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Title: My Two Countries

Author: Viscountess Nancy Witcher Langhorne Astor Astor

Release date: March 13, 2019 [eBook #59054]

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Tim Lindell, David E. Brown, and the Online
        Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
        file was produced from images generously made available
        by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MY TWO COUNTRIES ***




Produced by Tim Lindell, David E. Brown, and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)









MY TWO COUNTRIES




  MY TWO
  COUNTRIES

  BY

  LADY ASTOR

  [Illustration]

  GARDEN CITY   NEW YORK

  DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY

  1923




  COPYRIGHT, 1923, BY

  DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY

  ALL RIGHTS RESERVED, INCLUDING THAT OF TRANSLATION
  INTO FOREIGN LANGUAGES, INCLUDING THE SCANDINAVIAN

  PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES

  AT

  THE COUNTRY LIFE PRESS, GARDEN CITY, N. Y.

  _First Edition_




AMERICA




I[A]

“_I can conceive of nothing worse than a man-governed world--except a
woman-governed world._”


I know that this welcome has nothing to do with me. Ever since I first
entered the Mother of Parliaments I realised that I had ceased to be
a person and had become a symbol. The safe thing about being a symbol
is this--you realise that you of yourself can do nothing, but what you
symbolise gives you courage and strength, and should give you wisdom.
I certainly have been given courage and strength. I won’t say too much
about wisdom.

My entrance into the House of Commons was not, as some thought, in the
nature of a revolution. It was simply evolution. It is interesting
how it came about. My husband was the one who started me off on this
downward career--from home to the House. If I have helped the cause of
women, he is the one to thank--not me. He is a strange and remarkable
man. First, it was strange to urge his wife to take up public life,
especially as he is a most domesticated creature; but the truth is, he
is a born social reformer. He has avoided the pitfalls which so many
well-to-do men fall into. He doesn’t think that you can right wrongs
with philanthropy. He realises that you must go to the bottom of the
causes of wrongs and not simply gild over the top. For eleven years I
had helped him with his work at Plymouth. Mine was the personal side.
I found out the wrongs and he tried to right them. It was a wonderful
and happy combination, and I often wish that it was still going on.
However, I am not here to tell you of his work, but it is interesting
in so far as it shows you how it came about that I stood for Parliament
at all. Unless he had been the kind of man that he was, I don’t believe
that the first woman Member of the oldest Parliament in the world would
have come from Plymouth--and that would have been a pity.

Plymouth is an ideal port to sail from or to. It has bidden “God
Speed” to so many voyagers. I felt that I was embarking on a voyage
of faith, but when I arrived at my destination some of the Honourable
Members looked upon me more as a pirate than a Pilgrim! A woman in the
House of Commons! It was almost enough to have broken up the House. I
don’t blame them, but it was as hard on the woman as it was on them.
Pioneers may be picturesque figures, but they are often rather lonely
ones. I must say though, for the House of Commons, they bore their
shock with dauntless decency. No body of men could have been kinder
and fairer than they were. When you hear people over here trying to
run down England, please remember that England first gave the vote to
women, and that the men of England welcomed an American-born woman in
the House with a fairness and justice which this woman, at least, will
never forget.

Different Members received me in different ways. I shall never forget
a Scottish Labour man coming up to me, after I had been in the House
a little time, and telling me that I wasn’t a bit the sort of woman
he thought I was going to be; and on being pressed as to what kind
of woman he thought I would be, said, “I’ll not tell you that, but
I know now that you are an ordinary, homely kind of woman”; and he
has proved it since by often asking my advice on domestic questions.
Then the Irishman--an Irish Member once said to me, “I don’t know
what you are going to speak about, but I am here to back you.” The
last was a regular old Noah’s Ark man, a typical English Squire type.
After two years and a half of never agreeing on any point with me, he
remarked to someone that I “was a very stupid woman, but he must add,
a very attractive one,” and he feared I was a thoroughly honest social
reformer. I might add that, being the first woman, I had to take up
many causes which no one would call exactly popular. I also had to go
against the prejudice of generations, but I must say their courtesy has
never failed, though my Parliamentary manners must have been somewhat
of a trial.

Now I must leave the more personal side and get to what it is all
about, and why we are here.

Some women have always been in politics, and not done badly either.
It was when we had the Lancastrian kings that it was said that kings
were made by Act of Parliament--they ruled by means of Parliament.
Then Henry VIII accepted the principle of the Lancastrians to rule by
Parliament, but he used that principle in an entirely different way.
He made Parliament the engine of his will, he pressed or frightened it
into doing anything he wished. Under his guidance Parliament defied
and crushed all other powers spiritual and temporal, and he did things
which no king or Parliament had ever attempted to do, things unheard
of and terrible. Then Elizabeth came along. It is true she scolded
her Parliaments for meddling with matters with which, in her opinion,
they had no concern, and more than once soundly rated the Speaker of
the Commons, but she never carried her quarrels too far, and was able
to end her disputes by clever compromise; in other words, she never let
Parliament down, and that is what I don’t believe any wise woman will
do, in spite of the fears of some of the men.

Now why are we in politics? What is it all about? Something much
bigger than ourselves. Schopenhauer was wrong in nearly everything he
wrote about women--and he wrote a lot--but he was right in one thing.
He said, in speaking of women, “The race is to her more than the
individual,” and I believe that it is true. I feel somehow we do care
about the race as a whole; our very natures makes us take a forward
vision. There is no reason why women should look back. Mercifully,
we have no political past; we have all the mistakes of one-sex
legislation, with its appalling failures, to guide us. We should know
what to avoid. It is no use blaming the men--we made them what they
are--and now it is up to us to try and make ourselves--the makers of
men--a little more responsible. We realise that no one sex can govern
alone. I believe that one of the reasons why civilisation has failed
so lamentably is that it has had one-sided government. Don’t let us
make the mistake of ever allowing that to happen again. I can conceive
of nothing worse than a man-governed world--except a woman-governed
world--but I can see the combination of the two going forward, and
making civilisation, more worthy of the name of civilisation based on
Christianity, not on force--a civilisation based on justice and mercy.
I feel men have a greater sense of justice, and we of mercy. They must
borrow our mercy and we must use their justice.

We are new brooms. Let us see that we sweep the right rooms.
Personally, I feel that every woman should take an active part in local
government. I don’t mean by that, that every woman should go in for a
political career--that, of course, would be absurd; but you can take
an active part in local government without going in for a political
career. You can be certain when casting your vote that you are casting
it for what seems nearest right--for what seems more likely to help the
majority and not to bolster up an organised minority. There is a lot to
be done in local politics, and it is a fine apprenticeship for central
government; it is very practical, but I think that, although practical,
it is too near to be attractive. The things that are far away are more
apt to catch our imagination than the ones which are just under our
noses, and then, they are often less disagreeable.

Political development is like all other development. We must begin
with ourselves, our own consciousness, and clean out our own hearts
before we take on the job of putting others straight. So with politics.
If we women put our hands to local politics, we must begin with the
foundations. After all, central governments only echo local ones;
the politician in Washington, if he is a wise man, will always have
one eye on his constituency. Let us make that constituency so clean,
so straight, so high in its purpose, that the man from home will
not dare to take a small, limited view about any question, be it a
national or an international one. You must remember that what women
are up against is not what they see, but the unseen forces. We are up
against generations and generations of prejudice. Ever since Eve ate
the apple--but I would like to remind you, and all men, why she ate
the apple. It was not simply because it was good for food or pleasant
to the eyes: it was from a tree whose fruit would make one wise--“She
took of the fruit thereof and did eat, and gave unto her husband with
her and he did eat.” We have no record of Adam murmuring against the
fruit--of his doing anything but eat it with docility. In passing,
also, I would like to say that the first time Adam had a chance he laid
the blame on woman--however, we will leave Adam.

Ever since woman’s consciousness has looked beyond the material,
man’s consciousness has feared her vaguely; he has gone to her for
inspiration, he has relied on her for all that is best and most
ideal in his life, yet by sheer material force he has limited her.
The Western man has, without knowing it, Westernised the harem mind
of the East. I don’t believe he knows it yet, so we must break it to
him gently. We must go on being his guide, his mother, and his better
half. But we must prove to him that we are a necessary half, not only
in private, but in political life. The best way that we can do that is
to show him that our ambitions are not personal. Let men see that we
desire a better, safer, and cleaner world for our children and their
children, and that we believe that it is only by doing our bit, by
facing unclean things with cleanliness, by facing wrongs with right,
by going fearlessly into all things that may be disagreeable, that we
will, somehow, make this a little better world. I don’t know that we
are going to do this--I don’t say that women will change the world,
but I do say that they can if they want to. Coming, as I do, from the
Old World which has seen a devastating war, I cannot face the future
without this hope--that the women of all countries will do their duty
and raise a generation of men and women who will look upon war and all
that leads to it with as much horror as we now look upon a cold-blooded
murder. If we want this new world, we can get it only by striving for
it; and the real struggle will be within ourselves, to put out of our
hearts and of our thoughts, all that makes for war, hate, envy, greed,
pride, force, and material ambition.




II[B]

“_I seem a symbol--a sort of connecting link between the
English-speaking people!_”


I am not really afraid to speak here to-night. I was a little afraid
last night--I didn’t know quite whether New York audiences would be
as kind as Plymouth audiences. I see that they are much the same.
They forgive any shortcomings in the way of scholarly attainments or
oratorical orations when they see that you are speaking from your
heart. I usually do speak from my heart. It has been a safer guide to
me than my head, and here to-night it’s easy; for surely no people on
earth have understood a woman’s heart better than the English-speaking
nations.

Last night I told the Women Voters that I was not a person, but a
symbol; to-night I still seem a symbol--a sort of connecting link
between the English-speaking people, a frail link, perhaps, but a link
that is stronger than it looks. It is a strange thing that England’s
first woman Member of Parliament should have come from England’s first
colony. I doubt if the first English woman to land in Virginia was less
expected on these shores, than the first Virginian woman to land in
the House of Commons was expected on that floor. However, in spite of
having neither beads nor fire-water, the natives were amazingly kind to
that Virginian settler. It is all very picturesque when one thinks of
it historically, but it seems very ordinary when it is done. History,
I think, is more romantic to read than to make, and I apologise now
to future little schoolgirls for having added another question to the
endless ones which still haunt me when my mind turns back to the long
list of historical personages, varying from Lucretia Borgia down to
Susan B. Anthony.

I have been asked what my visit here was for. Cannot a person come home
without being suspected of deep and ulterior motives? I may tell you at
once, I am not on a mission to promote a better understanding between
England and America. No person, however keen about it, can do much in
that line. Things which are worth while are made by something better
than missions or treaties. They are made only by great ideals in the
hearts of the common people.

I don’t believe that trade agreements will succeed in promoting a
better understanding. But I do say that if the greatest commonwealth
of nations the world has ever seen and the greatest federation of
states the world has ever known cannot be brought together by some
common cause, some human hope and purpose, then I, personally, should
feel like the Queen of Sheba--the spirit would go out of me. I do
believe that these two nations are bound together by a common cause;
and that cause, one of human hope and purpose, is peace on earth and
good-will toward all men.

The Washington Conference was not a surprise to me. I knew that England
was not a militarist nation any more than America was, and I knew, too,
that once they talked things over they would see the utter futility of
building battleships against one another. America and England should
have the largest fleets because they will certainly use them more as
policemen than as fighting forces. After all, when England had the
greatest navy in the world she never used it except to keep the freedom
of the seas. I often wonder whether Imperialist Germany might not
have treated the Monroe Doctrine like a scrap of paper had her fleet
been the strongest in the world. However, I don’t want to go back to
an ancient grudge. It’s hopeless trying to go forward when you are
looking backward. It is a great mistake to keep such things alive; it
only means trouble, and surely there is enough trouble in the world now
without looking backward.

America, I am told, draws back with horror when she looks at Europe. I
don’t blame her. Certainly, it is a sad enough sight to make one draw
back. I cannot believe, though, that standing back is the right way to
help, and I don’t believe that any part of the world can go forward
in the truest sense while another part is suffering desperately.
The war has shown us that the world is really round and is part
interdependent. I am struck more and more by the way in which our stock
of moral good-will on both sides is still thwarted by the extent of our
misunderstanding.

This not only hinders the recovery of hundreds of millions of people
from all the mischiefs of war, but works new mischief of its own. I
am thinking now, not so much of America and Britain, who have had
their heart-to-heart explanations at the Washington Conference, with
an effect which ought to make their relations foolproof, in spite of
the small people who are so blinded by their fear or envy and hate,
that they would do all in their power to pull them apart. But I am not
afraid of them. I am only sorry for them. There is nothing more pitiful
than people who are moved by envy or hate, and there is nothing weaker
than people who fear. Envy and hate are the most blinding things on
earth; it is only people with vision who never perish. When I talk of
misunderstanding I am thinking of Europe.

I know that both America and England feel that Europe is not getting on
with the peace, that she still has large armies, still fights, and at
the same time cries out for help. Russia and France still have great
armies, and this naturally makes smaller states arm too. Of course it
is all desperately disappointing to some of us. We had hoped that this
was a war to end wars--I think it has ended the biggest wars, yet there
seem to be a few small private wars going on, and still a great deal of
fear and hatred left. I am sure that you will never end war with wars.

I believe that the safest and surest way to get out of war is to join
some sort of league of nations. That misrepresented and much despised
League has already prevented three small wars, it has registered over
one hundred treaties, has repatriated nearly four hundred thousand
prisoners--not a bad record for only half a league. I think it is
enough to make every woman in America want to join it in some form or
other, certainly any of those who have had sons in the war. It is the
memory of the anguish of the mothers and fathers who watched for four
years which gives me the courage to speak plainly here to-night. You
see, the anguish in a mother’s heart is felt in all other mothers’
hearts over the world, even though they be enemy mothers. If this is
true, mothers in any country can be members. I was told to be careful.
Why careful? Of what? I have not anything to say that could hurt any
one in America, and I only want to try and help the thousands of
people in less fortunate countries than America. Anyhow, I do believe
that America likes people to say what they mean and care about.

No one could say that America does not care about Europe. Look at
the way the American Relief Committee is helping Russia. It is the
admiration of the whole of England; often I have heard it referred
to in the House of Commons. Yet I don’t believe that the greatest
philanthropy in the world can add much to the permanent reconstruction
of the world, and that is what the world needs more now than
anything--reconstruction. It is all very well to hear people talk
of European entanglements, but the world is already tangled, and
we have to think of a plan to disentangle ourselves. No one could
think that English fathers and mothers--with nearly eight hundred
thousand sons who will never return--would want to join in a League
which would entangle them or any one else in war. The English know
enough about wars never to want to fight or to see any one else have
to fight. These mothers and fathers think, as I feel sure the fathers
and mothers of America do, that the safest and sanest way to get out
of wars is to join some sort of association of nations for peace. The
Washington Conference shows us what can happen when great countries
with great ideals get together. The difference between people with
ideals and people without is simply the difference between Pagans and
Christians--a Pagan is a man whose standard of right does not extend
beyond his own interest. Now we Anglo-Saxons rather pride ourselves
that our civilisation was built on Christianity. If that is the
case, there is no doubt that a lot of Pagans have slipped in among
us--perhaps they have also been proselytising. Don’t let us proselytise
too far, don’t let us forget the faith of our forefathers. It must have
taken a tremendous faith mixed with a double dose of courage to have
crossed the Atlantic in a shell of a boat--yet they did. They were not
Pagans. Civilisation has been nearly destroyed by Pagans. We cannot
give them a second chance. It is wonderfully helpful to look back
and see the kind of men in all countries who have made civilisation.
They were not men who carried a grudge, they were not men who hated,
but men with an inner consciousness of what man really is capable of,
men who realised that life is redeemed only by a purpose bigger than
themselves, and a love which passes all understanding.




III[C]

“_We must put into public life those qualities which women have had to
put into their home life._”


It seems a strange thing to be here--but my life is a little like that
of Alice in Wonderland. It gets curiouser and curiouser. When I sailed
from Plymouth to the House of Commons, I may tell you frankly I didn’t
half realise what the voyage would be like. I soon discovered that it
was the kind of voyage which would take the spiritual faith of the
Pilgrim Fathers and the courage of Sir Francis Drake. They both sailed
from my port, and I have had to use both their courage and their faith.

However, I think women possess both courage and faith. When I speak of
women I don’t mean every woman, I mean real women, women who care about
real things--the sort of women who have not only borne men, but have
given them such unselfish love that the world has seen, through them, a
bit of what the love of God is like.

Now, if we possess courage and faith, it will be no use to us unless we
use it. Faith is like a belief--it is only helpful if it leads us to
knowledge. Belief in God will only help us if it leads us to knowledge
of God.

So we women must turn to account some of this courage and faith. We
must put into public life these qualities which women have had to and
which they have rejoiced to put in their home life--unselfishness,
cleanliness, and kindness. The world needs it. I don’t suppose the
world as a whole was ever more in need of kindness than it is now.

We need not ask ourselves why the world needs help. You have got to
cast your mind over the world and you will get the answer. Europe
partly devastated and still hating. Russia starving; Capital and
Labour, like nations, almost as far apart as ever before. I suppose
this must be the aftermath of war. You can’t let Hell loose on earth
for four years, and expect to find Paradise at the end.

Yet when I speak of war, I don’t mean that it was all hell. There was
one aspect of war which was better than anything I have found in the
aftermath of war. There was a sort of kindliness and pulling together
among all classes of the population, and one felt that at last a
Brotherhood of Men was coming about. At least, that is how it was in
England, and I feel certain that it must have been the same over here.

A common purpose shared by a whole nation, if that purpose is one of
sacrifice, idealism, and helpfulness, is a wonderful thing. Think what
a common purpose shared by many nations--a purpose with an ideal and
helpfulness and a sacrifice of self--would be. This is what the war
should have left--and even though, I admit, it is not obvious, I cannot
help believing that that common purpose remains--remains anyhow in the
hearts of those who suffered and in the hearts of those who care.

I cannot speak for the women of Europe, but I think I can speak for
the women of England, and I say that they, through suffering, have
determined that so far as within them lies, there is no sacrifice
too great to make for the cause of peace. I have seen the women of
England when they were determined. I have seen them tried and not found
wanting. I can tell you it was a glorious sight. You may read diaries
of the war which tell of dinner parties and plenty in London; but that
no more represents the women of England than a night dancing-club in
New York or a red-light district in some city here represents the women
of America.

I will tell you what the spirit of English women was and is: The Bishop
of Exeter, Lord Robert Cecil’s brother, had two splendid boys killed
in the first three years of the war. The last year of the war 2,000
American Submarine Chaser sailors were stationed in Plymouth, which is
in the Bishop’s diocese. His wife, Lady Florence, did everything she
could to make these American boys less lonely. She had as many as she
could for Christmas, and hardly ever was her house without some of
them. About January, 1918, just before one of the fiercest battles,
she said to her sister: “I don’t believe I could go on if Jack (her
last son) was taken.” The next morning a wire came saying Jack was
killed. This was on a Monday. On Thursday, Lady Florence had planned an
afternoon party for your sons--those gallant submarine chasers. When
she arrived at Plymouth, and I saw her white, stricken face, I begged
her not to have the boys--they would just remind her of Jack as he had
been. She looked at me with eyes I can never forget and said: “But,
Nancy, they too are far away from home, and we must do all we can.” The
party went off and the boys, never guessing her sorrow, were charmed
as usual with the Bishop and his wife’s cheerful kindness. That night
I walked around to the American Y. M. C. A., and in talking to some
of the boys told them of Lady Florence’s sorrow. One boy, with tears
in his eyes, broke out: “Oh, why did you let her do it?” Then he said:
“If ever any one speaks ill to me of England, I don’t feel that I could
keep from killing them.” That, friends, was the spirit of the women of
England. Suffering only made them kinder and braver, and that’s why I
love and admire England.

Now, what can we do--the English-speaking women of the world? And I
cannot help feeling that we have got most all of the women with us--but
what can we do to help the whole world on? We cannot live for ourselves
alone and get peace. We cannot even get happiness, and I doubt whether
we can get plenty. We must somehow rectify the mistakes of the stronger
sex when left alone, and we must do it soon.

When America came into the war, Europe saw the dawn of a new
hope--America in the war to end wars. When America went out of the
peace Europe was dumbfounded. Idealism took America into the war;
idealism did not take her out of the peace, no matter what politicians
say.

The League of Nations was started by America, and by an American.
Some seem to think only of the starter, and forget it was the high
purpose of his people who gave the impetus which brought the League
from America to Europe. When we go for a great ideal we go for the
ideal and not for the idealist. It’s a principle we should follow and
not be side-tracked by a personality. Let us see what the League, even
without America, Germany, and Russia, has done already. If we realise
some of its achievements we may be inspired to give it greater trust,
and add to its number of associated nations. The League of Nations,
quite apart from its political work, has active humanitarian sections
dealing with health, labour conditions, traffic in opium and drugs, and
the White Slave Traffic. Each one of these must surely find hundreds
of thousands of women backers in the United States. We want your help
inside the League to bring on backward countries, whether it be to
protect the world from war or from plagues, or to protect young girls
from what is worse than plagues.

But I have not come here as a foreigner to tell any one--be it man,
senator, or woman voter--what to do. You have invited me to an American
Convention. You have not asked me because I am an English legislator.
But you have invited me back to the land of my birth--to the Home of
my father, from the Home of my forefathers, and, like the returned
prodigal, you overwhelm me with love. Yes, it is true I have been
in a far country. I believe I have been fighting there for the same
ideals that Mrs. Catt has worked so successfully for here. I am deeply
grateful that you should have asked me to come and discuss with you
questions which interest all women.

As I understand it, you, in the League of Women Voters, are not
creating a new party--a woman’s party--to run sex candidates in
opposition to the Democratic and Republican party candidates. Some
people fear you want to do this. I am sure you are right not to do
so. I did not stand for Parliament as a sex candidate. I represent a
Division of Plymouth--one of the most important naval ports of England.
Thousands of my supporters are English sailors. But this does not
prevent me fighting, and fighting hard, for questions where there is a
woman’s point of view--questions of morality, the protection of young
girls.

Some men don’t like it. But the best men--a growing number of men, I
find--are supporting me.

You are right not to make a new political party. You are equally right
to try to lift and raise and improve the platforms of both the big
political parties by joining them. See that you send neither windbags
nor carpetbaggers to represent you.

The big contribution you can make to politics and national life is
to face and tackle the moral standard. Insist upon a single standard
of morality--not by lowering our standard; but by raising the men’s
standard to that of women. Do that in America. We are working for it
in England. If America and England do it, then all countries must
follow. In some countries women are still looked upon too much as
mere physical instead of mental companions. It is partly the fault
of the women. They will always be that until they get a higher sense
of companionship. The right-minded women want to be companions in the
truest sense of the word, and the right-minded men want to have them
so. It is easy enough to attract men; it is harder to help them. The
single moral standard not only helps women, it helps men; _it helps
nations_.

You cannot be material in your domestic life and be spiritual in your
national life. You cannot be material in your national life and be
idealistic in your international relations. Lust creates the spirit
of War; it is incompatible with the spirit of Peace. The material
man lives and dies. It is the spiritual man who never dies. So with
nations. No material nations, however powerful, have ever survived.

The peace which the world wants is not the peace which comes from
a smashing conquest--that sort of peace is apt to sow the seeds of
vengeance. I believe the women can help to bring to the world the real
peace--the spiritual peace--the Peace which passeth all understanding.

Always remember St. Paul’s words; they apply particularly to women:
“God hath not given us the spirit of fear, but of power and of love and
of a sound mind.” We can only bring this spirit into world politics if
we have got it in our hearts. Let us prove to all nations that we are
not only talkers, but doers.




IV[D]

“_The most practical thing in the world is common sense and common
humanity._”


I do not know who has been kinder to me since I got home, the public or
the Press. I do know that if the Press had not been so kind the public
would never have been. I knew that when I came home there would be some
personal friends and relations who would be glad to see me, and then
I knew there would be some people who, because of my political views,
would be glad to see me. But I did not expect what I got. I did not
expect this tidal wave of welcome. You have swept me off my feet.

When a person leaves his or her own country and goes to another,
naturally there’s apt to be a prejudice against them in both countries.
I felt it myself. Then when that person--I can’t say unfortunate
person--happens to care deeply about both countries, and even more
deeply about things concerning all countries, her task is not made
easier. It’s easy enough to take the easy way in any country. It’s not
always so easy to take what you feel is the right way in any country,
but here I am--a proof to all countries that England and America will
give you a chance if you can prove to either of them that what you
are striving for is something which will hurt no man, woman, or child
of any country, but which you earnestly feel is going to help all
countries.

Now you will ask--What is this pearl of great price? What does this
woman think will help all countries? I’ll tell you what is the pearl
of great price that I am striving for. I am striving to take into
public life what any man gets from his mother and most men get from
their wives if they chose wisely. The kind of thing you have had in
your home life, the kind of thing that has made it possible for you to
be here to-day is the unselfishness, the courage, and the vision and
the clean love of your mother. That quality has done more than anything
in the world to make up civilisation. Men know that and we women know
it, too; and we feel that if we can get a little of that into public
life, that is our only contribution. That is the only thing we have
got. We are not coming just as women. Women are of no more use than
men. It is what we bring that is going to be useful, and a great many
of us think that we have more moral courage sometimes than men. Women
know that physical courage is easy enough but moral courage takes a
bit of doing. We feel that we have got moral courage, and we know that
we have got a clean love, and we know that we have got to be unselfish.
If we were not unselfish you would not be here. That is the mothers’
contribution to life. We are bound to be unselfish, and we think we
have got a great vision. It is that which we ask you to accept. That
is all we want to do. We don’t want to go into politics because of
ourselves.

We realize, as we realized when we raised you, that to make you perfect
we have to do a great many disagreeable things; but we never flinched,
and your mothers never flinched. They spanked you when you needed it,
and they loved you when you needed it, and they sympathised with you
when you needed it, but a really good mother never flinches from what
is disagreeable, and we are not going to flinch now. We are ready to go
into the political arena, and “arena” well describes it. There are many
stout old Pagans prancing around in it still. However, we are willing
to go in. We are willing to do our bit if you will let us help. Don’t
be frightened at us and don’t discourage us too much. We know that your
public life, just as much as your private life, needs this mothering
thought. When you are blundering around, sometimes a woman sees as
quick on public things as she does on private. You men think we women
talk so much. It is true, we do; but even then we don’t tell you half
we know.

You’ll be saying this sounds nice and uplifting, but we must get down
to practical politics. What are practical politics? The politics that
lead to war are not practical, and the same things that lead to bad
politics lead to war. The most practical thing in the world is common
sense and common humanity. It is the world’s great need to-day. Leaving
aside the vision of what a world needs, what we need is confidence,
coöperation--and I would like to add another--conferences. I know it is
not a popular word in America, but you need conferences. We have tried
others and they have failed. Also, we have got to get to work. The
world wants work. What’s the most practical way to start work? Trade.
Establish confidence--first, confidence between Capital and Labour,
then confidence in your government, then confidence in other nations.
The Washington Conference showed that coöperation and confidence were
the watchwords of progress. The employer must realise that he’s dealing
with a human being, and the worker must realise that the employer has
got some quality which he needs and lacks, otherwise the scales might
be weighted the other way. These seem to be the essential facts which
Capital and Labour should not forget. They were forgotten in Russia
with dire results. The fault, though, began with the employer class
in Russia. Don’t let us forget that. Then after getting Capital and
Labour together, we must get trade. The only solution for unemployment
is employment--for the workless, is work. In the modern world no big
nation can get work for all unless it trades with all. The best way to
trade with all countries is to know all countries, and that’s where the
Press--you, gentlemen--come in. Bring out the best in all countries,
get understanding, confidence, good-will. You cannot have international
trade without international confidence. Russia proves this. Good-will
is good business. It is for the Press to unite countries for trade and
prosperity and peace.

Governments depend for their views of foreign countries, upon their
ambassadors. Ambassadors get to know foreign governments. Foreign
correspondents are unofficial ambassadors for the people. The Press can
supplement official channels of communication by telling the people of
each country not only about the governments but about the peoples. They
can get the news and spread it quickly. They can get it to the man in
the street. I know many of the American foreign correspondents. And
I have heard frequently about the others. They are most able men, a
credit to the American Press. They are trustworthy. That is the opinion
formed by the people who know in England. I am glad to be able to
repeat this opinion here to-day. If the Press wants to unite countries
it can. If it wants to disunite them, it can. But the Press is just
like a person in this. If someone tells you constantly of another’s
shortcomings and faults and extols his own virtues, you begin sooner
or later to avoid that person. You feel, “Well, hang it all, he’s not
quite so bad as that anyhow. I don’t like always hearing of people’s
failings. I like to hear what’s nearest the truth about them and then
I can judge whether I like them or not.” So it is with the Press; if
it gives us accurate, fair news, we can judge for ourselves whether
it’s white Press or yellow. We even see that people aren’t so stupid
as they look. Thinking people find out that facts based on prejudice
cease to be facts. Mr. Davis told you all of this in a far better style
and manner last year. The world has progressed a little since he spoke
to you. We must be grateful even for this little. We must be deeply
grateful for the Washington Conference.

I believe the whole world longs for peace. But we never get anything in
this world and we certainly never get to heaven without striving for it.

America wants peace. America started the League of Nations. All Europe
looks to America, not for large armies, not even for food, but for a
great moral lead.

Lead us toward peace. Help us! Help us! Don’t just look on our
faults--help us to be better! Gentlemen, if we know the better way--let
us see to it that we take it.

Once more I beg of you to remember your power. If only your motto could
be to unite the world, send no thought which would not bless or cheer,
purify or heal--then we should, as the soldiers say, “get on with the
peace.”




V[E]

“_I fear bombs in politics far less than I do apathy._”


I am here as a sort of dual personality. When I speak to the League of
Women Voters, I am speaking as a woman interested in women the whole
world over. When I am asked to speak as a Member of Parliament to men
and women, then I must speak with the full responsibility of a Member
of Parliament, from the most up-to-date and glorious constituency in
England, namely, Plymouth.

It takes a good deal of prayer to keep me humble. To be born in
Virginia and to represent Plymouth, is enough to turn a stronger head
than mine. The Good Book tells us to love all men, also the greater
the loving the greater the life. I am fortunate in loving two great
countries, but their greatness will be tested by their attitude to
lesser countries. To-day I am speaking as a woman and not as a Member
of Parliament. The League of Women Voters, I realise, is not the only
political league of women in America, but it has the merit of being
non-party. I, as an outsider, could not come over and speak here as a
party politician, but I come as a woman, speaking to non-party women,
interested in something bigger than any party.

When entering Parliament nearly two years ago, I went as a party
candidate, a Coalition Unionist. The Coalition was a combination of
Unionists and Liberals and Labour, who wanted to coöperate and felt
that Lloyd George was the best man to win the Peace, as he had done
more than any single statesman to win the war. When I got into the
House of Commons I realised that as for certain problems, such as moral
questions which are of vital interest to women, no political party
cared sufficiently or realised how much women cared. As a result,
Liberal and Unionist and Labour men often put such questions in their
programme, but more often they sat down when the time came to stand up
and fight for them.

It is my honest and convinced belief that there are some questions
vital and international, which women see with a more unclouded vision
than men, questions which only women will fight for. That is why I am
so keen about helping women voters, not only in England and America,
but in all countries. There are things bigger than parties, even bigger
than countries, though neither party nor country likes to think that
anything is bigger than itself.

If only we, the new-comers of political life, can keep that greater
vision of bigger things before us, then the world will become more the
sort of place one dreams of and less the kind of nightmare one dreams
in.

Can we change it? Are we really different from men? I hope so. If
we were like men, then there would be no use giving us the vote.
It is because we are different that we hope to help, and yet women
are like men in this. They vary! The women who attend prize-fights,
the woman who keeps her husband’s nose to the grindstone because of
her personal demands and vulgar ambition to outshine and out-do her
next-door neighbour, are just as hampering to real civilisation as
the old-fashioned bar-room loafer, and more so. That old-fashioned
bar-room bum was so obviously a warning to all--the ambitious, selfish
wife or daughter is not so obvious; often she’s for a time most
attractive, yet the man whose soul is striving and who finds himself
tied down to one of these women will tell one that their charm soon
turns to dust and ashes. So when I speak of women I only mean real
women, and real women are the women who care for real things. After
all, it’s only people who care about real things that have got us
on as far as we are--not very far I’ll admit--yet we are advancing.
Crass materialism is going. The war of 1914 was just a war of ideals.
Germany said might was right--we are mighty--we must expand--we must
govern the world. The Kaiser with his God’s help led a misguided and
misdirected people up against the Democracies of the World, who,
though they don’t live up to their ideals, have at least got beyond
believing in the Divine Right of Kings. King John of England found
that out in 1214, and the Constitution of America was based on laws
which men fought and died for in England long before they set sail for
other lands. I am told that I have forgotten that Columbus discovered
America. He discovered it, but some have forgotten that he didn’t
settle it. It’s well to remember those first settlers. It’s always well
to remember unselfishness, courage, and determination, and people who
gave up all for a high ideal. Now I don’t come from Puritan stock; we
in Virginia were almost comfortably settled before the Puritan Fathers
set sail--and they meant to land in Virginia! Yet no one can look back
on that gallant band of men and women without admiring and almost
reverencing them. Those are the kind of people who make Civilisation,
people who subordinate the material to the spiritual. They may be rare,
but they are the light which shines in darkness. Throughout history
Materialism has wrecked Civilisation. Now I maintain that women, just
from their very natures, must have more vision than men. Why is it
that you have just had a Mother’s Day, not a Father’s Day? Isn’t it
because of the subtle unnamable something about a mother which men and
women feel? It’s well for a nation to have a Mother’s Day; it’s well
for those who celebrate this day to stop and think what kind of man or
woman their mothers would like them to be. As a mother, I know that
above all things, what we desire for our children is clean-mindedness
and honesty. We know that if all our children had that, much of the old
world’s misery would dissolve and disappear.

Just take one thing which may seem small, but it’s of vast importance.
Do you believe that if women had been voting as long as men that we
should have allowed almost the most important people in the country to
be underpaid? I mean the teachers. Any woman who has children or who
deals with other people’s children realises what infinite patience,
tact, love and long-suffering it takes to train and teach children
properly. They also realise that they, the teachers and mothers of the
nations, are forming the mind of the nation. And yet _all_ nations have
left teachers in a rut for years and years, and allowed them to toil
for a mere pittance. If women had been voters and organised voters,
this would never have happened!

I urge the League of Women Voters not to disband and go into parties
yet awhile. Naturally, you must vote with parties, and later on
you will very likely get tied up like men into parties, but I don’t
feel that the time is ripe. As women we must have organisation to
educate ourselves, not on party lines, but on national lines. Raise
the programme of all parties; that is what you are doing now. I beg
you to keep on. The Democrats and Republicans will both try to catch
you. Don’t let them catch you napping. Don’t become just fodder
for political cannon. Form your programme and make all the parties
adopt it. Begin in your home towns, begin at once. Get your politics
straight. The only way to get cleaner and better politics is to come
out and work. In Chicago, we hear just now of bombs. Well, I personally
fear bombs in politics far less than I do apathy. If Chicago’s citizens
are thinking first and foremost of money-making, then the politicians
who represent them will be true to type. If they think first and
foremost of higher things, they will get better politicians. You and I
get pretty much what we deserve in life, be it political or otherwise.

I believe Chicago has a great heart as well as a great head. I always
mistrust people who make the most noise. Beware of men and women who
are out for themselves. That’s what keeps us all back--that awful
self. Yet these people very often frighten politicians. I am told not
to mention this or that subject in Chicago, especially the League of
Nations. Now, if there is one city in America where one should talk of
the League of Nations--surely it’s Chicago. Look at your population.
It’s a City of Nations in itself. When you welcome other nationalities
here, you want them to be good citizens. Do you believe that a man who
forgets his mother is a good citizen? I don’t. So it is with men if
they forget their motherland. The war is nearly over--we never want
another war. Some of us feel that if we could get a league of all
nations together, we would go a long way toward preventing another war.
And we are quite right in thinking it. The present League of Nations,
even without America, Germany or Russia, has prevented three minor wars
already, besides doing many other things. Just to-day we read in the
_Chicago Tribune_--“League Draws Silesian Thorn Out of Europe.” This
brings to an end a dispute which nearly led to war between Germany,
Poland, and other nations:

  Germany and Poland, through the good offices of the League of
  Nations, have ended their dispute over the rich Silesian coal and
  iron basin.

  They will sign a treaty of settlement providing for unified
  administration of the great industrial district by a mixed
  commission to-morrow afternoon in the presence of the council of the
  League of Nations.

  This is regarded as the greatest achievement of the League, with
  the possible exception of the international court project, for it
  brings to an end a dispute which nearly led to war between Germany
  and Poland, precipitated a local revolution, almost split the Allies
  asunder when Prime Minister Lloyd George and Premier Briand had their
  famous controversy and has held back Europe’s industrial recovery
  materially because of the unsettled conditions it caused.

Do you mean to tell me that the Germans and Poles in Chicago don’t want
a league which will help their countries? I don’t believe it. Don’t
forget also that the Irish, under the treaty recently made by Great
Britain, can be represented in the League of Nations. But it can never
be a real League until all nations are in.

So I appeal to all real citizens of my native country to urge upon
this, the greatest federation of states the world has ever known,
to coöperate with the greatest commonwealth of nations (the British
Empire) which the world has ever known.

Let us give all less fortunate countries a chance. Let us be tender to
all who suffer. Let our help go out to them in their need. The world
needs the Anglo-Saxon ideals now. Don’t be afraid of joining a league
of peace. Be afraid _not_ to join. The greater love is winning all the
way down the line. The religions of the world are being judged by their
fruits. The religion which makes men love all mankind; the religion
where God is love, whose followers are loving, is the religion which
will draw all men into it. Hate of any man or of any nation is a poison
which kills. Women mistrust all who hate, all who preach or teach hate.
In the name of God, who is Love, let us remember that by our fruits
shall we be judged. Let us see that they are the fruits of the spirit,
which are love, joy, peace, long-suffering, and patience.




VI[F]

“_Women are young at politics but they are old at suffering._”


Nothing I can put into words can ever make you Canadians realise what
it means to me--a returned war veteran--to get back to Canada. I am
a peculiar person, and yet I am a fortunate one. The Good Book says
“the greater the love, the greater the life,” and I have many loves.
Being born a Virginian, I began by loving Virginia first. You Canadians
should also love Virginia. She gave you some of your common laws, and
Virginia led the way to America being governed by the best laws that
any country has ever, so far, invented--the common laws of England.
When people think--and voters should think--they will see that every
citizen born and living on this great continent of America owes more
than they know to the men who fought for freedom in England long before
America was ever thought of at all. The British fought their first
battle against autocracy in 1214. King John learnt then what the poor
old Kaiser had to learn in 1918. Let the whole world remember that the
men who first fought for modern democracy, fought at Runnymede.

There is nothing in being a Member of Parliament in any country; we
politicians know that. But there is something very satisfactory in
being the first woman to represent a constituency of the fighting men
of Devon--my second love.

My third love is Canada. I do not love Canada for her hills or plains,
or vast resources, or snowy peaks, or anything which you read of in
guide books. I love Canada because of her fifty thousand men who gave
their bodies as a loving sacrifice for their hills and plains and
homes. The only thing worth loving is unselfishness. The only thing
which mars life is selfishness. It was at Plymouth I first saw them
land, your Canadian sons, and it was there that I realised that heroes
away from home take a lot of watching.

I gave them all that I could, and how splendidly they accepted it. I
found out there, during the war, that if you really love people you can
say anything you like to them--if you don’t--you can’t say “Bo” without
somehow hurting them. I wish you Canadians could all have seen that
realest bit of Canada in England--“Cliveden.” We, my husband and I,
only gave some of the buildings and the grounds and a few odd things.
The Canadian Red Cross gave the rest, and I should like to say here
in Ottawa that I saw a great deal of what all countries did for their
soldiers, and no country did more than Canada. No hospitals were better
equipped, no doctors more skilled, no nurses more devoted, and no men
were braver. This may be forgotten in after-war grievances, but it
should never be.

When I speak of what men stood from me, perhaps I had better give you
some idea of what they bore with patience and fortitude. Many times
a month I would give them a temperance lecture. Temperance lectures
were needed--in war as well as peace. I would not begin with: “Thou
shalt not.” I began with a picture of Canada, their mothers, their
sweethearts at home, what they wished and prayed for them. Then I
would paint a picture of what having a “grand time” meant--drink,
women, etc., and then the awful consequences which so often followed
a “grand time“--sometimes prison, sometimes worse than prison, nearly
always misery. They would listen because they knew I cared. I did
care--and I still care. That’s why I am in politics. One boy came up to
me as he was going on leave, after one of my horrible talks, gave me
his money and said: “Here, Mrs. Astor, you’ve just ruined my holiday.”
I might have ruined what he thought would be a good holiday, but I
realised I had done what his mother wanted me to do.

I only did what hundreds of English women did for your sons. I never
like speaking of war without speaking of what the women did. I know
what Canadians who got the chance did--no women ever did better. In
England the whole nation had the chance and the whole nation took it.
No, not the whole nation. Some wrote diaries. The people who wrote
diaries in the War--well, they wrote diaries! Never judge the people of
England by the people who wrote diaries!

But war is over; the men have gone; they can’t come back. The question
is--will their spirits go “marching on”? One looks round the world
and wonders if they have died in vain. They did not die in vain; but
they will unless we, with their unselfishness, go “marching on.”
America started the idea of a league of nations. Some persons for
political purposes, started the idea that a league of nations would
make American mothers send their sons across the sea to fight for
unheard-of countries. All countries are alike in this--they all have
a vast amount of ignorant voters and prejudiced politicians, always
playing the political game. All countries have some apathetic people
who are frightened of being drawn into public life; but let us thank
God that all countries have some people of high ideals, true patriotism
and sound sense--people who, having adopted the religion of Christ
in its various forms, remember the Tenth Chapter of St. Luke, and
feel they can’t pass on as the Priest and Levite did, for they feel
that those that lie stripped and wounded are their concern. Those are
the people who will save Christian civilisation as we know it, not
the civilisation we see, but as it might be. Even as it is, it is
far better than any civilisation so far tried. You may say that this
is idealism. Well, we have tried materialism and it has very nearly
wrecked civilisation; another time it will--so it ought. Civilisation
based on materialism has been wiped out before, and pray God it always
will be. So don’t let us be afraid of trying more idealism. I have
spoken to many thousands of people in America. I can’t pretend to know
all the problems of America; they are enormous. I only pretend to know
a little, and that little is more than some politicians know, but
they will know when it is too late. Now when politicians lack a great
principle to fight for they have to fall back on something that will
stir the popular imagination. In a country with a mixed population
that is easy enough--there are some politicians in America who would
be willing to win on any anti-British policy. Some people in America
would try to misrepresent the League of Nations as a league started in
England by England, for the benefit of the British Empire; they know
perfectly well that it is not true, and politicians, like people, who
are not telling the truth, are playing a losing game. I don’t say that
they will lose at once, but lose they will. All politicians and all
nations who appeal to prejudice, hate, and self-preservation, which is
only a form of selfishness, have missed the new spirit, the spirit of
hundreds of thousands of men whose souls go “marching on.” They are not
so far away as some would think. These men belong to all countries,
enemy as well as Allies. In the hearts of mothers of all countries the
seeds of peace are sown. They are dumb as yet in some countries, they
are apathetic in others, but, mark me, they are there.

Women are young at politics, but they are old at suffering; soon
they will learn that through politics they can prevent some kinds of
suffering. They will face the political issue as they have faced all
others when called upon; few men have tried their mothers and found
them wanting, and nearly all men have tried their mothers at some time.
If women will only do their own thinking and base that thinking on
Christ’s teaching, I feel that our entry into politics will be worth
while. We are the mothers of nations. If we individually judge our
neighbours by their best and not their worst, the nation will do the
same.

Canada has a great future; Canada more than any country can prove to
America that the British Empire is based on laws which strive to be
fair to all men and women, and do harm to none. Canada, with her French
and English living in peace and legislating together can show that
the Entente need never go. And Canada, too, can help me to explain
to England that those who bark the loudest in America are those who
least understand the best and most real in America, and very often
are not Americans at all. All nations can have great futures, but
all greatness can only be founded on what is truly great. Your fifty
thousand Canadians have shown the way; let us never forget that the
greatest Way-shower of all came teaching us to do unto others as we
would they should do unto us. The nations that do that will conquer all
opposition, surmount all obstacles and secure the only true greatness.




VII[G]

“_Law, humanity, and Christianity make a perfect state._”


Education is a dangerous thing unless it is started on the right lines.
To start educating yourself for yourself is certainly one of the most
misleading or mistaken forms of self-improvement. Real education should
educate us out of self into something far finer--into a selflessness
which links us with all humanity. Political education should do the
same. The more I see of life the more I see that the only way is the
narrow way and broad view.

When I landed here in New York about six weeks ago I expected to make
two speeches and then go to Virginia and renew my youth. I have made
altogether forty speeches--I spent only eleven days in Virginia and my
youth has obviously not been renewed. However, in spite of talking, I
have learned a lot--I have found out what a glorious thing it is to
belong to two countries and try to be prejudiced against none. I’ve
learned, too, how well all countries and all states think of Virginia,
and well they might. It was in Virginia that the first laws of the best
law-makers in the world were put into practice on this North American
Continent--the common laws of England. It’s a wonderful tribute to
these laws when one thinks of how well they have worked away from the
little island on which they were started. Changed and improved, if you
will, but always the same. Here we see all kinds of people from all
kinds of countries, living uncommonly well and peacefully under these
common laws. They seem almost like the Divine law in that they embrace
all sorts and conditions of men.

The great merit of these common laws is this: They enable everyone to
work out his own salvation in his own way. Now, we know that neither
the law nor the state can make a man. But a good law, and a good
state can go a long way toward helping a man to make himself. We must
have law, humanity, and Christianity to make a perfect state. I think
we--and to-night I speak as a Virginian, not a British M. P. (so bear
with me, as my time is growing short and I won’t speak as a Virginian
again for some time)--we can feel that we have built this country on
these three--a good deal of law, some humanity, and some Christianity.

Think of what America has taken on to her shores in the last hundred
years! Now, it was not only humanity or Christianity which made us
welcome the immigrants, any more than it was the search of these two
qualities which brought them. They have come from necessity and we
welcomed them from necessity. They brought much to the country and
some have taken much away. It’s amazing to see how many returned to
their native countries after a period of about twenty-five years. In
the meantime they have helped develop the country, and if your common
law and common humanity and common Christianity has been brought into
action, we will have helped to develop them, and when they leave these
shores they will carry away more than mere money. When we look at
Europe to-day we almost wish we had sent more.

Many of these immigrants make fine citizens. Just think what Mr. Straus
has done for the infant welfare of this city. Many never leave the
country again. But many of them--until they learn better--just make a
mass of illiterate voters who are used by our less fine citizens for
political purposes, and their purposes are not for the betterment of
our country or any other country, but too often for a richer and a
fuller life in the worst sense of the word.

Now, I am getting down to political education--a thing of vital
importance for every citizen of this country. This is a very
interesting thing and something that we can be proud of. Both of our
great parties, like most great parties in all countries, have their
dark sides. It seems that all countries must go through periods of
political corruption. Some countries linger in that state longer than
others. We have suffered constantly from politicians or political
crooks, but we have so managed that no party has ever dared nominate or
bring forward any man but an honest man as President--they haven’t all
been Sir Galahads, or George Washingtons, or Abraham Lincolns--but they
have all been like Cæsar’s wife--above suspicion. That we may recall
with pride. That’s what I point out, when I hear people fearing that
certain of our less desirable citizens will get high office. They just
don’t.

People are so apt to feel apathetic or indifferent about local
politics. So long as the taxes don’t go too high and the local “bosses”
don’t get too rich too quick--we shrug our shoulders and go on. I don’t
blame the local bosses....

This is an extraordinarily interesting age. But between spiritualists
who see what the dead think and the psychoanalysts who see what we
don’t think, one has to be up and doing. So it is in everything--in
religion, in business, in games, and in politics. If we are content to
have only our Presidents fine and to have less fine local politicians,
we are making it awfully hard for a President to do fine things. We
are simply making it possible for less fine politicians to do anything
they like. I don’t pretend to be an educated woman, but I have a
slight understanding of human nature and a positive nose for politics
and politicians. Political education should begin with the A B C of
politics. It should begin right down low, and for many of us it should
begin right now. We have here one of the greatest countries in the
world--it’s a country which differs from any country in Europe, not
only on account of its size and nature and natural resources, but
because of its hopefulness.

Pandora never let loose a better angel thing than when she let loose
the angel of hope. The three things that have struck me most about
America are its hope, its spirit of confidence in the future, and its
varied mysterious opportunities. It has an active and hard-working
people, but added to this it has no outside cares, it has no great
and powerful neighbours, and no anxiety as to what they are going to
do. You have no idea what an obsession these things are in Europe. In
Europe the soil is limited and over-populated; nations have to depend
upon their foreign trade to find employment and food for themselves.
All the time they are consumed with fear lest they should be attacked
and their bone taken from them.

France is naturally afraid of Germany; Germany of Russia; and England,
though not afraid of her neighbours any more than America is, is
perpetually anxious lest the whole of Europe should sink into chaos.
Not only would this intensify unemployment and bad times, but think of
the added misery of those already suffering people! In England we can
almost hear the cries of the starving children of Europe. You here are
far away from all this, and for that and your innumerable blessings be
thankful. No one asks you to give up a single blessing, no one even
envies you any of them, but one can say this--when you realize your
blessings and know what Europe is, what will you do?

Will you--will we--be like the Priest and the Levite that pass by and
say “That starving, bleeding man is no concern of mine--it’s probably
his own fault--until he gets up and makes an effort it’s not my job to
help him. It’s a revolting sight and simply spoiled my day”?

The other way is the way of the Samaritan. We can help him up, clean
him up, heal him up, and let him share some of our blessings. I have no
doubt which is the right policy--which is in the end the most paying
policy.

The other day I saw that the American Government asked the British
Government to help protect her oil interests in Mesopotamia through the
League of Nations. I am glad to say she did it. Soon after I saw that
the Allies sent a note asking America to join them and inquire into
atrocities against a Christian population. America refused. I ask you
which is the more important in the end, oil concessions or bleeding
humanity.

Now, I don’t want to leave here having said anything to hurt any
person or party. All persons and all parties have been much too kind
to me. There’s enough trouble in the world to make one dread adding an
ounce to it. But I should like just to say before leaving that I think
the politician who, because of lack of principle, feels that he must
appeal to prejudices or hatred--class, national, or international--is
playing a losing game. They have missed the new spirit, and I believe
as firmly as I ever believed anything that there is a new spirit
abroad. It may be that this World War has set us thinking. It may be
that women are the leaven in the lump, but as certainly as the Kaiser
found might was not right in 1918, the politicians or parties who think
that they will win out on prejudice or anti-British or anti-German or
anti-what you will propaganda are doomed to failure. They may not fail
at once, but fail they will. A mind that hates is a mind that is sick,
and a mind which boasts of itself is as a frog which puffeth itself up.
Only the mind which is genuinely out to help all humanity is the kind
of mind which deserves and will get the support of all the right kind
of people.

Playing politics may be all right when there is nothing seriously wrong
with the world. Just now the human race needs human beings and not boss
politicians. Quacks are failing all the world over and fundamentals are
winning, and the safe policy for politicians and nations is not to do
others, but to do unto others as you would they should do unto you.




ENGLAND




VIII[H]

“_A fool without fear is sometimes wiser than an angel with fear._”


It was very kind of the English Speaking Union and the League of
Nations Union American Committee to have thought of giving me this
welcome. It was particularly appropriate that they should have asked
the First Lord of the Admiralty to preside, and gracious of him to
come. You see, if I have done any good in any way in public life, it’s
due to the men and women of England’s most famous port--Plymouth. I
think we can safely call it the most historical port in the world for
two reasons: first, it was off Plymouth that the Armada was defeated.
That may seem just a big sea-fight of ancient days. It was not thought
so by the enemy at the time. They knew what it meant. It meant that
England would be free to worship God in her own way--not free enough
for some, but far freer than any other place in the world at that time.
Then, from Plymouth, those who found their more advanced ideas about
religious freedom hampered, sailed away to America, where they carried
on their English traditions of freedom. There, in course of time, all
men from all countries found freedom to worship God in their own way. I
think it would have shocked them had they realised that some whom they
welcomed to their shores would preach hate in the name of God toward
the country from which they came; yet that is what they have done,
some of these people who went to America. They have not understood
that true freedom can never come to a man or a nation that hates.
I, personally, have never feared people who preach hate--never--and
in 1918 I was proved right. The nation which hated most was most
handsomely defeated. The people in America who preach hate will also
some day be defeated, and I don’t believe their days is far off.

I am an unregenerate Anglo-Saxon, not because I am a Virginian-born
British M. P., not because I care so desperately for the British
Empire or the United States, but because I care for something even
greater than these two great countries. I care for civilisation based
on Christianity. I’ll admit that I have not seen much of it yet, but
I’ve seen glimpses of it, and I’ve seen thousands of men lay down
their lives because it seemed the nearest right. It seemed nearer
right than the belief that might is right. They had a vision, and that
vision goes on. It’s in many a heart, and it’s the hope of the world.
Other countries have visions, but no other countries in the world have
fought and won so many battles for freedom as the English-speaking
peoples. The Reformation, it is true, began in Germany, but it was in
England that its spirit flourished. Anglo-Saxonism stands to me for
true freedom, spiritual progress, high moral ideals, and a great sense
of service. It is based on the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of
man. I know we fail miserably to carry out our high ideals, but we have
no illusions about our virtue when we do fail. We don’t talk nonsense
about the superman or our thwarted souls. We know every one of us well
enough right from wrong. We have an ideal, and if we will only listen
to our consciences we realise that the Kingdom of God is within us, and
it’s our failure, not God’s, if this Kingdom seems so far away.

Now there must be people in all nations who feel like this, but I
believe that there are more people in the English-speaking countries
who have been taught this than in any other countries. They have been
taught a progressive Christianity. They have been taught to think for
themselves, and that is why I am so keen that these two great nations
should not only go on thinking for themselves, but should think how
to help all mankind. To be great for ourselves is the poorest sort of
greatness. It is pitiful, because it is not great at all.

I now finish my sermon on Anglo-Saxon idealism, and turn to facts
as I have found them in America. I am not here to speak of England;
I did that for one month in America. To-night I am here to speak
of America, and I can do so with as much pride and confidence as to
her greatness as I spoke of England’s in America. Let no one mistake
America’s greatness--her greatness of heart. That’s what struck me most
forcibly from the first time I spoke there. You may not realise that
my first speeches in America were on the need of America’s coming into
a league of peace. I spoke frankly and tried to point out why she was
needed--that it was just because of the entanglements of Europe and her
own happy fate and freedom from these entanglements that she, above all
other nations, had such a chance to help on the peace of the world.
No one desires to get any one else into entanglements, but we long to
disentangle the entangled. If America had been able to stay in on the
reparation question, with no axe of her own to grind, we all feel
that the world might have been in a better position now--international
markets might have been more prosperous and fewer children might have
been starving. We can’t blame any country for thanking God that she
is not entangled in the European chaos, but we must count on the wise
people of all countries to help to put the tangle straight.

Everywhere I went in America I spoke of the League of Nations.
Everywhere I found hundreds and thousands of people eager to help
along a league of peace. Much in this league of nations has been
misunderstood and misrepresented in America. The Covenant became mixed
up with party politics at election time. Millions of Americans seemed
to favour some modified league of peace. I am sure this country has
never considered the League perfect or above amendment; and I believe
that changes could be made which would improve the efficiency of the
League and which would at the same time make international coöperation
acceptable in America. I may be wrong, I do not think so. Many in
America have been frightened by certain clauses. They fear they might
be drawn into European wars--as though England with her nine hundred
thousand dead would ever join any league except to avoid wars. If
certain clauses are unacceptable to America, let us change those
clauses. No league can succeed unless it is based on mutual trust.

In America I tried to make them see that it was neither their money
nor their sons, but their great moral support which was needed. I
think myself that they realise it, thousands of them. The foreign-born
American can hardly fail to see that the best way to help the country
he has left is to vote for a real league of nations, which will
include all nations. The League of Women Voters, which represents
millions of women, is overwhelmingly in favour of some league of peace.
Women of all countries want peace because we pay so heavily in war.
There are women of all countries in America, and I feel sure they will
work toward peace. They may give a lead to the men. They can if they
will, and I feel that they will. America is bound to have a foreign
policy if she has a Mercantile Marine! The thinking men and women
realise that, and it’s only the thinkers in any country that count.
They are thinking hard in America, thinking so hard that they are
playing havoc with the old Party machines. They are bound to be broken
unless they represent the soul of the country. I don’t believe that
America cares more for oil concessions than for bleeding humanity.
Certain interests may, but they exist in all countries.

If the Press of the country is any indication of the thought of the
country, then we can rejoice when we read the American Press. Not
the Personal Press. The Personal Press in all countries is very much
alike and very misleading--in fact, it is a curse to any country. It’s
no good the reporters taking this down for most of their employers
won’t publish it. One reads the Press for news, true news and facts,
not to have the news tainted by the personal prejudices of the owner.
Unfortunately some newspaper owners don’t realise this, but we, who
read their papers, can only pity them and pray for better times. Now
the Associated Press of America is a shining light in the country,
because it tries to put true European news before the people. Mr.
Melville Stone, and the gentlemen who helped him to build up the
Associated Press deserve, and some day will get, the gratitude of the
world. True international news is what we need to know to-day. I was
much struck with the good European news that once got in the American
Press. Over here, except for a few commendable exceptions, one would
almost think that America was made up of bootleggers, drunken society
girls, and cinema scandals. If that were true, it would be far better
that America should never come into a league of nations. But that kind
of news does not represent the country: it is only true of those people
who add to no country’s greatness, and unfortunately are to be found in
all countries.

I could talk to you for hours of my travels, and the wonderful kindness
shown me wherever we went. It was so unexpected. I never started on
a mission; I never knew that America would be so interested in what
England had done and was trying to do. They warned me not to speak
of the League of Nations, but I found that a fool without fear is
sometimes wiser than an angel with fear. I had to speak of what was
in my heart. No one could have lived through these last seven years
and not had their hearts either broken, hardened, or just made larger.
I tried to tell them about English sailors and soldiers, and above
all English women. Many could have done it better, but I feel that
England’s greatness lies, perhaps, in her reticence. No English-born
M. P. could have spoken out so. I had an unique opportunity, and
sometimes when I feared I should fail, I remembered my friends in
Flanders fields, and that gave me courage. However, it doesn’t take
great courage to speak out what you feel is the truth to people,
particularly if they are your own people. It’s a wonderful thing to
belong to two great countries, but it’s even more wonderful to feel
that the hearts and desires of these two countries are striving for
what is best and what is right. It may take time before America comes
into her own, but her own is clear to me. She cannot live up to her
high ideals if she tries to live to herself alone. I don’t believe she
wants to do it. She proved it at the Washington Conference. She had the
chance to build the greatest navy in the world. She gave it up with as
much grace as the greatest navy in the world gave up her long reign of
the seas. There they showed the rest of the world how great they were.
Sometime, somehow, America will confer again, and that will be to help
the whole world, as England is so bravely trying to do almost alone
now--to show men that her foundations are built on peace on earth and
good-will toward all men.




IX[I]

“_America is no more a mere country of business men than England is a
nation of shop-keepers._”


It’s a wonderful thing to feel that you in Plymouth, who gave me my
first chance of public service, should be here to-night to thank me
for any small service I may have rendered. I know that there are some
here who never wanted to give me the chance, some who fought against
my getting the chance, but that makes it all the more splendid and
generous of them to come to-night. I hope that they will realise that,
whenever a really big chance comes, the Member from this glorious
old town will strive to do what is right, without party prejudice or
partial affection. That’s what I tried to do in America. I never did
half as well as I should have liked, but at least I did the best I knew
how.

My American trip will always remain a mystery to me. A mystery and an
inspiration. As you know, I never went out on a mission; I was not
quite so egotistical as that. I went to speak to the League of Women
Voters. They asked me, and I realised that, being Virginian born and
a British M. P., I might be able to explain to them a little some of
the outstanding characteristics of the British. I could stand before
them as an emblem of British Justice. You all must know that a certain
section of the Irish in America (and only a section--many of the
Irish-Americans are among the best and most highly respected citizens)
have made hatred of England not only a plank in their religious
teachings, which is the greatest of _all_ crimes (for it is a crime to
teach hate in the name of God who is Love), but they have also made it
a political issue. They are highly organised, and not a silent body
by any means. They have grossly misrepresented England, but I think
they have over-rated their powers. To hear them talk you would think
that England was a monster of greed and injustice. Their propaganda
is subtle, but it is not really convincing. I think it is killing
itself. It is a poor thing to preach hatred and it is almost suicidal
to nourish it. It is a losing doctrine and is bound to lose, if God is
true and God is love. I am not afraid of those who preach hate--be it
class, national, or international, for I believe that hate is a blind
force, and that the truth about everything finally works through,
though it takes time. This to me is one of the fundamental facts of
civilisation. We are slowly but surely progressing nearer and nearer
reality.

However, that is not what I came here to talk about. I am here to try
to tell you of my trip. In the first two speeches I made, I spoke of
England--her high ideals and desire to help the whole world. I spoke
of the common bond between America and Great Britain, that bond I
believe to be a common purpose of Peace on earth and good-will toward
all men. I reminded them of what a great part the British Navy had
played in making what civilisation we have. I don’t believe that any
other country in the world but England or America, with the greatest
navy in the world, would have used it always for purposes of peace.
I’ll admit that before America was settled the navy under Drake was
not exactly a missionary society, and yet it did missionary work, and
made it possible for English ideals to go forth and spread the whole
world over. I told them with as much pride as though I, personally, had
bidden godspeed to Francis Drake and seen that his powder was dry.

I should remind you that Drake is as much a part of Virginian history
as of England’s.

I spoke of the League of Nations, and how it could never be a real
League without America, and that America’s greatness would never be
true unless she helped the whole world; in fact, I just spoke out. I
would have understood had they said: “This woman talks too freely; we
don’t want to hear any more of what she has got to say.” I would have
understood that; but they didn’t do that. After my first two speeches
we got wires from all over America, from all kinds of associations
and people asking us to speak--business men, Chambers of Commerce,
colleges, etc.--that’s the wonderful part of the whole thing. I dared
speak of England and the League of Nations, and of the pity that
America should not be in, and they still wanted to hear. I have always
felt that not only are America’s laws Anglo-Saxon, but her ideals are
Anglo-Saxon, and I have always felt, too, that until people from other
countries brought better laws and higher ideals than my forefathers
carried from this country, that those laws and those ideals would be
accepted, and would govern and guide all those millions of people from
other nations who came to America. For the sake of humanity, one would
wish America to accept better laws and better ideals if she could find
them. I don’t think she has found them yet. She may have improved
them, but the background and bedrock are the same. Virginia did improve
them, and I was reminded in Canada that Nova Scotia got her laws
from the Virginians, who had improved them to suit a young country,
and from these laws a great nation is springing. Let no one forget
America’s greatness. She is very young compared to the Old World. She
may seem precocious--young people generally are--but she cares about
real things, and her heart is as big as her territory. Ask any one
who goes there, and they nearly all tell the same story of generous
hospitality and a great sense of friendliness. I, being American born
of only stout Anglo-Saxon forefathers, would naturally always love
the real America, but this time I loved her more than ever, for I saw
that my thoughts about her were right, and I loved her for letting
me speak of England--how she had suffered, how she fought, and how
hopeless she was at ever speaking of herself. I told them that perhaps
some of her greatness lay in her reticence. When you do right, you can
afford to be reticent. It is only people who are doing wrong who need
to be continually talking. I knew that though ten Englishmen were being
killed in the war for every two overseas men, to read the papers one
would have thought that only the overseas men were fighting. So much
was it so, that the German-Americans tried to use it as a proof of
England’s selfishness. She saved her own men, they said, and sent the
overseas men into the worst places. You and I and the men themselves
know better. It was England’s dauntless chivalry which made her give
first place in her accounts of the battles to her gallant sons who came
so far to help her.

Then I tried to tell them what English women did--how they bore it all;
and just worked and smiled and helped their sons when they came from
America. You here in Plymouth know all about that, for you did it so
well. You bound many a Yankee with your West Country kindliness. They
won’t forget. I went back and reminded them that English Kings found
out in 1214 at Runnymede what the Kaiser only discovered in 1918.
I reminded them that long before they set sail to settle America,
Englishmen were fighting for freedom. They let me say all this, and
they listened and were very kind.

And so we travelled far and wide, the two Plymouth M. P.’s of the Upper
and Lower Houses. The Member of the Upper House was a far greater
success than the member of the Lower House. They were slightly
prepared for my democratic outlook, but they were totally unprepared
for his. Imagine their surprise when they found him more progressive
and democratic than most of the people that they saw about them.

Before I leave America, I must tell you that my welcome in Virginia
was best of all--Virginia, England’s first child and my first home.
All I can tell you here at Plymouth about Virginia is this: I got a
Plymouth man a job in Virginia, and I saw him when I got back home and
he said: “Lady Astor, you are right about Virginia. I didn’t feel a
bit away from Devon here. It’s just like home.” And so I feel about
Plymouth. It, too, to me is just like home. There’s the same sort of
naturalness about Virginians as there is about Devonians. We both have
fine traditions, and perhaps we are both a little slow. The rest of
the countries may pick out many faults in us, but they can also pick
out many pages of history that would not have been written without us.

We went from New York to Baltimore, Washington, Philadelphia, Virginia,
then Chicago--a wonderful place--and everywhere we found a great spirit
of hope. It really seems a land of hope. Then we went to Canada.
Everyone in Canada was kind, from the Prime Minister down, and most of
my friends were down. They appeared all along the railway on the train
from Ottawa to Montreal. When I was trying to rest a bit I heard at
a wayside station two familiar voices--“Hurry up and come out, Mrs.
Astor, we’ve come a long way to see you.” There they were--two of the
Canadian soldiers from the Hospital at Cliveden. Virginia and Canada
did give me a very personal kind of welcome; so much so that I can’t
really speak of it, but I told them I realised that in thanking me,
they were just thanking all the women of England who had worked so hard
for their sons.

Now I don’t want you to think that we took this trip for any personal
purpose; that wouldn’t have been worth while, and yet it turned out
to be for a purpose--a purpose far above anything so small as a
personality--things we believed in, not what we had attained. But we
saw we had a chance to speak the kind of things that would unite, and
we took it; and I firmly believe that some day we shall see the British
Empire and America not bound together by any treaty--they may never
sign any agreement--that won’t matter, but seeing things as they saw
them at Washington. There are so many people in these two countries
who are working for what is greater than all nations--Civilisation
based on Christianity. I know you may look around and say we have very
little civilisation and even less Christianity; yet we have a nucleus,
a leaven perhaps, and some day it will leaven the whole. You may
rightly say bitter things about America not coming into the League of
Nations--no more bitter things than I heard some Americans say. I can’t
pretend to say that America will come into this League of Nations. I am
no prophet; but I would stake my very life that some day and some hour
America will come into some sort of League of Peace--not to protect
herself, but to protect the peace of the world. I know that there are
hundreds and thousands of men and women in America who are striving
for what is best and right in civic, national, and international life.
There are people in all countries with vision, and they keep the rest
from perishing. America is no more a mere country of business men than
England is a nation of shop-keepers. We do business and we keep shops,
but we don’t end there. That’s only where we begin. The countries who
taunt us with that find, when there’s famine in the world, American
business men and English shop-keepers are the first to help.

To-day is Independence Day in America. Little American children are
burning their fingers with fire crackers. American orators are burning
their audiences with oratory. They are speaking of America’s great
fight for Independence. Let us all remember that the American War of
Independence was fought by British Americans against a German King
and a reactionary Prime Minister for British ideals, and that a large
part of the British nation sympathised with the rebels. The same old
British fighting always for freedom! The great American of that day
was a Virginian--George Washington. Some one described him as one of
England’s greatest sons. He was a Virginian with only British blood--I
am just the other way around--a British M. P. with only Virginian
blood. I am no leader, no general, and no statesman, but I hope I am
a fighter, especially when it’s a fight for peace. Many of us believe
that until the British Empire and America get together and lead the
world in Peace--Peace will be a long time coming. We feel, too, that in
fighting for understanding between these two countries we are fighting
for something far greater than any one country--for a civilisation
based on Christianity.


THE END




FOOTNOTES:


[A] Before the League of Women Voters, New York.

[B] Before the English Speaking Union, New York.

[C] Before the Convention of the League of Women Voters, Baltimore.

[D] Before the Associated Press, New York.

[E] Before the League of Women Voters, Chicago.

[F] In Ottawa.

[G] New York farewell.

[H] Before the English Speaking Union, Plymouth.

[I] Plymouth.




TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES:


  Italicized text is surrounded by underscores: _italics_.

  Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.







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