drugs have to be procured by a naked person.600

It is considered meritorious by some persons to rise early in the morning and to bathe naked on the Makar Sankrānti day.601

A Brahman boy must be naked at the time of the performance of his thread investiture ceremony. After the ceremony, the maternal uncle of the boy presents garments to him, which he thereupon puts on.602

In Gujarat, for the most part, the people seem to be unacquainted with the belief that certain stones possess the virtue of influencing the rain. Some persons however attribute this quality to the stones on such sacred mounts as Girnār, Ābu, and Pāvāgadh.603 There is a point called Tonk, on mount Girnār, of which it is said that rain is certain to fall whenever anyone succeeds in climbing it.604 There is also a common belief that arasi marble if heated has influence over rain.605

It is a common practice to submerge the image606 of Shiva in water with the object of bringing rain. Similarly the image606 of the goddess Harshadh is sometimes bathed when rain is desired.607 The bhuva or the bhui, i.e., the male and the female attendants of the goddess are at the same time given a bath, and an offering of Khir608 is made to the goddess.607

There are two goals which a pious Hindu tries to attain by leading a life of purity and virtue, viz., (i) moksha or final emancipation, merging into the Eternal Spirit, and (ii) swarga (heaven or paradise) where meritorious persons enjoy pure pleasures unalloyed by earthly cares. The stars are the spirits of so many righteous persons who are translated to swarga for their good actions, and are endowed with a lustre proportionate to their individual merits. But every moment of enjoyment in swarga diminishes the store of merit: and those whose whole merit is thus exhausted, on receiving their proportionate share of pleasures, must resume their worldly existence. The Bhagavad-gītā says: “क्षीणे पुण्ये मर्त्यलोकं विशन्ति” i.e., “they enter the mortal world when their merit is expended.” Meteors are believed to be spirits of this description who fall from their position as stars, to live again on this earth.609

Another explanation of meteors is that they are the sparks produced when the vimāns (or vehicles) of celestial people clash against each other.610

Meteors are also held to be the agār or charak (i.e., excreta) dropped either by a curious water-bird,600 or by Garud, the favourite eagle, and vehicle of Vishnu,611 or by a fabulous bird Anal.612 The latter is said to fly at an immeasurable height from the surface of the earth, and to take food only once a day.612 It is almost impossible to catch the charak when it falls to earth: but if ever it can be secured, the application of it to the eyes of a blind man will restore his eyesight. It also furnishes an effective remedy for leprosy, and gives a golden lustre to the body of a person suffering from that disease.611

Some declare that meteors are stars which fall owing to the curse of Indra, and subsequently assume the highest human form on earth.613 [67]

It is also said that the stars descend to earth in human form when sins accumulate in the celestial world.614

The influence of meteors on human affairs is treated at length in the Varāhasanhitā.615 The phenomenon is popularly regarded as an evil omen: it is supposed to portend devastation by fire, an earthquake, a famine, an epidemic, danger from thieves, and storms at sea.616 The appearance of a bright shooting star is supposed to foretell the death of some great man;617 and on beholding one, it is customary to repeat the words ‘Rām Rām’618 several times.619 A shower of meteors is believed to presage some civil commotion or a change in the ruling dynasties.

Some persons, however, regard the appearance of meteors as auspicious or baneful, according to the mandal or group of stars, from which they are seen to fall. Meteors from the Vāyu-mandal, (or the group of stars known by the name of Vāyu) portend the breaking out of an epidemic: those from Varuna-mandal, are believed to be favourable to human happiness; if they fall from Indra-mandal, they forebode danger to all kings; those from Agni-mandal, threaten war between nations.620

During the monsoons, rain is believed to fall in that direction in which a meteor is seen to shoot.621 A meteor in the west is ominous to kings, and if it falls into the sea, it forebodes evil to the dwellers on earth.622

The appearance of a comet is believed to portend some dire calamity to the king and the nation.622 It is said that if a heavenly body is seen, chhogālo,623 chhogālā kings (i.e., great and celebrated kings) are in danger of their lives.624 A comet is also believed to threaten all tailed animals with destruction.624 [68]

Several stories, in addition to the legend of the Rāmāyana, are related of the birth of the god Hanumān. Dasharatha, king of Ayodhyā, being childless, once performed a sacrifice with the hope of thereby obtaining male issue. On the completion of the ceremony a heavenly being rose out of the sacrificial fire and presented the king with a celestial preparation, called pāyas, which he directed the king to give to his wives if he desired a son. The king divided the divine gift among his three queens; but the share of one of them was snatched away by an eagle. It was dropped into the hands of Anjanī, who was herself childless, and was practising austerities for the sake of obtaining a son. On partaking of the pāyas, Anjanī conceived, and the son born to her was afterwards known as the god Hanumān.

Another story relates how Anjanī was one of those persons who helped Indra in his evil designs on Ahalyā, the wife of Gautama. She had on that account been cursed by Gautama, and threatened with the birth of a fatherless child. To prevent the curse from taking effect, Anjanī buried herself in the ground as far as her waist, and began to observe religious austerities in the hope of propitiating Shiva. The latter was pleased with her devotion, and sent her a mantra through Nārada, who was ordered to deliver it in her ear. Vāyu, the god of wind, forced the mantra into her womb, and she conceived a son named Hanumān. This son had the form of a monkey, because, at the time of conception, Anjanī happened to behold a monkey, named Keshi, on a neighbouring tree.

Hanumān is a chiranjīva, i.e., one of those seven1 persons who are to live for ever and are therefore considered to be immortal. He is represented as possessed of miraculous strength, and his body is vajramaya, i.e., adamantine. When Sītā was carried off by Rāvana, it was he who crossed the sea and brought news about her to Rāma. When Ahi and Mahi, two cousins of Rāvana, carried off Rāma and Lakshmana by magic and decided to offer them as victims to their favourite goddess Panoti, Hanumān entered the temple of Panoti, crushed her under his feet, and released Rāma and Lakshmana. Hence he is known as the conqueror of Panoti. After the death of Rāvana, Hanumān was left to guard the kingdom of Lankā, which was conferred by Rāma on Bibhīshana, the brother of Rāvana.2

Hanumān is an incarnation of one of the eleven Rudras,34 is a brahmachāri (i.e., one who has taken the vow of celibacy), a powerful and benevolent deity, and a giver of many blessings. At the same time, he is considered to be the master-deity of all bhuts, prets, pishāchas, (ghosts, goblins, fiends), of dākans (witches), shakans, chudel, vantri, of the forty-nine virs (male [69]fiends), of the fifty-two vetāls, of yakshas and yakshinis and of all evil spirits in general, who are believed to obey his commands.5 Vows are observed in honour of Hanumān if a person is possessed by a bhut or a pret, or if he is scared by a jhapat (sudden encounter) with a devil, or if he happens to step inadvertently within the kundalan6 of an utār. Persons who are possessed by evil spirits are exorcised by the bhuvas by reciting the zanzira mantra in honour of Hanumān.7

Kāli-Chaudas, i.e., the 14th day of dark half of Ashvin8 is considered to be the most favourable day for practising the black art; and the god Hanumān is accordingly worshipped with much ceremony by bhuvas on that day.5

All bhuts, prets and spirits are thus believed to obey the commands of the god Hanumān. In the course of a sādhana (i.e. the process of procuring the fulfilment of certain desires through the favour and by the agency of spirits) the latter are conjured in the name of Hanumān, so that the sādhana may not prove inefficacious. For this purpose the Hanumān raksha mantra is repeated one hundred and eight times before the image of the god, the devotee remaining standing all the time. A lamp of clarified butter is also lighted, and frankincense is burnt. The mantra runs as follows:—‘Om namo Hanumān bālā ghatapīdam, pānikā rakhavālā, lohaki kothadi, bajarkā tālā, deva-dānava-kumār, nikal Hanumān āsan, Mahādev bāsan, Hanumān hathēla, bajarkā khīlā.’ It is neither pure Sanskrit, nor Gujarāti, nor Hindustāni, but roughly it means:—‘Bow to the young Hanumān, the tormentor of ghata, the guardian of water, the iron-safe, the lock of vajra, the son of the gods and the demons. Take your seat, the receptacle of Mahadev, O stubborn god, O Nail of adamant.’ After the repetition of the mantra, four nails are driven into the four corners of the seat of the votary, and it is believed that the sādhana is thus rendered sure of success.9

The god Hanumān is sometimes worshipped when a serious epidemic is to be warded off. The usual mode of propitiating him in such cases, and also in exorcising spirits, is to pour red lead and oil over his image, to make an offering of udad seeds (Phaseolus radiatus) and molasses, and to invest the image with a wreath of one hundred and eight flowers of ānkadā10 or of as many leaves or berries of the same plant.11

The influence of the god is believed to be so powerful in some places that it is said that a bhut or a pishācha is at once exorcised from the body of a person who observes certain ceremonies there. In some places the mere sight of the image of the god has the same effect, and it is believed that ghosts shriek and fly from the bodies of possessed persons, if these visit the images of Hanumān. In Kodolia, about half a mile to the west of Lilapur in Gujarāt, there is a temple of Hanumān where persons suffering from fever go on a Saturday, and take a meal before 2 p. m. at which time the god goes out to graze his cows. This proceeding is believed to work a cure in cases of fever and is called anagah.12 A mere glance at the temple of Hanumān at Khandia and [70]Saranghur, or of that image which is known as ‘Bhīd-bhanjan,’ is sufficient to drive out evil spirits from the bodies of possessed persons.13 The same virtue is attributed to the images of Hanumān at Bhurakhia, near Lathi and at Nariana, near Dhrangadhra, in Jhalavar,14 Kathiawar.14

There are certain peculiar conjunctions of planets, which if they appear in a person’s horoscope, always bring him misfortunes. In such circumstances, the person is said to be under the influence of panoti.15 Such influence lasts for a period varying from one year to seven years and a half.16 When the planet Shani (Saturn) enters the 1st, 11th, or the 12th rāshi in relation to a person, the latter is said to be affected by sādāsāti-panoti, i.e., panoti extending over seven years and a half.17 The panoti enters the life of such a person with feet either of gold, silver, copper or iron: and in most cases the result is disastrous. If the panoti affects the head of a person, he loses his wits; if it affects the heart, it takes away his wealth; when it affects the feet, it brings bodily ailments. In order to counteract the evil effects of panoti, people worship Hanumān as the god who crushed the malignant goddess Panoti under his feet. On Saturdays red lead and oil, adad, molasses are offered to the image of the god.16 Frankincense is burnt, a lamp is lighted, and a wreath of ānkadā flowers is sometimes dedicated.18 A fast is observed on such days; and sometimes the services of a Brahman are engaged to recite verses in honour of the god.17

There is a belief that Hanumān cries out once in twelve years, and those men who happen to hear him are transformed into hijadās (eunuchs).16

Oil which has been poured over the image of Hanumān and caught in a vessel is called naman. It is sometimes carried in a vātki (a small metal cup) and is burnt to produce anjan (i.e., soot used as collyrium). This anjan is believed to improve the eyesight, and to protect a person from the influence of evil spirits.14 There is a saying in Gujarāti that ‘Kāli-chaudasno ānjyo, ane koine na jāy gānjio’. i.e., a person using anjan on Kālichaudas day cannot be foiled by anyone.19

Of the days of the week, Saturday is the most suitable for the worship of Hanumān. Of all offerings, that of red lead and oil is the most acceptable to him.19 When Hanumān was carrying the Drona mountain to the battlefield before Lankā, he was wounded in the leg by an arrow from Bharata, the brother of Rāma. The wound was healed by the application of red lead and oil, and hence his predilection for these things.14 It is also said that after the death of Rāvana and at the time of the coronation of Bibhīshana, Rāma distributed prizes to all his monkey followers, when nothing was left for Hanumān except red lead and oil.

Mostly Ānkadā flowers are used in worshipping Hanumān, but sometimes Karan flowers also are made to serve the purpose.14 The favourite dishes of Hanumān are maliddā20, churamā21 and vadān.2219 The usual naivedya is malidda of Savāpāti, i.e., of wheat weighing about six pounds and a quarter and vadān.23

Bhīma the second of the Pāndavas was begotten from Kunti by Vāyu, the god of [71]wind, and hence was called Vāyusuta. From his childhood he was possessed of miraculous strength, and had a voracious appetite. Every day he consumed 12 kalashis24 (or 192 maunds) of corn, and as much oil as is yielded by 13 ghānis.24 He also required a maund and a quarter of betelnuts after each dinner. These habits had procured him the name of Vrikodara, i.e., wolf-bellied. He played a very important part in the Great War, and on the last day of the battle smashed the thigh of Duryodhana with his ponderous mace. In his early days he killed several demons including Baka and Hidimba.25

Bhīma never took food without first worshipping Mahādev. On one occasion no temple of Shiva could be found within easy distance, and in a rage, Bhīma turned his bowl upside down and set it up as Mahādev. Such was the first installation of Bhīmanāth Mahādev revered to this day by all Hindus.25

Once upon a time Bhīma obstructed the stream of a river by laying himself across it, when the river rose to the banks and submerged a temple of Shiva near by. Shiva thereupon assumed the form of a lion and pretended to chase Pārvatī in the guise of a cow. Bhīma, in his true Kshatriya spirit, instantly rose from the water in order to save the cow from the lion. But the latter gave Bhīma a blow on the shoulder with one of his paws, and instantly transformed himself into a sage. After Bhīma had fruitlessly searched for the lion for a long time, he was informed by the sage that it was he, Shiva, who had assumed the form of a lion in order to rouse him from his position across the river. Shiva then favoured him with a boon that the half of his body which had received the blow would be turned into vajra (adamant). On Bhīma’s request a further boon was granted to him that he should in future be able to digest as much as he could eat without suffering discomfort. Hence the proverb: Bhīma khāve shakuni aghe.26

It is said that Bhīma once played at navateri (lit. nine and thirteen), i.e., he flung into the sky nine elephants with his right hand and thirteen with his left. The corpses of these animals were afterwards brought down to earth by Shukamuni to expiate king Janmejaya’s sin of Brahmahatyā (Brāhman-slaughter).26

In his whole life-time Bhīma is said to have fasted only on one day, which happened to be the eleventh day of the bright half of Jyeshtha and is now called Bhīma-agiāras. On this day people who desire to be cured of dyspepsia observe a strict fast, taking neither food nor water, and pass their hands over their bellies repeating the name of Bhīma and also offer cocoanuts to his image.27 On the night of Bhīma-agiāras, persons who are anxious to obtain health, wealth and victory over their enemies, bathe the image of Bhīma in water and panchāmrit28 and worship it according to the prescribed ceremonies.29

In some places there are vāvs (or tanks) called Bhīma-vāvs which are said to have been formed by the strokes of Bhīma, when playing gilli-dandā.30

There are huge images of Bhīma on Mount Pālitānā.31 There are many places in different parts of India which possess such images and which are believed to have been visited by the Pāndavas during their exile from Hastinapur. The Pāndavas never attained the status of gods and there is no systematic form of worship for them.25 [72]

Bhīshma, the uncle of the Kauravas and the Pāndavas, was an incarnation of one of the Ashtāvasus32 and was the son of king Shantanu by Ganga. The stories about Bhīshma are chiefly derived from the Mahābhārat, and need not be repeated here. He is not regarded as a god and does not receive systematic worship.33

A fast is observed on the eighth day of Māgh, the anniversary of the death of Bhīshma. A dorā (a knotted piece of string) tied in the name of Bhīshma is believed to cure fever.34 The Yantra (a mystical formula or diagram) of Bhīshma is sometimes drawn on a piece of paper, water is poured over it, and the water is offered to women in labour to drink, as likely to expedite delivery. Bhīshma-worship is supposed to facilitate the observance of the Brahmacharya-vrat (the vow of celibacy) and to bestow heroism and learning.35 Bhīshma is credited with having composed the well-known poem, Bhīshma-stavarāj, which recites the glory of Krishna and shows the way to attain salvation.36

There is a large temple of Ganpati near the eastern gates of Dhhank. It is said that this Ganpati informed a goldsmith, by appearing in a dream, that he was buried in a particular spot, and promised that a son would be born to him if he raised a temple in honour of the god. The goldsmith satisfied the wishes of the god and was soon relieved from the repeated taunt of the vānziāpanā (i.e., the barrenness of his wife).37

The following tradition is connected with a place, about a mile from Dhhank, called Dhhank-ni Fui. Dhhank was in ancient times a great city and was known as Preh Pātan38. Once a bāvā (recluse), named Dhundhalimal, came to reside with his chelā (disciple) in a cave on a neighbouring hill. Every day the chelā went about the city begging alms for himself and his guru; but nobody except a poor kumbhāran (a potter-woman) ever gave him anything. So the chelā was obliged to cut and sell fuel in order to obtain means of subsistence, although he did not mention this fact to his guru. One day the guru noticed the growing baldness of his disciple and on being questioned about it, the latter had to admit his difficulties in earning a livelihood. The next day the bāvā decided to test the charity of the neighbourhood, and went on a begging round in person. He moved about the city from door to door, crying aloud ālek ālek, but nobody except the kumbhār woman offered him so much as a handful of flour. He then addressed the latter thus:—“Girl, this city is sinful and will shortly meet with destruction. Fly, therefore, instantly with your family and never turn your face towards the city in your flight”. Having thus warned the only righteous person in the city, the bāvā returned to his cave where, after reciting an incantation in high exasperation, he pronounced a terrible curse for the destruction of the city ‘Let Pātan be buried and let māyā39 be reduced to māti (dust).’ A whirlwind at once arose and destroyed the whole city. The kumbhāran had already fled with her children; but she unfortunately happened to look back in her flight, in spite of the warning, and she and her children were all turned into stones. In this form she can be seen even to-day, with two of her children on her shoulders and leading the other two. [73]

To the south of the same village on the banks of a small lake are situated the temples of Hinglaj Mātā and Kāmdev Mahādev. If there is a prospect of a drought in any year, the people of the village make an offering of lāpsi to the former deity in order to bring about a fall of rain. About two miles from Dhhank there is a temple of Vikani, in whose honour vows are observed for the cure of fractured bones of men and animals. Brāhmans are feasted at the temple of Hanumān at Timbo, four miles away from Dhhank. At a distance of about two khetarvās (fields) there is the shrine of Ashabi-pir where Mussalmāns feast fakirs and other co-religionists of theirs.40

Besides the above there are the temples of Shankar Tapakeshwar Mahādev and Mungeshwar Mahādev near the hill mentioned in the paragraph above and the temples of Pipaleshwar Mahādev and Rāmchandraji, to the south of Dhhank. There are also temples erected in honour of suttees known as Nomalmātā, Hulmātā, etc.40

The river Vinu meets the Bhādar, at a place two miles to the east of Ganod, and the Moja also joins the Bhādar a little further to the east. Hence the spot is called Traveni (a confluence of three rivers) and is regarded as holy. The beautiful temple of Baraneshwar Mahādev is situated here. Vows for feasting a certain number of Brāhmans, are observed in honour of this deity.41

The celebrated shrine of Husen-pir is situated in the vicinity of Ganod, and is much revered by the Khoja community, who hold a fair there on every Āso-sud-bij, i.e. the second day of the bright half of Āshvin. The fair lasts for seven or eight days, when Khojas from Bombay and even Zanzibar visit the place. A large building, the Khoja-khana, is set apart to the west of the shrine for the sabhā (or meeting). The largest fair was held in samvat 1940 (1884 A.D.), when H. H. the Agashah paid a visit to the shrine. There is a large gathering of people at the place every bij day.41

Husen-pīr was a native of Kadi and a Saiyed by birth. In his youth, with his father’s permission, he decided to remain unmarried, and took to travelling. In the course of his wanderings he halted for a week on the spot where his shrine stands at present, and was so charmed with the place, that he asked the owner of it, a Rabāri, Almora by name, for permission to reside there always. The Pīr was accompanied by two followers of the Mujāvar fakir sect. The present Mujāvar attendants at the shrine are descended from them, and stand in the 12th or the 15th degree of descent.41

One evening (it was the 5th day of the dark half of Bhādrapad) the Pīr accompanied by his two followers went to the Bhādar to offer the evening prayers. After the prayers were over, he told his followers that a flood was soon coming in the river, and asked both of them to leave him and return with their horses. One of them left the place as directed: but the other placed his head on the Pīr’s lap and was drowned along with his master in the flood, which came down as if in obedience to the Pīr’s words. Before dying the Pīr granted a boon to the Mujāvars that their line of descent would never fail for want of their heirs, and that their heirs would always be his attendants.41

The same night the Pīr informed the Khojas of Keshod and Kutiana that his corpse and that of his Mujāvar follower lay unburied at a particular spot. The Khojas, accompanied by the Rabāri Almora, visited the place in the morning and made ready to carry the corpses to Junāgadh. They found to their astonishment that the corpses could not be removed. Almora then recollected the request of the Pīr, and told the Khojas of his favourite place. The corpses were then carried to their present place of rest, and all efforts of the Khojas to proceed further [74]proved unavailing. At that time there was a village called Keralun about a mile from the present site of Ganod. It is, however, uninhabited and in ruins and its site is now known as the timbo of Keralun. The Khojas erected a shrine over the place where the Pīr was buried, and the tombs of his relatives were afterwards erected in the vicinity. Vows observed in honour of the Pīr having proved fruitful in many cases, the Pīr’s fame spreads wider every day. The Gondal Durbar has granted a wādi (a piece of land) for the maintenance of the Mujāvar family, who also receive the things that are offered to the Pīr. The Khojas consider it a merit to dedicate a portion of their earnings to this Pīr. People of all castes from Ganod offer one kori42 at the time of the marriage of a girl at their house. The knots of the marriage-scarves of newly-wedded couples are untied here, and the ceremony of shaving children for the first time is also performed in the presence of the Pīr. The usual offering to the Pīr consists of churamu and kansār: some people, however, offer a goat or a ram and call it pānechednāriel.43

There is a hollow log of wood on the boundary of Lath, a sub-village of Gondal and a mile to the South of Ganod. Long ago a fakir, while accompanying a band of outlaws bārvatias, was killed in a scuffle and was buried here. A bābul tree grew over his tomb, and came to be known afterwards as Lakkad Pīr (the wooden Pīr). The tree after a time withered till its stem was reduced to a small log with a hole in the centre. People observe vows in honour of this Pīr for the cure of cough and bronchitis in children. After recovery, the children are made to pass through this bākān or hole and an offering of kansār is made to the Pīr. It is not only the Musalmāns who observe vows in the Pīr’s honour: Hindus also have the same strong faith in him.43

Nearly twelve miles from Vanod lies the temple of Bechrā Mātā, who is the patron goddess of the Pāvaiyā sect. A male buffalo is offered to her as a victim on the 15th day of the bright half of every month. Near the temple there is the holy kund of Mānsarovar, the legend about which has already been related in these notes.44

The village of Dādvi possesses the shrine of Mangalshā Pīr. Friday is the day for special worship of the Pīr, when dainties and cocoanuts are offered, and a flag is hoisted. Frankincense is burnt every evening.45 There is also a temple of Māchho, the goddess of the Bharvāds, who offer her lāpsi and cocoanuts on every bij day. They also light a ghi lamp and lop off the ears of a goat or a ram, and offer the blood to the goddess.45

In Kolki a bāvā of the Bharvād caste named Hado Bhagat is said to have set up the images of all the gods in a certain temple. It is believed that he possessed miraculous powers. His descendants do not sell goats to Kasāis (butchers46).

There is a temple of Khodiār Mātā in Chok. The goddess is worshipped by Atits, who offer her lāpsi on every Dasarā day. There is also a temple of Hanumān, where the Khākhis bring an offering to the god every Saturday.47

In the village of Motā Devaliā are the temples of Bholānāth, Mahādev and Pipaleshwar Mahādev. Both the deities are worshipped by Atits, who perform the ceremony with the usual materials of frankincense, a ghi-lamp, cooked food, and who also blow a conch. It is said about Pipaleshwar Mahādev that none can stay at night in the temple. Once a Brāhman, who insisted on passing the night there, was hurled to a [75]distance of two fields. There is also a temple of Swāmi-Nārāyan and three temples of Thākorji where the ceremony of worship is performed every morning and evening in the usual way with frankincense, a ghi lamp, and ārati. The shrine of Nilā-Pīr on the village boundary is revered alike by Hindus and Musalmans.48

In the vicinity of Chhatrasa, there is a temple of Kishordās Hanumān. On Kāli-Chaudas day the people of the village offer churamu and vadān to the god. The shrine of Gebalashā Pīr is situated two miles away from Chhatrasa, on the boundary line between that village and Kalānā. Sweet-balls, or sometimes only molasses, are offered to this Pīr on the fulfilment of vows observed in his name. Near the village gates lies the shrine of Daudshah, of whom it is said that he deprives thieves of their eye-sight, if they try to enter Chhatrasa. In the Vishnu-mandir, annakūt49 is offered to Vishnu by the attendant priest, on the first day of the bright half of Kārtik.50

A temple of Khodiar Mātā surrounded by Pandari creepers is to be seen on the way from Mojidad to Sanka. The Thakor of Limbdi used to kill a goat before the goddess during the Navarātra holidays; but an offering of lāpsi is now substituted for the goat. There is another temple of the same goddess on the way to Zābālā where she is worshipped by the Bhadkavā Durbar. The attendants at both places are Atits, and the usual offering consists of lāpsi and khīr.51 At a place near the boundary-line between Mojidad and Ayarda, Swāmi-Nārāyan Bhagwān and Sahajānand Swāmī are said to have bathed in the company of Hanumān in the river Vansal. The Brahmachāris52 of the Swāmi-Nārāyan sect hold a fair there and offer prayers to Hanumān on the 15th day of the dark half of Bhādrapad.53

Every marriage-procession on its way to and from the place of marriage has to offer a new earthen jar to such field-deities as Dādmokhodiar, Lālo, Hardās, etc. Failure to do so arouses the wrath of these deities and brings disasters to the married couple. The only form of worship in use for these deities is to apply red lead and oil to their images. Seven kinds of corn, viz. adād (phaseolus radiatus), mag (phaseolus mungo), kalathi, math, chanā (gram), wheat and juvari are mixed and cooked together and the preparation which is called khichdi is offered to the deities at sunset. If the deities are not propitiated in this manner, they are believed to do harm to the people of the village.54

On a hill near the village of Patanvav there is a temple of Mātāji, where a ghi lamp is kept constantly burning at the cost of the Gondal Durbar. In Patanvav itself there is a shrine of Ahabā Pīr attended upon by a fakir. At the approach of the monsoons, all the villages offer lāpsi to Mātāji and churamu to the Pīr.55

In Paj, near Sultanpur there is a shrine of Gebansha Pīr surrounded by a number of bābhul trees; and it is said that if a person were to cut any of the trees, he would meet with death or at least fall ill. There is a cobra deity, called Khetalo, near Sultanpur whose gors (attendant priests) are Nāgmagā Brahmans. It is believed that this deity confers once on each generation of the gors, as much wealth as would suffice for the lifetime of all men of that generation.56 [76]

There is a temple of Hadmatio Hanumān about half a mile to the west of Luvaria. A Kanbi of the Dhani tribe once, while pursued by robbers, took shelter behind the image of Hanumān, and vowed that he and his descendants would discharge priestly duties towards the god if he escaped safely out of the difficulty. The god protected him in his danger, and his descendants are now the recognised attendants at the temple.57

The village of Aman possesses the holy tomb of Davalshah Pīr. This Pīr lived in the 15th century and was a native of Ahmedabad. He had come to serve in the Amaran thāna, when he was killed in a battle. A tomb was built over his body, and he soon came to be regarded as a Pīr. His name became famous when a blind Bharvād regained his eye-sight through his favour. The Pīr also gave a son to a Bania from Ahmedabad who visits the tomb every year in a black suit. Once a Miana killed a cow and took refuge at the shrine of this Pīr: but the shrine spontaneously caught fire and he was burnt with it. The present building was erected by the Bania, and the ladies of the Jamsaheb’s court have supplied silver gates and copper railings to it. The Jamsaheb also presents kinkhab coverings for the tomb every year. On the night of the Uras (or the fair held in the Pīr’s honour) sandalwood is burnt before the Pīr.58

Charadwa is well-known for the temple of Rājeshwari Mātā. King Prithwi Rāj Chohān suffered from white leprosy and was once going to Dwārkā, with the hope that residence in the holy city would cure him of his disease. On the way, one of his best bullocks suddenly fell. The animal was almost given up for dead when a young woman named Rājbāi, daughter of Udā Chāran, happened to pass by while carrying water in earthen pots. Rājbāi touched the bullock with one of her toes, and to the astonishment of all beholders, the animal at once got up. Prithwi Rāj got rid of his leprosy by the favour of Rājbāi, who granted him an additional boon that she would come to help him on another occasion if he remembered her and sought her assistance. Rājbāi then directed him to visit Dwārkā. Long after, king Prithwi Rāj, when he was at his own place, remembered her in a moment of distress, and she went there (in spirit) after giving instructions to her relatives not to dispose of her body, as she would return soon. But the relatives did not understand her, and before she had returned from Prithwi Rāj’s place, her body was disposed of according to the usual manner. For this, Rājbāi cursed her relatives that one of their descendants in each degree would turn out a lunatic. In her memory a pillar was raised and an image set up, both of which are worshipped every morning and evening. Milk, sugar and cakes are offered to her every morning in a thāl or dish, and milk and sugar every evening. There is a festival in honour of Rājbāi during the Navarātra holidays.59

The temple of Swāmi-Nārāyan at Charadwa contains the images of Shrikrishna, Baldev, Rādhā, Rāma, Lakshman and Sītā. The ceremony of ārati is performed before the images five times every day. The first is called mangalārati or the auspicious ārati and is performed early in the morning. The second is Shangār (Shringār) ārati, when night garments are taken off the images and new ones are put on for the day. The third Rājbhog ārati, takes place at the time when dainties and cooked food are offered to the gods. The Sandhyā ārati follows the offering of milk, sugar and cakes to the gods in the evening. The last, Pidhān ārati, is performed at night, when night garments are substituted for the rich dresses of the day. There are five occasions during the year [77]when a fair is held at this place: (1) the Annakūt fair on the first day of Kārtik; (2) Vasantapanchamī fair, on the fifth day of the bright half of Māgh; (3) Hutāshani or Holi fair, on the 15th day of the bright half of Phālgun; (4) Rāmanavamī fair, on the 9th day of the bright half of Chaitra, (5) Janmāshtamī fair on the 8th day of the dark half of Shrāvan.60

To the north of Charadwa there is a field-goddess, named Motisāri Meldi Mātā, in whose honour persons who are afflicted by diseases take a vow of presenting a tavā (a cake fried in oil in a pan). There is also a serpent-god named Charmaria who receives an offering of lāpsi on every Aso-sud-bij, i.e., the second day of the bright half of Ashvin.60

Besides these there are four temples of Shiva, one of Shaktimātā, one of Hanumānji and two Mahomedan Pīrs in the village.60

In Limbdi Taluka, there is a temple of Kālikā Mātā, in whose honour vows are observed by persons suffering from physical or mental afflictions. The attendant at the place is a Brahman, and the worshippers of the Mātā visit her temple on a Sunday or a Tuesday and offer sweetmeats or lāpsi. On the eighth day of Ashvin a havan is made (i.e., offerings are burnt) before the goddess.61

Vows in honour of Khodiar Mātā are efficacious in the prevention of such epidemics as cholera. The Khiyado Māmo quells evil spirits, bhūts and prets. The Khodo Māmo cures such diseases as cough and bronchitis. In the temple of Rāmnāth, a brahmabhoj—a feast to Brahmans—is given on the last day of Shrāvan.61

Near the western gates of Zinzuwada is seen the celebrated shrine of Rājbāi Mātā. In old times Zinzuwada was only the nehado62 of a Bharvād called Zunzā. At that time the queen of the reigning prince of Pātan could not be delivered of a child even though two years had passed since the time of conception. Once while on tour the queen’s party encamped near the nehado of Zunzā Bharvād. The latter, when he learnt of the queen’s misfortune, said that the co-wives of the queen had bewitched her by the kāman art, i.e., by passing an earthen pot round her and by burying the pot underground with a live frog hanging with its head downwards in it. He added that the queen would not be delivered unless the frog was brought out by some stratagem. He asked the queen and her followers to stay there for some time, and sent word to Pātan with a messenger that the queen was delivered of a son. The co-wives of the queen, dismayed at the unexpected news and at the futility of the kāman art, went to look at the buried frog, which instantly jumped out and at the same moment the pregnant queen gave birth to a son. As the child was brought to birth by the instructions of a Siddha-purusha (a magician), it was named Siddharāj. The town of Zinzuwada was built in memory of Zunzā Bharvād, and a temple of Rājbāi Mātā was erected in honour of the queen. A large lake named Sensāsar was also constructed in memory of Sensā, the brother of Zunzā.63

Soon afterwards people began to observe vows in honour of Rājbāi Mātā. The devotees of the goddess visit her temple every evening. All newly-married couples in the village offer salutations to the Mātā accompanied by hired musicians and a party of women who sing on the way to the shrine. A virgin walks in front of the party with an earthen pot and a cocoanut on her head. After the salutations, sweetmeats to the amount vowed for are distributed among all those who are present. Sometimes a woman who has observed vows for the sake of a son, [78]presents a silver umbrella to the goddess, of the value of one rupee and a quarter or five rupees and a quarter, on the birth of a son to her. Burnt offerings and lāpsi are presented to the goddess to protect the town from such misfortunes as cholera, plague, etc.64

There is a well-known place called Vāchhdā-solanki about eight miles front Zinzuwada. Once a Rajput boy, aged sixteen, was going round the marriage-altar at the time of his wedding, in the village of Kuar, when he heard a piteous cry from a distressed cowherd, whose cows were being carried away by freebooters. The boy immediately ran to rescue the cows; but he was killed in the encounter. A temple was built on that spot in his honour. There is a small kund near the temple, the water in which is believed never to dry up and to possess the quality of curing hydrophobia.

Goradia Hanumān lies three miles from Zinzuwada, and there is a tradition that there is a treasure hidden near by. Many vows are observed in honour of Dhamā Hanumān, whose place is at a distance of two miles from Zinzuwada.64

The holy kund of Zilānand is one mile from Zinzuwada. It is a custom of the neighbourhood to throw the bones of deceased persons into this kund, and a fair is held annually at the place on the last day of Bhādrapad. The Bhotāvo kund is one mile distant from Zilānand kund: the bottom of this kund presents a bluish appearance, and the water always remains hot. It is said that there are sulphur mines below.64

A princess of Marwar used to worship five gods: Sumaria Ganesh, Kanaknāth, Ratneshwar Mahādev, Nāgnāth and Hanumān; and she had taken a vow never to take food before she had worshipped all of them. The gods followed her everywhere in all her tours, but they had made one condition, that they would stop if she looked behind at them on the way. The princess happened to look back at Ganpati on the ridge of Sumaria near Keshia, three miles to the east of Jodia. So Ganpati would not leave Sumaria, and was installed there as Sumaria Ganesh. The same happened to Ratneshwar near Badanpur; to Kanaknāth, at a place midway between Kanakpuri (the modern Kunad) and Badanpur; and to Hanumān, near Kunad. In the same manner, Nāgnāth was installed near the Balambha gate of Jodia. The old town of Kanakpuri was buried by an earth-quake, and the image Kunadia Hanumān was found among its ruins.

The attendants of Sumaria Ganesh are Atīts. A fair is held there on the 4th day of Vaishākh, when thousands of Dheds flock to the place. The usual offering to the god consists of sweet balls. Kanaknāth is attended upon by Atīt Bāvās who share among themselves whatever is offered to the god. Shaivas hold a fair here on the 8th day of the dark half of Shrāvan.

The devotees of Kunadia Hanumān observe anagh (vulgarly called anagodha) at his place on Saturdays. They cook their food there and make offerings to the god before partaking of it, fasting afterwards for the day. The anagh is observed in the month of Mārgashīrsha. The attendants of this god are Khākhi Bāvās.65

One mile to the north-west of Jodia, towards the sea, there is a stone image of a horse set up on a pedestal, known as Rāval Pīr. A heroic Girāsia of the Dāl sect, named Rāval, was once shipwrecked while on an expedition from Cutch, and is said to have landed at the spot where Rāval Pīr stands at present. He received a hearty reception at the hands of the then ruling prince of Jodia (who was a Khavās) and was installed in the Durbār as Nana Rāval Pīr.

On the second day of the bright half of Āshādh (which is the new year’s day [79]according to the Halari year) Hindus offer lāpsi to Rāval Pīr as also on each Monday in the month of Bhādrapad. On occasions of popular distress, such as the breaking out of cholera or when the rains stop for days together, the bhuvās at the place, who are Dāl Rajputs, receive the pedi (a small heap of lāpsi) on behalf of the Pīr, and being possessed, declare the will of the Pīr as to when rain may be expected or when an epidemic will be warded off. Persons who are anxious for the success of their undertakings observe vows in honour of the Pīr which may cost them anything from a single pice to twenty-five rupees. At the shrine of Nānā Rāval Pīr, huge kettledrums are beaten and the ceremony of ārati is performed every morning and evening.66

The present site of Lilapur was formerly uninhabited, and the village stood nearly one mile off. Once the goddess Bhavānī directed the patel of the village in a dream to reside on the present site, and promised him that he would be always happy and that none of his descendants for seven generations would die of cholera. In testimony of the reality of the dream a box of red lac, a cocoanut, a reel of red thread—called nādāsādi and chunadi—were found under the patel’s pillow. The village was then removed to its present site. The descendants of the patel are called Yadodā. The Mātā chose to take a Bharvād to be her attendant. On the 15th day of the bright half of Shrāvan offerings are burnt before the Mātā, when the attendant bhuvā has to offer sweetmeats worth five rupees. Every Bharvād family spends a rupee and a quarter every third year in honour of the Mātā.

During the famine of the year 1895 Samvat era (= 1839 A. D.) the bhuvā was thinking of leaving the Mātā in order to escape from starvation, when the goddess appeared in a dream to him, and told him that he would find half a rupee every morning in the temple until he saw and partook of the new harvest. In the month of Shrāvan, he happened to partake of some new seeds and the coin could not be found as usual after this, although the new harvest was not quite ready till three months afterwards. At the entreaties of the bhuvā, however, the Mātā again told him in a dream that he would find a silver anklet, weighing 60 tolas, on the bhogavā (village boundary) of the village of Shiyani. A number of vows are observed in honour of this goddess with various motives.67

The Shakta Mātā in the western part of the same village prevents the Joganīs or female fiends from spreading contagious diseases.67

The Surdhans near the gates of Lilapur represent two heroes who were killed in an encounter with freebooters in the Samvat year 1836 (1780 A. D.). The knots of the marriage-scarves of the descendants of the Surdhans are untied before them, and any of their female descendants visiting the images without a veil on their faces, are subjected to serious calamities.67

About ten years ago Unād Bhagat and Jivā Bhagat of Paliad were one day walking together, when Unād Bhagat collected seven stones and placing them one over the other, said to Jivā Bhagat that he was constructing a pālio, i.e., a tomb for Jivā. Immediately Jivā died, and Unād had to carry out what was merely meant in jest. Some rooms are built at the expense of the Jasdan Durbar, and a pujāri daily offers worship to Jivā Bhagat. A fair is also held in his honour on the second day of Bhādrapad.68

About two miles from Jasdan in the village of Bakhalvad there is a temple of Āvad Mātā. The latter represents the queen of one of the rulers of Jasdan. On every Vijayā-dashamī, i.e., the 10th day of the [80]bright half of Ashvin, the prince of Jasdan goes to visit the image in a procession, offers lāpsi to Āvad Mātā, and then a feast is celebrated. Formerly it was the custom to kill a buffalo before the goddess on this day: but only lāpsi is now offered instead. It is usual to take some wine also on this occasion.69

On the Chitalia hill, two miles from Jasdan, there is a temple of Shitalā, the goddess of small-pox, where children who have lately recovered from that disease are taken to offer salutations to the goddess. Silver images of human eye, milk, sugar, curds, grapes, cocoanuts, a sheet of blank paper, and a number of other things are presented to the goddess on such an occasion. Some persons vow to visit the goddess with a burning hearth on their heads. Such vows are discharged on a sātem, i.e., the 7th day of the bright or the dark half of a month. On Shili Sātem, the 7th day of the dark half of Shrāvan, there is a large gathering of people at the place.69

The village-gods of Upleta are Kaleshwar, Pragateshwar, Somnāth, Nīlkanth, Dādmo and Khetalio. Pragateshwar is said to have emerged from the earth of his own accord and is therefore called Swayambhu (self-existent). The same is said about Nīlkanth and Somnāth also. The temple of Dādmo lies a little away from Upleta. Persons suffering from cough observe vows in his honour and partake of parched gram. There is a devi near Pragateshwar before whom a sacrifice is performed on the 9th day of the bright half of Ashvin, and cakes, bread, khichdi and khir are offered.70

In Gondal there is a temple of Gondalio Nāg and one of Nāgnāth Mahādev. Pure milk is the usual offering made to both the deities. Gondalio Nāg is installed in Durbārgadh and is white in appearance. Newly married couples of high class Hindus untie the knots of their marriage-scarves before this deity. In the Durbārgadh there are tombs of seven ghoris with whose assistance the first king of Gondal is said to have won his crown. There is also a family goddess of the Bhadeja Rajputs in Gondal known as Ashāpuri, a vow in whose honour is believed to fulfil all desires.71

There is a female spirit named Meldi in Movaiya who is worshipped by bhuvās on the 14th day of the dark half of Ashvīn. On that day they heat oil in an iron pan and take out cakes from the burning oil with unprotected hands. A goat and a cock are also sacrificed on this occasion, and the meat is partaken of in order to win the favour of the goddess.72

There is a bedā tree near Movaiya about which the following story is told. Long ago there was a kanbi (farmer) in Movaiya who used to see a boy moving in front of him with an uncovered head whenever he was ploughing his field. One day the kanbi lopped off the hair from the boy’s head who followed him to his home, entreating him to return the lock of hair. The kanbi however did not heed him, and concealed the lock of hair in a jar containing gram. The boy then served the kanbi as a field-boy, when one day he was asked by his master to take gram out of the jar for sowing. The boy, who was a bhut, found his lock of hair there, and when once he had obtained it, he took a very heavy load of gram to the kanbi and bade him good-bye. But before the boy had fled with his lock of hair, the kanbi begged of him a boon that a bedā tree should grow in his field, where vows could be observed in honour of the bhut.72

The villagers in Sayala accompanied by several bhuvās and by musicians who beat the dhols and the dānklān go outside the village [81]to visit the temple of Khodiār Mātā on the 15th day of the bright half of Shrāvan. The bhuvās wind a piece of cotton-thread round the village, and sometimes pour out milk or water in the same place in order to secure its safety from any epidemic. On the same occasion four divers, who are generally healthy young athletes, are presented with an earthen pot each and are made to stand in the village-tank till the water reaches to their necks. They are asked to dive simultaneously in the water at a signal from the headman of the village, and to get out immediately. Each of them is named after one of the four months of the rainy season and the amount of water in the pot of each is supposed to indicate the amount of rain which would fall in the respective months of the next year. After leaving the water the divers break the pots on the spot, and the fragments are taken away by the people, to be kept in their jars of corn, in the belief that they will bring prosperity in the ensuing season. The four divers are then made to run a race on the maidan, and he who wins the race gets a small plough and a cocoanut as a prize. The winner is called hālino-jityo, and it is believed that he will be successful in all his undertakings.

On the same day the bhuvās place a small four-wheeled chariot of the Mātā outside the village, and it is believed that the chariot carries off the plague, cholera and similar diseases with it. Such ceremonies are performed in most of the villages on the Balev holiday (i.e., the Nārel-Purnimā day, or the 15th day of the bright half of Shrāvan).73

The foundation of a new settlement is carried out in various ways. A series of unusual accidents befalling the residents of a village makes them doubtful of the security of their residence, and produces a desire to move to a safer home. Very often on such occasions the bhuvās or exorcists are possessed by the Devis, or Mātās, and declare the will of the gods regarding a new settlement. Sometimes a change of home is recommended to the villagers in a dream: sometimes a heavenly voice is said to direct the change, in addressing one of the villagers.74

An astrologer has first to be consulted as to the auspicious date on which the boundaries of the new settlement should be marked out. Three or four days before the delimitation, learned Brahmans are sent to purify the chosen site by the recitation of sacred mantras.75 On the appointed day the headman of the village leads a procession to the site, and performs the ceremony of installing the village gods. It is said that, at the time of founding a new settlement, it is necessary to install and worship the panch-deva or the five deities, namely, Hanumān, Ganpati, Mahādev, Vishnu and Devi. Hanumān is installed at the village-gates, and is propitiated with an offering of churmu and vadān. The images of Ganpati and Vishnu are set up in a central place in the village, temples being built for them in due curse. Mahādev is generally installed on the village-boundary, and has a temple built for him afterwards. Devi may be set up anywhere: her installation is not permanent nor does she receive systematic worship.76 But more generally only Ganpati, Hanumān and Mātā are installed on this occasion.77 Occasionally other deities, such as the Earth, Shesh Nāg,78 the Navagrah (the nine planets), the pole-star and Kshetrapāl are also worshipped.79

The village-gates are fixed after the ceremony of installation, and a toraṇ—a string of āsopālav leaves (Jonesia asoka) with a cocoanut in the centre—is fastened across them [82]near the top.80 Here the ceremony of khāt-muhurt81 is performed82 and afterwards the headman, accompanied by a Brahman, who recites mantras, either winds a cotton-thread besmeared with red lac round the village or pours a stream of milk dhārāvādi along the village boundaries.83 The headman has further to perform the homa at the gates of the village, when a company of Brahmans recite holy passages in honour of Hanumān and Mātā. At the time of the completion of the homa, when the āhuti (an oblation of ghi) is thrown on the fire, all persons present offer cocoanuts to the sacrificial fire.84

In some places it is usual to worship the newly chosen site itself, and then to drive into the ground a wooden peg besmeared with red lac, called the khili (peg) of Shesh Nāg, which is first ceremoniously worshipped with red lac, sandal-ointment and rice.85

After these ceremonies, the villagers are at liberty to build their own houses within the new settlement. When the houses are complete and ready for habitation, it is necessary to perform the ceremony known as vāstun (or graha-shānti) for the propitiation of the nine planets. Both the day of installing the gods and the day of vāstun ceremony, are observed as festivals, at which Brahmans are feasted, and lāpsi, churmu and kansār are offered to the gods.86

The new settlement may be named after the deity whose advice brought about the move or after the headman. It is sometimes named after the particular incident which drove the people to seek their new home.86

A failure of the harvest is in most cases due to the irregularity of the rains. It is therefore ascribed to the displeasure of Indra, the god of rain, and Varuna, the god of water. The mode of propitiating these gods has already been described.

Sometimes a cessation of rains is attributed to the wrath of the village-gods, whereupon the festival of Ujāṇi is celebrated in order to appease them. One day, preferably a Sunday, all the inhabitants go outside the village, and rich viands are cooked to be offered to the village-gods. At the same time, the headman performs a homa sacrifice and the dainties are partaken of after the villagers have thrown cocoanuts into the sacrificial fire.

In similar circumstances people sometimes seek the protection of the gods Annadeva, Annapūrṇā, and Kriyā Bhaudai. Six dokdās87 or six pice are collected from every house in the village to make what is called a chhakadi, and the whole amount is then bestowed in charity in the name of the above-named deities.88

Rain during the Ashleshā and Maghā nakshatras89 is destructive to the crops, and is a sign of the wrath of Indra, who should be appeased with sacrificial offerings.90

Diseases among cattle are believed to be brought on by the wrath of minor deities such as Shitalā Mahākāli91 or the sixty-four Joganis.9293 The bhuvās, when they are [83]possessed, declare to the people which particular deity is exasperated, whereupon that deity is conciliated either by offering dainties or a goat or a ram, or by the observance of Ujāṇi. A dhārāvādi—a stream of milk—is poured on to the ground adjoining the village side, and toraṇs of āsopālav leaves (Jonesia asoka) are fastened on the doors of the offended deity’s temple.94 It is also customary to place baklān and vadān at a spot where three roads meet in order to propitiate the evil spirits, who frequent such places.95

Small-pox is supposed to be the result of the displeasure of the goddess Shitalā. In all cases of small-pox the victim is left to suffer, the only remedy being the observation of vows in honour of the angry goddess. Different things are dedicated to the goddess according as the disease affects one part of the body or another; and they are usually offered on a Sunday or a Tuesday. The usual offering consists of kulera,96 a tāv (a sheet of paper), fried juvāri, fried gram, and other articles varying according to the symptoms.97

To ward off this disease the women of the village sometimes prepare cakes, gānthiās,98 etc., on the sixth day of a month, the preparations being partaken of on the next day, when no fresh food is to be cooked.99

Kharavā affects the hoofs of cattle, in which it produces irritation; it is generally due to worms in the hoofs. A jantra (a mystical arrangement of words) of the twelve names of Mahāvir (the great warrior, i.e. Arjun) is written on a piece of paper, and tied round the neck of the diseased animal, fastened over the gates through which the cattle pass, or suspended over the street by which the cattle go out to graze.100 The jantra is as follows:—

Sometimes the paper on which the jantra is written is placed in a hollow bamboo stick which is then fastened over the gates.102 The jantra is believed to have the power to cure the disease.

Muvā-keshibi causes saliva to flow continuously from the mouths of animals. A gagarbediun (a piece of leather thong or a piece of black wood, on which magic spells have been cast) is suspended over the village gates or is tied to the neck of the animal, in the case of this disease occurring.103

In such diseases as kharavā, sunaku, motudukh (lit. the great malady), valo, pet-tod,104 Bandhāi-javan,105 a jantra is tied by a piece of indigo-coloured cloth or by a piece of thread of the same colour, round the neck of the animal, and is also fastened over the village-gates. A toraṇ is prepared of the ears of juvāri corn with a cocoanut in the centre, and after magical incantations have been pronounced over it, is suspended over the village-gates. All animals passing under the toraṇ are believed to be proof against the disease. [84]

But if this is not successful in checking the course of the disease, it is usual to swallow the chelans106 of Mungi Mātā (the Dumb Mother). For this purpose the bhuvās of the Mātā, who are Bharvāds, are invited to the stalls of the affected cattle, where they recite magic incantations amidst tumultuous shouts and yells. After this they are fed with rice, ghi and sugar, this latter process being called ‘swallowing the chelans of the Mātā.’107

In event of this process being of no avail in restraining the disease, the headman of the village in the company of his wife performs a homa sacrifice in the places dedicated to the Mātās, and offers an āhuti—a sacrificial oblation—when all the villagers dedicate cocoanuts to the sacrificial fire.108

Sometimes the wrath of the god Gorakhdev is supposed to be responsible for cattle-diseases. A bunch of the leaves of a poisonous medicinal plant ānkdo is passed seven times over the body of the ailing animal with the prayer ‘May Gorakhdev be pleased,’ and a cocoanut is dedicated to the god.109

Another method of checking cattle-disease is to bury the corpse of an animal which has died thereof near the village-gates. It is believed that this puts a stop to any further deaths among cattle from the same disease.110

When such a disease as shili (small-pox), sakharado, or kharavā prevails largely among cattle, a belief gains ground that the Dheds (who flay the dead cattle and sell their hides) have poisoned the drinking water of the cattle in order to increase their earnings.111

The god Kāl-bhairav was brought into existence by the fury of god Shiva, when he, being extremely angry with Brahmā, cut off the fifth head of the latter. Kāl-bhairav is the leader of all bhuts (ghosts) and dākans (witches), and resides at Kāshi (Benares) by the order of Shiva. His favourite haunt is a cemetery. His image is always represented as fierce and ugly.112

It is said that this god once entered the mouth of Gorakhnath and performed religious austerities in that strange abode. Although Gorakhnath was nearly suffocated, he could only persuade Kāl-bhairav to come out by extolling his glory and by conferring on him the leadership of all bhuts and the guardianship of the Kotvālu fortress at Kāshi.113

Kāl-bhairav does not command worship on any auspicious occasion. On the other hand, he is much revered by persons who practise the black art. On Kāli-chaudas day his devotees worship him in a cemetery, offer an oblation of baklan, and recite magic incantations till late at night.114

The offerings favoured by Kāl-bhairav are khir,115 cakes of wheat flour, sugar and vadān.116117 The sacrifice of a live animal is also acceptable.118 The offerings after presentation to the god, are given to black dogs.

Pregnant women in order to secure a safe delivery sometimes vow to abstain from ghi till they have offered an oblation to Kāl-bhairav.119 [85]

The following lines are often repeated in honour of this god120:—

(I worship Kāl-bhairav, the giver of food and of salvation, of auspicious and comely appearance, who is kind to his devotees.)

Ganpati or Ganesh, about whose origin the traditional legends prevail, is represented with four hands, in one of which he holds a kamandalu (a gourd), in the second a lādu (or a sweet-ball), in the third a parashu (or an axe), and in the fourth a jap-māl (or a rosary). He is sometimes called Dundalo (lit., big-bellied) because of his having a protuberant belly. He puts on a yellow garment and rides a mouse. His brother is Kārtik-swāmī who rides a peacock. His favourite dish consists of lādus or sweet-balls of wheat-flour fried in ghi and sweetened with molasses. Siddhi and Buddhi are the two wives of Ganpati. Before their marriage their father Vishwarupa had made a promise that he would bestow the hands of both on whomsoever circumambulated the whole Earth within one day. Ganpati reasoned that a cow and a mother are equal in merit to the Earth and by passing round the former, he got the hands of both. Ganpati is said to be the fastest writer of all, so that the sage Vyāsa secured his services as a scribe, at the instance of Brahmā, in writing the Mahābhārat. When Rāvan had conquered all the gods and made them serve in his household, Ganpati had to become a cowherd and to look after cows and goats.121

On Vaishākh sud choth, known as Ganpati choth, i.e., the fourth day of the bright half of Vaishākh, Ganpati is ceremoniously worshipped with red lead, red flowers, milk, curds, honey, etc. The image of the god is besmeared with red lead and ghi, and the remnant of this ointment is applied to the doors and windows of the house.122 Sweet-balls of wheat-flour fried in ghi and sweetened with molasses are first dedicated to Ganpati and are afterwards partaken of as the god’s gift.123

The people of Mahārāshtra observe Ganpati choth on the 4th day of the bright half of Bhādrapad, when an earthen image of Ganpati is made and worshipped with twenty kinds of leaves.124

It is a custom among the Vaishnavas to draw an image of Ganpati in those vessels which are to be used for cooking food at the time of performing the obsequies of a deceased Vaishnava.125

The Mātrikās are sixteen in number, and are worshipped on such auspicious occasions as a yajna (i.e., a sacrifice), a wedding, or the ceremony known as vāstu.126 Their installation consists in painting the following marks with red lac on the back walls of a house.

The marks are besmeared with molasses, and a little ghi and a piece of some precious metal is affixed to them.127 At the time of a marriage, fourteen are worshipped in the house, one outside the village limits, and one near the front door of the house where the wedding is celebrated.128 [86]

The Mātrikās or Mātās are worshipped during the Navarātra holidays also. On this occasion small morias or earthen bowls with a hole in the centre of each, are plastered with khadi (red or green earth) and kāyā; and young girls carry them on their heads with burning lamps from door to door. At each house they receive oil for the lamp and a handful of corn. On the last day, i.e., on the ninth day, all the bowls are placed on the special site dedicated to the Mātās. The songs, which are also accompanied by dancing, are called garabi or garabā.129

The Mātrikās are also supposed to be the grahas or planets which influence the life of a child in the womb, and their worship is believed to bring about an easy delivery.130

There is also a family goddess of the name of Mātrikā. In worshipping her, seven round spots are painted on a wall with red lac, and ghi is poured over them in such a manner as to form five small relās (streams). A mixture of molasses and ghi is then applied to these spots with a piece of ādāchh (red cotton yarn). By this process the devotee secures the motherly regard of the goddess.131

One of the deities which preside over child-birth is Randal Mātā or Rannā Devi, who is said to be the wife of the Sun.132 In order to secure an easy delivery, pregnant women take a vow that they will invite one or more lotās (bowls) of this Mātā. The process of “inviting the lotās” is as follows:—

The tufts round the shell of a cocoanut are pulled out, the nut is besmeared with chalk, and marks representing two eyes and a nose are painted on it. (Or the nut is so placed that the two spots on its surface represent eyes, and the pointed tuft of fibres between them serves the purpose of a nose). A bowl is placed on a piece of cloth stretched on a wooden stool, and the cocoanut is placed over the bowl. It is then dressed in elegant female attire, and a ghi lamp is kept constantly burning near it. This completes the sthāpan or installation of Randal Mātā. Women bow down before this representation of the Mātā, and sing melodious tunes in its presence. On the morning of the following day, the image is carried to the temple of the village Mātā, the cocoanut is deposited there, and the garments are brought home. The cocoanut is subsequently taken by the Brahman attendant of the Mātā.

On the day of the installation it is customary to invite five gorāṇis133 (married women whose husbands are living) to a feast of khir and cakes. On the next day, when the Mātā is sent away, three virgins are entertained with rice, sugar and milk.134

In some communities a custom prevails of “inviting the lotās of the Mātās” on the occasion of the first pregnancy of a woman. On the day on which the lotās are to be invited, the pregnant woman takes a bath early in the morning, and calls upon thirteen gorāṇis, whom she invites to dinner by marking their foreheads with red lac. A Brāhman is called to set up the Mātās, whose installation takes place in the same manner as that of Randal. The piece of cloth spread on the wooden stool is required to be green. When the gorāṇis sit down to the dinner, the pregnant woman washes their right toes with milk and swallows that milk as charanāmrit (lit. the nectar of the feet). The gorāṇis are required to taste a morsel of some preparation of milk before they begin their meal. At night, a company of women dance in a circle round the Mātās, singing songs. Next morning a bhuvā is called, who declares the will of the Mātās. On receiving a satisfactory reply from the bhuvā, the party disperses.135 [87]

The goddesses Bahucharāji (or Bechrāji) and Ambāji are sometimes worshipped for the sake of safety during childbirth. The ceremony of Nāndi-Shrāddha which was performed when Rāma was born is sometimes gone through at the birth of a child.136

The deities of the forest reside in groves of trees or near the Piludi tree, to which their devotees must go in order to fulfil their vows.137 These deities do not receive any formal worship. But they are noted for the cure of certain diseases, and the groves which they haunt are frequently visited by afflicted persons. These deities are installed in those places where they have manifested their powers.138

There is a belief that if unmarried persons touch sindur or red lead, a cobra deity of the forest, Kshetrapāl, takes them in marriage. But the danger can be averted by vowing to dedicate khichaḍi, red lead, a dokado139 and some fruit to this god at the time of marriage.140 [88]

Such diseases as cholera and small-pox are believed to be brought on by the wrath of the Mātās or Devis caused by neglecting to offer the usual oblations. In order to propitiate them, Brāhmans are engaged to recite the Chandipāth and to offer havans (sacrificial offerings). Very often the festival known as ujani is observed, in which all the villagers go outside the village to take their meals, and return home in the evening after witnessing the āhuti (the offering of cocoanuts to the sacrificial fire).1

Another belief personifies the diseases as malin or evil spirits who are fond of human prey. To ward them off, a dhārā-vādi, or stream of milk, is poured out in the village or a magic thread is passed round. The chariot2 of the Mātā is driven through the village with the same object.3

There is a popular tradition that in ancient times cholera was subjugated by king Vikrama, and was buried underground. Once upon a time the British excavated the place in the belief that treasure was concealed there, and thus cholera was released. After many soldiers had fallen victims, the disease deity was at last propitiated by an oblation, and was handed over to the Bhangis (or scavengers).4

This association of the Bhangis with cholera is present in most of the beliefs current about the disease. There is a story that once upon a time a number of students had put up in a house by which a Bhangi was in the habit of passing frequently. He daily used to hear the students reciting the sacred texts and this produced in his mind the desire to become a Sanskrit scholar. For this purpose, having concealed his low birth, he went to Benares and by diligent study, soon became a pandit. He even married a girl of high caste. But his imposture being at last discovered, he burnt himself to death, and his ashes gave rise to the disease known as cholera.5

At the present day, if the epidemic breaks out, the Bhangis are often suspected in some way or other of having brought it about. It is said that they make statues of the flour of adad (phaseolus radiatus) and after piercing them with needles and pins, either throw them into the wells which are daily used by the villagers6 or bury them in a spot over which the people frequently pass. The whole affair is managed very secretly and at the dead of night. The slightest rumour of such proceedings causes a tumult in the village, and the Bhangis are then in danger of being severely handled by the enraged villagers.7 [89]

Another method by which the Bhangis are supposed to bring about cholera is to sprinkle the blood of a black cow on the image of Hanumān. The god is deeply offended at the insult, and in consequence spreads cholera in the neighbourhood. For this reason, offerings are burnt before Hanumān in order to stop an epidemic of cholera.8

Bhangis are also supposed by some to accomplish the same result by the help of malin or evil deities who are first gratified by the offering of victims.9 One of such deities is Rāmdepir, to whom bali-dān (offering of a victim) is made by the people, through the medium of Bhangis, for the prevention of cholera.9

An outbreak of cholera offers a good opportunity to the Bhangis, who extort dainties and small sums of money from the people. Persons attacked by cholera often seek the services of a Bhangi and promise him liberal gifts if they are cured. The latter generally treats his patients by tying a magical thread round their elbows.10

It is said that the Bhangis have to present an offering to their malin or evil goddess every third year, and that, in so doing, they kill a black animal before the goddess. They then place an iron pan full of sesamum oil on the fire, and suspend the body of the animal above it. It is believed that as many human beings will fall victims to cholera as the number of the drops of blood that fall from the body of the animal into the iron pan.11

Another deity whose wrath is supposed to be responsible for the breaking out of cholera is Mahāmāri Devi.12 The worshippers of this goddess are Bhangis. She is believed to send forth cholera when her oblations are stopped,13 and her favour is regained by renewing the offer of these oblations. Sometimes the Navachandi sacrifice is performed at the principal village-gates, and the chandipāth is recited at the other gates. A number of Brāhmans and virgins are also feasted, and presented with garments. A magic cotton thread is passed round the village and a dhārā-vādi, or stream of milk, is poured out. The bhuvās go round the village playing upon the harsh unpleasant danklan. A goat is then taken to the temple of the Mātā, and the bhuvās, after cutting out its tongue, dip their hands in its blood and strike them against the doors of the temple. The goat is then killed and similar blood-marks are made upon every door in the village as well as on the village-gates, where an iron nail is driven into the ground with an incantation. A lime is then cut, and an oblation is offered to the Mātā. Such a process is believed to stop the progress of the epidemic.13

Other deities connected in popular belief with cholera are the goddesses Visuchikā14 and Chandikā.15 Visuchikā is conciliated by burnt offerings: the recitation of the chandipāth wins the favour of Chandikā. There is also a giantess named Karkatā who is supposed to be responsible for cholera. She is said to have sprung from the sweat on the forehead of Brahmā and to reside in the chandra mandal (or lunar sphere).16

One of the remedies adopted to stop an epidemic of cholera is to propitiate Shiva by the performance of Rudrayāg,17 Mahārudra,17 Shatachandi,17 Homahavan and by bestowing gifts on Brāhmans and other holy [90]men.18 Sometimes vows are observed with the same object in honour of a minor local deity named Lala Hardev.19 Another method of driving off the disease is to convey it to the body of a goat or a ram, or a he-buffalo, and to drive the animal out of the village.20

Small-pox is believed to be the act of the goddess Shitalā Mātā, who spreads the disease whenever she is desirous of having victims.21 Thus, in cases of small-pox, the patient very often receives no medical treatment, the only remedies adopted being directed towards the propitiation of the Mātā.22 A number of vows are taken in the Mātā’s name, to be fulfilled after the patient has recovered. Many people accomplish their vows before the Shitalā Mātā at Kalavad in Jāmnagar. A vow to visit this place after the patient’s recovery, and to abstain from certain things till the day of the visit, is taken by the mother of the affected person in case of a severe attack. But almost every village contains a temple of Shitalā Mātā, and those, who cannot go to Kalavad, vow in the name of the local Mātā.21 One of such vows is to go to the temple of the Mātā with a burning hearth on the head.21 Such a vow is generally undertaken by the patient’s mother.

Ordinarily in a case of small-pox, the patient is not allowed to bathe till he is completely free from all traces of the disease. A bath is then given on a Sunday, a Tuesday, or a Thursday, with water which has been heated by being placed in the sun. An image of Shitalā Mātā is set up in the house near the water room, and the patient worships the image after the bath. The image is drawn in cowdung with two cotton seeds to represent the eyes. An offering of kulera23 and curds is made to the goddess. Five virgins are invited to dinner, and are served with cold food. All the members of the household also partake of cold food. On the 7th or the 13th day of the bright half of a month the patient is taken to the temple of Shitalā Mātā, when a cocoanut is broken in the presence of the goddess. Half of the cocoanut is brought home, the other half being carried away by the Mātā’s attendant. Some people place a new earthen vessel filled with water near the goddess. Silver eyes, which may be worth anything between half an anna and half a rupee, are dedicated to the Mātā.21

The first visit to the Mātā should take place on a Sunday or a Tuesday. The things vowed to the goddess are dedicated on this occasion. It is also necessary to go to the goddess again on the next Tuesday or Thursday after the first visit. This time only water and red lac are offered.24

During the course of the disease no low-caste person and no woman in her monthly course is allowed to cast his or her shadow on the patient.21 The women in the house are prohibited from combing their hair, or churning curdled milk, or indulging in sexual intercourse. Such acts are believed to cause extreme displeasure to the Mātā, who then causes some limb of the patient to be affected. Branches of nimb leaves are suspended over the doors of the house, and also round the patient’s bed. The same leaves are used to fan the patient.21 [91]

When a child suffers from the disease, it is often weighed against dates, which are first dedicated to the goddess, and then distributed amongst the poor.25 The child is taken to bow down before the goddess after nine or ten days from the date of attack, and the mother of the child offers several things to the Mātā, among which are grapes, sugar, a pinch of flour, a small earthen bowl full of water, and a blank sheet of paper.26

Different things are dedicated to the goddess according as the disease affects one part of the body or another. For instance, flour of bājrā or juvāri is offered in case of bronchitis; silver models of the human eye when the disease affects the eyes; a goras (a black earthen vessel full of curds) in case of morbid heat; a piece of black paper, in high fever, and salt if there is an itching sensation.27 The Mātā is said to live on cold food and to be very fond of things which have a cooling effect such as fruits, sugar, etc. The same things are given to the patient as food.28

To secure the protection of Shitalā Mātā for their children, women annually observe the vow of shili sātem on the 7th day of the dark half of Shrāvan. On this day the Mātā is said to visit every house and to roll herself on the hearth. No fire is, therefore, lighted in the hearth on this day: for if the Mātā comes and is scorched by the fire she is sure to bring misfortune on that household. For this reason, a number of dainties and all the food necessary for the day is prepared on the previous day. On the day of shili sātem, juvāri seeds are spread on the hearth, and after being sprinkled with red lac, a cowdung bowl containing a plant called vaṇa is placed upon them. The women of the house bathe with cold water and take only one meal during the day. They further abstain from sewing and embroidering during that day. Sometimes a Brāhman is engaged to recite the Shitalā shloka from a book called Rudrayāmal.29

The following legend is related of shili sātem. A certain woman once forgot to extinguish the fire in her hearth on Rāndhan Chhetha (lit. cooking sixth), i.e., the day previous to shili sātem. On the next day, the Mātā was scorched in the stomach when she came to roll herself on the hearth. In extreme anger the goddess cursed the woman saying that her only son would be burnt to death; and immediately the boy died. In her anguish the unfortunate mother confessed her fault to a friend, who advised her to go to the jungle and entreat the Mātā to give back her son. She found the goddess rolling in distress under a bābul tree. The woman slowly approached her, and began to comb out the Mātā’s hair. She then placed her son in the Mātā’s lap and entreated the goddess to revive the boy. The Mātā felt much relieved by the woman’s attentions and blessed her saying that her bosom should be as quiet as her own head. Immediately, at these words, the boy revived, to the intense joy of his mother.30

Women whose relatives have recovered from a dangerous attack of small-pox observe a vow on every sātem, i.e., the 7th day of the dark half of every month. They first bathe with cold water and, after offering an oblation of kulerā, take their meals only once during the day. This food has to be prepared on the previous day.

Shitalā Mātā is described as riding an ass in a nude state with the half of a supadun (a winnowing fan) for an umbrella and with a swing in one hand, and a broom in the other.31 But more usually the Mātā is represented by a mere trunkless head in [92]stone, besmeared with red lead. This is said to be the head of Babhrivāhan, the son of Bhīma32 the second of the Pāndavas by a Nāg mother. At the time of the Great War, he was sent by his mother from his residence in the pātāl (the regions below this world) to assist his father, and as he did not know the Pāndavas, he was asked to join the weaker side. On coming to the earth he first met with Krishna who took a promise from him to lop his own head off. In return, Krishna promised him that he would be immortal, invisible and worshipped by all, and the head was set up on the flag of the Pāndavas. This head began to trouble the Pāndavas after their victory, and could only be quieted by the promise of Krishna to have him recognised as a deity with unlimited powers. This head afterwards came to be known as the controller of small-pox. How the head of the male Babhrivāhan came to be identified with Shitalā Mātā, it is difficult to explain.33

There is a tradition that a Kunbi once recovered his eyesight, lost in an attack of small-pox, by worshipping Shitalā Mātā, and by vowing not to tie his lock of hair till his blindness was cured.34

It is said that the powderlike substance which falls from the scabs of small-pox cures cataract if applied to the eyes.34

Daksha Prajāpati once celebrated a great sacrifice, but did not invite his son-in-law Shiva. The latter was extremely enraged at the insult, and eight sorts of fever were in consequence produced by his breath at that time.35 According to another story zār or fever was created by Shiva in order to assist the demon Bānāsur in his contest with god Krishna, and it can be cured by the recitation of a piece called Ushāharan, from the Harivansha.36 Some persons attribute fever to the wrath of Vishnu, and declare that it can be avoided by the recitation of Vishnusahasranāma.37 Others believe it to be due to the anger of Shiva, and say that it can be cured by pouring a stream of water over the image of Shiva by offering bel leaves (Aegle marmelos) to him, and by reciting the Mrityunjaya mantra in his honour.38 Others again ascribe it to the displeasure of the gods Hari39 and Har,39 saying that the heat is caused by the wrath of Shiva.40

The following are some of the remedies adopted in cases of fever:

(i) The recitation of sacred hymns in honour of the gods.

(ii) The worship of Narsinh.41

(iii) Rudrābhishek—pouring a stream of water on the image of Shiva with the recitation of verses in his honour.

(iv) Drawing the jantra of Mrityunjaya (lit. Death-conquering, an epithet of Shiva) as shown below.

[93]

(v) Tying a magic thread round the arm.42 On a Sunday or a Tuesday a woollen thread or a piece of five-coloured silken thread is taken to a bāvā or a jogi, who mutters a few mystic words, and makes seven knots in the thread. The thread is treated with frankincense, and then tied round the arm.43

Periodical fevers are believed to be under the control of certain spirits. There is a story connected with almost every sort of fever, and it is believed that a person who listens to such a story is cured of fever.44 The following legend is connected with ekānterio—intermittent fever occurring on alternate days. Once a Bania, on his way to a village, came across a banyan tree where he unyoked his bullocks and went to a distance to seek for water. Ekānterio (the spirit controlling intermittent fever) resided on this tree, and when the Bania had gone sufficiently far he stole from behind the tree and carried away the Bania’s carriage together with his family. The Bania was much surprised to miss them on his return, but he soon found out the author of the trick, and pursued Ekānterio. That spirit however would not listen to the Bania’s entreaties to return his carriage, and the matter was at last referred for arbitration to Bochki Bai. The latter decided in favour of the Bania, and confined Ekānterio in a bamboo tube. He was released on the condition that he would never attack those persons who listen to this story.45

There is a flower garden to the west of Jodia where there is a tree called ghelun (mad) tree. Vows in honour of this tree are believed to be efficacious in curing fever.45

It has been already said above that such epidemic diseases as cholera or the plague are often supposed to be the result of the sinister practices of the Bhangis. There is a belief that the Bhangis sometimes prepare an image out of the flour of adad (phaseolus radiatus) and pierce it with needles, and it is said that for every hole made in the image one human being falls a victim to some epidemic disease. Such an image is sometimes placed in an earthen vessel and buried underground in a public way so that every passer-by treading on the spot where it is buried may be attacked by some disease. Or it is thrown into the well which is most used by village people, with the object that all persons drinking water from the well may perish by the disease.46

The Bhangis are also accused of causing an epidemic by means of boiling the ear of a buffalo and the flesh of an ox together in one vessel, it being believed that the virulence of the disease varies in proportion to the extent to which the boiling proceeds. This process is supposed to cause a disease among cattle also.47

Another belief is that the Bhangis charm seeds of adad and cloves by repeating magic incantations over them, and afterwards strew them on a highway in order that those who step on them may be attacked by cholera or some similar disease.48 One motive suggested for such action is that they are thereby likely to receive their garments, which would be used for covering the bodies.49 Also at the outbreak of such an epidemic, clothes, cocoanuts, ghi, molasses, wheat flour, etc., are offered by the people to the Bhangis, who in return give a dorā, a piece of thread, of black wool to be worn by the afflicted persons.50

But apart from such beliefs, the appearance of an epidemic is also attributed to other causes. There is the usual belief that it is caused by the diminution of virtue and the increase of sin among people and the [94]consequent wrath of the gods, who are only propitiated by the people again reverting to righteous ways and by the performance of sacrifices in their honour.51

There is also a belief that the sixty-four Joganis, when they are desirous of victims, cause baneful epidemics among mankind, the remedies in such a case being such as offering a goat or a he-buffalo to them, or the observation of an ujāni in their honour.

The following tale is related regarding an occurrence said to have taken place not long ago in the village of Verad. The headman of the village who was a Rajput by birth but who had lost his caste owing to irregular conduct with a woman, died of fever, and as he was an outcaste his body was buried instead of being cremated. Soon after, a number of persons in the same village happened to die of the same fever and the people conjectured that the late patel’s corpse must be lying in its grave with its face downwards chewing the khahan (? perhaps kaphan, i.e. the cloth in which a corpse is wrapped). Many thought that the health of the village would not be restored until the corpse was replaced in the correct position with its face upwards and unless the kaphan was taken out of its mouth. But none ventured to do so, being dissuaded by the fear of meeting with a worse fate.

But although they did not open the grave yet they arranged for certain vows to be taken in honour of the dead man, and that put a stop to the disease.52

Another story from the same place is that when small-pox once raged furiously in that village, the people of the place celebrated a magnificent feast of dainties prepared of wheat-flour, ghi, molasses, rice and pulse, and afterwards the Dheds of the village lopped off the head of a dead he-buffalo, burying it at the spot where the feast was held.53

The remedies adopted for the abatement of epidemic diseases have already been mentioned above, the most common being the winding of a cotton-thread, the pouring out of dhārāvādi, i.e., milk, in the village, and the taking of the rath of the Mātā in a procession beyond the village boundary, the epidemic being supposed to be expelled in the rath. In the last case, after the rath has been taken to the neighbouring village, a charmed peg is sometimes driven into the ground near the village boundary to prevent the epidemic from crossing back again.54

Mention has already been made of the deities which protect the cattle and to whose displeasure diseases among cattle are attributed. It is said that such diseases are very common during the vishi of Shiva. A cycle of twenty years is called a vishi, three such cycles making a complete samvatsar of sixty years. Each of such vishis is presided over and named after each of the three gods of the Trinity, Brahmā, Vishnu and Shiva. The vishi of Brahmā is characterized by protection and creation, that of Vishnu by growth and that of Shiva by destruction, the last often bringing on such calamities as plague, famine and diseases among cattle.55

The following are some of the remedies practised by the village people in the case of certain cattle-diseases.

In the case of such diseases as movā kharavā or the like, there is a practice of burying a plough near one’s gates, which is afterwards covered with dust gathered from three streets and is worshiped with a branch of a tree, a plate of iron and red lead. This ceremony has to be performed either on a Sunday or a Tuesday, and the man who performs it has to remain naked at the time.56

For the cure of valo (a disease in which the throat is inflamed), pieces of the stalk of kukad-vel (a kind of creeper) are tied [95]round the neck or the horns of the diseased animal and no other food except ghi and molasses is allowed to it for two or three days. A handful of salt is sometimes thrown on the back of the animal.57 Sesamum oil is also said to work as a good medicine in the case of the same disease.58

Another remedy for the same disease is to pass a knotted bamboo stick with seven knots seven times over the back of the ailing animal.59

Ghi is sometimes used as a medicine in the case of small-pox. In the case of shakario or kālo vā, the animal is branded in the affected limbs. To one suffering from a stye in the eye an ointment prepared from the horn of a deer is applied, while a mixture of whey and salt is said to be useful in most eye maladies. The treatment for the swelling of the belly is a mixture of molasses, ajamo (ligusticum ajwaen) and sanchal (a kind of salt). To cure an animal of khāpari (a disease which affects milch-cattle), the milk of the affected animal is poured on rāfdā (a kind of jujube tree). If after delivery, some part of the embryo remains inside an animal, milk and molasses are given to expedite its removal.60

In the case of kharavā the ailing animal is made to move about in hot sand and is treated with salt, which is first fried on the fire of Holi. The remedy for the disease known as kumbhava is to give a dose of castor oil, sanchal, ajamo and hot water to the sick animal and also to tie a magic thread round its neck.61

A disease called okarinu (i.e., vomitting) sometimes breaks out among sheep. In this case the shepherds separate all the affected animals from the herd and remove them to a distance. All the sheep which die of the disease are buried deep in a pit, which is guarded for several days, lest some other animals dig it up and let lose the buried epidemic by exposing the carcasses. It is believed that the contagion of this disease lies in the ears; and the ears of all the sheep in the herd are carefully watched if they bleed.62

The twin gods Ashvini Kumār are sometimes propitiated by means of an anushthān (the performance of religious austerities in their honour) in order that they may put a stop to a disease among cattle.63

It appears that dancing often forms a part of the process of exorcism. Frequently dancing is accompanied by the beating of cymbals and drums and other loud noises. A mandalu is convened at the house of the person who is to be exorcised i.e., a number of bhuvās are invited to attend along with a number of low-caste drummers, and afterwards the ceremony of utār is gone through; the utār is then taken to a cemetery.64

Sometimes the beating of drums and cymbals is alone resorted to for expelling an evil spirit from the person of a patient. It is believed that this process is effectual in proportion to the degree of the intensity of the noise created.65 The patient is asked to sit facing the east. The Bāval or Vāghri i.e., the drummer, sits in front of him, and not only beats the drum as loudly as he can, but also sings hymns at the top of his voice in honour of his favourite goddess. In the meanwhile, the bhuvā, who is also in attendance, begins to be possessed, and discloses the fact by convulsive fits. After a while, the bhuvā suddenly stamps his foot furiously on the floor, and, seizing the patient by a lock of his hair, and perhaps even giving him a blow on the back, asks in a stern voice, “Who art thou? speak out at once why thou hast come or else I will burn thee to death.”66 [96]

The patient will then perhaps reply: ‘Don’t you know me? I am chāran’, or I am zāmhādi, (a female spirit guarding the village gates) or Vāgharan67 or Purvaj (the spirit of a deceased ancestor). Regarding the reason for possession, the evil spirit will give some such explanation as follows:—“Once upon a time the patient was taking a loaf and vegetables which he hid from me, and therefore I shall leave his person only with his life.” The bhuvā will then say “life is precious and not so cheap as you think. If you want anything else, say so and leave this person.” After a dialogue such as the above, the bhuvā and the spirit come to some compromise, and the bhuvā then leads a procession with the utār either to the village boundary or to a cemetery. The bhuvā then draws a circle on the ground with the point of a sword which he carries, and places the utār within the circle. He then slightly cuts the tip of his tongue with the edge of the sword, and spits blood into a fire lighted for the purpose. The smoke of this fire is supposed to carry the offering to the evil spirit. The utār is then taken away by the drummers, who share it secretly with the bhuvā. In the event of the patient deriving no benefit from this ceremony, the bhuvā advises the patient’s relatives to repeat the process.68

The following ceremony is sometimes performed in order to ascertain whether a person is under the influence of an evil spirit or not. A bhuvā is invited to the patient’s house in the company of drummers, and there he dances for some time amidst the din produced by the beating of the drums and by the loud recitation of hymns in honour of his favourite goddess. Afterwards a handful of grain is passed round the head of the patient and presented to the bhuvā for inspection. The bhuvā selects a few seeds from the grain and making certain gestures, offers them to the patient with either the words ‘vācho’ or ‘vadhāvo’. In case the bhuvā says ‘vācho’ and the number of seeds happens to be even, what he declared to be the cause of the patient’s trouble is believed to be true. So also if the bhuvā says vadhāvo and the number of seeds proves to be odd. But in case the number of seeds proves to be odd when the bhuvā says ‘vācho’, or even, when he says vadhāvo, then his explanation of the cause of the patient’s trouble is not credited.

Sometimes Brāhmans instead of bhuvās are engaged to exorcise an evil spirit from the body of a sick person. A bell-metal dish, containing adad (phaseolus radiatus), wheat and jowāri, is placed on a copper jar and struck violently with a stick, called velan, so as to produce a loud noise. The patient, who is made to sit in front, begins to tremble and sometimes even to rave. The Brāhmans also create a loud noise and in a loud voice ask the patient who the evil spirit is and what it wants. The patient will then give out the name of some notorious dākan (witch) or of one of his deceased ancestors and will add that he desires a certain thing which he was used to get while in human form. The evil spirit is then propitiated by offering the things asked for and is requested to leave the body of the patient.69

The following are other methods of expelling an evil spirit from the body:—

Either lobhān, i.e., incense powder, or chillies or even the excreta of dogs are burnt under the nose of the patient, who, overpowered by the unpleasant odour, is supposed to give out the name of the evil spirit and also what the latter wants.

Water is charmed with incantations, and is either dashed against the patient’s eyes or is given to him to drink.70

If the evil spirit possessing a patient is a purvaj, i.e., the spirit of a deceased ancestor, [97]either Nārāyan-bali Shrāddha or Nil-Parvani Shrāddha or Tripindi Shrāddha is performed in order to propitiate it, and a party of Brāhmans is invited to dinner. In case the purvaj is a female, a cocoanut is installed in a gokhalo (a niche) in the wall to represent it, ghi lamps are lighted, and frankincense is burnt every morning before it. On the anniversary of the death of the purvaj a party of gorānis (unwidowed women) is invited to dinner.71

If a woman is believed to be possessed by a dākan, she is made to hold a shoe in her teeth and is taken to the village boundary, where the shoe is dropped, and a circle is drawn round it with water from a bowl carried by the party. The holding of the shoe by the teeth signifies a vow on the part of the dākan never to re-enter the person of the exorcised woman.72

The following are other occasions for religious dancing, namely during the Nav-rātra holidays (i.e., the festival which commences from the 1st day of the bright half of Āshvin and lasts for nine days); at the time of offering oblations to the village-gods; on the occasion of setting up a pillar in memory of a deceased person; at the time of the Nilotsava73 ceremony.

At the time when Randal the wife of Surya is installed and worshipped, a party of young women dance in a circle before the goddess to the accompaniment of garabis.74

The eighth day of the bright half of Āshvin is dedicated to the worship of the Mātās and devis (minor goddesses), and on this day, bhuvās have to dance each before his favourite mātā. This they have also to do on the 1st day of the bright half of Āshādh. Bhuvās are also invited to dance on the Diwāsā day i.e., the last day of Āshādh.74

The bhuvā occupies a high place in the esteem of the village people, and commands much respect. In the first place, his position is that of a medium between the gods and goddesses on the one hand and human beings on the other.75 He is the interpreter of the will of the gods, which he expresses to the public when in a state of trance. Besides he is believed to have power over the evil spirits which are visible to a bhuvā though cannot be seen by ordinary eyes.76 He is the guardian of the village, his duty, being to protect the people from the malignant influence of the evil spirits.76

In the next place, it is also the office of the bhuvā to treat the sick. In cases when medicine is unavailing and where the malady is supposed to be the work of some evil spirit, the opinion of the bhuvā is sought by the relations of the patient and is given by the test of the scrutiny of grain.77 When the sick person is found to be under the influence of a spirit, the common mode of exorcising is to take an utār to the cemetery. An image of a human being is prepared out of the flour of adad (phaseolus radiatus) and is passed round the body of the sick person. The bhuvā then holds the image near his heart and stretches himself on a bier with the image on his bosom. In this condition the bhuvā is taken to the cemetery, and the evil spirit is believed to be driven by these means out of the patient’s body.78

The bhuvā distributes dorās (magic threads) and anklets among the people. Such things are coveted for their efficacy in warding off the influence of evil spirits and are often sought after by people for their cattle as well as for [98]themselves.79 The prosperity of the dānklān-vagādnārs (those who beat the drum) depends to a large extent on the success of the bhuvā’s business, and for this reason, the drummers are often very good advocates of the bhuvā and take every opportunity of glorifying his powers and merits.

The respect which a bhuvā commands in this way is sometimes increased by the performance of such tricks as his putting lighted torches into his mouth, placing his hand in boiling oil, and similar performances.

But although there may be some bhuvās who profit by imposing upon the credulity of the villagers, there are many bhuvās who do not work with the expectation of any reward, and are only actuated by benevolent motives. Many of them honestly believe that at the time when they are thrown into a state of trance, the mātās or deities actually enter their bodies and speak their wishes through them as a medium.

In some villages, the office of the bhuvā is hereditary, and lands have been assigned to them in remuneration for their duty80. In addition to this religious calling, a bhuvā often follows some other profession as that of agriculture, weaving or spinning.81

The bhuvā generally belongs to some low caste and may be a Koli, Bharvād, Rabāri, Vāghri or even a Chamār. The bhuvās are also known as pothiās. One good qualification for becoming a bhuvā is to possess the habit of throwing one’s self into convulsive fits followed by a state of trance, especially on hearing the beating of a dānklān (drum). At such a time the mātā or devi is supposed to possess the person of the bhuvā and to speak out her wishes on being questioned. Some bhuvās are regularly possessed by some devi or mātā on every Sunday or Tuesday.82

A typical bhuvā has a braid of hair on his head, puts one or more iron or copper anklets round his leg or elbow, and makes a mark with red lead on his forehead. A bhuvā attending upon the goddess Meldi is generally83 a Vāghri by caste and always wears dirty clothes. A Bharvād bhuvā has generally a silver anklet round his waist. A bhuvā has to observe a fast on all the nine days of the Nav-rātras. If a bhuvā happens to come across another bhuvā in convulsive fits or in a trance, he must need go into fits as well.

Generally speaking every bhuvā keeps an image of his favourite mātā in or near his own dwelling. Generally he erects a hut for the purpose and hoists a flag upon it. Near the image are placed a number of conch-shells and stones and brooms of peacock feathers. The deity is not systematically worshipped every day but receives adoration every Sunday and Tuesday. Sometimes the bhuvā has a disciple—a sevaka—who does the duty of dashing bell-metal cymbals at the time when the bhuvā throws himself in a trance.84

When a new bhuvā is to be initiated into the profession, he is made to sit before an image of the mātā, where he goes into convulsive fits while the dānklān vagādnārs beat the drums and loudly recite hymns in honour of the deity. Afterwards he is taken to a cemetery accompanied by the drummers and an expert bhuvā, where the latter marks out a square on the ground with the edge of a sword. The novice is asked to lie prostrate within the area thus marked out and to get up and lie again, doing the same four times, each time with his head towards each of the four quarters. The bhuvā who initiates the novice and who is thenceforth considered to be the guru or preceptor of the latter, ties a rākhadi (a piece of silk thread) round the elbow of the pupil.85 [99]

Every bhuvā is required to propitiate his favourite goddess every third year, the ceremony which is then performed being called Khad-Khadya-besādvi. This is performed either during the Nav-rātra holidays or during the bright half of either the month of Māgh or Chaitra. All the bhuvās in the village are invited on the occasion, when there is gānjā-smoking or bhāng-drinking, partly at night. After the supper which follows this party, all the bhuvās gather together and go into convulsive fits till they are almost suffocated. Cocoanuts are then dedicated and cracked before the mātā, and the kernel is distributed among those present. The party then break up.86

It is believed by some people that the spirit of a Muhammadan saint, living or dead, dwells in such trees as the Khijado, i.e., Shami (Prosopis spicigera) and Bāval, i.e., Bābhul (Acacia arabica). It is known by the name of chitharia that is, the ragged Pir. It is a common belief that if a mother fails to offer a rag or a piece of cloth to such a holy tree while passing by it, her children run the risk of falling ill. Women and ignorant people, therefore, make a point of offering rags to such trees whenever they happen to pass by them.87

According to another belief, travellers, in order to accomplish their journey safely, offer rags to such of the Khijado, Bāval or Limdo (Nim) trees as are reputed to be the residences of spirits, if they happen to be on their road.88

Some believe that both male and female spirits reside in the Khijado, Bāval and Kerado trees, and throw rags over them with the object of preventing passers by from cutting or removing the trees. Some pile stones round their stems and draw tridents over them with red lead and oil. If superstitious people come across such trees, they throw pieces of stones on the piles, believing them to be holy places, and think that by doing so they attain the merit of building a temple or shrine. A belief runs that this pile should grow larger and larger day by day, and not be diminished. If the base of such a tree is not marked by a pile of stones, rags only are offered; and if rags are not available, the devotee tears off a piece of his garment, however costly it may be, and dedicates it to the tree.89

Once, a child saw its mother offering a rag to such a tree, and asked her the reason of the offering. The mother replied that her brother, that is the child’s maternal uncle, dwelt in the tree. Hence a belief arose that a chithario (ragged) uncle dwells in such trees. Others assert that the chithario pir dwells in such trees, and they propitiate him by offering cocoanuts and burning frankincense before it.89

There is a Khijado tree near Sultānpur which is believed to be the residence of a demon māmo. This demon is propitiated by the offerings of rags.

Some declare that travellers fix rags of worn out clothes to the trees mentioned above in order that they may not be attacked by the evil spirits residing in them. Another belief is that the spirits of deceased ancestors residing in such trees get absolution through this form of devotion. It is also believed that a goddess called chitharia devi resides in such trees, and being pleased with these offerings, blesses childless females with children, and cures persons suffering from itch of their disease. There is a further belief that ragged travellers, by offering pieces of their clothes to the Khijado, Bāval or Kerado trees, are blessed in return with good clothes.

Some believe that Hanumān, the lord of spirits, resides in certain trees. They call him chithario or ragged Hanumān. All passers by offer rags to the trees inhabited by [100]him. There is such a tree near the station of Shiroi. There is a tamarind tree on the road from Tamnagar to Khantalia which is believed to be the residence of chithario Hanumān and receives similar offerings. Another tamarind tree of this description is near Marad and there is a Khijado tree on the road between Kālāvad and Vāvadi which is similarly treated.90

It is related by some people that in deserts trees are rare and the summer heat is oppressive. To the travellers passing through such deserts, the only place of rest is in the shadow of a solitary tree that is to be met occasionally. In order that no harm be done to such trees, some people have given currency to the belief that a spirit called māmo dwells in such trees and expects the offering of a rag and a pice at the hands of every passer by.90

Some are of opinion that the bhuvās, in order to raise money from the credulous by terrifying them, daub a tree within the limits of each village with the form of a trident, and fix rags to it, stating that it is the abode of a māmo or a pir. At times they ask their clients to offer certain things to such trees, which they appropriate to themselves.91

There is also a belief, that the holy trees that receive offerings of rags from travellers, are the abodes of gods or evil spirits, and are distinguished from other trees of the same species by the epithet of chithario. Some people hoist flags on such trees instead of offering rags.

In some places, the Borādi (jujube), Pipal, Vad (banyan) and the sweet basil receive offerings of a pice and a betelnut from travellers, while the Khijado and Bāval are given rags.92

It is stated by some people that the belief in chithario pir has grown during the last four hundred years.

Rags are never offered to wells, but it is common to offer them copper coins and betelnuts. Sometimes flags are hoisted near holy wells in honour of the water-goddess Jaldevki. Travellers hoist flags on certain wells and throw copper coins into them in the course of their journey. The origin of this offering is said to be in the desire of travellers to prevent people from committing a nuisance near wells.

Some wells are noted as being the abode of spirits who have the power of effecting certain cures. It is customary to throw a pice in such wells. When a person is bitten by a rabid dog, he goes to a well inhabited by a vāchharo, the spirit who cures hydrophobia, with two earthen cups filled with milk, with a pice in each, and empties the contents into the water.

It is a belief among Hindus that to give alms in secret confers a great merit on the donor. Some of the orthodox people, therefore, throw pice into wells, considering it to be a kind of secret charity.

The belief in the practices adopted for transferring disease from one person to another obtains mostly among women, who have recourse to such practices for curing their children.

One of such practices is to lay a suffering child in the cradle of a healthy child. This act is believed to result in transferring the disease of the ailing child to the healthy child. Another practice is that the mother of the sickly child should touch the mother of a healthy child with the object of transferring the disease of her child to the child of the latter. Some believe that the mere contact of an ailing child with a healthy child is sufficient to transfer the malady of the former to the person of the latter. Others maintain that this can be brought about by a mother either by touching the cradle of another [101]child or by touching the person of another woman. There are others, who hold that the disease of a sickly child can be transferred to another child by feeding the latter with the leavings of the former. There is a further belief that a mother can transfer the disease of her suffering child to the child of another woman by applying the end of her robe to the end of the robe of the latter. In some places, when a child begins to weaken, its mother makes an idol of cow or buffalo dung, and keeps it fixed to a wall of the house, in the belief that the child will be cured slowly as the idol dries. It is stated that instances are actually known of the recovery of children by this process. These methods of transferring disease are called tuchakās i.e. mystic methods. As a rule superstitious women practise them on Sundays or Tuesdays, as it is believed, that to be efficacious, they must be practised on these days.

In addition to the tuchakās above stated the utārs, dorās, etc., already described, are used for curing diseases.

Some diseases are attributed to vir possession. Virs are male spirits fifty two in number. The bhuvās or exorcists are believed to have control over them, and are supposed to be able to detect an illness caused by possession by a vir. In such cases, the bhuvās drive away the evil spirits from the patients by magic incantations, or transfer them to others by waving a certain number of grain seeds round the head of the patient. By another process the bhuvās can confine the evil spirit in a glass bottle, which is buried underground.

In order to eradicate a dangerous disease, an utār is frequently offered to a dog, in the belief that by eating the utār the disease is transferred to the dog.

In some places, diseases of long standing due to spirit possession are cured by employing a bhuvā, (exorcist), who, accompanied by others of his order, goes to the patient’s house, makes a bamboo bier, waves an utār round the patient’s head, and lays himself on the bier with the utār by his side. The bier is carried to the burning ground by four persons to the accompaniment of the beatings of drums, followed by the exorcists, who throw bāklāns (round flat cakes of juvāri flour) into the air as the procession moves on. When the party reach the burning ground, the bier is put down, and the bhuvā, shaking violently, offers the utār to a spirit of the place. He then prostrates himself four times with his face turned towards the four directions and drives a nail into the ground at each turn. Next, the bhuvā lets loose a goat or a ram, to which the vir in the body of the patient is supposed to be transferred. It is said that the performance of this rite relieves the patient’s mind of anxiety regarding the cause of his disease, and he thereafter shows signs of improvement.93

When a man is suffering from ānjani (a sore or mole on the eye-lid) he goes to another person’s house and strikes earthen vessels against his door saying “I have shaken the vessels. May the ānjani be with me to-day and with you tomorrow”. It is also stated that such a patient goes to the house of a man who has two wives while the latter are asleep, and taps his door uttering the words “Anjani ghar bhāngani āj mane ane kal tane” i.e., “May ānjani, the breaker of the house, be to-day with me and tomorrow with thee.” This process is believed to transfer the disease from the person of the patient to that of the husband of the two wives.

A common method for transferring disease is to wave water round a sick person and give it to another to drink. Similarly, a goblet filled with water is passed round a patient’s head and offered to a bhuvā, who drinks off the contents.

A belief prevails all over Gujarāt that a disease can be passed from one species of [102]animals to another, and various practices are adopted to effect this. Generally a bhuvā or exorcist arranges the transfer. The bhuvā, accompanied by a troupe of dancers and drummers, visits the house of the sick person and, after examining corn seeds dānās which have been waved round the patient’s head on a night preceding a Sunday or Tuesday, declares that the evil spirit possessing the patient requires a living victim. A cock, goat or a male buffalo is then brought as a substitute for the patient, is waved round him, the tip of its right ear is cut off, and it is offered to the mātā or goddess, that is, it is released to stray as it pleases. These goats, etc., are called mātā’s goats, mātā’s cocks, or mātā’s male buffaloes, and are seen wandering about in many villages. Sometimes the goat, etc., is killed before the image of the mātā and the bhuvā dipping the palms of his hands into its blood, presses them against the doors of every house in the village. In the case of an outbreak of epidemic, the victim is set at liberty beyond the limits of the village affected. It is believed by some people that the animal to which a disease is conveyed in the above manner, dies of its effects.94

In some places the patient is supposed to be possessed by a goddess instead of by an evil spirit. A goat, cock or a male buffalo is offered to the goddess in the same way as to an evil spirit.

In some villages, when there is an outbreak of a serious epidemic, it is customary to drive a buffalo beyond the village boundary, with the disease on his back. The back of the buffalo which is chosen for this purpose is marked with a trident in red lead and covered with a piece of black cloth, on which are laid a few grains of adad and an iron nail. Thus decorated, the buffalo is driven beyond the limits of the village. It is believed that an animal driven in this way carries the disease wherever it goes.

Very often, the beast to which a disease is transferred is kept tied to a post all its life, with the belief that by so doing the disease remains enchained. Jain teachers confine a disease in a bottle and bury it underground. Sometimes, a disease is passed on to a crow, whose legs are tied to a pillar, thus making it a life-long prisoner.

Once upon a time, when there was an outbreak of cholera in a certain village, a bāvā (recluse) happened to arrive on the scene. He caught two rams, made them move in a circle, and left them in the burning ground, where they died, the epidemic disappearing with their death. Hence a belief gained ground that an epidemic of cholera can be expelled by passing it on to two rams or goats.95

It is related that, at Gondal, a case of cholera was cured by a Bhangi (sweeper) by waving a cock round the patient’s head.96

A few years ago there lived in Khākhi Jalia, a village in the vicinity of Kolki, a Khākhi (recluse) named Nārandās, who, when laid up with fever, passed on the disease to his blanket, and after a time drew it back to his own person. [103]

The spirits of a deceased father, grand father, great grand father, and of a mother, grand mother, and great grand mother, i.e., all the male and female ascendants up to the third degree, receive systematic worship when the Shrāddha or funeral ceremonies are performed either on the anniversary of the death of any of them or on the day when the Nārāyan bali is performed in such holy places as Gayā, Siddhapur or Prabhās Pātan. The spirits of those who meet heroic deaths on fields of battle are called Suropuros, and pillars are erected in their memory on the spot where they breathed their last. They receive only occasional worship.1

The purvajas or spirits of deceased ancestors receive worship on the thirteenth or fourteenth day of the dark half of Shrāvan (the tenth month of the Gujarāt Hindu year), on the fourteenth of the dark half of Ashvin, on the death anniversaries and on days on which the Shrāddhas, tripindis or nil parnāvavi ceremonies are performed. On these occasions, the pitriyas (deceased ancestors) are represented by twisted braids of the durvā grass (cynodon dactylon).2

Purvajas or ancestral spirits descend to the level of ghosts when they are strongly attached to worldly objects. Such spirits often possess the bodies of their descendants, though the necessary Shrāddhas are performed for their release. The 13th, 14th and 15th days of the bright half of the months of Kārtik and Chaitra are the special days for propitiation of departed spirits by their relatives either at home or in holy places, while the whole of the dark half of the month of Bhādarvā is devoted to this purpose.3 During this fortnight, shrāddha is performed in honour of the deceased on the day corresponding to the day of his death, when Brāhmans are feasted. Thus, a person dying on the 5th day of Kārtik has his shrāddha performed on the 5th day of the sharādian. On this occasion, water is poured at the root of the Pipal, tarpan or offerings of water are made, and pinds or balls of rice are offered to the deceased.

Of all the days of the sharādian the 13th, 14th and 15th are considered to be of special importance.

The death anniversary of a pitriya is called samvatsari, valgo samachari or chhamachhari, when a shrāddha is performed and Brāhmans are feasted.

The pitriyas are also worshipped on auspicious occasions such as marriages, by the performance of a shrāddha called nāndi, when pinds (balls) of molasses are offered instead of rice. It is considered an act of merit to perform shrāddha in honour of the pitriyas on the banks of a river or tank at midday on the 8th day of the dark half of a month.

From the 13th to the 15th day of the dark half of Shrāvan, after their morning ablutions, orthodox people pour water over the Pipal, the Bābul, the Ber (Zizyphus jujube) and durvā grass, and on those places where cows are known to congregate, in the belief that by so doing the thirst of the spirits of the deceased is quenched. It is also believed that if feasts are given to the relatives of the deceased and to Brāhmans the pitriyas are satisfied.

According to some, the Sharādian lasts from the full-moon day of the month of [104]Bhādarvā to the new-moon day of the same month, that is for a period of sixteen days. The Shrāddhas of those who die on the Punema or full-moon day of a month are performed on the full-moon day of Bhādarvā, and the Shrāddhas of those who die on the new-moon day amavasia of a month are performed on the amavasia of Bhādarvā. The 13th day of the dark half of Bhādarvā is called bālā terash that is children’s thirteenth. This day is specially devoted to the propitiation of the spirits of children.4

On the Shrāddha days Brāhmans and relatives of the deceased are feasted, and oblations called Vāsh, consisting of rice and sweets, are offered to crows.

On Āsho Vad fourteenth, that is, the fourteenth of the dark half of Āsho, it is customary to apply red lead to the pillars erected in honour of men that die heroic or noble deaths on fields of battle, to break cocoanuts before them, to light lamps fed with ghi and to offer cooked food to their spirits.5

The spirits of those who die with strong attachment to the objects of this world are said to enter the state known as asur gati or the path of demons. In this condition the spirit of the deceased possesses the person of one of his relatives and torments the family in which he lived. The members of the family, when worried by his persecutions, engage the services of a bhuvā or exorcist, who sets up a wooden image of the tormenting spirit in a niche in a wall of the house. A lamp fed with ghi is lighted daily before this image, and in times of trouble, a cocoanut is offered to it in the belief that the spirit can protect the offerers from injuries.

The pitriyas or ancestral spirits are propitiated by pouring water over the Bordi (jujube), the Tulsi (sweet basil), the Vad (banyan), the Pipal or durvā grass (cynodon dactylon) on the 13th, 14th and 15th days of the bright half of Chaitra and on the same days of the dark half of Kārtik and Shrāvan. On Vaishākh Shud Trij, that is, on the third of the bright half of Vaishākh, which is called Akhā Trij, women offer to Brāhmans two earthen jars filled with water and covered with an earthen cup containing a betelnut, a pice and a pān or betel leaf, for the propitiation of the spirits of their deceased ancestors.6

For the propitiation of a male spirit a party of Brāhmans is feasted, and for the propitiation of a female spirit three unwidowed married women.7

Rajputs, Bharvāds, Ahirs and Kolis set up either a pile of stones or a single stone on the boundary of their village in honour of those among them who die on battle fields. These piles or stones are called Pālios. On the Pālios are placed engraved images to represent the deceased in whose memory the Pālios are erected. Small pillars are also raised in the localities where such persons met their death. On the Kāli Chaudas or black fourteenth, that is the fourteenth day of the dark half of Āsho, the Pālios are daubed with red lead and worshipped with offerings of cocoanuts. Women who have become sati receive worship and offerings on the Hindu new year’s day.8

Spiritual guides such as Shankarāchārya, Vallabāchārya, the mahārājas or spiritual heads of the sect called Swāminārāyan, Lālo Bhagat and Talo Bhagat are worshipped by their devotees with offerings of food, garments and cash. In this Kali Yuga or iron age, men who are really great are rare, and even if there be some, they are invisible to the faulty vision of the present day degraded mortals. A few come into contact with such holy men by virtue of the good deeds performed by them in their past lives. These are said to attain paradise by this satsang9 (contact with the righteous). [105]

Holy men receive personal worship during their life-time. After they are dead, their relics, such as impressions of their footsteps, their photos or busts are worshipped with offerings of sandal paste, flowers, red powder, frankincense, lamps fed with ghi and ārati (swingings of lamps).10

Every sect of Hindus has a Mahārāja or spiritual head, and it is considered meritorious to entertain and worship him on certain special occasions. The Mahārāja or Guru is received with great éclat. His followers form a procession and carry him in a palanquin or a carriage and pair accompanied with music. At the house of the person who invites him, the floor is covered with rich cloth, over which the Mahārāja is led to a raised seat specially arranged for the purpose. He is then worshipped by the host with the same details as the image of a god. His feet are washed by panchāmrita (five nectars), that is a mixture of ghi, milk, honey, sugar and water, which is sipped by the worshipper and distributed among the followers of the Mahārāja. Very often the feet of the Mahārāja are washed in water, which is considered as purifying as the panchāmrita. Great festivity and rejoicings are observed on this day at the house of the Mahārāja’s host, where crowds of the Mahārāja’s followers assemble eager for a sight of him. After spending about half an hour in the house, the Mahārāja departs, first receiving valuable presents from the host.

Spiritual guides who claim the power of working miracles are held in high esteem by the people. Some of these guides are said to have control over spiritual beings or to possess their favour. These spirits are supposed to endow them with the power of preparing mystic threads, which, when worn round the waist, neck or arm, cure various diseases.

In the Kadavāsan woods, near the village of Daldi, there lives a bāvā called Bhimputi, who is believed to possess miraculous powers. He surprises visitors by his wonderful feats and commands vows from the afflicted by mitigating their sufferings. Every day, before breakfast, the bāvā visits seven villages to collect sugar and flour, which he throws in handfuls over every anthill which he meets on his way. This act of charity has established him as a saint, and most of his prophecies are believed to be fulfilled.

A Musalmān named Muhammad Chhail is held in great respect by the people on account of his great magical powers. He is believed to be in the good graces of a Pir, who has endowed him with the power of commanding material objects to come to him from long distances, and of breaking them and making them whole again.11

Great men of antiquity often command worship as gods. A fast is observed by Hindus on the 9th day of the bright half of Chaitra, the birth day of Rāma, whose birth anniversary is celebrated at noon on that day in his temple. On this occasion, all visitors to the temple offer a pice or two to his image and receive his Prasād, that is, consecrated food, which consists of a mixture of curdled milk and sugar. The birth of Krishna is celebrated at mid-night on the eighth day of the dark half of Shrāvan, when people keep awake for the whole of the night.

The Jains observe a fast for seven days from Shrāvan Vad Bāras, that is the 12th day of the dark half of Shrāvan, to the 5th day of the bright half of Bhādarvā, in honour of Mahāvir Swāmi, one of their spiritual teachers, who is believed to have been born on the 2nd day of the bright half of Bhādarvā. This period is known as the Pajusan, during which the Jains cause the [106]slaughter-houses and fish markets to be closed and give alms to the poor.12

A century ago there lived at Nalkanthā a sage named Bhānsāb. He met a holy death by deep meditations, and a few days after rose up from his grave in his original form. This led him to be classed in the category of great men and to command divine worship.13

Vithal, a sage of the Kāthi tribe, is revered in Pāliād. Sāvo, a devotee at Zanzarkā, is worshipped by Dheds. Fehalā, a Rajput and Tolat his wife, are enshrined at Anjār, a village in Cutch. Lālo, a Baniā devotee of Sindhāvār, received divine honours in his life-time and his image in Sāyalā is held in great reverence to this day. The samādh of Mādhvagar, an atit of Vastadi, situated in Unchadi a village in the Dhandhuka taluka in Ahmedābād, is an object of worship. Harikrishna Mahārāja, a Brāhman saint of Chudā, received divine honours at Chudā and the Charotar.14

If the souls of the departed ones are condemned to become ghosts, shrāddha ceremonies performed by their descendants are said to be efficacious in freeing them from their ghostly existence and relegating them to some other form of life.

The lives of bhuts and pishāchas, male and female ghosts, are said to extend over a thousand years.15 Shrāddhas, such as the samāchari i.e., the death anniversary and Nārāyanbali i.e., a shrāddha performed in a holy place, emancipate the ghostly spirits from their wretched existence and make them eligible for birth in a better form.16 Some believe that at the end of their ghostly existence (a thousand years) they take birth in the animal kingdom in the mortal world.17

The soul is not said to have finally perished unless it merges into the divine self and attains moksha or salvation. The passions and desires of a dying man do not permit his soul ascending beyond a certain stage, where he or she remains as a ghost until the soul is purged of all his or her desires and sins by the performance of funeral ceremonies. For relieving ancestral spirits from the low order of bhuts and pishāchas, shrāddhas are performed by their surviving relatives in such holy places as Prabhās, Gayā and Pindtārak. These ceremonies are known as Nārāyanbali, Nilotsarga and saptāha-pārāyan (recitation of a sacred book for seven consecutive days).18

Those persons who die with wicked thoughts still present and their desires not fulfilled, enter the order of evil spirits, from which they are liberated after their desires have been satisfied and their wicked thoughts eliminated.19

Bhuts and pishāchas—ghosts, male and female—can be prevented from doing harm by recourse to certain processes. For instance, the wife of a Nāgar of Gadhadā became a witch after her death and began to torment the second wife of her husband by throwing her out of bed whenever she was asleep. To prevent this, the husband took a vow to perform a shrāddha at Sidhpur in the name of the deceased wife, after the performance of which the ghostly presence stopped harassing the new wife of her husband.20

Bhuts and pishāchas are believed by some people to be immortal, because they are supposed to belong to the order of demi-gods. In the Amarkosha—the well-known Sanskrit lexicon—they are classed with divinities, such [107]as guhyaks, and sidhas. The bhut is defined as a deity that troubles infants and the pishācha as a deity that lives on flesh. Bhuts and pishāchas are the ganas or attendants of Shiva, one of the gods of the Hindu Trinity. They are supposed to be upadevas or demi-gods.

Preta is the spirit of a person that dies a sudden or unnatural death with many of his desires unfulfilled. His soul attains emancipation by the performance of a saptāh, that is a recitation of the Bhāgvat on seven consecutive days. It is described in the Bhāgvat that Dhundhumari, the brother of Gokarn, who had become a preta, was released from his preta existence by the performance of a saptāh which his brother caused to be made. The Garudpurān mentions that King Babruvāhan emancipated a preta by the performance of a shrāddha. The mukti or salvation of a preta is in itself its death. This would prove pretas to be mortal.21

The span of life of the bhuts and pretas is very long, but those whose descendants offer them the usual oblations gain their emancipation sooner. There is a kund or spring called Zilānand in the vicinity of Jhinjhuvādā, on the banks of which is a temple of Zilakeshwar Mahādev. The performance of the pitri shrāddha by the side of this spring is believed to expedite the emancipation of the spirits of the deceased from ghostly life. Every year, on the Bhādarvā amāvāsya, that is, the new moon day of the month Bhādarvā, a great fair is held on this spot, when people from long distances visit the place to get their relatives exorcised by the bhuvās or exorcists.

It is believed, that though bhuts, pretas and pishāchas are immortal, they are scared away by the sound of a European band and of other musical instruments.22 It is said that all drums and other weird instruments whether European or Indian, have the power of scaring away evil spirits.

An evil spirit called Bābaro had entered the person of the uncle of Māldev the king of Jhālāvād much to the king’s annoyance. Māldev offered a stubborn fight to Bābaro, who, unable to cope with Māldev, promised to extend his kingdom over those villages in which he would hang up bunting in one night. It is said that the present extent of the Jāhlwād territories was due to king Māldev’s enterprise in hanging up bunting over these territories as asked by Bābaro.23

Though at the time of a man’s death the faculties may hardly be sound, yet the vārsanā—the impressions—left on his mind by his past actions are in themselves good or bad enough to impress him so as to make his departing spirit assume a new form of life in keeping with them. For instance, a man following a particular profession becomes subject to dreams bearing on that profession. When the impression created by his actions in daily life is so deep as to induce dreams, his mind, even after death, leaves to his departing soul an inclination to be engaged in the subject of his mind’s last activities. This is vāsanā.24

It is a popular saying among Hindus that children inherit the nature of their parents. It is for this reason that high caste Hindus do not utter the names of their eldest sons. There is a further belief that the Pitriyas departed from the world with certain desires unfulfilled reappear as descendants of their children to have these desires satisfied.25

As the saying goes Pitā putrena jāyate, that is a father is born in the form of the [108]son, so the Pitriyas are born as descendants of their children, or according to the Bija vrikshanyāya, as a tree springs from its seed, that is, its offerings, so parents take birth as children of their offspring.26

The Pitriyas, whose attachment to their children or family or wealth does not die with them, reappear in the same family as descendants. It is also believed that persons dying with debts unpaid with the consciousness that they must be paid, are reborn in this world for the discharge of their obligations.27

It is not always that the Purvajas reappear in the same family. It is said about the departed spirits, that after undergoing punishment for their sins and enjoying the fruits of their good actions, they come down on earth again as drops of rain, and forming part of the grain which grows on rain water make their way into the wombs of animals and are thus reborn.28

On account of the community of their feelings, habits and ideas in previous births, members of different families form different groups. The actions performed in this life keep them bound to one another either as recipients of the return of the obligations given in the past or as givers of fresh obligations. The members of a family stand thus to one another in the relation of debtors and creditors. It is for the discharge of these debts and recovery of dues that several individuals are united in a family. This naturally leads to the members of a family taking birth again in the same family for the proper discharge of debts.

A virtuous child is declared to have been born to return the debts contracted in its past lives, and a vicious one to recover the dues.29

When an atit or holy man or a recluse dies, his body is interred, and a platform rising waist high from the ground, or a small dome-shaped temple, is built over the spot. This is called a samādh. An image of the god Shiva is generally installed in the samādh; but sometimes pādukās i.e. the impressions on stone of the footsteps of the deceased, are installed instead. Instances of the latter are the pādukās of Dattātraya, Gorakha and Machchendra Nāth.

Both the Samādh and the image of the god Shiva as well as the pādukās installed therein, are worshipped by the people, who, in course of time, give currency to the belief that the Samādh possesses certain miraculous powers, such as curing long-standing diseases, blessing barren women with children, etc. Offerings are made to the Samādh by pious persons and festivals or fairs are held in its honour by the inhabitants of the village in which the Samādh is located.30

Kabars or tombs raised over the graves of Mahomedan saints or Pirs are held in equal reverence both by Mahomedans and Hindus. To these offerings are made, and fairs are held in their honour.

Some Samādhs and Kabars noted for miraculous powers are given below.

1. Gorakhnāth:—The Samādh of Gorakhnāth lies on Mount Girnār. It is said that when the word Salām is shouted by any one standing on the brink of the hollow wherein the Samādh is said to be, the word “Aleka, Aleka, Aleka” is heard in response.31

2. Kevaldās:—The Samādh of Kevaldās stands in Susavāv. It is told that, on one occasion, when a festival was being celebrated in honour of the Bāvā Kevaldās, a nimb tree (Azadirachta Indica) overhanging the Samādh was transformed into a mitho Limbdo (Ailantas excelsa).

3. The Samādh at Kāngā:—In the religious house at Kāngā, a village in the Junāgadh State, there lived a bāvā given to [109]religious austerities. It is said that he took Samādh32 during life. This Samādh is said to work miracles at times.

4. Similarly, a bāvā in the religious house at Navānagar called Shāradā Matha has taken a Samādh during life, and his remains and the structure over them have become an object of worship.

5. The Samādh of Lālā bhakta:—Lālā bhakta was a native of Sāyolā. He was famous for his piety, and after his death his Samādh was deified. It is said in reference to this Samādh that a meal of dainty dishes prepared for five or six persons by its side, would satisfy the hunger of a company of fifty, if one happened to arrive there at the time of serving the meal33.

6. Dātār34 Pir:—The tomb of this Pir is situated on Mount Girnār. Almost all people in Kāthiāwār and many from Gujarāt offer vows to this Pir.35

This Pir is also known by the name of Kālā Yavan.36 It is believed that he has the power of releasing the chain bonds of a person falsely accused with an offence provided he approaches the Pir in chains. The sanctity of this Pir is so great that vows in his honour secure to persons desiring male heirs the birth of sons.37

7. Asāmi Pir:—The tomb of this Pir is in Lunār. He is believed to ensure the fulfilment of certain vows made by those who have faith in him.38

8. Devalshā Pir:—The tomb of this Pir is situated at Amarān about seven miles from Todia. Many Hindus perform the first hair-cutting ceremony of their children at the shrine of this Pir with an offering of a sweet preparation of ghi, sugar or molasses, and wheat flour. The Muhammadans distribute cooked rice among the Fakirs about this shrine.

A tradition runs that, once seven eunuchs defied the power of this Pir saying that they would put no faith in him unless they conceived sons. This they did, and when in terror regarding their approaching confinement, they were told that the children would have to be taken out by cutting their bodies open. The tombs of these seven eunuchs and their sons still stand near the tomb of Devalshā to bear testimony to his glory and miraculous power.39

9. The Kabar of Hāji Karmāni:—Is situated at Dwārkān and is much respected by both Hindus and Muhammadans.40

10. The tombs of Jesal and Toral:—These are said to be the tombs of a husband and wife of the names of Jesal and Toral. They are situated in Anjār, a village in Cutch. It is said that originally these tombs were at the distance of twenty-seven feet from one another, but now the distance between them is only 7½ feet. A belief is current that the day of judgment will come when these two tombs meet.41

11. Hāj Pir and Gebānshā Pir:—The tombs of these Pirs are at Mendardā. Vows are offered to the Hāj Pir (Pilgrims saint) with the object of securing a good rainfall after an unusual drought, also for the restoration of stolen property. Vows to the Gebānshā Pir are believed to be efficacious in curing foot diseases of cattle and skin diseases of children.42 [110]

12. Panch or Five Pirs:—The tombs of these Pirs are situated in Dahurā, each of them measuring about twenty-seven feet. A miracle is attributed to these tombs in the phenomenon that they can never be accurately measured, each attempt at measurement giving a different result. Women whose sons die in infancy make vows in honour of the Panch Pirs, and take them to their tombs on their attaining a certain age, where they observe fakiri43 for ten days.44

13. Aulia Pir45:—The tomb of this Pir lies on Mount Girnār. It is believed to possess the miraculous power of stopping the career of galloping horses and bringing them to the ground, and of stupefying the senses of a person who enters the shrine.46

14. Miran Dātār:—The celebrated tomb of this Pir is in the village of Unjhā near Baroda, where a fair is held every Friday in Shrāvan. Persons possessed by evil spirits are said to be cured by visiting this tomb and offering an image of a horse stuffed with cotton, and a cocoanut. People from all parts of Gujarāt and from distant places suffering from physical infirmities, observe vows in honour of this Pir. Some wear iron wristlets round their wrists in his honour.47

15. Pir Māhābali:—The tomb of this Pir is situated at Gotarkā near Rādhanpur. Every year a fair is held in honour of this tomb, when the chief Pujāri of the shrine of Varalu goes there, holding in one hand a bayonet with its point touching his breast, and in the other, a cocoanut. It is said that when the Pujāri reaches the third step leading to the entrance of the shrine, the locked doors of the shrine fly open, and the Pujāri throws the cocoanut into the shrine. If the shrine gates do not open of themselves on his approach, the Pujāri has to stab himself to death then and there.48

16. Kalu Pir:—It is said that this Pir leads a procession every night, when monstrous kettle-drums are beaten by his phantom followers. On every Friday this procession goes on its rounds, which cover a large area.49

Other tombs noted for miraculous powers are those of Gebalshā Pir in Charādwa, of Dariā Pir in Morvi, of Hajarat Pir in Baghdād and of Khojā Pir in Ajmere.50

The followers of the tenets of Swāmi-nārāyān, Vallabhāchārya, Kabir, Shankarāchārya, Rāmānuja, Madhwāchārya, Nimbārk and Talo Bhagat look upon these personages as gods, and worship their images.51

Some of the spiritual teachers mentioned above maintained large establishments and made their supremacy hereditary. Their representatives (that is either their heirs or disciples) are looked upon as the embodiments of the same virtues as were concentrated in the founders of the sects. The great teachers are worshipped either in the form of their footprints, their images or their representatives.52

The worship of the following Muhammadan Pirs has been adopted by Hindus:—

(1) Dātār Pir in Junāgadh.

(2) Dātār in Rātaiya near Khirāsara.

(3) Gobalsha Pir:—This Pir is noted for curing boils. [111]

(4) Tāg Pir or the live saint near Bhāyāvadar:—This Pir is believed to have the power of curing enlargement of the spleen. Persons suffering from this disease go to his shrine and distribute dry dates among children. This is supposed to propitiate him and to effect the cure.53

(5) Miran Dātār:—The miraculous and curative powers of this Pir are so potent that blind persons are known to have their eye-sight restored and childless persons to have their longings for children satisfied through his favour. Persons possessed by evil spirits are exorcised by merely wearing a ring in his name.54

The shrine of this Pir is situated in the village of Unāva in the Gāikwār’s territory in North Gujarāt. His Highness the late Gāikwār Khanderāo has fixed solid silver railings round the shrine of this Pir in gratitude for a cure effected by him.

(6) Rāmde Pir:—This Pir has obtained the epithet of Hindva Pir as he is worshipped mostly by the Hindus. He has worshippers in many places, where shrines are erected in his honour and verses and hymns composed and sung in his praise.55 He is evidently, as his name suggests, one of the first Khoja missionaries who practised teachings more Hindu than Musalmān in order to secure a following among the Hindus.

(7) Hāji Karmāni near Dvārikhān.

(8) The Dāvalsha Pir near Amarān.

(9) The Lakad Pir and the Hussein Pir in the vicinity of Ganod.

(10) Mahābali Dāda Pir:—This Pir is to be found close to the village of Varai. Milk offered to him in his shrine in indās (egg-shaped pots) is said to remain fresh for a year. Similarly, the doors of his shrine open of themselves after the lapse of a year.

(11) Mangalio Pir:—This Pir is worshipped at Dadvi.

(12) Moto Pir:—Is worshipped at Khandorana.

(13) Hindva Pir:—This is the Pir of the Khojās in Pirāna near Ahmedābād. He is so called because he is worshipped by the Hindus also.

(14) Bhadiādaro Pir:—Is in the village of Bhādia near Dhorāli.

(15) Ingārāsha Pir and Bālamsha Pir.

(16) Tamialsha and Kāsamsha Pir:—The shrines of these Pirs are on the Girnār hill.56

(17) Ganj Pir:—The shrine of this Pir is near Todia. Vows to offer a quarter of a pound of molasses to this Pir are believed to be efficacious in curing persons of fever and children of their ailments.57

There is a Pir in the village of Vadhardun near Viramgām. Persons suspected of having committed thefts are conducted in chains before this Pir. It is said that, if the charge be false, the chains break asunder of themselves.58

Apart from the respect paid to the Pirs mentioned above, the Hindus hold in great reverence the tābuts of the Muhammadans.59 [112]

There are various rural methods in vogue for the cure of barrenness.

One of these is for the barren woman to swallow the navel-string of a new-born child.60 Another is to partake of the preparation called kātlān.61

There are two kinds of preparations which go by the name of kātlān. One is prepared from seven pieces of dry ginger.62 The other is a mixture of suva,63 sunth (dry ginger), gundar (gum arabic), gol (molasses) etc.64 In order to secure the desired effect, the kātlān must be eaten seven times every Sunday or Tuesday seated on the cot of a woman in child-bed.65

The longing for a child is also believed to be satisfied by partaking of the food served to a woman, in confinement, sitting on her bed, either on a Sunday or Tuesday.66

There is also another preparation which is believed to cause conception. It consists of a mixture of pitpāpdo (Glossocardi Boswellia), sugar-cane and butter. In order to be efficacious, it must be taken on seven consecutive days commencing from the fourth day of the monthly menstrual period.67

Conception is also believed to be favoured by administering the gum of the bābul tree dissolved in milk for three days commencing from the third day of the monthly period.67

Some believe that, in order to be effective, this mixture must be taken standing.68 In some places, seeds of a vegetable plant called shivalangi are also administered.67

To secure conception, a bit of coral is also eaten, with the face turned towards the sun.67

Other preparations taken with the belief that they cause conception are:—

(1) Harde (Myrobalan) put in kansār (a preparation of wheat flour cooked in water and sweetened with molasses), (2) extract of the fruit called sārangdha, (3) pāras pipalo (Thespesia populnea) mixed with clarified butter,60 (4) gum mixed with plantains, (5) juice of the cooked leaves of the Ārani (Elaeodendren glaucum),69 (6) powder of Nāg kesar (Messua ferrea) put into milk, and (7) the roots of Bhong ringdi (a kind of poisonous plant) mixed with the milk of a cow.70

It is also believed that if a barren woman succeeds in carrying away grains of rice from the folds of the upper garment of a pregnant woman, and eats them cooked in milk, her desire for a child is satisfied.71

In celebrating the Simānt or first pregnancy ceremony of a woman, the pregnant woman is taken for a bath to a dung-hill or to a distance of about thirty yards behind the house. After the bath is over, she returns home walking over sheets of cloth spread on her way. On this occasion her company is coveted by barren women for the purpose of tearing off unseen a piece of her upper garment, as this is believed to bring about conception. It is said that if a woman succeeds in doing this, she conceives, while the victim has a miscarriage.72

Some believe that a slight pressure by a childless woman on the upper garment of a pregnant woman is sufficient to bring about the result mentioned above.73 [113]

Others hold that a slight blow on the shoulder of a pregnant woman by a childless woman satisfies the desire of the latter for a child.74

Conception is also said to be effected by branding children while at play in the streets.75

It is believed that this brand, to have efficacy, must be inflicted on a Sunday or Tuesday.75 The operation is generally performed in the evening with a red-hot needle. It is said that the branded child dies while the branding barren woman conceives a child.76

Offering bread to black dogs is also supposed to be a cure for barrenness.

Conception is also favoured by passing under the bier or palanquin holding the corpse of an ascetic or holy man while it is being carried to the cemetery.77 Some believe that such an ascetic or saint must be a follower of the Jain faith.78 Others maintain that the desired end can be secured only by wearing round the elbows the grains of rice or coins offered to the bier of a saint on its way to the cemetery.79

Other methods practised for the cure of barrenness are as follows:

The barren woman cuts off a lock of the hair of a child-bearing woman and keeps it in her custody.80

Some women collect the dust trodden on by a child-bearing woman in an earthen pot and eat it every day till it is exhausted.80

Some throw grains of adad (Phaseolus mungo) over the bed of a woman in confinement.81

Others daub their foreheads with the blood emitted by a woman in menses.80

There are some who pour water in a circle at the village gate on a Sunday or Tuesday, and when in period, partake of the powder of mindhal mixed with lāpsi (coarse wheat flour fried in ghi and sweetened with molasses or sugar) seated on the threshold of the house.82

Many wear round their necks leaves called bhojapatras on which the mystical figure given below is drawn by an exorcist.

Pieces of paper on which the following jantra is written by an ascetic, woven in a string made of five kinds of silk, are also worn round the elbows:—

About a month and a quarter after the delivery of a woman, a ceremony called zarmān zarvān is performed, when the woman goes to a neighbouring stream or well to fetch water for the first time after her delivery. Near the stream or well five small heaps of sand are made and daubed with red lead. Next, a lamp fed with ghi is lighted, and seven small betelnuts are offered to the [114]stream or well. A cocoanut is then broken, and a part of it is thrown into the water as an offering. Next, the woman fills a jar with the water of the stream or well and returns home, taking with her six out of the seven betelnuts offered to the stream or well. On her way home she is approached by barren women who request to be favoured with one of the betelnuts, as it is believed that swallowing such a betelnut causes conception.83

Some believe that only the smallest of the seven betelnuts has the power of producing this result84. Others hold that this betelnut must be swallowed on the threshold of a house.85

Eating cocoa-kernel and molasses sitting on the threshold of the house on the fourth day of the monthly period is also believed to be a remedy for the cure of barrenness.

Placing a box containing a kori, (a small silver coin) on a spot where three roads cross one another is also said to favour conception.86

In some places, a black earthen pot containing charcoal and grains of adad (Phaseolus mungo) is placed on a spot where two roads cross one another, on a Sunday or Tuesday. On this day the barren woman has to take her meals without salt.87

Cutting off a lock of a child’s hair and keeping it in custody is also believed to satisfy the longing of a barren woman for a child. This result can also be obtained by securing a piece of a garment of a suckling child.

Some worship daily a cocoanut and a betelnut consecrated with incantations.88

Some take a bath on the third day of their period, and stand on the threshold of the house with their hair sprinkled over with kankotri (red powder). Next, a ghi-fed lamp is offered to the deities, and the devotee prostrates herself before the lamp.89

It is also believed that barrenness can be cured by religious vows, by offering alms in propitiation of malignant planets such as Mars, and by reciting the jap or incantation called gopāl santān to please the deity of that name.90

One of the religious vows of this nature is to observe fasts on twelve consecutive Sundays or Tuesdays. On these days the devotee fixes her gaze on the sun and offers him worship, after which she takes a meal prepared in milk without salt or sugar.91

Some hold a recitation of the chandi kavach a hundred times through Brāhmans with sacrificial oblations of clarified butter, sesamum seed, kamod (a kind of rice), gugal (rhododendron), sandal wood and sugarcandy.92 Others have the story of the Harivansha recited on seventeen consecutive days, during which period the devotee (i.e., the barren woman) observes brahmacharya, that is abstains from sexual enjoyment. This ceremony is believed to exorcise the fiend of barrenness.92

Some keep a vow of standing on their legs for the whole day on the fourteenth of the month of Phālgun (the fifth month of the Gujarāt Hindu year) and of breaking their fast after worshipping the sacred pyre.93

There is another vow called the Punema or full-moon day vow, the observance of which is believed to favour the birth of a son.94 [115]

Pouring water at the root of, or circumambulating, a pipal or bābul tree after a bath without removing the wet clothes, is also believed to cause conception.95

Some observe the vow of entertaining thirteen Brāhmans and thirteen virgins to a feast, and of setting up Randal Bantva.96

Women whose children die in infancy give them opprobrious names such as Khacharo (filth), Ghelo (stupid), Natho, Uko, Ukardo, Bodho, Pujo, Adāvo, Mongho, Tulhi, Tutho, Kadavi, etc. in the belief that by so doing the life of the children is lengthened.97 The idea is almost Asiatic in extent. Among Musalmāns also such names are given; and even among the Persians and Arabs boys are given such names as Masriequ and Osaid—the Stolen and the Black. Sometimes parents arrange that their children be actually stolen; and some next of kin, generally the aunt, is made to commit the kindly felony. She afterwards returns the child for a certain amount in cash or clothes. The custom is as old as the scriptures, there being an allusion in the Korān to how the little Joseph was made to steal some garment of his aunt and was claimed as a forfeit by her. Speaking about Levi, the older brothers of Joseph say to the Egyptian soldiers, “If he hath stolen (the king’s goblet) verily the brother of his too did (formerly) steal.”

Some make a vow of not cutting the hair of their children till they are taken to Ambāji, where their hair is cut for the first time.98

Some treat their children as beggars until they attain the age of five years, that is, they are dressed till that age in clothes obtained by begging. Some bore the nose of the child.98 [116]