[Transcriber's notes.
   This work is derived from:
   https://archive.org/details/historyforreadyr07larn

   To provide some "foresight" on the many international
   conflicts mentioned in this work, I suggest reading a review
   of World War I, which commences four years after the
   publication of this work. For example:
   https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I

   These modifications are intended to provide
   continuity of the text for ease of searching and reading.

1. To avoid breaks in the narrative, page numbers (shown in curly
   brackets "{1234}") are usually placed between paragraphs. In this
   case the page number is preceded and followed by an empty line.

   To remove page numbers use the Regular Expression:
     "^{[0-9]+}" to "" (empty string)

2. If a paragraph is exceptionally long, the page number is
   placed at the nearest sentence break on its own line, but
   without surrounding empty lines.

3. Blocks of unrelated text are moved to a nearby break
   between subjects.

5. Use of em dashes and other means of space saving are
   replaced with spaces and newlines.

6. Subjects are arranged thusly:

---------------------------------
MAIN SUBJECT TITLE IN UPPER CASE
   Subheading one.
   Subheading two.

   Subject text.

      See CROSS REFERENCE ONE.

      See Also CROSS REFERENCE TWO.

      John Smith,
      External Citation Title,
      Chapter 3, page 89.
---------------------------------

   Main titles are at the left margin, in all upper case
   (as in the original) and are preceded by an empty line.

   Subheadings (if any) are indented three spaces and
   immediately follow the main title.

   Text of the article (if any) follows the list of subtitles
   (if any) and is preceded with an empty line and indented
   three spaces.

   References to other articles in this work are in all upper
   case (as in the original) and indented six spaces. They
   usually begin with "See", "Also" or "Also in". "See" is
   followed by either "(in this Volume)" or the Volume number
   of one of the preceding six Volumes.

   Citations of works outside this book are indented six spaces
   and in italics (as in the original). The bibliography in
   Volume 1, APPENDIX F on page xxi provides additional details,
   including URLs of available internet versions.

   ----------Subject: Start--------
   ----------Subject: End----------
   indicates the start/end of a group of subheadings or other
   large block.

   To search for words separated by an unknown number of other
   characters, use this Regular Expression to find the words
   "first" and "second" separated by between 1 and 100 characters:
     "first.{1,100}second"

   A list of all words used in this work is found at the end of
   this file as an aid for finding words with unusual spellings
   that are archaic, contain non-Latin letters, or are spelled
   differently by various authors. Search for:

   "Word List: Start".

   I use these free search tools:
   Notepad++ — https://notepad-plus-plus.org
   Agent Ransack or FileLocator Pro — https://www.mythicsoft.com

   Several tables are best viewed using a fixed spacing font such
   Courier New.

End Transcriber's Notes.]

{i}
HISTORY

FOR READY REFERENCE

FROM THE BEST

HISTORIANS, BIOGRAPHERS, AND SPECIALISTS

THEIR OWN WORDS IN A COMPLETE

SYSTEM OF HISTORY

FOR ALL USES, EXTENDING TO ALL COUNTRIES AND SUBJECTS, AND
REPRESENTING FOR BOTH READERS AND STUDENTS THE
BETTER AND NEWER LITERATURE OF HISTORY
IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE


BY

J. N. LARNED


WITH NUMEROUS HISTORICAL MAPS FROM ORIGINAL STUDIES
AND DRAWINGS BY

ALAN C. REILEY

REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION

IN SEVEN VOLUMES


Volume VII.—RECENT HISTORY
(1901 TO 1910)

A to Z


SPRINGFIELD, MASS.

THE C. A. NICHOLS CO., PUBLISHERS

1910

{ii}

Copyright, 1910,
BY J. N. LARNED.


The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A.
Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company

{iii}


PREFACE TO THE SEVENTH VOLUME


   In the preface to the Sixth Volume of this work, published in
   the spring of 1901, it was remarked that the last half-dozen
   years of the Nineteenth Century, which that Volume covered,
   had been filled with events so remarkable and changes so
   revolutionary in political and social conditions that many
   people had asked for an extension of my work to report them.
   The years then reviewed disclosed only the beginnings of what
   the decade since has been developing, in movements and
   achievements so varied, so numerous, in such rapid succession,
   with effects so profound and so problematical, that their
   appeal to our interest seems the strongest that has come to us
   yet from human history. That the interest in them justifies
   this further extension of my compilation of "recent history"
   has been made clear to me by the frequency of the suggestions
   of another Volume which have come to the publisher and to
   myself. In the new Volume I have striven to make a clear
   exhibit of all these strangely pregnant evolutionary and
   revolutionary movements of the present time, which are
   traversing all divisions and institutions of all society,
   occidental and oriental, along all the lines of its
   organization,—international, national, municipal, political,
   industrial, intellectual, moral,—leaving nothing in life
   untouched.

   A few indications of the subjects dealt with most extensively
   in the Volume may convey some idea of its scope, and of the
   aims pursued in its preparation. For example: "Railways" and
   "Combinations" ("Trusts"), treated mainly as the subjects of
   regulative governmental action, occupy 38 pages in all. "Labor
   Organization" fills 25 pages with the incidents of its trade
   unions, labor parties, strikes, mediations, arbitrations and
   industrial agreements. "Labor Protection" receives 6 pages,
   for the account of what has been done in various countries in
   the matters of employers’ liability, industrial insurance,
   hours of work, etc. "Labor Remuneration" receives 9 pages, for
   the reporting of experiments in cooperation, profit-sharing,
   wages-regulation, pensions, etc. Various dealings with the
   problems of "Poverty and Unemployment" are set forth in 8
   pages; similarly the problems of "Crime and Criminology"
   receive nearly 6; those of the Liquor Traffic 9; those of the
   Opium evil, 3. The development of organized work for "Social
   Betterment" is traced in 5 pages; that of reform in "Municipal
   Government" in 12. The "Race Problems," which are troubling
   many countries and people, are depicted in 15 pages.
   Twenty-six pages are given to the Educational history of the
   last decade; recent "Science and Invention" are reported in
   16. "Children under the Law" are the subject of 8 interesting
   pages on recent legislation touching the young.

   The contradictory states of temper in the world on the subject
   of War are depicted under two contrasted headings—"War, The
   Preparations for" and "War, The Revolt against," in
   particulars which fill 35 pages. Of the one great war of the
   period, between Japan and Russia, and the triumph of mediation
   which brought it to a close, the narrative, in about 20 pages,
   is full. The story of the late revolution in Turkey is told
   authentically in 9 pages, and that of Persia in 10. The
   abortive attempts at revolution in Russia, and the sham of
   constitutional government conceded, have their history in 18
   pages. The signs of wakened life in China are described in 12.
   The discontent of India and Lord Morley’s measures of reform
   in the

{iv}

   British-Indian government, enlarging the native representation
   in it, are set forth broadly in 15. Generally, as concerns the
   British Empire, the interesting conditions that have arisen in
   it very lately, adding South Africa to the group of unified
   Colonial Dominions, which are young British nations in the
   making, and drawing them all into a league with the "Mother
   Country" for organized imperial defense, are amply portrayed.
   So, too, are the agitations in recent British politics at
   home, which have arisen from an increasing antagonism between
   popular interests represented in the House of Commons and
   class interests intrenched in the House of Lords. In American
   politics, the remarkable invigoration and freshening of spirit
   which characterized the administration of President Roosevelt
   are made apparent in a broad exhibit of their many effective
   results.

   As was said of Volume VI., it can be said, I think, with even
   more truth of this, that it presents "History in the
   making,—the day by day evolution of events and changes as they
   passed under the hands and before the eyes and were recorded
   by the pens of the actual makers and witnesses of them."

   As an appendix to the present Volume, a new feature, related
   to the whole work, has been introduced. It offers a
   considerably extensive series of systematic courses for
   historical study and reading, the literature for which is
   supplied in the seven Volumes of "History for Ready
   Reference." This has been prepared in response to many
   requests which the publishers have received. Even for casual
   investigations it will be found serviceable to every possessor
   and user of the work.

      J. N. L.
      Buffalo, New York, May, 1910.

{v}

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

   I am indebted to the following named authors and publishers
   for permission kindly given me to quote from books and
   periodicals, all of which are duly referred to in connection
   with the passages borrowed severally from them:

   The publishers of
   The American Catholic Quarterly Review,
   The American Monthly Review of Reviews,
   The Associated Prohibition Press,
   The Atlantic Monthly Magazine,
   The Boston Transcript,
   The Century Magazine,
   The Contemporary Review,
   The Fortnightly Review,
   The New York Evening Post,
   The New York State Journal of Medicine,
   The Nineteenth Century Review,
   The North American Review,
   The Outlook,
   The Times (London),
   Messrs. T. & T. Clark, Edinburgh,
   Messrs. Doubleday,
   Page & Co.,
   Messrs. E. P. Dutton & Co.,
   Messrs. Harper & Brothers,
   Messrs. Henry Holt & Co.,
   Messrs. Houghton Mifflin Company,
   Messrs. John Lane Company,
   Messrs. Charles Scribner’s Sons;
   Professors Joseph H. Beale and Bruce Wyman (as joint authors);
   Mr. Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department,
      Lowell High School, San Francisco;
   Mr. George Iles, author of "Inventors at Work",
   Dr. James Brown Scott, Solicitor of the U. S. Department of State.

   I am much indebted, furthermore, to the courtesy of many
   societies and persons from whom I have received reports and
   other documents that were essential to my work; and especially
   do I owe much to the helpfulness of many on the staff of the
   Buffalo Public Library.

{1}

HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE


ABD EL AZIZ, Sultan of Morocco.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1903, and 1907-1909.

ABDUL HAMID II., Sultan of Turkey.
   His forced restoration of the Constitution of 1876 .
   His faithlessness to it.
   His deposition.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (July-December.),
      and 1909 (January-May).

ABDULLA MOHAMMED, The Mullah.

      See (in this Volume)
      Africa: Somaliland.

ABDURAHMAN,
   Ameer of Afghanistan: Death, 1901.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

ABERDEEN, The Earl of: Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

ABERDEEN, Lady.

      See (in this Volume)
      WOMEN,  INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF.

"ABIR," or A. B. I. R. COMPANY, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902 .
   The French in favor.
   Their railway building and plans.

   "Through Abyssinia the French hope to establish a line of
   trade across Africa from east to west in opposition to our
   Cape to Cairo railway from north to south. In this they have
   already achieved some success. They have settled themselves
   along the Gulf of Tadjoura, on the south of which they hold
   the magnificent Bay of Djibouti, while on the north their flag
   waves over the small port of Obok. But their real triumph in
   these regions has been the establishment of a lasting
   friendship with Abyssinia by judicious consignments of arms
   and ammunition—which were used against Italy in the war of
   1896. Finally, they are now in the act of building a French
   railway from Djibouti to Addis Abeba, the capital of
   Abyssinia. This railway will completely cut out the British
   port of Zeila, for in the concession granted by Menelik it is
   stipulated that no company is to be permitted to construct a
   railroad on Abyssinian territory that shall enter into
   competition with that of M. Ilg and M. Chefneux. …

   "At Menelik’s capital, Addis Abeba, there is, to use the
   expression of M. Hugues le Roux, a silent duel in progress
   between the representatives of the various nationalities. We
   are represented by Colonel Harrington. But, although Menelik
   is wise enough to extend a friendly greeting to all, there is
   no reason to suppose that we should enjoy as great a share of
   favour as other nations. Although throughout the war we
   preserved a strict neutrality, we are regarded as a powerful
   and aggressive neighbour, and as the ally of Italy, whereas
   the French have been the truest friends of Abyssinia. The
   Russians are also in communication with the Negus, and their
   efforts are, of course, seconded by France. As for the
   Italians, their position seems now to be as good as that of
   any European nation."

      G. F. H. Berkeley,
      The Abyssinian Question and its History
      (Nineteenth Century, January, 1903).

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.
   Treaty with Great Britain.

   A treaty between Great Britain and the Emperor Menelek, of the
   kingdom of Ethiopia (Abyssinia), signed on the 15th of May,
   1902, defines the boundaries between the Soudan and Ethiopia,
   and contains the following important provisions:

   "Article III.
   His Majesty the Emperor Menelek II., King of Kings of
   Ethiopia, engages himself towards the Government of his
   Britannic Majesty not to construct, or allow to be
   constructed, any work across the Blue Nile, Lake Tsana, or the
   Sobat, which would arrest the flow of their waters into the
   Nile, except in agreement with his Britannic Majesty’s
   Government and the Government of the Soudan.

   Article IV.
   The Emperor Menelek engages himself to allow his Britannic
   Majesty’s Government and the Government of the Soudan to
   select in the neighborhood of Itang, on the Baro River, a
   block of territory having a river frontage of not more than
   2000 metres, in area not exceeding 400 hectares, which shall
   be leased to the Government of the Soudan, to be administered
   and occupied as a commercial station, so long as the Soudan is
   under the Anglo-Egyptian Government. It is agreed between the
   two high contracting parties that the territory so leased
   shall not be used for any political or military purpose.

   Article V.
   The Emperor Menelek grants his Britannic Majesty’s Government
   and the Government of the Soudan the right to construct a
   railway through Abyssinian territory to connect the Soudan
   with Uganda. A route for the railway will be selected by
   mutual agreement between the two high contracting parties."

ACCIDENTS TO WORKMEN:
   In the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION.

ACHINESE, Dutch hostilities with the.

      See (in this Volume)
      NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1904.

ACRE DISPUTES, The:
   Claims on the region by Brazil, Peru, and Bolivia.
   Its final partition.

   A considerable territory of much richness in the southwestern
   part of the Amazon Valley, around the upper waters of the
   Madeira, the Aquiry, and the Purus tributaries, was long in
   dispute between Brazil, Bolivia, and Peru, and became a cause
   of serious quarrel between the two first named in 1903. The
   then Brazilian President, Rodriguez Alves, in his first annual
   message, May, 1903, stated the situation from the Brazilian
   standpoint as follows:

   "Our former relations of such cordial friendship with Bolivia
   have suffered a not insignificant strain since the time when
   the Government of that sister Republic, unable to maintain its
   authority in the Acre region, inhabited exclusively, as you
   know, by Brazilians who, many years previously, had
   established themselves there in good faith, saw fit to deliver
   it over to a foreign syndicate upon whom it conferred powers
   almost sovereign. That concession, as dangerous for the
   neighboring nations as for Bolivia itself, encountered general
   disapproval in South America As the most immediately
   interested, Brazil, already in the time of my illustrious
   predecessor, protested against the contract to which I refer,
   and entered upon the policy of reprisals, prohibiting the free
   transit by the Amazon of merchandise between Bolivia and
   abroad.
{2}
   Neither that protest nor the counsels of friendship produced
   at that time the desired effect in La Paz, and, far from
   rescinding the contract or making the hoped-for modifications
   therein, the Bolivian Government concluded an especial
   arrangement for the purpose of hurrying the entrance of the
   syndicate into the possession of the territory.

   "When I assumed the government that was the situation, and in
   addition the inhabitants of the Acre, who had again proclaimed
   their independence, were masters of the whole country,
   excepting Puerto Acre, of which they did not get possession
   until the end of January. Although since January negotiations
   have been initiated by us for the purpose of removing amicably
   the cause of the disorders and complications which have had
   their seat of action in the Acre ever since the time when for
   the first time the Bolivian authorities penetrated thither, in
   1899, yet the Government of La Paz has nevertheless thought
   proper that its President and his minister of war should march
   against that territory at the head of armed forces with the
   end in view of crushing its inhabitants and then establishing
   the agents of the syndicate."

   The Brazilian President proceeded then to relate that he had
   notified the Bolivian Government of the intention of Brazil to
   "defend as its boundary the parallel of 10° 20' south," which
   it held to be the line indicated by the letter and the spirit
   of a treaty concluded in 1867; and that Bolivia had then
   agreed to a settlement of the dispute through diplomatic
   channels. "Upon the Bolivian Government agreeing to this," he
   continued, "we promptly reestablished freedom of transit for
   its foreign commerce by Brazilian waters. Shortly after this
   the syndicate, by reason of the indemnity which we paid it,
   renounced the concession which had been made it, eliminating
   thus this disturbing element."

   In conclusion of the subject, President Alves reported: "To
   the Peruvian Government we have announced, very willingly,
   since January, that we will examine, with attention, the
   claims which in due time they may be pleased to make upon the
   subject of the territories now in dispute between Brazil and
   Bolivia."

   The result of the ensuing negotiations between Brazil and
   Bolivia was a treaty signed in the following November and duly
   ratified, the terms of which were summarized as follows in a
   despatch from the American Legation at La Paz, December 26:
   "Three months after exchange of ratifications Brazil is to pay
   an indemnity of £1,000,000 and in March, 1905, £1,000,000. A
   small strip of territory, north Marso, Brazilero, embracing
   Bahia Negra and a port opposite Coimbra, on Paraguay River,
   are conceded, and all responsibilities respecting Peruvian
   contentions are assumed. The disputed Acre territory is
   conceded by Bolivia. A railroad for the common use of both
   countries is to be built from San Antonio, on Madeira River,
   to Cuajar Ameren, on Mamore River, within four years after
   ratification. Free navigation on the Amazon and its Bolivian
   affluents is conceded. A mixed commission, with umpire chosen
   from the diplomatic representation to Brazil, will treat all
   individual Acre claims."

   Subsequently it was determined in Bolivia that the entire
   indemnity received from Brazil should be expended on
   railroads, with an additional sum of £3,500,000, to be raised
   by loan.

   For the settlement of the remaining question of rights in the
   Acre territory, between Bolivia and Peru, a treaty of
   arbitration, negotiated in December, 1902, but ratified with
   modifications by the Bolivian Congress in October, 1903,
   provided that "the high contracting parties submit to the
   judgment and decision of the Government of the Argentine
   Republic, as arbitrator and judge of rights, the question of
   limits now pending between both republics, so as to obtain a
   definite and unappealable sentence, in virtue of which all the
   territory which in 1810 belonged to the jurisdiction or
   district of the Ancient Audience of Charcas, within the limits
   of the viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres, by acts of the ancient
   sovereign, may belong to the Republic of Bolivia; and all the
   territory which at the same date and by acts of equal origin
   belonged to the viceroyalty of Peru may belong to the Republic
   of Peru."

   The case was pending until July, 1909, when judgment favorable
   to the claims of Peru was pronounced by the President of the
   Argentine Republic, Señor Figueroa Alcorta. According to the
   award, as announced officially from Peru, the line was drawn
   to "follow the rivers Heath and Madre de Dios up to the mouth
   of the Toromonas and from there a straight line as far as the
   intersection of the river Tehuamanu with meridian 69. It will
   then run northwards along this meridian until it meets the
   territorial sovereignty of another nation."

   The Bolivians were enraged by the decision against them, and
   riotous attacks were made on the Argentine Legation at La Paz,
   the Bolivian capital, and on Argentine consulates elsewhere.
   Worse than this in offensiveness was a published declaration
   by President Montes of Bolivia that the arbitration award
   respecting the frontiers of Bolivia and Peru had been given by
   Argentina without regard to Bolivia’s petition that an actual
   inspection of the territory should be made in case the
   documents and titles submitted were unsatisfactory. "Had this
   been done," said the President of Bolivia, "the arbitrator
   would have been convinced of the respective possessions of the
   two countries. It is inexplicable how the arbitrator, after
   examining the titles and documents, could give such a
   decision. He passed over the elementary principles of
   international rights in awarding to Peru territory which had
   never been questioned as belonging to Bolivia. As a
   consequence Bolivia rejects the award."

   The insulted Government of Argentina demanded explanations;
   diplomatic relations between the two countries were broken
   off, and war seemed imminent. Fortunately the term of
   President Montes was near its close, and a man of evidently
   cooler temper, Elidoro Villazon, succeeded him in the
   Presidency on August 12th. The new President, in his message
   to Congress next day, while characterizing the award as
   unjust, said: "We must proceed circumspectly, and be guided by
   international rights and the customs of civilized nations in
   similar cases. I consider it right to avail ourselves of the
   means offered by diplomacy to obtain a rectification of the
   new frontier line given by arbitration, thus saving the
   compromised possessions of Bolivia."

{3}

   With this better spirit entering into the controversy, Bolivia
   was soon able to arrange with Peru for a concession from the
   latter which made her people willing to recognize the award.
   This agreement was effected on the 11th of September, and its
   terms, as made known in a despatch from Rio de Janeiro, were
   as follows:

   "Peru surrenders to Bolivia a very small extent of territory
   lying between the Madre de Dios River and the Acre, traversed
   by the rivers Tahuamano and Buyamaro, which together form the
   river Orton, an affluent of the Beni River. This territory,
   with an area of about 6,500 square kilometres, was discovered
   and colonized by Bolivians, who to-day are in possession of
   numerous prosperous industries there. Peru gets possession of
   all the upper course of the Madre de Dios, from its head
   waters to its confluence with the river Heath. Such a slight
   modification as the foregoing from the decision reached by the
   arbitrator in no way disturbs the Argentine Republic."

   As between Peru and Brazil the boundary question was settled
   by a treaty signed at Rio de Janeiro on the 8th of September,
   three days before the Bolivian pacification.

   This probably closes a territorial dispute which has troubled
   four countries in South America for many years, and brought
   quarrelling couples to the verge of war a number of times.

ADANA, Massacres at.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May), and (April-December).

ADDIS ABEBA, Capital of Abyssinia.

      See (in this Volume)
      ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

ADULTERATIONS, Laws against.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS.

AEHRENTHAL, Baron.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

AERONAUTICS.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1906.
   Death of Abdurahman.
   Succession of his son, Habibullah.
   Signs of a progressive spirit in the new Ameer.

   The late Ameer, Abdurahman, died in October, 1901, and was
   succeeded by his eldest son, Habibullah. Early in the third
   year of his reign the new Ameer began to show signs of a wish
   to have his country move a little on the lines of European
   progress, in the march which so many of his Asiatic neighbors
   were joining. His undertakings were disturbed for a time by
   trouble with his half-brother, Omar Jan, and with the latter’s
   mother, the Bibi Halima or Queen of the Harem; but he brought
   the trouble to an end which does not seem to have been
   tragical, and that, in itself, is a notable mark in his favor.
   The Russo-Japanese War interested him immensely, and he
   established a daily post between Khyber and Cabul to bring
   speedy news of events. He then read the reports in public,
   with expositions, to make the listening people understand the
   bearing of what was happening on their own interests, and the
   lessons they should learn from what the Japanese were doing.
   He is said to have done much in the way of improving
   agriculture and horse-breeding in Afghanistan; he has a desire
   to establish a Chiefs’ College, with the English language as
   the basis of instruction, but has met with strong opposition
   in this undertaking; and he has introduced electric lighting,
   with probably other luxuries of modern science, in Cabul. Such
   things in Afghanistan mark a highly progressive man. His
   political intelligence is proved by the cordiality of his
   relations with the British Indian Government. An interesting
   account of conditions in the Ameer’s country in 1904 was given
   by Mr. D. C. Boulger, in the Fortnightly Review of December,
   that year, under the title of "The Awakening of Afghanistan."

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1905.
   The Ameer becomes King.

   In a new treaty between the Government of Great Britain and
   the Ameer of Afghanistan, the latter was recognized as King.

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1907.
   Convention between Great Britain and Russia relative to
   Afghanistan.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

AFRICA:
   Its Colonizability by white peoples.
   The regions habitable by Europeans.

   "There are three obstacles to the white race from Europe
   overrunning and colonising the continent of Africa as it has
   overrun and colonised the two Americas and Australasia. The
   first is the insalubrity of the well-watered regions and the
   uninhabitability of the desert tracts; the second is the
   opposition of strong indigenous races; and the third, of quite
   recent growth, is a growing sentiment which is increasingly
   influencing public opinion, in Europe more especially, and
   which forbids the white man to do evil that good may come:
   namely, to displace by force of arms pre-existing races in
   order that, the white man may take the land they occupy for
   his own use. It is probable that the second and third reasons
   combined may in future prove the more effective checks.
   Deserts, to be made habitable and cultivable, only need
   irrigation, and apparently there is a subterranean water
   supply underlying most African deserts which can be tapped by
   artesian wells. The extreme unhealthiness of the well-watered
   parts of Africa is due not so much to climate as to the
   presence of malaria in the systems of the Negro inhabitants.
   This malaria is conveyed from the black man to the white man
   by certain gnats of the genus Anopheles—possibly by
   other agencies. But the draining of marshes and the
   sterilisation of pools, together with other measures, may
   gradually bring about the extinction of the mosquito; while,
   on the other hand, it seems as though the drug (Cassia
   Beareana) obtained from the roots of a cassia bush may act
   as a complete cure for malarial fever. …

   "For practical purposes the only areas south of the Sahara
   Desert which at the present time are favourable to white
   colonisation are the following. In West Africa there can be no
   white colonisation under existing conditions; the white man
   can only remain there for a portion of his working life as an
   educator and administrator. … In North-East Africa,
   Abyssinia and Eritrea will suggest themselves as white man’s
   countries—presenting, that is to say, some of the conditions
   favourable to European colonisation. The actual coast of
   Eritrea is extremely hot, almost the hottest country in the
   world, but it is not necessarily very unhealthy. The heat,
   however, apart from the existence of a fairly abundant native
   population, almost precludes the idea of a European
   settlement. But on the mountains of the hinterland which are
   still within Italian territory there are said to be a few
   small areas suited at any rate to settlement by Italians, who,
   by-the-by, seem to be getting on very well with the natives in
   that part of Africa. But a European colonisation of Abyssinia,
   possible as it might be climatically, is out of the question
   in view of the relatively abundant and warlike population
   indigenous to the Ethiopian Empire. …

{4}

   "Then comes Central Africa, which may be taken to range from
   the northern limits of the Congo basin and the Great Lakes on
   the north to the Cunenc River and the Zambesi on the south.
   British East Africa and Uganda offer probably the largest
   continuous area of white man’s country in the central section
   of the continent. The Ankole country in the southwest of the
   Uganda Protectorate and the highlands north of Tanganyika,
   together with the slopes of the Ruwenzori range, offer small
   tracts of land thoroughly suited to occupation by a white race
   so far as climate and fertility are concerned; but these
   countries have already been occupied, to a great extent, by
   some of the earliest forerunners of the Caucasian (the
   Bahima), as well as by sturdy Negro tribes who have become
   inured to the cold. To the northeast of the Victoria Nyanza,
   however, there is an area which has as its outposts the
   southwest coast of Lake Rudolf, the great mountains of
   Debasien and Elgon, and the snow-clad extinct volcanoes of
   Kenia and Kilimanjaro. This land of plateaux and rift valleys
   is not far short of 70,000 square miles in extent, and so far
   as climate and other physical conditions are concerned is as
   well suited for occupation by British settlers as Queensland
   or New South Wales. But nearly 50,000 square miles of this
   East African territory is more or less in the occupation of
   sturdy Negro or Negroid races whom it would be neither just
   nor easy to expel. …

   "The only portion of German East Africa which is at all suited
   to European settlement lies along the edge of the
   Nyasa-Tanganyika Plateau. Here is a district of a little more
   than a thousand square miles which is not only elevated and
   healthy, but very sparsely populated by Negroes. A few patches
   in the Katanga district and the extreme southern part of the
   Congo Free State offer similar conditions.

   "In British Central Africa we have perhaps 6,000 square miles
   of elevated, sparsely populated, fertile country to the
   northwest of Lake Nyasa and along the road to Tanganyika.
   There is also land of this description in the North-East
   Rhodesian province of British Central Africa, in Manikaland,
   and along the water-parting between the Congo and the Zambesi
   systems. Then in the southernmost prolongation of British
   Central Africa are the celebrated Shire Highlands, which,
   together with a few outlying mountain districts to the
   southwest of Lake Nyasa, may offer a total area of about 5,000
   square miles suitable to European colonisation. A small
   portion of the Mozambique province, in the interior of the
   Angoche coast, might answer to the same description. Then
   again, far away to the west, under the same latitudes, we
   have, at the back of Mossamedes and Benguela, other patches of
   white man’s country in the mountains of Bailundo and Shclla.

   "In South Africa, beyond the latitudes of the Zambesi, we come
   to lands which are increasingly suited to the white man’s
   occupation the further we proceed south. Nearly all German
   South-West Africa is arid desert, but inland there are
   plateaux and mountains which sometimes exceed 8,000 feet in
   altitude, and which have a sufficient rainfall to make
   European agriculture possible. … About two-thirds of the
   Transvaal, a third of Rhodesia, a small portion of southern
   Bechuanaland, two-thirds of the Orange River Colony,
   four-fifths of Cape Colony, and a third of Natal sum up the
   areas attributed to the white man in South Africa. The
   remainder of this part of the continent must be considered
   mainly as a reserve for the black man, and to a much smaller
   degree (in South-East Africa) as a field for Asiatic
   colonisation, preferentially on the part of British Indians.

   "Counting the white-skinned Berbers and Arabs of North Africa,
   and the more or less pure-blooded, light-skinned Egyptians, as
   white men, and the land they occupy as part of the white man’s
   share of the Dark Continent, we may then by a rough
   calculation arrive (by adding to white North Africa the other
   areas enumerated in the rest of the continent) at the fol-
   lowing estimate: that about 970,000 square miles of the whole
   African continent may be attributed to the white man as his
   legitimate share. If, however, we are merely to consider the
   territory that lies open to European colonisation, then we
   must considerably reduce our North African estimate."

      H. H. Johnston,
      The White Man's Place in Africa
      (Nineteenth Century, June, 1904).

AFRICA:
   Agreements between England and France concerning Egypt,
   Morocco, Senegambia, and Madagascar.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

AFRICA:
   British, German, and Congo frontier agreement.

   The following was telegraphed to the Press from Berlin,
   November 29, 1909:

   "An agreement was signed in Berlin during the summer, Reuter’s
   representative learns, whereby various questions affecting the
   frontier lines between British Uganda and German East Africa
   and the Congo, which have been under discussion for years,
   were definitely settled. The agreement is understood to be
   satisfactory to both parties, but the details are not to be
   published as yet."

AFRICA:
   French Central: A Land-locked Empire.

   "Since 1898, successive expeditions have converged from the
   French Niger Territories, from South Algeria, and from the
   French Congo towards Lake Tchad, which has ever exercised a
   mystic charm over the minds of explorers. Rabah, the usurper
   of Bornou, has been killed, and his son Fadel’allah recently
   met the same fate, so that all the belt of black countries
   stretching from the north of Sokoto, the north of Bornon and
   Baghirmi to the confines of Wadaï, the most easterly limit of
   the French sphere, are now occupied in a military sense. …
   Even if we consider the French as now firmly settled in these
   countries, peopled with timid blacks from whom little is to be
   feared, the succeeding problem, what to do with them, presents
   no seductive outlook.

   "The key to the situation is the question of transport, for
   here we have a vast land-locked empire, the roads to which are
   long, complicated, and difficult. For the present the question
   of a great Trans-Saharan railway may be left out of account,
   and in all probability more mature consideration will convince
   the French of the futility of such a scheme. Three roads
   running through French territory are available; from the
   east by the Niger, from the south by the French Congo, and
   from the north, Tunis or Algeria, across the great Sahara.
{5}
   Of the three, the only one which can be made of practical
   utility for a long time to come is that across the Sahara.
   From the centre of Africa there are several well-known caravan
   routes, all capable of being commercially used, provided the
   intervening tribes can be brought to acquiesce in the French
   domination. All these terminate in Turkish territory."

      E. J. Wardle,
      The French in Central Africa
      (Contemporary Review, October, 1902).

AFRICA:
   Subjugation of Hausa Land and occupation of Sokoto.

   Early in 1903 the High Commissioner of Nigeria, Sir F. Lugard,
   sent an expedition against the Emir of Kano, in the northern
   part of the Nigerian Protectorate, within the Sultanate of
   Sokoto, which had never been made submissive to the rule which
   Great Britain claimed. Kano was reached and taken by assault
   on the 3d of February, the Emir and his horsemen escaping
   toward Sokoto. The expedition then proceeded against Sokoto,
   where feeble resistance was offered, and the seat of the
   Sultanate was taken on the 15th of March. These conquests are
   believed to have effected a firm establishment of British
   ascendancy throughout the Niger territory, from the coast to
   the Saharan sphere of the French. The possession of Kano is
   important, as it is the starting point of caravan routes
   eastward and northward and the chief commercial town of the
   Western Sudan.

AFRICA:
   Rapid development of the railway system.

      See (in this Volume)
      Railways: Nigeria.

AFRICA:
   French Mauretanie.

      See Morocco: A. D.1909.

AFRICA:
   French Western: Eradication of Yellow Fever.

      See PUBLIC HEALTH: A. D. 1901-1905.

AFRICA:
   German Colonies: Cost to Germany.
   Small number of German Colonists.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1903.

AFRICA:
   Unpopularity of the Colonial Policy in Germany.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

AFRICA:
   Wars with the Natives.

   In the German Parliament, on the 12th of January, 1905, it was
   stated by the Director of the Colonial Department, Dr. Stübel,
   that up to that date 11,000 German troops had been employed
   against the Hereros and Witbois in Southwest Africa, and that
   the campaign of 1904 had cost 42,000,000 marks (about
   $10,500,000). The military estimate for 1905 was 60,000,000
   marks. General von Trotha, Governor of the colony, who had
   been in command of operations, and who had set a price on the
   heads of Morenga and other insurgent chiefs, and had
   threatened the whole tribe with extermination, was to be
   superseded; but the Emperor, notwithstanding, conferred on him
   the Order "Pour le Merite." A similar conflict with the
   natives in German East Africa was opened in August, 1905, by
   the murder of Bishop Spiers and four missionaries and Sisters
   of Mercy. The Wangonis are of the Zulu race, mustering about
   30,000 warriors, and reinforcements of the German troops had
   to be sent out.

AFRICA:
   Opening of Diamond Fields.

   Diamond discoveries in German Southwest Africa began to
   acquire importance in 1908. As stated in a lecture on the
   subject by Herr Dernburg, the German Colonial Secretary, at
   Berlin, in January, 1909, these diamond deposits lie in
   crescent form around Lüderitz Bay, beginning to the south of
   Elizabeth Bay and extending northwards to the sea-coast in the
   vicinity of Anischab. The full extent of the stretch of
   diamond-bearing sand can only be ascertained by careful
   measurement, but it is even now permissible to describe the
   deposits as very considerable. The diamonds, which are found
   mixed with small agates and other half-precious stones, vary
   from one-fifth to three-quarters of a carat—the average not
   exceeding one-third of a carat. They are almost perfect
   octahedrons of good water. The regular exploitation may be
   said to have begun in September, 1908, the total recovered
   before that date only amounting to 2,720 carats. In September
   the amount was 6,644 carats, in October 8,621, in November
   10,228, and in December 11,549, or in all 39,762, the price of
   which would be about £55,000. The administrative regulations
   introduced stipulate, first, that half the net profit shall go
   to the Southwest African Treasury; secondly, that measures
   shall be taken to secure an adequate market for the new supply
   and to prevent depreciation; thirdly, that suitable conditions
   shall be established for the working of the mines; and,
   fourthly, that their exploitation shall be mainly reserved for
   German capital, and that increased work shall be provided for
   the German diamond-cutting industry.

AFRICA: Portuguese: A. D. 1905-1908.
   Continued existence of slavery.

   General F. Joubert-Pienaar, one of the prominent Boer leaders
   in the Boer-British War, is the authority for startling
   statements concerning the continued maintenance of slavery in
   Portuguese Africa. He attempted to become a settler in that
   region, and related subsequently what he saw and heard during
   his stay in it. Of an experience at the Island Principe he
   said: "The English director of the cable office took me to
   some of the cocoa plantations, with which the slopes of the
   hills are covered. He told me that it was a terribly unhealthy
   place to live, and that Europeans could not exist there for
   more than a couple of months at a time, and that frequent
   changes have to be made, therefore, in the telegraph
   department. He told me, further, that the year before the
   whole original population of the island had died from malarial
   fever, and that the following year they imported five hundred
   slaves, men and women, to repopulate the island. That was ten
   months before my visit. Pointing to five women walking on the
   street, he said: 'There are all that are left of the women
   imported, and only about a dozen men remain.' I asked him how
   they carried on the work of the plantations. He said it was
   done by simply importing slaves, from time to time, to replace
   those who had died."

   General Joubert-Pienaar declares that he never heard of a
   single case where one of these slaves had returned to his own
   country, while in the coast towns the abnormal proportion of
   native women and children noticeable is due to the fact that
   the men have been sent as slaves to the islands. The method of
   obtaining the slaves and of making the pretense of a contract
   with them is thus described: "When any slaves are wanted in
   the islands, the plantation owner informs the slave-traders on
   the mainland. The slave-trader goes to a strong chief, inland,
   and bargains with him for the number of slaves he requires,
   generally paying him in rifles and ammunition.
{6}
   This chief will not send any of his own men to the islands,
   but, calling his braves, he goes to some weaker tribe, attacks
   it, and annihilates the tribe, taking the men, women,
   children, and cattle captive. The men, and as many
   women as are necessary, he hands over to the
   slave-trader, the rest of the women and the cattle he
   keeps for himself and his people, and the children he
   sells to colonists for slaves. On these slave-hunting
   expeditions the most terrible cruelties are enacted and
   the most gruesome atrocities perpetrated. …  Arriving at
   the coast, these men—and sometimes women when they are
   required—are brought before an officer appointed for the
   purpose. He reads the contract to them in Portuguese; and
   after the contract has been read to these people, who do not
   understand one word of the language, a black man, who is
   stationed there for the purpose, shouts to these slaves to say
   ‘Yes!’ Of course they all repeat the ‘Yes’ after him, and the
   Portuguese official then certifies that these men have all
   agreed to go and work on the islands under the terms of the
   contract read to them. He then takes a little tin box, in
   which a copy of the contract is placed, and ties it around the
   neck of each of the slaves."

AFRICA:
   Somaliland: Troubles with the Mullah.

   In 1902 the British in their Somali Coast Protectorate began
   to be harassed by raids from the bordering desert region led
   by a religious agitator who had assumed the character known as
   that of a Mullah. Three years previously the British Consul at
   Berbera had reported to London the appearance of this
   personage, Muhammad Abdullah by name, in the Dolbahanta
   country, and that he was said to be "collecting arms and men
   with a view to establishing his authority over the
   southeastern portion of the Protectorate." He had made several
   pilgrimages to Mecca, and had attached himself there to a sect
   which "preaches more regularity in the hours of prayer" and
   "stricter attention to the forms of religion." He had begun
   the use of force to compel the tribes of his region to join
   his sect, and was evidently gaining power to make trouble. The
   trouble was realized in due time, and became serious in 1902,
   when, in October, Colonel Swayne, with a native levy of
   troops, having driven the Mullah’s raiders back into the
   desert, followed them thither, and suffered a serious reverse.
   He was attacked and compelled to retreat, with a loss of two
   officers and 70 men killed and two officers, with about 100
   men wounded. Troops were then sent to the Protectorate from
   India and careful preparations were made for dealing with the
   Mullah in a more effectual way. He, meantime, sent demands for
   political recognition and for the cession to him of a port.

   Early in 1903 operations against the Mullah were renewed, with
   strongly increased forces from India and from African native
   levies; but the results were again disastrous. A detachment
   from a column which pursued the Mullah into his own region
   ventured too far in the advance and was overwhelmed, losing
   nearly 200 officers and men. There appears to have been no
   success during the year to counterbalance this reverse.

AFRICA:
   Peace with the Mullah.

   The Mullah was brought at last to an agreement with Great
   Britain and Italy which established comparative peace for the
   time being in Somaliland, with the promise of freedom in
   trade.

   Notwithstanding the pacific agreement with the Mullah,
   effected in 1905, troubles on the Somali border have
   continued, because of his attacks on friendly tribes. Early in
   1909 it was announced that the British forces in Somaliland
   were to be increased, but that there was no intention to
   embark on any expedition against the Mullah. A despatch from
   Bombay, India, on the 3d of January, said: "Further operations
   against the Somaliland Mullah are strongly deprecated. It is
   impossible to conduct a successful campaign, owing to the
   difficulty of obtaining supplies, unless a light railway 200
   miles long is built to Bohotle. The Mullah, who is an able
   man, is not believed to be anxious to engage in fresh
   hostilities with the British, but he is determined to dominate
   the Hinterland. Experts consider that no new movement on the
   lines of the last campaign would produce a satisfactory
   result. The Mullah’s strength is unknown, but it is probably
   great, as his camp sometimes covers ten square miles. His
   mobility is astonishing, and he can always elude our troops.
   Our present advanced outpost is Burao, 80 miles from Berbera,
   where there is a small force of the King’s African Rifles. The
   country is practically worthless, and the best course,
   probably, is to hold the coast and to leave the far interior
   severely alone. The friendly tribes cannot be further
   effectively protected without permanently employing a large
   force. Minor operations are now merely a waste of money."

AFRICA:
   Sudan: Suppression of a new Mahdi.

   A new Mahdi proclaimed himself in Southern Kordofan in
   November, 1903. He was a native of Tunis, named Mahomed El
   Amin, who had twice made the pilgrimage to Mecca. Colonel
   Mahon, the Deputy-Governor of the Sudan, on hearing of
   Mahomed’s proclamation, started instantly from Khartoum, with
   200 cavalry, sending orders to El Obeid for 200 infantry, with
   Maxims, to meet him near Tagalla. With this force, after a
   five days march, through the desert toward the Tagalla
   mountains, he caught the Mahdi, took him to El Obeid and tried
   and hanged him straightway.

AFRICA:
   Population.

   Lord Cromer, in his annual report, 1904, estimated the
   population of the Sudan, within the British-Egyptian
   Condominium, at no more than 1,870,000, to which number it had
   been reduced by war and disease from former estimates of
   8,525,000, prior to the Mahdi domination.

      See, also, ALGIERS, CONGO, EGYPT, MOROCCO,
      RHODESIA, SOUTH AFRICA, etc.

AGLIPAY, Padre Gregorio:
   His secession from the Roman Catholic Church in the Philippines.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.

AGRAM TRIALS, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.

AGRARIAN INTEREST, in Germany:
   Its triumph in 1909.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

AGRARIAN LAW, The Russian.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

AGRICULTURAL CRISIS IN RUSSIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905.

AGRICULTURE:
   Coöperative and other unions among farmers.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909;
      AND LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

AGRICULTURE:
   Dry Farming.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AGRICULTURE.

{7}

AGRICULTURE:
   Germany: Decrease of agricultural population.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1907.

AGRICULTURE:
   Increasing cooperative organization in Great Britain.

      See LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

AGRICULTURE: International Institute:
   Its origin and purpose.
   Created under the auspices of the King of Italy.
   Forty nations associated in its membership.
   Its seat near Rome.

   The idea of an international organization for systematizing
   the agricultural production of the world and regulating the
   markets of food products, by constant and authentic knowledge
   of crops and conditions, was conceived some years ago by Mr.
   David Lubin, of California. It was first expressed by him
   publicly at Budapest in 1896, but was the growth of thirteen
   years of thought preceding that date. As the result of Mr.
   Lubin’s efforts to interest governments and peoples in the
   project, King Victor Emmanuel III., of Italy, became its
   hearty patron in 1903, and took the initiative step toward
   effecting an organization as wide as the civilized world, by
   inviting all nations to take part in a convention of delegates
   for the purpose, at Rome, in May, 1905. The invitation, as
   addressed to the Government of the United States by the
   Italian Ambassador at Washington, on the 26th of February,
   1905, was in these words: "By order of my government, I have
   the honor to inform your excellency that His Majesty the King,
   my august sovereign, has taken the initiative in the formation
   of an international institute of agriculture to be composed of
   representatives of the great agricultural societies of the
   various countries and of delegates from the several
   governments. This institute, being devoid of any political
   intent, should tend to bring about a community of interests
   among agriculturists and to protect these interests in the
   markets of the world. It will study agricultural conditions in
   the different countries, periodically indicating the supply
   and the quality of products with accuracy and care, so as to
   proportion production to demand, increase and distribute the
   various crops according to the rate of consumption, render the
   commerce of agricultural products less costly and more
   expeditious, and suitably determine the prices thereof. Acting
   in unison with the various national bureaus already existing,
   it will furnish accurate information on conditions regarding
   agricultural labor in various localities, and will regulate
   and direct the currents of emigration. It will favor the
   institution of agricultural exchanges and labor bureaus. It
   will protect both producers and consumers against the excesses
   of transportation and forestalling syndicates, keeping a watch
   on middlemen, pointing out their abuses, and acquainting the
   public with the true conditions of the market. It will foster
   agreements for common defense against the diseases of plants
   and live stock, against which individual defense is less
   effectual. It will help to develop rural cooperation,
   agricultural insurance, and agrarian credit. It will study and
   propose measures of general interest, preparing international
   agreements for the benefit of agriculture and the agricultural
   classes.

   "Carrying out the intention of His Majesty, the Italian
   Government appeals to all friendly nations, each of which
   ought to have its own representatives in the institute,
   appointed to act as the exponents of their respective
   governments, as organs of mutual relations, and as mediums of
   reciprocal influence and information. It accordingly now
   invites them to participate through their delegates in the
   first convention, which is to be held at Rome next May for the
   purpose of preparing rules for the new institute.

   "The King’s Government trusts that the United States will be
   willing to cooperate in the enterprise, the first inspiration
   of which is due to an American citizen, and that, accepting
   the invitation to the conference at Rome, it will send thither
   a delegation commensurate with its importance as the foremost
   agricultural nation in the world."

   Gratifying responses to the invitation were made by most, if
   not all, of the governments addressed, and the Conference at
   Rome was held at the appointed time. It concluded its sessions
   on the 7th of June by attaching the signatures of the
   delegates of the Powers represented to a final Act, which
   embodies the resolutions on which they had agreed. This Act of
   organization was as follows:

   "Article 1.
   There is hereby created a permanent international institute of
   agriculture, having its seat at Rome.

   "Article 2.
   The international institute of agriculture is to be a
   government institution, in which each adhering power shall be
   represented by delegates of its choice. The institute shall be
   composed of a general assembly and a permanent committee, the
   composition and duties of which are defined in the ensuing
   articles.

   "Article 3.
   The general assembly of the institute shall be composed of the
   representatives of the adhering governments. Each nation,
   whatever be the number of its delegates, shall be entitled to
   a number of votes in the assembly which shall be determined
   according to the group to which it belongs, and to which
   reference will be made in article 10.

   "Article 4.
   The general assembly shall elect for each session from among
   its members a president and two vice-presidents. The sessions
   shall take place on dates fixed by the last general assembly
   and according to a programme proposed by the permanent
   committee and adopted by the adhering governments.

   "Article 5.
   The general assembly shall exercise supreme control over the
   international institute of agriculture. It shall approve the
   projects prepared by the permanent committee regarding the
   organization and internal workings of the institute. It shall
   fix the total amount of expenditures and audit and approve the
   accounts. It shall submit to the approval of the adhering
   governments modifications of any nature involving an increase
   in expenditure or an enlargement of the functions of the
   institute. It shall set the date for holding the sessions. It
   shall prepare its regulations. The presence at the general
   assemblies of delegates representing two-thirds of the
   adhering nations shall be required in order to render the
   deliberations valid.

   "Article 6.
   The executive power of the institute is intrusted to the
   permanent committee, which, under the direction and control of
   the general assembly, shall carry out the decisions of the
   latter and prepare propositions to submit to it.

{8}

   "Article 7.
   The permanent committee shall be composed of members
   designated by the respective governments. Each adhering nation
   shall be represented in the permanent committee by one member.
   However, the representation of one nation may be intrusted to
   a delegate of another adhering nation, provided that the
   actual number of members shall not be less than fifteen. The
   conditions of voting in the permanent committee shall be the
   same as those indicated in article 3 for the general
   assemblies.

   "Article 8.
   The permanent committee shall elect from among its
   members for a period of three years a president and a
   vice-president, who may be reelected. It shall prepare
   its internal regulations, vote the budget of the
   institute within the limits of the funds placed at its
   disposal by the general assembly, and appoint and remove
   the officials and employees of its office. The general
   secretary of the permanent committee shall act as
   secretary' of the assembly.

   "Article 9.
   The institute, confining its operations within an
   international sphere, shall—

   (a) Collect, study, and publish as promptly as possible
   statistical, technical, or economic information concerning
   farming, both vegetable and animal products, the commerce in
   agricultural products, and the prices prevailing in the
   various markets:

   (b) Communicate to parties interested, also as promptly as
   possible, all the information just referred to;

   (c) Indicate the wages paid for farm work;

   (d) Make known the new diseases of vegetables which may appear
   in any part of the world, showing the territories infected,
   the progress of the disease, and, if possible, the remedies
   which are effective in combating them;

   (e) Study questions concerning agricultural coöperation,
   insurance, and credit in all their aspects; collect and
   publish information which might be useful in the various
   countries in the organization of works connected with
   agricultural coöperation, insurance, and credit;

   (f) Submit to the approval of the governments, if there is
   occasion for it, measures for the protection of the common
   interests of farmers and for the improvement of their
   condition, after having utilized all the necessary sources of
   information, such as the wishes expressed by international or
   other agricultural congresses or congresses of sciences
   applied to agriculture, agricultural societies, academies,
   learned bodies, etc.

   All questions concerning the economic interests, the
   legislation, and the administration of a particular nation
   shall be excluded from the consideration of the institute.

   "Article 10.
   The nations adhering to the institute shall be classed in five
   groups, according to the place which each of them thinks it
   ought to occupy. The number of votes which each nation shall
   have and the number of units of assessment shall be
   established according to the following gradations:

   Groups of nations.   Numbers of votes   Units of assessment.

           I                  5                 16
          II                  4                  8
         III                  3                  4
          IV                  2                  2
           V                  1                  1

   In any event the contribution due per unit of assessment shall
   never exceed a maximum of 2,500 francs. As a temporary
   provision the assessment for the first two years shall not
   exceed 1,500 francs per unit. Colonies may, at the request of
   the nations to which they belong, be admitted to form part of
   the institute on the same conditions as the independent
   nations.

   "Article 11.
   The present convention shall be ratified and the ratifications
   shall be exchanged as soon as possible by depositing them with
   the Italian Government."

   In communicating this Act of the Conference to the Government
   of the United States, the Italian Ambassador at Washington
   wrote August 9, 1905: "The final act of the conference was
   signed by the delegates under reservation of the approval of
   their respective governments, nor could it be otherwise. After
   this approval the convention, which constitutes the essential
   part of the act, shall, if approved (as the King’s Government
   does not doubt it will be), assume the character of an
   obligation on the part of the nations which shall have adhered
   to it through the signature of plenipotentiaries appointed for
   the purpose."

   On March 27, 1906, he was able to announce that "the States
   which were represented at the Conference of last year at Rome
   … have now all sanctioned by the signature of their
   plenipotentiaries the Convention drafted at that Conference."
   As appears from a copy transmitted, the Convention had been
   signed by the plenipotentiaries of forty nations, including
   twelve American republics besides the United States. To this
   gratifying announcement the Ambassador from Italy added the
   following:

   "His Majesty the King at the council of January 28 last signed
   a decree, a few copies of which I have the honor to inclose,
   by which a royal commission is established, and whose precise
   duty is to carry into effect, as soon as it becomes operative,
   the convention which will soon be referred to the several
   contracting governments for ratification."

   At the second general meeting of the Institute at Rome,
   December 12, 1909, more than 100 foreign delegates were
   present.

   "His Majesty the King, desiring again to prove how much he has
   at heart the contemplated international institute, has ordered
   that the net income of the royal domains of Tombelo and
   Coltano, amounting yearly to 300,000 lire, shall be turned
   over to the above-mentioned royal commission from the 1st of
   July next until the day when, the international institute of
   agriculture being legally constituted, the administration and
   usufruct of the said domains shall, in accordance with the
   announcement made to the international conference at its
   session of June 6, 1905, be transferred to the institute
   itself.

   "In obedience to His Majesty’s interest, the royal commission
   has decided to apply the sum graciously placed at its disposal
   for the aforesaid period to the construction of a palace,
   where the international institute will have its headquarters,
   and which will therefore be solely due to the munificence of
   the sovereign. The new building that is to stand on the
   village Umberto I., near the Porta Pinciana, and will cover
   10,000 square meters of public property, will, it is fully
   expected, be completed about the end of next year, which is
   the time when the permanent committee of the institute will
   likely be convened at Rome. This munificent act of His Majesty
   the King, whereby the erection of quarters worthy of the
   international institute of agriculture is provided for, thus
   begins the execution of the convention of June 7, 1905."

{9}

   Transmitting to the American Ambassador at Rome the
   President’s ratification of the Convention, on the 11th of
   July, 1906, Secretary Root made known that Congress had
   appropriated $4800 as the quota of the United States to the
   support of the International Institute of Agriculture for the
   fiscal year 1907, and $8000 for the travelling expenses of the
   delegates to be appointed to the grand assembly of the
   Institute, and for the salary of one member of the permanent
   committee; and to this he added: "In pursuance of the
   authority thus conferred, Mr. David Lubin, of Sacramento,
   California, has been selected to represent this Government on
   the permanent committee, it being understood that he is
   willing to serve without salary."

      Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United
      States, 1905 and 1906

AGUINALDO Y FAMY, Emilio.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

AHMED RIZA.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

ALASKA: A. D. 1903.
   Settlement of the boundary question.
   Dissatisfaction in Canada dissipated by better knowledge
   of the facts.

   The Alaska boundary question (see in Volume VI. of this work,
   under ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION) was brought to a settlement in
   1903 by an arrangement which submitted it to a Commission of
   six, three representing the United States and three acting for
   Great Britain and Canada. The American Commissioners were the
   Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of War, and senators Henry C.
   Lodge and George Turner, of Massachusetts and the State of
   Washington respectively. The British and Canadian members were
   the Lord Chief Justice of England, Lord Alverstone, Sir Louis
   Jette, of Quebec, and A. B. Aylesworth, of Toronto, Ontario.
   The Commission, meeting in London, arrived at its decision in
   October, signing, on the 20th, an agreement on all the
   questions submitted. "By this award," said President
   Roosevelt, in his subsequent Message to Congress, "the right
   of the United States to the control of a continuous strip or
   border of the mainland shore, skirting all the tide-water
   inlets and sinuosities of the coast, is confirmed; the
   entrance to Portland Canal (concerning which legitimate doubt
   appeared) is defined as passing by Tongass Inlet and to the
   northwestward of Wales and Pearse islands: a line is drawn
   from the head of Portland Canal to the fifty-sixth degree of
   north latitude: and the interior border line of the strip is
   fixed by lines connecting certain mountain summits lying
   between Portland Canal and Mount St. Elias and running along
   the crest of the divide separating the coast slope from the
   inland watershed, at the only part of the frontier where the
   drainage ridge approaches the coast within the distance of ten
   marine leagues stipulated by the treaty as the extreme width
   of the strip around the heads of Lynn Canal and its branches.
   While the line so traced follows the provisional demarcation
   of 1878 at the crossing of the Stikine River, and that of 1899
   at the summits of the White and Chilkoot passes, it runs much
   farther inland from the Klehine than the temporary line of the
   later modus vivendi, and leaves the entire mining
   district of the Porcupine River and Glacier Creek within the
   jurisdiction of the United States. The result is satisfactory
   in every way. It is of great material advantage to our people
   in the Far Northwest. It has removed from the field of
   discussion and possible danger a question liable to become
   more acutely accentuated with each passing year. Finally it
   has furnished a signal proof of the fairness and good will
   with which two friendly nations can approach and determine
   issues involving national sovereignty, and by their nature
   incapable of submission to a third power for adjudication."

      Message of President Roosevelt,
      December 7, 1903.

   In Canada the feeling was very different from that expressed
   by President Roosevelt. There, the dissatisfaction was
   intense. The two Canadian Commissioners had opposed the award,
   while Lord Alverstone cast his vote with the three Americans,
   which provoked the accusation that his decision had been
   given, at the instigation of the British Government, not
   judicially, but diplomatically, for the pleasing of the United
   States, at the sacrifice of Canadian interests and rights. The
   groundlessness of such defamatory suspicions became plain when
   Lord Alverstone made public the reasons for his vote. A recent
   historian of Canada ends his account of the matter with the
   following remarks:

   "In vain did students and experts declare that they had felt
   before the tribunal met that Canada had, in very many
   respects, a weak case. It was pointed out that some of the
   Canadian surveys gave the line as the Americans claimed it,
   that Americans had by long occupation got a hold upon and a
   right of possession to various ports and sections, and that
   against this occupancy there had been no British protest
   whatever. Finally one distinguished citizen reminded the
   Canadians that if they had been allowed to select one man as
   sole arbitrator they would have been glad to accept Lord
   Alverstone. Lord Alverstone was really the one arbitrator and
   judge. Had he decided against the Americans, the case would
   have been deadlocked for years. In time Canadians came to a
   more sober and reasonable attitude on the subject. They came
   to see that Lord Alverstone could not have been prejudiced and
   that his decision was really the only one that was fair and
   unbiased. Some came also to see that the American case was
   much the stronger, and that in this light the decision was a
   just one. But they were not and are not ready to believe that
   the whole scheme was anything but one contrived at Washington
   to get the contest settled to the advantage of the Americans."

      F. B. Tracy,
      Tercentenary History of Canada,
      Volume 3, page 1044
      (Macmillan Co., New York, 1908).

   A full account of the arbitration with the correspondence
   preceding it, and the opinions written by the arbitrators
   severally, is given in the British Parliamentary

      Papers by Command
      (United States, Number 1, 1904), Cd. 1877.

ALASKA: A. D. 1906.
   Convention to provide for final establishment
   of the boundary line.

   Final proceedings for establishing the boundary line of Alaska
   were provided for in a Convention between the United States
   and Great Britain, signed April 21, 1906. The need and object
   of the Convention were set forth in its preamble as follows:

{10}

   "Whereas by a treaty between the United States of America and
   His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, for the cession of
   the Russian possessions in North America to the United States,
   concluded March 30, 1867, the most northerly part of the
   boundary line between the said Russian possessions and those
   of His Britannic Majesty, as established by the prior
   convention between Russia and Great Britain, of February 28/16
   [sic] 1825, is defined as following the 141st degree of
   longitude west from Greenwich, beginning at the point of
   intersection of the said 141st degree of west longitude with a
   certain line drawn parallel with the coast, and thence
   continuing from the said point of intersection, upon the said
   meridian of the 141st degree in its prolongation as far as the
   Frozen Ocean.

   "And whereas, the location of said meridian of the 141st
   degree of west longitude between the terminal points thereof
   defined in said treaty is dependent upon the scientific
   ascertainment of convenient points along the said meridian and
   the survey of the country intermediate between such points,
   involving no question of interpretation of the aforesaid
   treaties but merely the determination of such points and their
   connecting lines by the ordinary processes of observation and
   survey conducted by competent astronomers, engineers and
   surveyors;

   "And whereas such determination has not hitherto been made by
   a joint survey as is requisite in order to give complete
   effect to said treaties."

   To make such determination it was agreed that each Government
   should "appoint one Commissioner, with whom may be associated
   such surveyors, astronomers and other assistants as each
   Government may elect."

ALASKA:  A. D. 1906.
   Election of a delegate to Congress.

   An Act to authorize the election of a Delegate to Congress
   from the Territory of Alaska was approved by the President May
   7, 1906.

ALASKA COAL FIELDS.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

ALASKA-YUKON-PACIFIC EXPOSITION.

      See (in this Volume)
      SEATTLE: A. D. 1909.

ALBANIA: A. D. 1904.
   Hostility to the Mürzsteg programme.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

ALBERT, King of Belgium.

      See (in this Volume)
      BELGIUM; A. D. 1909 (DECEMBER).

ALBERT, Marcellin:
   Leader of the winegrowers revolt in France.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (MAY-JULY).

ALBERTA:
   Organized as a province of the Dominion of Canada.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1905.


ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

ALCOHOL: Austria: A. D. 1903.
   Resolution of the National Convention of the Social
   Democratic Party against alcoholic drinks.

   At a convention of the Social Democracy of the Austrian
   Empire, held at Vienna, in November, 1903, Dr. Richard
   Frohlich read an elaborate report against the use of
   intoxicating liquors, concluding with an earnest appeal, in
   these words; "We want to create a new social order: to give
   the world a new face! To lay the foundations for the new
   society is the task of political and industrial organization—
   and there is no greater deterrent to the accomplishment of
   that task than alcohol. In building the new mansion of the
   future we think also of the men who are to dwell in it. Does
   it not bring a blush of shame to our cheeks merely to imagine
   that the men of the future society will be contented because
   they are intoxicated! Contentment in that new order
   will arise from a sound brain and the satisfaction of the
   rational desires which proceed from it. We have enough
   retarding forces to contend with in our struggle for this
   ideal of the future generation. One such force we are able
   to-day to overcome if we will. That is alcoholism, the last
   refuge of philistinism and stupid conservatism. If we really
   want the new world, we must provide the new men to make it.
   The program of total abstinence does not set new ideals for
   us, but it gives us a new weapon, sharp and effective for the
   conquest of our old ideals. The responsibility is upon us to
   use this weapon. Let us do it!"

   In response, the Convention adopted the following resolution:

   "The convention of the party recognizes in alcohol a serious
   detriment to the physical and mental power of the working man,
   and a great hindrance to all efforts of organization in the
   social democracy. Every means should be employed to remove the
   evils which have come from it.

   "The first aim in this struggle must be the economic
   betterment of the proletariat. And that must be accomplished
   by a clear teaching of the effects of alcohol, and by the
   removal of the common toleration of drinking.

   "The convention of the party, therefore, recommends that all
   the party groups and brotherhoods lend their support to the
   crusade against alcohol, and declares that the first step in
   this direction must be the abolishment of compulsory drinking
   in all of the meetings of the organization. Members of the
   party who are converted to total abstinence are recommended to
   form total abstinence clubs, to continue the propaganda and to
   see to it that their members are true to the political and
   economic duties of the party organization."

ALCOHOL: CANADA: A. D. 1906-1908.
   The Canada Temperance Act.

   Under what was known as the Scott Act, of 1878, the privilege
   of local option had been given to counties and cities in
   Canada, and had been brought into exercise by nine cities and
   seventy-three counties, which prohibited the sale of
   intoxicating liquors within their limits; but in most of these
   the supporters of the law were gradually overcome and the
   prohibition removed. In all the provinces except Quebec, a
   referendum vote taken in 1898 showed majorities in favor of a
   Dominion Prohibition Law; but the vote cast was so light and
   the adverse majorities in cities was so large that the
   government did not feel warranted in bringing forward a Bill.
   In 1906, however, the demand for local option in the matter of
   permitting alcoholic liquors to be sold had become strong
   enough to extort from Parliament the desired legislation. As
   amended in 1908, Part II. of this Canada Temperance Act (Part
   I. having prescribed the proceedings for bringing Part II.
   into force) provides that "from the day on which this Part
   comes into force and takes effect in any county or city, and
   for so long thereafter as, and while the same continues or is
   in force therein, no person shall, except as in this Part
   specially provided, by himself, his clerk, servant or agent,—
{11}
   (a) expose or keep for sale, within such county or city, any
   intoxicating liquor; or,
   ( b ) directly or indirectly on any pretense or upon any
   device, within any such county or city, sell or barter, or, in
   consideration of the purchase of any other property, give to
   any other person any intoxicating liquor; or,
   (c) send, ship, bring or carry or cause to be sent, shipped,
   brought, or carried to or into any such county or city, any
   intoxicating liquor; or,
   (d) deliver to any consignee or other person, or store,
   warehouse, or keep for delivery, any intoxicating liquor so
   sent, shipped, brought or carried."

   But these last two subsections are not to "apply to any
   intoxicating liquor sent, shipped, brought or carried to any
   person or persons for his or their personal or family use,
   except it be so sent, shipped, brought or carried to be paid
   for in such county or city to the person delivering the same,
   his clerk, servant, or agent, or his master or principal, if
   the person delivering it is himself a servant or agent."

   To bring Part II. of the Act into force in any county or city,
   not less than one-fourth of the total number of electors
   therein must petition the Governor in Council for a poll of
   votes on the question, and when the vote is taken there must
   be an affirmative majority; failing which no similar petition
   can be put to vote in the same community for three years.

   On the 2d of May, 1909, the following announcement of the
   operation of the law in the province of Ontario was made: "May
   Day, 1909, will long be remembered by the advocates of local
   option in Ontario. One hundred and forty-two bars passed out
   of existence yesterday, and of the 807 municipalities in the
   province 334 are now without a single license in force. The
   Toronto commissioners have cut off 40 licenses, leaving only
   110 in a city of nearly 400,000 people."

ALCOHOL:
   Casual occurrences of saloon suppression, showing what goes
   with it.

   Communities in which the liquor traffic is ordinarily favored
   are sometimes compelled by exigencies of circumstance to
   suppress it temporarily, and are forced then to see how much
   of crime and disorder goes with it. During the weeks in which
   military authority cleared saloons from San Francisco, after
   the calamity of 1906, every observer made note of the
   conspicuous freedom of the city "from all kinds of violence
   and crime," though the whole organization of life was upset.
   One trustworthy journal reported conditions six months after
   the calamity as follows: "During the two months and a half
   after April 18 San Francisco was probably the most orderly
   large city in the United States. Violence and crime were
   practically unknown. During that time the saloons and liquor
   stores of the city were closed tight. About the middle of July
   the saloons were permitted to open again. This action of the
   city government was accompanied by the expectation on the part
   of many citizens of an outbreak of violence and disorder.
   Clergymen, and it is said even the police, advised men and
   women to carry firearms for their own protection. For the past
   three months San Francisco has been living under a reign of m.
   In eighty days eighty-three murders, robberies, and assaults
   were registered on the police records. A despatch to
   Ridgway’s, the new weekly periodical, reports the sale in San
   Francisco during one week in October of over six thousand
   revolvers."

   When Stockholm, in the summer of 1909, was undergoing the
   trials of the great general strike, and by general consent of
   all concerned the sale of liquors was stopped, the same report
   went out, that magistrates and police had little to do. And
   that is the standing account of things from the Panama Canal
   Zone, about which an English visitor, Sir Harry Johnston,
   wrote in April, 1909:

   "The whole of the canal zone (ten miles on either side of the
   canal banks) is ‘teetotal,’ except in the actual towns of
   Panama and Colon. No alcohol is sold by the Canal Commission
   at its hotels or boarding-houses. And the general result of
   these stern measures—the improvement in health and the absence
   of crime—amply justifies this anti-alcohol policy. … There is
   singularly little serious crime throughout the canal zone. One
   has the sensation of being perfectly safe anywhere at any time
   of day or night. Petty dishonesty among the lower classes is
   common, especially at the railway stations, where one is
   liable to lose small articles of baggage if they are left
   unguarded. Panama in this respect is worse than the other
   towns of the Isthmus, new or old. But there is no open shock
   to any one’s prejudices or sentiments in the way of flagrant
   immorality (as at New Orleans, for example)."

   So easily can communities solve half, at least, of their most
   troublesome problems, and cure half, at least, of their worst
   social maladies, if they will!

ALCOHOL: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 .
   Passage of an amended licensing law.
   A moderate reform.

   A Licensing Bill, moderately in the interest of temperance
   reform, was discussed and passed in Parliament during the
   summer of 1902. It made publicans more strictly responsible
   for drunkenness incurred on their premises; strengthened the
   prohibition of liquor-selling to habitual drunkards; improved
   measures for the suppression of public drunkenness; subjected
   licenses to tradesmen for the sale of liquors off their
   premises to the unqualified discretion of justices, and
   facilitated the separation of husbands and wives from a
   drunken mate.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1904.
   Passing of a new Licensing Bill, providing compensation for
   the withdrawal of licenses on grounds of public policy.

   An agitation in Great Britain which almost equalled for a time
   that produced in the same period by Mr. Chamberlain’s campaign
   for a preferential tariff was stirred up by a new Licensing
   Bill, introduced as a Government measure on the 20th of April,
   1904. The bill provided for compensation to be made, at the
   expense of the liquor trade, for the taking of a license away
   from any public house, on grounds of public policy, no matter
   how briefly the license had been held. A fund for the
   compensations was to be raised by assessment on all engaged in
   the trade. Authority to refuse the renewal or transfer of
   licenses on any ground other than ill conduct or character was
   withdrawn from local magistrates and exercised by the courts
   of quarter sessions (composed of the justices of the peace in
   each county) only. When a public house was thought to be
   superfluous by local magistrates they were required to report
   the case to quarter sessions, where a hearing upon it would be
   given.
{12}
   If the Bench of quarter sessions decided to extinguish the
   license, it must specify the grounds of its decision in
   writing, and award a compensation, based on the estimated
   difference between the value of the licensed premises and the
   value of the same premises without a license. If no agreement
   on this basis could be reached, the Inland Revenue
   Commissioners should determine the sum.

   The Bill was advocated in the interest of temperance, as being
   calculated to reduce the number of public houses, and to raise
   their character. Mr. Balfour upheld it as "a great temperance
   measure." It should be the aim of Government, he argued, to
   "encourage respectable persons to keep public houses, and with
   that object they should make the trade secure." On the other
   side it was opposed with exceeding bitterness as a measure
   that had the backing and was in the interest of the brewers
   and the whole liquor trade; that created vested interests in
   the trade, rooting it to a new depth; that tended to add value
   to the low class of public houses, and obstructed future
   temperance reform. Repeated attempts to introduce a limit of
   years after which the awarding of compensation for the
   withdrawal of license would cease were defeated, and the Bill
   passed both Houses in August, substantially as it came into
   Parliament four months before.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1907.
   Drink in its relation to crime.
   Testimony of judges.

   "The following is from a newspaper report of a speech by Judge
   Rentoul, delivered in the Guildhall, Cambridge, on the 15th of
   October, 1907. He happened to be one of the judges of the
   chief criminal courts of this country, and he said to them on
   that platform that 90 per cent. of the cases that came to the
   Central Criminal Court of England came directly through drink.
   The late Lord Brampton, formerly Sir Henry Hawkins, perhaps
   the greatest criminal judge during the past century, had also
   put the figures at 90 per cent. Lord Coleridge, speaking at
   one Assizes, said, ‘Every single case in my present list comes
   from the use of strong drink.’ ‘If it were not,’ said his
   Honour, ‘for alcohol, three fourths of our criminal courts
   would be closed in this country and closed forever.’"

      H. A. Giles,
      Opium and Alcohol in China
      (Nineteenth Century, December, 1907).

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1908.
   Passage of a new Licensing Bill by the Commons and its
   rejection by the Lords.

   Nothing contributed more to the defeat of the Conservative
   Ministry in the British Parliamentary elections of 1905 than
   the moral repugnance of the country to the Licensing Bill of
   1904 (described above); and the Liberal Government came to
   power with no commission from the people more positive than
   was in the demand for an amendment of that law. In 1908 it
   brought into Parliament and passed through the House of
   Commons a Bill which answered the demand, asserting the right
   and the need and the power in Government to put limitations on
   the granting of licenses for the sale of intoxicating liquors,
   without treating them as vested interests under a sacred
   guard. The limitation, in fact, was made definite and
   mandatory by the first provision of the Bill, which declared;
   "Licensing justices shall, in accordance with this Act, reduce
   the number of on-licenses in their district so that at the end
   of a period of fourteen years from the fifth day of April
   nineteen hundred and nine the number of those licenses in any
   rural parish or urban area in their district shall not exceed
   the scale set out in the First Schedule to this Act as applied
   to that parish or area under the provisions of that schedule."
   The schedule referred to was as follows:

   Persons per acre.

   2 or less
   Exceeding   2 but not exceeding 25
   Exceeding  25 but not exceeding 50
   Exceeding  50 but not exceeding 75
   Exceeding  75 but not exceeding 100
   Exceeding 100 but not exceeding  200
   Exceeding 200

Number of on-licenses.

   1 to 400 persons or part of 400
   1 to 500 persons or part of 500
   1 to 600 persons or part of 600
   1 to 700 persons or part of 700
   1 to 800 persons or part of 800
   1 to 900 persons or part of 900
   1 to 1,000 persons or part of 1,000

   The Bill provided further for local option in the matter of
   granting new licenses, permitting a majority of voters in any
   licensing district to prohibit further grants; and introduced
   other changes of law in the interest of temperance, but not
   going to any extreme. When the measure went to the House of
   Lords it suffered there the same fate that had been meted out
   to the Education Bill of 1906. How serious an issue between
   the Commons and the Lords was raised by that occurrence is
   intimated in one passage of a speech made by the Liberal Prime
   Minister, Mr. Asquith, in July, 1909. He was reviewing some of
   the significant incidents of recent political history, and
   when he came to the Licensing Bill there was more feeling in
   his remarks than he had shown before. "That," he said, "was a
   Bill, as you know, which was debated for weeks and for months
   and passed through the House of Commons with sustained and
   unexampled majorities. When it reached ‘another place,’ what
   was its fate? It was rejected without even any pretence of
   consideration of its details, it was rejected in pursuance of
   a preconcerted party resolution, it was rejected with every
   circumstance of contumely and contempt. I will not pause to
   dwell upon, certainly not to praise, the provisions of the
   Licensing Bill, which, I may say, was to some extent my own
   handiwork. But in regard to its rejection I will say that it
   has made two things—that rejection and the circumstances
   preceding, following, and attending it have made two
   things—abundantly plain. The first is that it has ruined the
   prospects of any really effective temperance reform on
   anything like a large and comprehensive scale during the
   lifetime of the present Parliament. I will say next the
   circumstances of that rejection have brought into greater
   prominence than ever before the fact that our constitutional
   system is not, or at least that it can be made not to be, the
   embodiment, but the caricature of a representative and
   responsible Government. And the question of the relations
   between the two Houses of Parliament must be for us Liberals,
   at any rate, as I described it at the time, the dominant issue
   in our programme."

{13}

   The requirement of the Act of 1904 that compensation should be
   paid to every license-holder whose license was withdrawn for
   public reasons, put so narrow a limit on the reductions made,
   that the 138,011 licensed houses in England and Wales in 1904
   had only been diminished by about 3000 in 1908; whereas the
   country demanded a great cutting down of the excessive number.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1908.
   Provisions of The Children Act for the Protection of Children.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS DEPENDENTS, &C.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1909.
   Taxation of the Liquor Trade proposed in the Budget.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1909.
   The Decreased Consumption of Whiskey caused by increased tax.

   Speaking in Parliament of the increased whiskey tax in his
   Budget, on the 29th of October, some months after it had gone
   into effect and its yield was being shown, the Chancellor of
   the Exchequer, Mr. Lloyd-George, acknowledged that he had
   greatly overestimated the revenue it would produce. He said:
   "The whole point was to what extent would an addition of a
   halfpenny a glass deter a man from taking his usual share of
   drink. I could no more estimate that than any other member of
   the House. I made a very liberal allowance for decrease in
   consumption, so liberal that nobody either in or out of the
   House agreed with it. Many said it was absurd. … I assumed
   that people who could afford it would not regard the halfpenny
   at all; that they would buy exactly the same quantity of
   whisky as before. The working classes I assumed would probably
   purchase a smaller quantity. Supposing a man says, I spend 2s.
   6d. on drink; he would not spend more; therefore he would
   consume less.

   "I made a rough calculation upon such information as I had how
   that would affect the consumption of whisky as a whole, but I
   find the change has gone beyond that, and my information now
   is not merely that there are thousands of people who drink a
   percentage which is, in proportion to the increase, less, but
   some of them drop it altogether. Some of them are barely
   drinking half what they were before. Altogether a most
   extraordinary effect has been produced upon the habits of the
   people. I am not here to apologize for that at all. In some
   districts, I am told, the drinking of spirits has gone down by
   70 percent, in Ireland, I think. I hear that there are
   districts in Scotland where it has gone down 50 per cent. I
   have a communication in regard to the whisky distillers of
   Glasgow saying that the decrease in Glasgow during September
   has been 36 per cent.

   "People have not even been driven to the consumption of beer.
   It is really almost unaccountable. People have not been driven
   from one form of alcohol to another, but have been driven from
   alcohol altogether. The fact is very extraordinary, and has
   gone beyond anything I have anticipated. … Our anticipations
   now are that the consumption of spirits, both of foreign and
   home manufacture, will go down by something between 20 and 25
   per cent. That means that a smaller quantity of spirits will
   be consumed in this country during this year by eight or nine
   million gallons.’’

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1909.
   Organization of "The True Temperance Association."
   Its aim and appeal.

   Under the name of "The True Temperance Association," a London
   organization headed by Lord Halsbury made the following appeal
   to the English public, in May, 1909: "Let us take what is to
   hand—the publichouse; the regulated refreshment house of the
   people. Let us transform that out of its present condition of
   a mere drink-shop into a house of general, reasonable, and
   reputable entertainment—a place where there will be other
   things to consume besides beer and whisky, and other forms of
   recreation besides mere drink. We should imitate the model of
   the Continental café and German bierhaus; the White
   City and other exhibitions have shown us that they would not
   be exotics in this country; and those exhibitions with their
   wonderful record of sobriety also show us that there is every
   ground to expect that England, with transformed publichouses,
   would be as sober, and withal as bright as are Continental
   countries."

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1900:
   England, United States, France, and Germany.
   Comparative statement of the consumption of alcoholic drink.

   "The consumption of alcoholic drink in the above countries,
   per ten of population, was in the year 1900 as follows:

   Drink-consumption per 10 of population.

   Country.      Beer, spirits,   Beer.    Spirits.    Wine.
                  and wine.
                  Gallons.      Gallons.   Gallons.  Gallons.
   France          336             62         20        254
   United Kingdom  332            317         11          4
   Germany         309            275         19         15
   United States   147            133         11          3

   "Some years agone, the late P. G. Hamerton in his book
   French and English mentioned the increase of drinking
   in France, and we see that French drink-consumption per head
   is now greater than British consumption. The French drink more
   spirits, more wine, and have a larger total consumption per
   head than any of these three other nations.

   "The most striking fact in the above statement is the low
   drink-consumption per head in the United States. The American
   total per head is less than one-half of the total consumption
   per head in any of the three other countries. The superior
   sobriety of the American workman as compared with the
   Englishman has often been noticed, and observation in social
   grades higher than that of the artizan tends to show that
   American superiority in this respect is a general superiority
   not confined to workmen only. The developed alertness and
   prompt energy of the American may, it is quite likely, be due
   in some part to this relative abstinence from alcoholic drink
   which is now illustrated.

   "Looking back over the fifteen years 1886-1900, for the
   purpose of observing the increase or the decrease in
   drink-consumption per head of population, the following
   results have been obtained;—

   Country.     Average yearly drink-consumption,
                per head of population, during

                 1886-1890.  1891-1895.  1890-1900.
                  Gallons.   Gallons.    Gallons.
   France           26.5      31.5       32.3
   United Kingdom.  29.4      31.1       33.1
   Germany          24.4      26.6       29.9
   United States    11.8      14.3       14.2

   The drink-consumption per   The drink-consumption per
   head during 1886-1890       head during 1896-1900 was
   being taken at 100
                 per cent.           per cent.
   France           100                 122
   United Kingdom.  100                 113
   Germany          100                 123
   United States    100                 120

{14}

   "In each country the drink-consumption per head of population
   has increased since 1886-1890, and, with the exception of the
   United States, there has been an increase during each
   five-yearly period observed,

   "Comparing the period 1896-1900 with the period 1886-1890, we
   see that the percentage of increase per head of population in
   drink-consumption was smaller in the United Kingdom than in
   any of the three other countries. Germany and France have had
   the largest relative increases per head of population.

   "In the United States, the increase of 20 per cent in the
   drink-consumption per head of population is due to an increase
   in beer-drinking—the consumption per head of wine and of
   spirits has declined."

      J. H. Schooling,
      Drink: in England, the United States, France, and Germany
      (Fortnightly Review, January, 1902).

ALCOHOL: France: A. D. 1907.
   Revolt of the Wine Growers of Southern France against wine
   adulteration.

      See (in this Volume )
      FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (MAY-JULY).

ALCOHOL: Germany:
   Temperance requisite in railway employees.

   The dangers to the traveling public that are attendant on the
   use of alcoholic stimulants by railway employees were
   discussed very seriously not long since by a writer in the
   Deutsche Monatsschrift. "The constantly growing demands
   upon transit service for safety and speed," he observed, "call
   for an increasingly higher efficiency of the personnel, not
   only as regards prudence, judgment, decision, and
   clearsightedness, but a sense of duty, all which qualities
   are, it has been proved, vitiated by nothing so readily and to
   such a degree as by indulgence in alcoholic drinks. The chief
   danger, moreover, consists not so much in excessive drink
   resulting in drunkenness, which is easily recognized, as in
   the more moderate but habitual use of liquor, which is harder
   to control, and the after-effects of heavy drinking.
   Scientific investigation has established the fact that even a
   moderate use of alcoholic beverages impairs the acuteness of
   sight and hearing, including the power of distinguishing
   colors. Most of the violations of discipline and duty in the
   German transportation service are due to indulgence in drink,
   besides leading to misery and want in the home."

   The writer alludes to an association of German railway
   officials started by himself, whose object it is to enlighten
   the public regarding the worthlessness of alcoholic drinks as
   a tonic and how they may be dispensed with as a means of
   refreshment. This society, he states, has been most
   encouragingly successful in its efforts. He adds the important
   statement that the Prussian Government, owing to recent
   serious accidents, has issued an order prohibiting all railway
   employees from taking any beverage containing alcohol while on
   duty.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1902.
   Resolution of Socialist Congress.
   The subject in Prussian schools.

   The German Socialist Congress, sitting at Munich in September,
   1902, adopted a resolution which warned the working classes
   against the dangers from immoderate indulgence in alcoholic
   drinks, but declined to make total abstinence a condition of
   party membership. In the previous March the Prussian minister
   of education had given instructions to the school authorities
   mm of the kingdom which aimed at the enlightening of the
   people as to the deleterious effects, both physical and
   economical, of an excessive use of alcoholic liquors. The same
   subject had been agitated in the Prussian parliament, and
   there was discussion of measures of more strict regulation of
   public houses.

ALCOHOL:
   International Congress on Alcoholism.

   For twenty-four years an International Congress on Alcoholism
   has held biennial meetings in different European cities,
   beginning at Antwerp in 1885, steadily demonstrating a growth
   of opposition—especially of scientific opposition—even in
   Continental Europe, to the use of alcoholic liquors. The
   meeting of 1905 was at Budapest; that of 1907 at Stockholm;
   that of 1909 at London. The delegates to the latter numbered
   about 1300, coming from nearly every European country, and
   from the United States, Canada, and South Africa. Of the
   strong character of the discussions at the London meeting the
   New York Evening Post said after its adjournment:

   "Men and women from every country, representing varying
   conditions of society, offered evidence tending to show, by
   actual figures of loss, the bad effects of drinking. From the
   standpoint of education, science, medicine, society,
   economics, efficiency, and law, the speakers all reached the
   same conclusion, bringing strong testimony in support.
   Efficiency was the keynote of papers representing public
   service on the part of the post office, the railroad, the
   navy, and the army of Great Britain."

   An interesting figure at the Congress, it was said by an
   American newspaper correspondent, was Judge William J.
   Pollard, of St. Louis, who went as a representative of the
   United States Government, and who was known widely as the
   originator of the pledge instead of prison method of dealing
   with drunkards. When he spoke on that subject he was given a
   double allowance of time, on the motion of a delegate from
   France, and, although under the constitution of the congress
   no resolution could be put, a declaration in favor of the plan
   was signed by practically every delegate in the hall. The
   declaration reads as follows:

   "We, the undersigned members and delegates attending the
   International Congress on Alcoholism assembled in Loudon,
   July, 1909, desire to record our gratification at the
   recognition in statute law by Great Britain, Vermont, United
   States of America, and Victoria (Australia) of the principle
   of reforming drunkards by the probation on pledge method,
   commonly known as the Pollard plan. The possibilities of this
   wise and beneficent policy are so great that we desire to
   commend its adoption throughout the world."

   "Judge Pollard’s plan, established in the Saint Louis police
   court nine years ago, consists in giving the drunkards a
   chance of reform. Instead of sentencing them to prison or
   fining them, Judge Pollard requires persons charged before him
   with drunkenness to take the pledge. If they do so he suspends
   sentence on them, and if the pledge is kept for a certain
   period they hear no more about the matter. If it is broken the
   fine or sentence is enforced."

   One of the results of the Congress was the organization of a
   "World’s Prohibition Confederation," "to better amalgamate the
   forces in various countries working along their respective
   lines towards the one common aim of the total suppression of
   the liquor traffic."

{15}

   Two sessions were held and the Conference finally decided by
   unanimous vote upon the following outline of the purposes and
   methods of the new Confederation:

   "(1) Name—
   The name of this association shall be 'The International
   Prohibition Confederation (Confederation Prohibitioniste
   Internationale—Internationaler Verbaud fuer Alkoholverbot).'

   "(2) Object—
   (a) To amalgamate the forces in various countries working
   along their respective lines towards the one common aim of the
   total suppression of the liquor traffic,

   (b) To obtain notes of progress, information, and news from
   all parts of the world, and send such information to all
   organizations joining the Confederation and other applicants.

   "(3) Membership—
   The membership shall consist of representatives of temperance
   organizations in all countries approving of the objects and
   such officers as may be elected by the Confederation.

   "(4) Finances—
   The financial support shall be gained from such contributions
   as the various affiliated societies and individual associate
   members may subscribe."

ALCOHOL: New Zealand: A. D. 1896-1908.
   Twelve years of Local Option.
   Increasing majorities against the liquor traffic.
   The vote of women.

   Under the operation of a local option law since 1896, New
   Zealand has been steadily narrowing the liquor traffic, with
   what seems to be a fair prospect of extinguishing it entirely.
   The law provides for the taking of a vote in each
   parliamentary electoral district once in three years on three
   propositions, as follows:

   "1. That the number of licensed houses existing in the
   district shall continue.

   "2. That the number shall be reduced.

   "3. That no licenses whatever shall be granted.

   "Electors may vote for one of these proposals or for two of
   them. The prohibitionists strike out the top line, and thus
   vote for a reduction of the number of licenses, and also for
   total prohibition in their district. Those who oppose
   prohibition usually strike out the second and third lines, so
   as to vote for the continuance of existing licensed houses;
   while there are others, again, who strike out the first and
   third issues, with a view simply to a reduction in the number
   of licensed houses. An absolute majority of the votes carries
   reduction; but it requires a three-fifths majority to carry
   'no-license.' If reduction is carried the licensing committee
   must then reduce the publicans’ licenses in the district by
   not less than 5 per cent. or more than 25 per cent, of the
   total number existing."

   The local option vote has now been taken five times, with a
   slow but steady increase of majorities given against the
   liquor traffic, either to restrict or to end it,—as the
   following table shows:


         Continuance. Reduction. No-license. Valid votes.
   1896    139,500     94,500      98,300      259,800
   1899    142,400    107,700     118,500      281,800
   1902    148,400    132,200     151,500      318,800
   1905    182,800    151,000     198,700      396,400
   1908    186,300    161,800     209,100      410,100

   The figures here entered of the vote in 1908 are not official,
   but are said to be close to accuracy.

   The New Zealand correspondent of the London Times, from whose
   report the above is taken, adds these particulars: "The result
   of the local option poll taken in December, 1905, was to carry
   'no license' in three new districts and reduction in four
   districts. In 36 of the other districts a majority of the
   votes polled was for ‘no license,’ though the three-fifths
   majority necessary to carry the proposal was not obtained. The
   results of the recent poll were very striking. In six new
   districts ‘no-license ’ was carried, and in some others
   ‘no-license’ and ‘reduction’ were only lost by narrow margins.
   The rapid advance made by the ‘no license’ party is certainly
   remarkable.

   "While the proportion of votes cast for continuance is
   steadily declining, the proportion for ‘no-license’ is
   increasing at an accelerated rate. Already there is a bare
   majority of the total votes in favour of prohibition; while if
   we had national instead of local option the chances are that
   in a comparatively short period the necessary three-fifths
   majority to secure total prohibition in the country might be
   obtained. There are now indications that the ‘no-license’
   party will make a bold bid, not only for a bare majority vote
   on the no-license issue, but also for national option. In this
   event they will alienate the sympathies of the great majority
   of the moderates who now vote with them, so that the
   ‘no-license’ cause may receive, at least, a temporary check.

   "Three important suggestions have been made to save the
   trade—viz., reform from within, State control, and
   municipalization. Judging from past experience, the first idea
   seems hopeless. The trade has had its lessons, but has not
   taken sufficient heed. State control will scarcely be
   tolerated, since most people realize that the liquor trade in
   the hands of a Government might be a dangerous political
   engine, besides which there would always be the temptation
   ever present to a Government to use it for revenue purposes.
   Without very necessary reform from within, therefore, the only
   chance for the liquor trade would seem to lie in the direction
   of municipalization. Under municipal control, with the
   abolition of the open bar in favour of the cafe system, with
   better liquor, and with a thorough system of inspection and
   analysis, the liquor trade in New Zealand might obtain a new
   lease of life. Under the present system there is every
   indication that its doom is sealed."

   The importance of the vote of women, on this question
   especially, appears in the following statements: "In 1902,
   138,565 women, or 74.52 per cent. of those on the rolls,
   voted; in 1905, 175,046, or 82.23 per cent. of those on the
   rolls, voted. The proportion of females to males voting at
   successive general elections also shows a gradual increase
   from 69.57 per cent. in 1893 to 78.99 in 1905. Then there is
   the gradual increase in the proportion of females to males in
   the population of a young country to be considered. At the
   foundation of the colonies the males, naturally, largely
   outnumbered the females; but eventually the sexes will become
   more nearly equal in number. Thus, while in 1871 the
   proportion of females to males in the colony was only 70.52,
   in 1906 it was 88.65. Furthermore, women are taking a keener
   interest than ever in politics. They are beginning to
   appreciate the franchise and to exercise it intelligently in
   ever-increasing numbers."

{16}

   The warning and alarming effect of the local option vote of
   December, 1908, on the New Zealand liquor dealers was made
   apparent by their action taken soon after, as reported in the
   following Press despatch from Wellington, January 18, 1909:

   "As a result of the large 'moderate' vote cast at the recent
   poll on the question of total prohibition or reduction of
   facilities for obtaining drink, it was unanimously resolved
   to-day, at a meeting of the Auckland Brewers and Licensed
   Victuallers’ Association, representing all the wholesale and
   nearly every member of the retail trade, to abolish barmaids,
   to abolish private bars, and to raise the age-limit of youths
   who may be supplied with liquor from 18 to 20. No woman will
   be supplied with liquor for consumption on the premises unless
   she is boarding in the house.

   "In an interview, the Mayor of Auckland, who is himself a
   brewer, stated that since the trade has to ask the public
   every three years for the continuance of its existence, it is
   necessary for it to be conducted on lines approved by the
   public at large."

ALCOHOL: United States: A. D. 1904-1909.
   The progress of State, County, and Town Prohibition in the
   five years.

   The following exhibit of the status of state and local
   prohibition in every State of the United States, on the 1st of
   November, 1909, compared with the same in 1904, is reproduced,
   with permission, from the latest leaflet published at the time
   of this writing (January 1, 1910) by the Associated
   Prohibition Press, located at 92 La Salle Street, Chicago:

   "The record at Prohibition National Headquarters, Chicago,
   shows that during the past four years the amount of
   Prohibition territory has been doubled and 20,000,000 people
   added to those living in Prohibition cities, counties and
   states, making an aggregate of over 40,000,000 now by their
   own choice in saloon-free districts.

   "The figures below show that nearly two-thirds of the
   territory and nearly one-half of the people are under
   Prohibition protection:

   "17,000,000 people in the South under Prohibition in 1904.

   "25,000,000 people in the South under Prohibition in 1909.

   "There are to-day 375 Prohibition cities in the United States,
   having a population of over 5,000 each, with a total
   population of more than three million and a half.

   "In 1904 there were scarcely 100 Prohibition cities of 5,000
   or over; there are now 90 Prohibition cities of 10,000 or
   over. There are fifty-five industrial centers in fourteen
   different states of 20,000 population and over, with an
   aggregate of 2,000,000 population, now under Prohibition law.

   "The Prohibition party is organized and at work in practically
   every state in the Union.

   "In 1904 the National Liquor League of the United States was
   organized at Cincinnati, January 7th and 8th, to put the 'lid'
   on the apparent beginnings of a Prohibition renaissance. Five
   years of the 'National Liquor League of the United States' has
   resulted in 20,000,000 people being added to the Prohibition
   population of the country; 250 new Prohibition cities; 6 new
   Prohibition states, hundreds of new Prohibition counties, and
   thousands of new Prohibition towns and villages in all the
   rest of the country.

   "One of the most striking contrasts between 1904 and 1909 is
   seen in the transformation which has been wrought in the
   attitude of the daily and secular press towards the
   Prohibition question. Since 1904 leading daily papers in all
   parts of the country have begun to exclude liquor advertising
   from their columns.

   "The daily press of America is to-day giving ten times more
   attention to and far more friendly treatment of the
   Prohibition issue than was the case in 1904.

   "On November 1st, 1909, the record of state and local
   Prohibition territory in the United States, at National
   Prohibition Headquarters, was as follows:


   The Situation by States.

State.        1904.           November 1, 1909.

Alabama    20 Prohibition     State Prohibition;
              counties.       enforcement legislation
           11 Dispensary.     enacted by Legislature,
           35 License.        August, 1909.
                              Data shows business prospers,
                              crime decreasing.
                              Popular vote on Constitutional
                              Prohibition November 29, 1909.

Arizona    No Prohibition     New county Prohibition law bare
           territory.         two-thirds requirement.
           Two-thirds         Four-fifths of Territory "dry"
           majority required. in 12 months is prediction.

Arkansas   44 Prohibition     57 Prohibition counties.
           counties.          State certain in next
           29 License.        Legislature.
            2 Partially
            license.

California 175 Prohibition    250 "dry" towns.
               towns.         Sentiment rapidly growing
                              for State Prohibition.


Colorado   Few Prohibition towns.   100 towns "dry."
           No local-option law.     Stricter law enforcement.
                                    Prohibition sentiment growing.

Connecticut  Half of State        Large increase in no-license
             local Prohibition.   vote. Legislature passed
                                  several important restrictive
                                  measures.


Delaware     Few small           Two-thirds of State Prohibition.
             Prohibition towns.

{17}

District of
Columbia      Apathy dominant.   New high license law.
                                 Sentiment for Prohibition
                                 organizing.
                                 Stricter enforcement.

Florida    30 Prohibition        35 counties "dry."
              counties.          Popular vote State
                                 Prohibition November, 1910.

Georgia      104 Prohibition     State Prohibition.
             counties out        Supporting sentiment grows.
             of 134.             Atlanta elects law-enforcement
             Large cities        Mayor. Crime largely decreasing.
             all license.

Idaho        No Prohibition      County law passed.
             territory.          Seven vote "dry."
             "Wide-open" State.  State Prohibition campaign on.

Illinois     8 Prohibition       36 "dry" counties.
             counties.           2500 "dry" towns.
             500 Prohibition     23 "dry" cities.
             towns.              No license fight on in Chicago.
             "Wide open" Sunday.

Indiana      140 Prohibition     70 Counties "dry."
             townships.          "Net Prohibition majority 67,025.
                                 Three-fourths of the
                                 State population under Prohibition.
                                 Sentiment for State Prohibition
                                 very active;
                                 1,780,839 or 65 per cent of
                                 State population in "dry"
                                 territory;
                                 32 "dry" cities (5,000 and over).

Iowa       25 License counties.    Campaign for State Prohibition
           Lax enforcement         developing great enthusiasm.
           of law.

Kansas     STATE PROHIBITION.      Legislature passed 1909
           Lax enforcement.        important additions to
           Law enforcement         State law.
           crusade at Kansas       The sale of alcohol in any
           City, Kan.,             form absolutely prohibited.
           a "fizzle."             Strict enforcement the rule.

Kentucky   47 Prohibition          96 Prohibition counties;
           counties.               1,541,613 or 66 per cent of
           Legislature defeated    total population in "dry"
           very moderate           territory.
           local option bill.      State Prohibition campaign
                                   launched in earnest.

Louisiana  20 Prohibition          Prohibition sentiment grows.
           parishes out of 54.     Local Prohibition proves
                                   notable success in
                                   33 "dry" parishes.

Maine      STATE PROHIBITION.      Move for resubmission
           Lax enforcement.        emphatically defeated
                                   by State Legislature.
                                   Sentiment for law enforcement
                                   growing steadily.

Maryland   15 Prohibition          Some locals gains.
           counties.               New high-license
                                   law for Baltimore.

Massachusetts. 250 Prohibition     Some local gains.
               towns and cities.   Twenty-five thousand
                                   State majority against license.
                                   Definite campaign for State
                                   Prohibition;
                                   261 towns "dry" out of 321;
                                   20 cities "dry" out of 33;
                                   26,297 State majority
                                   against license.

Michigan   2 Prohibition           Thirty Prohibition counties.
           counties.               Important new restrictive
           400 Prohibition towns.  legislation took effect
                                   September 1, 1909.
                                   State Prohibition campaign on.

Minnesota   400 Prohibition        1,611 "dry" towns.
            towns.                 State wide union
                                   of Prohibition forces.

Mississippi 65 Prohibition         Enforcement of State-wide
            counties.              law passed February, 1908.
            Legislature defeated   Governor Noel a vigorous
            State Prohibition      prohibitionist.
            amendment.

Missouri   3 Prohibition           77 'dry' counties.
            counties 1905.         State Prohibition
                                   campaign definitely under way.
                                   Vote November, 1910.

Montana    No Prohibition          Prohibition sentiment
           territory.              growing with notable increase
                                   of party vote in several
                                   districts.

Nebraska   200 Prohibition         26 Prohibition counties.
           towns.                  Many local gains.
                                   State capital Lincoln, 50,000,
                                   voted "dry."
                                   State Prohibition campaign on;
                                   48 "dry" county seats.

Nevada     No Prohibition          Sentiment against gambling
           territory.              and liquor selling growing.
                                   State Prohibition of gambling
                                   effective October 1, 1910.

New Hampshire. State Prohibition   183 "dry" towns.
               repealed 1903.

New Jersey     "Wide-open" State.   Whole year of 1909 filled
                                    with agitation.
                                    Law-defying Atlantic City
                                    ring provokes widespread
                                    public sentiment.
                                    County option expected.

{18}

New Mexico    Nothing.               Prohibition forces very
                                     active at legislative
                                     session. Strong sentiment for
                                     State Prohibition growing.


New York      285 Prohibition towns. Few changes. Concerted State
              Cities all license     wide campaign on in 300 local
              by State law.          Prohibition contests.

North Carolina. Local-option passed 1903.  Success of State
                Raleigh, capital, had      Prohibition shown by
                dispensary run by church   official statistics.
                deacons.                   In force January, 1908.

North Dakota    STATE PROHIBITION.         Same law. Sentiment
                Lax enforcement in         back of Prohibition
                some sections.             law overwhelming
                                           throughout State.
                                           Strong supplementary
                                           legislation passed 1909.

Ohio            First State               61 counties "dry."
                local-option law          Campaigns in largest
                passed.                   cities, and State
                                          Prohibition scheduled
                                          for near future.
                                          Net Prohibition majority
                                          in 70 county contests,
                                          66,132.

Oklahoma        Few Prohibition towns.    Enforcement of State
                                          Prohibition law
                                          steadily growing success.
                                          Governor Haskell heartily
                                          supporting it.
                                          Prohibition Party
                                          organized September 27,
                                          1909.

Oregon          No Prohibition            State Prohibition vote
                territory.                November, 1910.
                No local-option law.      21 counties "dry."

Pennsylvania    Prohibition sentiment     County option defeated
                apathetic.                1909 but sentiment
                                          rapidly growing.
                                          Confident of advanced
                                          legislation at next
                                          session.

Rhode Island    20 Prohibition towns.     Little change

South Carolina  State dispensary.         37 Prohibition counties
                (Abolished 1908.)         out of 42.
                                          Sweeping Prohibition
                                          victories August 17, 1909.
                                          State campaign definitely on.

South Dakota    Scattering Prohibition    Few local changes.
                towns.                    Sentiment for State
                                          Prohibition campaign
                                          developing.

Tennessee*      8 License cities.         State Prohibition passed
                Liquor men threatened     January, 1909.
                repeal of Adams           Effective July 1, 1909.
                local-option law.         Liquor manufacture
                                          prohibition.
                                          Law effective
                                          January 1, 1910.
                                          Remarkably beneficial
                                          effects of Prohibition
                                          immediately shown in
                                          Nashville and other
                                          cities.

   * A proposal to embody state-wide prohibition in a constitutional
   amendment was voted down heavily in Tennessee on the 29th of
   November, 1909.

Texas           140 Prohibition           154 Prohibition counties.
                counties.                 State Prohibition
                                          referendum narrowly
                                          defeated by Legislature,
                                          only increased agitation
                                          for that object.
                                          Vote expected within
                                          two years.

Utah            No Prohibition            County Prohibition and
                territory.                State referendum
                                          defeated in Legislature,
                                          expected at next session.

Vermont         Prohibition               216 towns "dry."
                repealed 1903.            Demand for resubmission
                138 Prohibition            of State Prohibition growing.
                towns out of            Prohibition majority
                240 in 1904.              of 8,819 in whole State.

Virginia        Local-option law          71 Prohibition counties.
                passed 1903.              Democratic primary being
                                          fought out on Prohibition
                                          issue.

Washington      Few Prohibition towns.    Compromise local
                                          Prohibition law,
                                          passed Legislature, 1909.
                                          Prohibition sentiment
                                          growing. Alaska-Yukon
                                          Exposition, Seattle,
                                          first big "dry" exposition.

West Virginia.  40 out of 54              Some local gains.
                counties "dry"            Charleston, state capital
                                          "dry" since July 1.
                                          Only three wholly "wet"
                                          counties.
                                          State campaign on.

Wisconsin       300 Prohibition towns     789 towns "dry."
                                          Prohibition sentiment
                                          growing rapidly;
                                          4,000 business men
                                          cheer argument for
                                          Prohibition in great
                                          debate at Milwaukee
                                          March, 1909.

Wyoming         No Prohibition            New law effective
                territory.                January, 1910, puts
                                          whole State under
                                          Prohibition outside
                                          of incorporated towns.

{19}

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Diminished consumption of whiskey and beer.

   According to the annual report of the Commissioner of Internal
   Revenue for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1909, there were
   about 5,000,000 less gallons of whiskey contributing to the
   Federal revenue than in the fiscal year preceding, and
   something like 2,500,000 fewer barrels of beer and ale. "This
   seems clearly to mirror the effect of the prohibition movement
   which has lately gained such headway in certain sections of
   the South and West. Ordinarily, the consumption of spirits and
   malt liquor is fairly steady in times of depression; and when
   an industrial revival is under way, their use increases and
   reflects itself in larger revenue returns. The absolute
   shrinkage in consumption in the past fiscal year, therefore,
   is doubly significant."

   ----------ALCOHOL: End--------

ALCORTA, Jose Figueroa:
   President of Argentine Republic.

      See (in this Volume)
      ACRE DISPUTES.

ALDERMAN, Edward Anderson:
   President of the University of Virginia.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

ALDRICH, Nelson W.:
   Work on the Payne-Aldrich Tariff.

      See (in this Volume)
      TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

ALEXANDER, King of Servia:
   His murder.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

ALEXEIEFF, Admiral:
   Appointed Viceroy in Manchuria, 1903.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

ALFARO, General Elroy:
   Made President of Ecuador by a revolution.

      See (in this Volume)
      ECUADOR: A. D. 1905-1906.

ALFONSO XIII.:
   His Coronation.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904.

ALFONSO XIII.:
   Marriage.
   Attempted assassination.

      See (in this Volume)
      Spain: A. D. 1905-1906.

ALGECIRAS CONFERENCE, and Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906, and
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

ALGIERS: A. D. 1896-1906.
   Encroachments on the Moroccan boundary.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1895-1906.

ALIENS ACT, The English.

      See (in this Volume)
      IMMIGRATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

ALIENS, Rights of:
   Pan-American Convention.

      See (in this Volume)
      American Republics.

ALI RIZA PASHA.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

ALL INDIA MOSLEM LEAGUE.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907 (DECEMBER), and 1907-1909.

ALLIANCES:
   Franco-Russian.
   Effect of Russo-Japanese War.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

ALLIANCES:
   Great Britain with Japan.

      See Japan: A. D. 1902, and 1905 (August).

ALLIANCES:
   The Triple Alliance.

      See TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

ALMENARA, Dr. Domingo.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERU.

ALSOP CLAIM, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILE: A. D. 1909.

ALVERSTONE, Sir Richard Everard Webster, Lord Chief Justice:
   On the Alaska Boundary Commission.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

ALVES, Rodriquez.

      See (in this Volume)
      ACRE DISPUTES.

AMADE, General d’:
   Operations in Morocco.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

AMADOR, Manuel:
   President of Panama.

      See (in this Volume)
      PANAMA.

AMALGAMATED ASSOCIATION, of Iron, Steel, and Tin Plate Workers:
   Its strike in 1901.

      See (in this Volume)
      Labor Organization, &c.: United States: A. D. 1901.

AMALGAMATED SOCIETY OF RAILWAY SERVANTS, British:
   In Taff Vale case.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: ENGLAND: A. D. 1900-1906.

AMALGAMATED SOCIETY OF RAILWAY SERVANTS, British:
   In strike of 1907

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

AMARAL, Admiral Ferreira do.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

AMBAN, Chinese.

      See (in this Volume)
      TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.

AMERICAN CIVIC ASSOCIATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.

AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: UNITED STATES.

"AMERICAN INVASION" OF CANADA, The.

      See (in this Volume) CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.

   ----------AMERICAN REPUBLICS: Start--------

AMERICAN REPUBLICS:
   The South and Central American nations:
   Their recent rapid advance in character, dignity, and importance.

   Among the astonishing. changes that have come upon the
   political face of the world within a few years past, producing
   new arrangements of rank or standing and new distributions of
   influence in the great family of nations, the emergence of the
   South American republics from generally chronic disorder and
   obscure unimportance to a position, almost suddenly
   recognized, of present weight and dignity and great promise to
   the future, is far from the least.

   In 1890, when Mr. Blaine, as Secretary of State, opened the
   first well-planned endeavor of our government to put itself
   into such relations with them, of friendly influence, as the
   elder and stronger in the family of American republics ought
   to hold, there was little appreciation of the importance of
   the movement. Even Mr. Blaine did not seem to be fully earnest
   and fully sanguine in it, or else his chief and his colleagues
   in the government were not heartily with him; for his
   admirable scheme of policy was almost wrecked in the second
   year of its working, by the unaccountable impatience and
   harshness with which President Harrison wrung humiliating
   apologies from Chili for a trifling offense in 1892. The
   seeming arrogance of power then manifested cast a reasonable
   suspicion on the motives with which the great republic of
   North America had made overtures of fraternity to the
   republics of the South, and it freshened an old distrust in
   their minds.

{20}

   Happily, however, Mr. Blaine, in 1890, had brought about the
   creation of a harmonizing and unifying agency which needed
   only time to effect great results. This was the Bureau of the
   American Republics, established at Washington, by a vote of
   the delegates from eighteen North, South, and Central American
   governments, at an International American Conference, held in
   that city in March of the year named. Its immediate purpose
   was the promotion of commercial intercourse; but the
   information spread with that object, through all the countries
   concerned, has carried with it every kind of pacific
   understanding and stimulation. The common action with common
   interests thus organized must have had more than anything else
   to do with the generating of a public spirit, lately, in the
   Spanish-American countries, very different from any ever
   manifested before. It has wakened national ambitions in them
   and sobered the factious temper which kept them in political
   disorder so long.

   Ten years ago, the Central and South American republics had so
   little standing among the nations that few of them were
   invited to the Peace Conference of 1900, and the invitation
   was accepted by none. Spanish America was represented by
   Mexico alone. At the conference of 1907 at The Hague there
   were delegates from all, and several among their delegates
   took a notably important part, giving a marked distinction to
   the peoples they represent. It was by a special effort on the
   part of our then Secretary of State that they were brought
   thus into the council of nations.

   Mr. Root has had wonderful success, indeed, in realizing the
   aim of the policy projected and initiated by Mr. Blaine. He
   has cleared away the distrust and won the confidence of our
   fellow Americans at the middle and south of the continent,
   bringing them to a friendly acceptance of the leading which
   goes naturally with the power and the experience of these
   United States. The resulting weight in world politics of what
   may be called the Concert of America, paralleling the Concert
   of Europe, is one of the greater products of the present
   extraordinary time.

AMERICAN REPUBLICS:
   Their Second International Conference, at the City of
   Mexico, in 1901-1902.
   Its proceedings, conventions, resolutions, etc.

   The First International Conference of American Republics was
   held at Washington in the winter and spring of 1889-1890,
   attended by delegates from eighteen Governments of the New
   World.

      See, in Volume VI. of this work,
      American Republics.

   On the suggestion of President McKinley, ten years later, and
   on the invitation of President Diaz, of Mexico, a second
   Conference was convened at the City of Mexico, on the 23d of
   October, 1901. The sessions of this Conference were prolonged
   until the 31st of January, 1902. It was attended by delegates
   from every independent nation then existing in America, being
   twenty in number; but the delegation of Venezuela was
   withdrawn by the Government of that State on the 14th of
   January, and the withdrawal was made retroactive to and from
   the preceding 31st of December. The delegation from the United
   States was composed of ex-United States Senator Henry G.
   Davis; Mr. William I. Buchanan, formerly Envoy Extraordinary
   and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic; Mr.
   John Barrett, formerly Minister Resident of the United States
   to Siam; and Messrs. Charles M. Pepper and Volney W. Foster.

   The following account of the work of the Conference and its
   results is compiled from the report made by the delegates of
   the United States to the Department of State:

   "Señor Raigosa, chairman of the Mexican delegation, was chosen
   temporary president, and the Conference then preceded to its
   permanent organization by the election of his excellency Señor
   Lic. Don Ignacio Mariscal, minister of foreign affairs of
   Mexico, and Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State of the
   United States, honorary presidents; Senor Lic. Don Genaro
   Raigosa, of Mexico, president; Senhor Don José Hygino Duarte
   Pereira, of Brazil, first vice-president, and Señor Doctor Don
   Baltasar Estupinian, of Salvador, second vice-president. …
   Under the rules adopted 19 committees were appointed and the
   work of the conference was apportioned among them. …

   "Discussion between the representatives of the Republics that
   would constitute the conference began months previous to its
   opening upon the subject of arbitration, and while every
   desire was manifested then and thereafter by all to see a
   conclusion reached by the conference in which all might join,
   unsettled questions existed between some of the Republics that
   would participate in the conference of a character that made
   their avoidance difficult in any general discussion of the
   subject. … This difficulty became more apparent as the
   conference proceeded with its work. … It was tacitly agreed
   between delegations, therefore, that the discussion of the
   subject should be confined, so far as possible, to a
   committee. … There was at no time any difficulty with regard
   to securing a unanimous report favoring a treaty covering
   merely arbitration as a principle; all delegations were in
   favor of that. The point of discussion was as to the extent to
   which the principle should be applied. Concerning this, three
   views were supported in the conference:
   (a) Obligatory arbitration, covering all questions pending or
   future when they did not affect either independence or the
   national honor of a country;
   (b) Obligatory arbitration covering future questions only and
   defining what questions shall constitute those to be excepted
   from arbitration; and
   (c) Facultative or voluntary arbitration, as best expressed by
   The Hague convention. …

   "A plan was finally suggested providing that all delegations
   should sign the protocol for adhesion to the convention of The
   Hague, as originally suggested by the United States
   delegation, and that the advocates of obligatory arbitration
   sign, between themselves, a project of treaty obligating their
   respective governments to submit to the permanent court at The
   Hague all questions arising or in existence, between
   themselves, which did not affect their independence or their
   national honor. Both the protocol and treaty were then to be
   brought before the conference, incorporated in the minutes
   without debate or action, and sent to the minister of foreign
   relations of Mexico, to be officially certified and
   transmitted by that official to the several signatory
   governments. After prolonged negotiations this plan was
   adopted and carried out as outlined above, all of the
   delegations in the conference, excepting those of Chile and
   Ecuador, signing the protocol covering adherence to The Hague
   convention before its submission to the conference.
{21}
   These, after a protracted debate on a point of order involving
   the plan adopted, later accepted in open conference a solution
   which made them—as they greatly desired to be, in another
   form than that adopted—parties to the protocol. The project of
   treaty of compulsory arbitration was signed by the delegations
   of the Argentine Republic, Bolivia, Santo Domingo, El
   Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and
   Venezuela. …

   "By the above plan the conference attained the highest
   possible end, and for the first time each of the American
   Republics, as a result of that action, takes her place by the
   side of the other countries of the world in favor of
   international arbitration; more than this, by the unanimous
   acceptance thus of The Hague convention on the part of the 19
   Republics represented in the conference, it is given that
   force and character which places it to-day as the formal
   expression of the governments of the entire civilized world in
   favor of peace. The delegates of the United States believe,
   hence, that substantial progress and a noteworthy and historic
   step in advance has been taken in the interests of peace, and
   that means have been provided by which wars will be rendered
   less frequent, if not wholly avoided, between the countries of
   the Western Hemisphere. The opening of the doors of the
   permanent tribunal of The Hague to all of the Republics of
   America, as this protocol has done, is of itself an
   achievement of the greatest importance. As a result of this
   action the American Republics now have at their command the
   machinery of that great international body for the pacific
   settlement of any dispute they may desire to refer to
   arbitration. Beyond this the obligations imposed by their
   adhesion to the convention to have recourse, as far as
   circumstances allow, to the good offices or mediation of any
   one or more friendly powers, and to permit these offers to be
   made without considering them unfriendly, is certainly a point
   of great value gained by all.

   "In addition to accepting The Hague convention the conference
   went further. It accepted the three Hague conventions as
   principles of public American international law, and
   authorized and requested the President of the Mexican
   Republic, as heretofore explained, to enter upon negotiations
   with the several American Governments looking toward the most
   unrestricted application of arbitration possible should the
   way for such a step appear open. In addition to the protocol
   and treaty referred to, another step was taken in the
   direction of the settlement of international controversies by
   the adoption and signing, on the part of every country
   represented in the conference, of a project of treaty covering
   the arbitration of pecuniary claims. Under this the several
   republics obligate themselves for a period of five years to
   submit to the arbitration of the court at The Hague all claims
   for pecuniary loss or damage which may be presented by their
   respective citizens and which cannot be amicably adjusted
   through diplomatic channels, when such claims are of
   sufficient importance to warrant the expense of arbitration.
   Should both parties prefer that a special jurisdiction be
   organized, according to article 21 of the convention of The
   Hague this may be done, and if the permanent court of The
   Hague shall not be open to one or more of the signatory
   republics for any cause, they obligate themselves to stipulate
   then in a special treaty the rules under which a tribunal
   shall be established for the adjustment of the matter in
   dispute and the form of procedure to be followed in such
   arbitration. As a supplement to the protocol and treaty above
   referred to, this project of treaty is of great importance and
   will most certainly be of wide benefit to the good relations
   and intercourse between the United States and her sister
   republics of this Hemisphere." …

   "Among the most important recommendations made by the First
   International American Conference, held in Washington in
   1889-1890, with a view to facilitating trade and communication
   between the American Republics, was that looking to the
   construction of an intercontinental railway, by which all of
   the republics on the American continent would be put into rail
   communication with each other. In pursuance of the
   recommendations of that conference, an international railway
   commission was organized, and under its direction surveys were
   made which showed that it would be entirely practicable, by
   using, as far as possible, existing railway systems and
   filling in the gaps between them. … The report of the
   intercontinental railway commission showed that the distance
   between New York and Buenos Ayres by way of the proposed line
   would be 10,471 miles, of which a little less than one-half
   had then been constructed, leaving about 5,456 miles to be
   built. Following up the work of the first conference and the
   intercontinental railway commission, the present conference
   adopted a strong report and a series of carefully considered
   recommendations on this subject. …

   "The resolution … providing for the meeting of an
   international American customs congress in the city of New
   York within a year, to consider customs administrative
   matters, is one of the subjects on which early action should
   be taken by our Government if the success of the congress is
   to be assured. The governing board of the International Bureau
   of the American Republics is to fix the date for the meeting
   of this congress. … This congress will have nothing whatever
   to do with the subject of tariff rates in any of the countries
   represented. Its functions … briefly stated, are to consider
   means for bringing about, as far as may be practicable, the
   adoption by the several republics of uniform and simple
   methods of custom-house procedure and a uniform and simple
   system of port regulations and charges; measures to secure the
   adoption and use in customs schedules and laws of a common
   nomenclature of the products and merchandise of the American
   republics, to be issued in English, Spanish, Portuguese, and
   French, and that it may become the basis for the statistical
   data of exports and imports; to provide for the organization
   of a permanent customs committee or commission, composed of
   persons having technical and expert knowledge, which, as a
   dependency of the International Bureau of the American
   Republics, or otherwise, shall be charged with the execution
   of the resolutions and decisions of the congress and the study
   of the customs laws of the American republics, in order to
   suggest to the several governments the adoption of laws and
   measures which, with regard to custom house formalities, may
   tend to simplify and facilitate mercantile traffic. …

{22}

   "Another resolution which contemplates that early action must
   be taken by the several Governments is that regarding
   quarantine and sanitary matters. In dealing with this subject
   the object of the conference was to make sanitation take the
   place of quarantine. When the ideal had in view by the
   conference shall have been realized, the cities of the Western
   Hemisphere will have been put in such perfect sanitary
   condition that the propagation of disease germs in them will
   be impossible and quarantine restrictions upon travel and
   commerce, with their vexations and burdensome delays and
   expenses, will be unnecessary.

   "The conference fully recognized the value and importance to
   all the Republics of the International Bureau of the American
   Republics, which was established in Washington in pursuance of
   the action of the First International American Conference. …
   With a view to rendering the Bureau still more useful to all
   the countries represented in its administration, and making it
   still more valuable in establishing and maintaining closer
   relations between them, the conference adopted a plan of
   reorganization, or rather of broadening and expanding the
   existing organization. … The new regulations adopted provide
   that the Bureau shall be under the management of a governing
   board to be composed of the Secretary of State of the United
   States, who is to be its chairman, and the diplomatic
   representatives in Washington of all the other governments
   represented in the Bureau. This governing board is to meet
   regularly once a month, excepting in June, July, and August of
   each year. …

   "In order that the archæological and ethnological remains
   existing in the territory of the several Republics of the
   Western Hemisphere might be systematically studied and
   preserved, the conference adopted a resolution providing for
   the meeting of an American international archæological
   commission in the city of Washington, D. C., within two years
   from the date of the adoption of the resolution. …

   "The conference gave its most hearty indorsement to the
   project for the construction of an interoceanic canal by the
   Government of the United States." …

   "The recommendation of the conference that there be
   established in New York, Chicago, San Francisco, New Orleans,
   Buenos Ayres, or any other important mercantile center, a bank
   with branches in the principal cities in the American
   republics, is in line with the similar resolution adopted by
   the First International American Conference in Washington in
   1889-1890."

   "In addition to the protocol for the adhesion of the American
   Republics to the Convention of The Hague, the treaty of
   compulsory arbitration signed by nine delegations, and the
   treaty for the arbitration of pecuniary claims, the Conference
   agreed to and signed a treaty for the extradition of
   criminals, … including a clause making anarchy an extraditable
   offense when it shall have been defined by the legislation of
   the respective countries; a convention on the practice of the
   learned professions, providing for the reciprocal recognition
   of the professional diplomas and titles granted in the several
   Republics; a convention for the formation of codes of public
   and private international law; … a convention on literary and
   artistic copyrights; … a convention for the exchange of
   official, scientific, literary, and industrial publications; …
   a treaty on patents of invention, etc.; … and a convention on
   the rights of aliens." The treaty on patents and the
   convention on the rights of aliens could not be signed by the
   delegates of the United States, for reasons set forth in their
   report.

   "The delegates desire especially to express their most
   grateful appreciation of the courtesy extended by the Mexican
   Government in preparing for the comfort of delegates and in
   all the arrangements for the conference. Every convenience at
   the command of that Government was placed at the disposal of
   delegates to assist them in the discharge of their labors. …

   "It is the belief of the delegates of the United States that
   the results of the Second International American Conference
   will be of great and lasting benefit to the nations
   participating in its deliberations. … That the relations
   between the American Republics have been improved as a result
   of the conference cannot be doubted. The intimate daily
   association for nearly four months, of leading men from every
   American Republic of itself tended toward this result.
   Delegates learned that, while existing international relations
   made differences of opinion inevitable between the
   representatives of some of the countries, they all had many
   interests in common. As a result, toleration for the opinions
   of others was shown by delegates to a marked degree, and the
   sessions of the conference were remarkably free from
   acrimonious debates and reflections on the policies of
   delegations or their Governments."

      57th Congress, 1st Session 1901-1902,
      Senate Document 330.

AMERICAN REPUBLICS:
   Their Third International Conference,
   at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in 1906.
   Proceedings, conventions, resolutions.

   The Third International Conference of American Republics was
   held at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, from July 21st to August 26th,
   1906. It was attended by delegates from each of the 21
   American Republics, excepting only Hayti and Venezuela. The
   delegates from the United States of America were the Honorable
   William I. Buchanan, chairman, formerly Envoy Extraordinary
   and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic; Dr. L.
   S. Rowe, Professor of Political Science, University of
   Pennsylvania; Honorable A. J. Montague, ex-Governor of
   Virginia; Mr. Tulio Larrinaga, Resident Commissioner from
   Porto Rico in Washington; Mr. Paul S. Reinsch, Professor of
   Political Science, University of Wisconsin; Mr. Van Leer Polk,
   ex-Consul-General; with a staff of secretaries, etc., from
   several departments of the public service at Washington.

   The Conference was attended also by the Secretary of State of
   the United States, the Honorable Elihu Root, incidentally to
   an important tour through many parts of South America which he
   made in the months of that summer. In the course of his
   journey he visited, on invitation, not only Brazil, but
   Uruguay, Argentina, Chile, Peru, Panama, and Colombia; and, as
   stated in the next annual Message of President Roosevelt, "he
   refrained from visiting Paraguay, Bolivia, and Ecuador only
   because the distance of their capitals from the seaboard made
   it impracticable with the time at his disposal. He carried
   with him a message of peace and friendship, and of strong
   desire for good understanding and mutual helpfulness; and he
   was everywhere received in the spirit of his message."

{23}

   In the instructions to the delegates from the United States,
   prepared by Secretary Root, this wise admonition was
   conveyed:—

   "It is important that you should keep in mind and, as occasion
   serves, impress upon your colleagues, that such a conference
   is not an agency for compulsion or a tribunal for
   adjudication; it is not designed to compel States to make
   treaties or to observe treaties; it should not sit in judgment
   upon the conduct of any State, or undertake to redress alleged
   wrongs, or to settle controverted questions of right. A
   successful attempt to give such a character to the Conference
   would necessarily be fatal to the Conference itself, for few
   if any of the States represented in it would be willing to
   submit their sovereignty to the supervision which would be
   exercised by a body thus arrogating to itself supreme and
   indefinite powers. The true function of such a conference is
   to deal with matters of common interest which are not really
   subjects of controversy, but upon which comparison of views
   and friendly discussion may smooth away differences of detail,
   develop substantial agreement and lead to coöperation along
   common lines for the attainment of objects which all really
   desire. It follows from this view of the functions of the
   Conference that it is not expected to accomplish any striking
   or spectacular final results; but is to deal with many matters
   which, not being subjects of controversy, attract little
   public attention, yet which, taken together, are of great
   importance for the development of friendly intercourse among
   nations; and it is to make such progress as may now be
   possible toward the acceptance of ideals, the full realization
   of which may be postponed to a distant future. All progress
   toward the complete reign of justice and peace among nations
   is accomplished by long and patient effort and by many
   successive steps; and it is confidently hoped that this
   Conference will mark some substantial advancement by all the
   American States in this process of developing Christian
   civilization. Not the least of the benefits anticipated from
   the Conference will be the establishment of agreeable personal
   relations, the removal of misconceptions and prejudices, and
   the habit of temperate and kindly discussion among the
   representatives of so many Republics."

   The following account of the Conference and its action is
   derived from the subsequent official report of the Delegates
   of the United States:—

   "The sessions of the Conference were held in a spacious and
   ornate building, erected especially for this purpose by the
   Brazilian Government, and situated on the superb new boulevard
   that for nearly four miles follows the shore of the Bay of
   Rio, and at the end of the new Avenida Central. The building
   is a permanent one, reproduced in granite and marble from the
   plans of the palace erected by Brazil at the Louisiana
   Purchase Exposition, at St. Louis. It is surrounded by an
   exquisite garden, and, facing as it does the entrance to the
   wonderfully beautiful Bay of Rio, the building is a notable
   landmark. It was christened 'The Monroe Palace' by special
   action of the Brazilian Government. The Brazilian Government
   installed in the palace a complete telegraph, mail, and
   telephone service, and telegrams, cables, and mail of the
   different delegations and of individual delegates were
   transmitted free. Recognition is due in this connection to the
   governments of the Argentine Republic, Paraguay, Uruguay, and
   Chili, which officially extended, through the director of
   telegraphs of Brazil, the courtesy of free transit for all
   telegrams sent by delegates over the telegraph lines of their
   respective countries. This marked courtesy on the part of
   Brazil and of the Republics mentioned was greatly appreciated
   by the delegates. In connection with the work of the
   Conference, the Brazilian Government organized and maintained
   at its expense an extensive and competent corps of
   translators, stenographers, and clerical assistants, whose
   services were at all times at the command of the delegates. A
   buffet lunch, for the convenience and comfort of delegates and
   their guests, was maintained in the palace throughout the
   period of the Conference. The palace was elaborately lighted
   and was the center of attraction day and night for great
   crowds of people, and nothing in connection with its equipment
   and administration or that concerned the comfort or
   convenience of delegates was left undone by the Brazilian
   Government. The Monroe Palace now becomes a national meeting
   place for the people of Brazil. It will remain as an adornment
   of the splendid new Rio that has risen from the old city during
   the past two or three years, and as an evidence of the
   progress and energy of the Brazilian people.

   "The Conference was formally opened in the presence of a large
   and distinguished audience on the evening of July 23, 1906, by
   His Excellency the Baron do Rio Branco, the distinguished
   Brazilian minister for foreign affairs. The approaches to the
   palace were lined with troops, the public grounds and avenues
   of the city brilliantly illuminated and packed with people. …
   The Conference unanimously chose as its president, His
   Excellency Señor Dr. Joaquim Nabuco, the Brazilian Ambassador
   to the United States; as honorary vice-presidents, His
   Excellency the Baron do Rio Branco, and the Honorable Elihu
   Root, Secretary of State of the United States, and as its
   Secretary-General, His Excellency, Señor Dr. J. F. de
   Assis-Brasil, the Brazilian envoy extraordinary and minister
   plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic. The latter selected
   as his assistants one of the most competent and distinguished
   groups of men that has served any of the preceding
   conferences. … These officers left nothing undone toward
   aiding and facilitating the work of delegates, and to them the
   United States delegation feels greatly indebted for the many
   courtesies and the great kindness extended on all occasions.

   "The conference was attended by delegates from each of the 21
   American Republics, with the exception of Haiti and
   Venezuela." …

{24}

   "The distinguishing note of the Conference was the
   extraordinary session convened to receive the Secretary of
   State of the United States, Honorable Elihu Root, who, as
   stated earlier in this report, had been named one of the two
   honorary presidents of the Conference. The reception accorded
   the Secretary of State by the Conference was one of the most
   notable political events that has taken place in our relations
   with Central and South America, and manifested the feeling of
   good fellowship and sympathy that exists between the American
   Republics. We believe the visit of the Secretary of State to
   South America has resulted in greater good to our relations
   with Central and South America than any one thing that has
   heretofore taken place in our diplomatic history with them.
   The extraordinary session of the Conference to receive the
   Secretary of State was held on the evening of July 31 and was
   one of great brilliancy. In introducing the Secretary of State
   to the Conference, His Excellency Dr. Joaquim Nabuco, the
   Brazilian Ambassador to the United States and President of the
   Conference, delivered a notable address, to which the
   Secretary of State replied."

   It was, indeed, a notable utterance of pregnant and impressive
   thought which Mr. Root addressed to this important congress of
   the American Republics, and it well deserved the distinction
   that was accorded to it by the President of the United States,
   when he appended it to his Message to Congress the following
   December. A considerable part of the brief but richly filled
   address may fitly be quoted here:

   "I bring from my country," said the Secretary, "a special
   greeting to her elder sisters in the civilization of America.
   Unlike as we are in many respects, we are alike in this, that
   we are all engaged under new conditions, and free from the
   traditional forms and limitations of the Old World in working
   out the same problem of popular self-government.

   "It is a difficult and laborious task for each of us. Not in
   one generation nor in one century can the effective control of
   a superior sovereign, so long deemed necessary to government,
   be rejected and effective self-control by the governed be
   perfected in its place. The first fruits of democracy are many
   of them crude and unlovely; its mistakes are many, its partial
   failures many, its sins not few. Capacity for self-government
   does not come to man by nature. It is an art to be learned,
   and it is also an expression of character to be developed
   among all the thousands of men who exercise popular
   sovereignty.

   "To reach the goal toward which we are pressing forward, the
   governing multitude must first acquire knowledge that comes
   from universal education, wisdom that follows practical
   experience, personal independence and self-respect befitting
   men who acknowledge no superior, self-control to replace that
   external control which a democracy rejects, respect for law,
   obedience to the lawful expressions of the public will,
   consideration for the opinions and interests of others equally
   entitled to a voice in the state, loyalty to that abstract
   conception—one’s country—as inspiring as that loyalty to
   personal sovereigns which has so illumined the pages of
   history, subordination of personal interests to the public
   good, love of justice and mercy, of liberty and order. All
   these we must seek by slow and patient effort; and of how many
   shortcomings in his own land and among his own people each one
   of us is conscious!

   "Yet no student of our times can fail to see that not America
   alone but the whole civilized world is swinging away from its
   old governmental moorings and intrusting the fate of its
   civilization to the capacity of the popular mass to govern. By
   this pathway mankind is to travel, whithersoever it leads.
   Upon the success of this our great undertaking the hope of
   humanity depends. Nor can we fail to see that the world makes
   substantial progress towards more perfect popular
   self-government. …

   "It is not by national isolation that these results have been
   accomplished or that this progress can be continued. No nation
   can live unto itself alone and continue to live. Each nation’s
   growth is a part of the development of the race. There may be
   leaders and there may be laggards, but no nation can long
   continue very far in advance of the general progress of
   mankind, and no nation that is not doomed to extinction can
   remain very far behind. It is with nations as with individual
   men; intercourse, association, correction of egotism by the
   influence of others' judgment, broadening of views by the
   experience and thought of equals, acceptance of the moral
   standards of a community the desire for whose good opinion
   lends a sanction to the rules of right conduct—these are the
   conditions of growth in civilization. …

   "To promote this mutual interchange and assistance between the
   American republics, engaged in the same great task, inspired
   by the same purpose, and professing the same principles, I
   understand to be the function of the American Conference now
   in session. There is not one of all our countries that cannot
   benefit the others; there is not one that cannot receive
   benefit from the others; there is not one that will not gain
   by the prosperity, the peace, the happiness of all. …

   "The association of so many eminent men from all the
   Republics, leaders of opinion in their own homes; the
   friendships that will arise among you; the habit of temperate
   and kindly discussion of matters of common interest; the
   ascertainment of common sympathies and aims; the dissipation
   of misunderstandings; the exhibition to all the American
   peoples of this peaceful and considerate method of conferring
   upon international questions—this alone, quite irrespective of
   the resolutions you may adopt and the conventions you may
   sign, will mark a substantial advance in the direction of
   international good understanding.

   "These beneficent results the Government and the people of the
   United States of America greatly desire. We wish for no
   victories but those of peace; for no territory except our own;
   for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves. We
   deem the independence and equal rights of the smallest and
   weakest member of the family of nations entitled to as much
   respect as those of the greatest empire, and we deem the
   observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak
   against the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor
   desire any rights, or privileges, or powers that we do not
   freely concede to every American republic. We wish to increase
   our prosperity, to expand our trade, to grow in wealth, in
   wisdom, and in spirit, but our conception of the true way to
   accomplish this is not to pull down others and profit by their
   ruin, but to help all friends to a common prosperity and a
   common growth, that we may all become greater and stronger
   together.

{25}

   "Within a few months, for the first time the recognized
   possessors of every foot of soil upon the American continents
   can be and I hope will be represented with the acknowledged
   rights of equal sovereign states in the great World Congress
   at The Hague. This will be the world’s formal and final
   acceptance of the declaration that no part of the American
   continents is to be deemed subject to colonization. Let us
   pledge ourselves to aid each other in the full performance of
   the duty to humanity which that accepted declaration implies;
   so that in time the weakest and most unfortunate of our
   republics may come to march with equal step by the side of the
   stronger and more fortunate. Let us help each other to show
   that for all the races of men the liberty for which we have
   fought and labored is the twin sister of justice and peace.
   Let us unite in creating and maintaining and making effective
   an all-American public opinion, whose power shall influence
   international conduct and prevent international wrong, and
   narrow the causes of war, and forever preserve our free lands
   from the burden of such armaments as are massed behind the
   frontiers of Europe, and bring us ever nearer to the
   perfection of ordered liberty. So shall come security and
   prosperity, production and trade, wealth, learning, the arts,
   and happiness for us all."

   The fruits of the Conference were embodied in four conventions
   and a number of important resolutions. The text of a
   convention agreed to, which establishes between the States
   signing it the status of naturalized citizens who again take
   up their residence in the country of their origin, will be
   found elsewhere in this Volume, under the subject-heading
   Naturalization. Another, which amends and extends the
   operation of a treaty signed at the Second Conference, at
   Mexico, in 1902 (see above) is as follows:—

   "Sole article.
   The treaty on pecuniary claims signed at Mexico January
   thirtieth, nineteen hundred and two, shall continue in force,
   with the exception of the third article, which is hereby
   abolished, until the thirty-first day of December, nineteen
   hundred and twelve, both for the nations which have already
   ratified it, and for those which may hereafter ratify it."

   The third Convention signed was a modification and extension
   of another of the agreements of the Second Conference, at
   Mexico, having relation to patents of invention, literary
   property, etc. The fourth Convention provides for an
   "international Commission of Jurists, composed of one
   representative from each of the signatory States, appointed by
   their respective Governments, which Commission shall meet for
   the purpose of preparing a draft of a code of Private
   International Law and one of Public International Law,
   regulating the relations between the nations of America." The
   more important of the resolutions adopted were the following:

   "To ratify adherence to the principle of arbitration; and, to
   the end that so high a purpose may be rendered practicable, to
   recommend to the Nations represented at this Conference that
   instructions be given to their Delegates to the Second
   Conference to be held at The Hague, to endeavor to secure by
   the said Assembly, of world-wide character, the celebration of
   a General Arbitration Convention, so effective and definite
   that, meriting the approval of the civilized world, it shall
   be accepted and put in force by every nation."

   "To recommend to the Governments represented therein that they
   consider the point of inviting the Second Peace Conference, at
   The Hague, to examine the question of the compulsory
   collection of public debts, and, in general, means tending to
   diminish between Nations conflicts having an exclusively
   pecuniary origin."

   Other resolutions of the Conference were directed to a
   broadening of the work and an enlargement of the influence of
   the International Bureau of the American Republics; to the
   erection of a building for that Bureau and for the
   contemplated Library in Memory of Columbus; to the creation in
   the Bureau of a section having "as its chief object a special
   study of the customs legislation, consular regulations and
   commercial statistics of the Republics of America," with a
   view to bringing them into more harmony, and to securing the
   greatest development and amplification of commercial relations
   between American Republics; to promote the establishment and
   maintenance of navigation lines connecting the principal ports
   of the American continent; to bring about more effective
   cooperation in international sanitary measures; to advance the
   construction of lines that shall form, connectedly, the
   desired Pan-American Railway, extending through the two
   continents.

   The time and place of future conferences are to be determined
   by the Governing Board of the Bureau of American Republics.

AMERICAN REPUBLICS: The International Bureau:
   Its increased efficiency.
   The gift of a building to it by Mr. Carnegie.

   The International Bureau of the American Republics, instituted
   at Washington in 1890 (see in Volume VI. of this work),
   assumed larger functions and increased importance in 1906,
   after the return of Mr. Root, United States Secretary of
   State, from his tour of visits to the South American States.
   The Honorable John Barrett, who had successively represented
   the Government of the United States in Panama, in Argentina
   and in Colombia, as well as at the Second Pan-American
   Conference, in Mexico, was made Director of the Bureau, and
   entered upon its duties with an exalted belief in the
   possibilities of good to be done in the American hemisphere by
   an energetic promotion of more intimate relations between its
   peoples. At the same time a new dignity was given to the
   International Union of the American Republics, embodied in the
   work of the Bureau, by the provision of a stately building for
   its use. Mr. Root had persuaded Congress to appropriate
   $200,000 for the site and building of such a home, to be
   offered to the Union, and this inadequate sum was supplemented
   by a generous private gift. It was easy to interest Mr. Andrew
   Carnegie in a project which bore so directly on the promotion
   of international friendliness and peace, and he offered an
   addition of $750,000 to the fund for the Pan-American
   Building.

   The site secured for the structure is that of the old Van Ness
   mansion, about half-way between the State, War and Navy
   Building and the Potomac River. It covers a tract of five
   acres, facing public parks on two sides. There the corner
   stone of a central seat of Pan-American coöperations and
   influences was laid in May, 1908, in the presence of official
   representatives from twenty-one American republics, and under
   their assembled flags.

{26}

AMERICAN SCHOOL PEACE LEAGUE, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.

AMERICAN SOCIETY OF EQUITY.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

AMERICAN SUGAR REFINING COMPANY (the "Sugar Trust").

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

AMSTERDAM: A. D. 1907.
   Meeting of International Woman Suffrage Alliance.

      See (in this Volume)
      Elective Franchise: Woman Suffrage.

AMUNDSEN, Roald: Arctic Exploration.
   Magnetic Pole Researches.

      See (in this Volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION.

ANAM: Deposition of the King.

   Toward the end of 1906, France asserted sovereignty over Anam,
   which had been a French Protectorate for many years, by
   adjudging its king to be insane, placing him in confinement,
   and thus ending his reign. He was accused of almost incredible
   atrocities, in torturing and murdering his wives and other
   subjects within his reach. Even cannibalism was included among
   his alleged crimes.

ANARCHISM IN INDIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908, and 1907-1909.

ANATOLIAN RAILWAY.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

ANDERSON, Judge A. B.:
   Acquittal of the Standard Oil Company.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

ANDRASSY, Count.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

ANGELL, James Burrill:
   Retirement from Presidency of University of Michigan.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

ANGLE HILL, Capture of.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

ANJUMAN,
ENJUMEN.

   A term which seems to signify in Persia either a local
   assembly or a political association of any nature.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

ANNUITIES, for Workingmen.

      See POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF.

ANTARCTIC EXPLORATION.

      See POLAR EXPLORATION.

ANTHRACITE COAL:
   The Railroad Monopoly.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

ANTHRACITE COAL STRIKES.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

ANTI-REBATE LEGISLATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908,
      and 1903 (FEBRUARY).

ANTI-SEMITIC DEMONSTRATIONS.

      See (in this Volume)
      JEWS.

ANTI-TRUST, or Sherman Act, of 1890 .

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

ANTI-TRUST DECISIONS, in United States Courts.

      See (in this Volume)
      SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES.

ANTUNG: Opened to Foreign Trade.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

ANTUNG-MUKDEN RAILWAY QUESTION, between Japan and China.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909

APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTION OF THE CURIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1908.

APPALACHIAN MOUNTAIN FORESTS, Preservation of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

APPONYI, Count Albert.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904; 1905-1906; 1908-1909.

ARABIA: A. D. 1903-1905.
   "Holy War" with the Sultan opened by the Sheik Hamid
   Eddin, of the Hadramaut, claiming the Caliphate.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.

ARBITRATION, INDUSTRIAL.

      See LABOR ORGANIZATION.

ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL:
   General Treaties, since the First Peace Conference, of 1899.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1899-1909.

ARBITRATION, SPECIAL:
   Of the Pious Fund Dispute between Mexico and the
   United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

ARBITRATION, OF CLAIMS AGAINST VENEZUELA.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

ARBITRATION, Of Alaska Boundary, between the United
States and Great Britain.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

ARBITRATION, Of Brazil and British Guiana:
   Boundary Dispute.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.

ARBITRATION, Of Great Britain and Russia:
   The Dogger Bank Incident.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

ARBITRATION, Of Fisheries Questions between the United
States and Great Britain.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

ARBITRATION, Central American Court of Justice.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.

ARBITRATION, Of Casablanca Incident, between Germany and France,
at The Hague.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

ARCTIC EXPLORATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1901-1906.
   Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
   of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1902.
   Noble ending of naval rivalries with Chile.
   A model arbitration treaty.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1903.
   The Foreign Population.

   "Statistics of 1903 showed 1,000,000 foreigners in Argentina
   in a total of 5,000,000. Of these 500,000 were Italians,
   200,000 Spaniards, 100,000 French, 25,000 English, 18,000
   Germans, 15,000 Swiss, 13,000 Austrians, and the remainder of
   many nationalities. The number of Americans did not exceed
   1,500, although many are coming now, to go into cattle-raising
   and farming in the country or into all kinds of business in
   Buenos Ayres. English influence is very strong, especially in
   financial circles, with the Germans almost equally active."

      John Barret,
      Argentina
      (American Review of Reviews, July, 1905).

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1904.
   Inauguration of President Quintana.

   Dr. Manuel Quintana, elected President of the Republic, was
   inaugurated on the 12th of October, 1904, and entered on an
   administration which promised much good to the country.

{27}

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1905.
   A revolutionary movement promptly suppressed.

   A revolutionary undertaking, in Buenos Aires and several
   provinces, had its outbreak on the 4th of February, but was
   suppressed so promptly that the public disturbance by it was
   very brief. Particulars of the affair were reported by the
   American Minister at Buenos Aires, Mr. Beaupré, as follows:

   "On the afternoon of the 3d instant rumors of an intended
   movement subversive of the established government of this
   country came to the Federal authorities from various parts of
   the Republic. These rumors were at first discredited, but
   finally proved so persistent that the President and heads of
   the various departments of the government proceeded to take
   measures of precaution. In the early hours of the morning of
   the next day, the 4th instant, the anticipated outbreak came
   simultaneously in the capital, Rosario, Mendoza, Cordoba, and
   Bahia Blanca, these being the largest cities of the Republic
   and the principal political and military centers.

   "In the capital the plan of the revolutionists seems to have
   been to attack the police stations and military arsenal, with
   a view perhaps of forcing the police of the capital into their
   ranks and of supplying themselves with arms and munitions. At
   the arsenal, by a simple stratagem of the minister of war, the
   malcontents were lured into the building and arrested. About
   the police stations there was some fighting, particularly at
   Station No. 14; but the insurgents proved unprepared and
   insufficiently organized, so that by dawn the movement had
   completely failed in this city. Except that many of the shops
   remained closed throughout the day of the 4th, and except for
   the presence of armed police in the streets, there were no
   evidences of any revolutionary effort. Some half dozen
   fatalities are reported.

   "The prompt and effective suppression of the revolution in
   this city is due in large measure to the energy and judgment
   displayed by the President and his ministers, who spent the
   entire night in the Government House in council. Following up
   the precautionary measures of the 3d instant and the active
   measures of the night of the 3d and 4th, the President
   proceeded at 8 A. M. of the 4th to declare the Republic in a
   state of siege for a period of thirty days, to call out the
   reserves and to establish a censorship of the press and of the
   telegraph service.

   "The movement in Rosario was about as brief and unsuccessful
   as that in the capital, so that by the forenoon of the 4th it
   was known to have failed in the two principal cities of the
   Republic. Here there was also some blood shed.

   "In the meantime the real center of the movement was the city
   of Cordoba, while serious trouble seemed in view in the city
   of Mendoza, where the revolutionists were said to be in a
   strong position, and in the province of Buenos Aires, where
   troops and marines were already in movement from Bahia Blanca
   upon the capital."

   Forces despatched to those points made as quick an ending of
   the revolt there as at the capital. "The revolutionary forces
   at Cordoba had made prisoners of the vice-president of the
   Republic, Dr. Figueroa Alcorta, and other prominent citizens.
   These prominent men they are reported to have proposed putting
   in their vanguard unless concessions were made to them. This
   and the conditions of the revolutionists the vice-president
   telegraphed to the Executive, who did not allow himself to be
   moved by threats or even by sympathy for his colleague.
   Consequently the revolutionists, finding threats and
   resistance vain, fled yesterday before the government troops
   arrived. With the failure of the movement in Cordoba the
   revolution is considered at an end and the country has
   returned to its former condition of peace and tranquillity."

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1906.
   Death of its President.

   Dr. Manuel Quintana, the much esteemed President of the
   Argentine Republic, died in March, 1906, and was succeeded by
   the Vice-President, Dr. Figuero Alcorta, who will fill the
   office until 1910.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1908.
   Dreadnought building.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
   Assassination of Colonel Falcon.

   As Colonel Falcon, Prefect of Police at Buenos Ayres, was
   returning from a funeral, with his secretary, on the 14th of
   November, a bomb was thrown into the carriage and exploded,
   with fatal effects to both. The assassin, a youth of nineteen
   years, was captured. The murder had been preceded by a number
   of bomb explosions in the past six months, all attributed to
   anarchists from Europe, of whom large numbers were said to
   have been collected in Buenos Ayres.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
   Chief food supply to Great Britain.

   "How many readers of The Times (said a special
   correspondent of the London Times writing from Buenos
   Aires, October 15, 1909), if asked to name the country which
   supplied the United Kingdom last year with the largest
   quantity of wheat, of maize, and of refrigerated and frozen
   cattle, would unhesitatingly award the first place to the
   Argentine Republic? How many English people realize that this
   South American Republic is changing places with the North
   American Republic in the exporting of these and other food
   products to the United Kingdom? The Argentine Republic last
   year occupied, and may in the future occupy, the first, whilst
   the United States may have to be content with the second,
   place in the exportation of foodstuffs. The change is partly
   due to the shortage of meat in America, and partly to the fact
   that with their increasing population the United States will
   have less and less surplus provisions with which to supply the
   world. Last year, the Argentine Republic sent England three
   times more maize than the United States did, something like
   four and a half million cwt. more wheat, and considerably over
   twice the amount of refrigerated and frozen cattle. The
   shipments of meat are considerably heavier for the first nine
   months of 1909, so the proportion shipped by the Argentine
   Republic is not likely to be less for the present year."

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
   Arbitration of the Acre boundary dispute between
   Bolivia and Peru.

      See (in this Volume)
      ACRE DISPUTES.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
   Building of the Transandine Railway Tunnel.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: ARGENTINA-CHILE.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1910.
   Agreement with Uruguay concerning the River Plate.

   The following message came from Buenos Ayres on the 6th of
   January, 1910: "A burning question between Argentina and
   Uruguay, which for two years was seemingly insoluble and
   possibly involved Brazil, has been settled by Señor Roque
   Saenz-Peña.

{28}

   As Argentine Plenipotentiary he signed a Protocol at
   Montevideo yesterday, of which the following is a summary:
   Recognizing the reciprocal desire for friendly relations,
   fortified by the common origin of the two nations, the parties
   agree to declare that past differences are not capable of
   being regarded as a cause of offence and shall not be allowed
   to continue. The navigation and use of the waters of the River
   Plate will continue as heretofore without alteration, and
   differences which may arise in the future will be removed and
   settled in the same spirit of cordiality."

ARICA-LA PAZ RAILWAY.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: CHILE-BOLIVIA.

ARICA QUESTION.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILE: A. I). 1907.

ARID LANDS, Reclamation of.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

ARIZONA:
   Refusal of statehood in union with New Mexico.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

ARMENIANS: A. D. 1903-1904.
   Incursions of Armenian revolutionists from Russia and Persia.
   Exaggerated accounts of massacre.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

ARMENIANS: A. D. 1905.
   Massacre by Tartars in the Caucasus.

   See (in this Volume)
   RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

ARMENIANS: A. D. 1909.
   Massacre at Adana and vicinity.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY) and (APRIL-DECEMBER).

ARMAMENTS.
   Armies.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATION FOR.

ARMOUR & CO.,et al.,
   The case of the United States against.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

ARMOUR PACKING COMPANY:
   Decision against in rebating case.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

ARMSTRONG, Vice-Consul J. P.:
   Reports on affairs in the Congo State.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

ARMSTRONG INVESTIGATION COMMITTEE.

      See (in this Volume)
      INSURANCE, LIFE.

ARNOLDSEN, K. P.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

ARRHENIUS, SVANTE AUGUST.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

ARYA SAMAJ, The:

   This is "an organization founded in Bombay more than 30 years
   ago by a devout Gujerati Brahmin who was born in Kathiawar. So
   far as I am aware, it has few followers in Bombay nowadays:
   but in the last few years it has waxed very strong in the
   Punjab. Originally it was a purely religious movement, based
   upon the teaching of the Vedas. It promotes the abolition of
   caste and idolatry, condemns early marriages, and permits the
   remarriage of widows. At the same time it is violently hostile
   to Christianity. There can be no question that large numbers
   of members of the Arya Samaj are only concerned with its
   spiritual side; but there can be equally no question that the
   organization, as a whole, has developed marked political
   tendencies subversive of British rule. …

   "In the United Provinces it is believed that there are now
   about 40,000 members of the Arya Samaj. I have entirely failed
   to secure any trustworthy estimate of the number of its
   members in this province [the Punjab], but there are
   flourishing branches of the Samaj in every large town and in
   many of the important villages, and proselytism is being
   actively pursued with marked success. The members of the Samaj
   strenuously deny that their organization has a political side.
   The literature of the sect, and particularly the writings of
   their founder, the ardent ascetic Dayanand Saraswati, who came
   from Kathiawar, show no trace of any interest in mundane
   politics. Dayanand was an enthusiast who denounced the
   idolatrous tendencies of modern Hinduism, and advocated a
   return to the earlier, purer faith. … Dayanand’s clarion call
   of "Back to the Vedas" produced a complete revulsion of
   feeling, and he made the Punjab a stronghold of the new creed.
   For that reason, the Arya Samaj is to this day the bitterest
   opponent of Christianity in India; and Punjabi Mahomedans
   declare that it is also their most formidable foe."

      India correspondence of The Times.

ASHOKAN RESERVOIR.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905-1909.

ASIATIC IMMIGRATION:
   The resistance to it in South Africa, Australia,
   America, and elsewhere.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry, Chancellor of the Exchequer.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER), and 1905-1906.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
   On the German attitude toward an international reduction of
   naval armaments.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
   Address at the Imperial Conference of 1907
   on Preferential Trade.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
   Prime Minister.

      See
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
   On the rejection of the Licensing Bill by the House of Lords.

      See (in this Volume)
      Alcohol Problem: England: A. D. 1908.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
   On the Budget of 1909.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

ASIA:
   The Asiatic future of Russia as it appeared at the beginning
   of the twentieth century.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA.

ASSAM:
   United with Eastern Bengal.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of King Alexander, Queen Draga, and others of the Servian
   Court.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Count Alexei Ignatief.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Ali Akbar Khan, the Atabek Azam.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1907.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Ashutosh Biswas.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of the Atabeg-i-Azam.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of General Beckman.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Governor-General Bobrikoff.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINLAND: A. D. 1904.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of M. Bogoliepoff, Russian Minister of Instruction.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A D. 1901-1904.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of King Carlos I. and Crown Prince Luiz Felipe.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Sir Curzon-Wyllie.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Premier Delyannis.

      See (in this Volume)
      GREECE: A. D. 1905.

{29}

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Colonel Falcon.

      See (in this Volume)
      ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D). 1909.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Fehim Pasha.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER),
      and 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Prince Ito.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Colonel Karpoff.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (DECEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of President McKinley.

      See (in this Volume)
      BUFFALO: A. D. 1901;
      and UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901 (SEPTEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of General Min.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of M. Plehve.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of General Sakharoff.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Count Schouvaloff.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Grand Duke Sergius.

   See (in this Volume)
   RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of Shemsi Pasha.

      See TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of M. Sipiagin.

      See RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of ex-Governor Steunenberg, of Idaho.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES. A. D. 1899-1907.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Of D. W. Stevens.

      See KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.

ASSASSINATIONS:
   Attempted murder of Minister Stolypin.

      See RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST).

ASSINIBOIA:
   Absorbed in the Province of Saskatchewan.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1905.

ASSIS-BRAZIL, Dr. J. F.:
   Secretary-general of Third International Conference of
   American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

ASSOCIATIONS, Law: French.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (APRIL-OCTOBER), and 1903.

ASSOCIATIONS, Law: German.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

ASSUAN DAM, Completion of.

      See (in this Volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1902 (DECEMBER).

ASTRONOMY OF THE INVISIBLE.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION.

ATABEG-I-AZAM: Premier of Persia.
   His assassination.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

ATABEGS,
ATABEKS.

      See (in this Volume)
      Persia: A. D. 1905-1906.

ATCHINESE, Dutch hostilities with the.

      See (in this Volume)
      NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1904.

ATHABASCA:
   Absorbed in the Provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1905.

ATLANTA: A. D. 1906.
   Anti-Negro Riot.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

ATWATER, Professor W. O.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

AUSGLEICH, Austro-Hungarian.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903, and 1907.

   ----------AUSTRALIA: Start--------

AUSTRALIA:
   The Race Problem.
   Reasons for dread of Asiatic immigration.
   The demand for a white Australia.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS.

AUSTRALIA:
   Woman Suffrage.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

AUSTRALIA:
   Government ownership of railways.
   Disconnecting gauges in the several states.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901-1902.
   The Tariff Question in the First
   Parliament of the Commonwealth.
   Issue between the Senate and the Representative Chamber.

   "The tariff originally proposed by the government was framed
   on lines of extreme protection, with special reference to the
   languishing industries of Victoria; it was inevitable that the
   opposition, mainly representing New South Wales, should fight
   tooth and nail to prevent its becoming law. The result of the
   struggle, which lasted almost without a serious interruption
   for nine months, has been a compromise which leaves the tariff
   of the commonwealth neither one thing nor the other. There can
   be little doubt that in debating power and political
   generalship the victory lay generally with the opposition; but
   after all the result, so far as it was a victory for the party
   of free trade, was due to the action of the Senate.

   "To many, and apparently not least to the cabinet, the prompt
   and effective interference of the Senate in a question of
   taxation, which was generally supposed to be practically
   placed by the constitution almost as much beyond their control
   as custom has placed it beyond that of the House of Lords in
   England, was a great surprise, and as the first test of the
   respective powers of the two chambers of the legislature it
   can hardly fail to be of great political importance. It was
   provided by the constitution not only that all bills involving
   the taxation of the people, directly or indirectly, should, as
   in this country, originate in the representative chamber of
   the legislature, but further that such bills should not be
   altered or amended in their passage through the Senate. As a
   concession to the less populous states, it was agreed when the
   constitution was framed that while only the chamber, elected
   on a strict basis of population, should impose or control
   taxation, the Senate, in which all the states enjoy, as in
   America, equal representation, should have the right to
   suggest, for the consideration of the other chamber, any
   amendments it thought desirable in any money bill sent on for
   its assent. This provision, mild and inoffensive as it was
   supposed to be, has now been used in a way to upset the policy
   of the government, and practically to compel the assent of the
   representative chamber to the views of a Senate majority. The
   tariff bill as passed by the government majority was subjected
   to an exhaustive criticism by the Senate, and finally fully
   fifty items of the schedule imposing duties were referred back
   to the representative chamber, with a request for their
   reconsideration and reduction or excision.

{30}

   "The government attempted to meet the difficulty by agreeing
   to a few trifling amendments on the lines suggested, and got
   the chamber peremptorily to reject all the others, sending the
   bill back in effect as it was. To this the Senate replied by
   calmly adhering to the views it had already expressed, and
   sending the bill back again for further consideration,
   allowing it to be pretty plainly understood that, in the event
   of their views being ignored, they would place their reasons
   on record and reject the bill altogether, thus preventing any
   uniform tariff being established during the session. Face to
   face with so grave a difficulty the cabinet gave way, and
   agreed to a compromise which they would not have dreamed of
   doing but for the action of the Senate, with its free-trade
   majority of two votes. The immediate result of the long
   struggle has been the passing of a tariff act which pleases
   neither party, but will apparently raise the required revenue
   of $40,000,000, needed to meet the wants of the federal and
   state governments."

      Hugh H. Lusk,
      The First Parliament of Australia
      (American Review of Reviews, March, 1903).

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.
   The "States Rights" temper.
   Question of constitutional relations between Commonwealth
   and States in external affairs, as raised by South Australia.
   Decision of the Imperial Government.

   "State-rights" questions and the provincialistic spirit behind
   them made a prompt appearance in the Australian Commonwealth
   after its federation was accomplished. One of the first
   wrangles to occur between the General Government and that of a
   State was appealed necessarily to the Imperial Government at
   London, because it arose out of a call from the latter, in
   September, 1902, for information about an incident which
   concerned a Dutch ship. The request for information went from
   London to the Commonwealth Government, and from the latter to
   the Government of South Australia, where the incident in
   question occurred, involving some act of its officials. The
   South Australian Ministry declined to pass the desired
   information through the channel of the Commonwealth Ministry,
   but would give it to the British Colonial Office, direct. A
   long triangular argumentative correspondence ensued, in the
   course of which much that seems like a repetition of the early
   history of the United States of America appears. Such as this,
   for example, in one of the letters of the Acting Premier of
   South Australia to the Lieutenant-Governor of that State: "The
   importance to the States, especially to the smaller States, of
   strictly maintaining the lines of demarcation between
   Commonwealth and State power is manifest. Already a movement
   has begun to destroy the Federal element in the Constitution.
   A remarkable indication of this may be gathered from a speech
   made by Sir William Lyne, the Commonwealth Minister for Home
   Affairs, at Kalgoorlie, in Western Australia, on the 2nd day
   of the present month. Speaking of the Constitution, Sir
   William Lyne said: 'If the population increased in the States
   as he expected, he did not think three of the larger States
   would still consent to be governed by four of the smaller
   ones. He hoped that when the time came there would not be
   bloodshed, but that things would settle themselves in a manner
   worthy of the records of the first Parliament.’

   "Believing, as Ministers do, that the peaceful and successful
   working of the Constitution depends upon the strict
   maintenance of the lines of demarcation between the powers of
   the Commonwealth and those of the States, and that that line
   is drawn clearly in the Constitution, they cannot agree to the
   opinions of the Right Honourable the Secretary of State for
   the Colonies, which increase, by implication, the power of the
   Commonwealth, and which seem to Ministers to tend to
   Unification, and to a sacrifice of the Federal to the National
   principle."

   This communication, transmitted to London, drew from the then
   Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, an unanswerable reply,
   addressed to the Lieutenant-Governor and dated April 15, 1903,
   in part as follows:

   "Your Ministers contend ‘that the grant of power to the
   Commonwealth, notwithstanding the general terms of Section 3
   of the Act, is strictly limited to the Departments
   transferred, and to matters upon which the Commonwealth
   Parliament has power to make laws and has made laws,’ and that
   ‘in the distribution of legislative and consequently of
   executive power, made by the Constitution, all powers not
   specifically ceded to the Commonwealth remain in the States.’

   "They are unable to agree ‘with the contention that there does
   not appear to be anything in the Constitution to justify this
   limitation,’ and argue that the validity of any claim of the
   Commonwealth to any particular power, should be tested by
   enquiring:—Does the Constitution specifically confer the
   power?

   "The view of the Act which I take is that it is a Constitution
   Act, and creates a new political community. It expressly
   declares that ‘the people of New South Wales, Victoria, South
   Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, and also, if Her Majesty
   is satisfied that the people of Western Australia have agreed
   thereto, of Western Australia, shall be united in a Federal
   Commonwealth under the name of the Commonwealth of Australia.’
   The object and scope of the Act is defined and declared by the
   preamble to be to give effect to the agreement of the people
   of New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, and
   Tasmania 'to unite in one indissoluble Federal Commonwealth
   under the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
   Ireland, and under the Constitution hereby established.’

   "The whole Act must be read in the light of this declaration
   and the provisions of Section 3. So far as other communities
   in the Empire or foreign nations are concerned, the people of
   Australia form one political community for which the
   Government of the Commonwealth alone can speak, and for
   everything affecting external states or communities, which
   takes place within its boundaries, that Government is
   responsible. The distribution of powers between the Federal
   and State Authorities is a matter of purely internal concern
   of which no external country or community can take any
   cognizance. It is to the Commonwealth and the Commonwealth
   alone that, through the Imperial Government, they must look,
   for remedy or relief for any action affecting them done within
   the bounds of the Commonwealth, whether it is the act of a
   private individual, of a State official, or of a State
   government. The Commonwealth is, through His Majesty’s
   Government, just as responsible for any action of South
   Australia affecting an external community as the United States
   of America are for the action of Louisiana or any other State
   of the Union.

{31}

   "The Crown undoubtedly remains part of the constitution of the
   State of South Australia and, in matters affecting it in that
   capacity, the proper channel of communication is between the
   Secretary of State and the State Governor. But in matters
   affecting the Crown in its capacity as the central authority
   of the Empire, the Secretary of State can, since the people of
   Australia have become one political community, look only to
   the Governor-General, as the representative of the Crown in
   that community."

   The published correspondence ends with this, and it is to be
   assumed that South Australia had no more to say.

      Correspondence respecting the Constitutional Relations
      of the Australian Commonwealth and States in regard to
      External Affairs
      (Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 1587).

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.
   British Colonial Conference at London.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.
   The Governor-Generalship.

   The office of Governor-General was resigned by Lord Hopetoun
   in the summer, and he was succeeded by Lord Tennyson.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902-1909.
   Undertakings of irrigation and forestry.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903.
   The Governor-Generalship.

   In August, Lord Northcote, previously Governor of the
   Presidency of Bombay, was appointed Governor-General of
   Australia, succeeding Lord Tennyson.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.
   Resignation of Premier Barton.
   The Deakin Ministry.
   Four months of power for the Labor Party.
   Its influence in the Commonwealth.

   Sir Edmund Barton, who had been the Prime Minister of the
   Australian Commonwealth since its Union in 1900 (see Australia
   in Volume VI. of this work), resigned in 1903 to accept a
   place on the bench of the High Federal Court, and was
   succeeded by Mr. Alfred Deakin, previously Attorney-General in
   the Federal Cabinet. The most important occurrence of the year
   in the Commonwealth was the election of a new House of
   Representatives in the Federal Parliament and of one third of
   its Senate. These were the first federal elections occurring
   since those of 1900 which constituted the original Parliament,
   opened in May, 1901, and the first in which women went to the
   polls. The main issue in the elections was between the Labor
   Party and its opponents, and the rising power of the former
   was shown by its gain of six seats in each House, four from
   the Ministry and two from the opposition in the Senate, and
   all six from the Ministry in the lower House. This threw the
   balance of power into its hands in both branches of
   Parliament. Naturally, in these circumstances, labor questions
   became dominant in Australian politics, with Socialistic
   tendencies very strong.

   The Deakin Ministry was defeated in April, 1904, on an
   industrial arbitration bill which excluded State railway
   employés and other civil servants from its provisions,
   contrary to the demands of the Labor Party. The adverse
   majority was made up of 23 Labor representatives, 13 opponents
   of the protectionist policy of the Government, and 4 from the
   ranks of its own ordinary supporters. The ministry resigned,
   and the leader of the Labor Party, Mr. J. C. Watson, a young
   compositor by trade, was called to form a Government, which he
   did, drawing all but its Law Officer from the Labor Party. It
   is creditable to the capability of this Labor Ministry that,
   with so precarious a backing in the House, it should have held
   the management of Government, with apparently good
   satisfaction to the public, for about four months. It was
   defeated in August on another labor question, and gave way to
   a coalition Ministry of Free Traders and Moderate
   Protectionists, formed under Mr. George Houston Reid.

   An account of the Labor Ministry and its leader, from which
   the following facts are taken, was given by The Review of
   Reviews for Australasia at the time of its ascendancy: The
   average age of the members is only forty-three years, while in
   England sixty is the average age at which corresponding rank
   is attained. The nationalities of the members are as follows:
   One, the prime minister, is a New Zealander, two are
   Australian-born, two are Irish, two are Scotch, and one is
   Welsh. There is not one who was born in England.

   Mr. John Christian Watson, the premier, is but thirty-seven
   years of age. He was born in Valparaiso, where his parents
   were on a visit, but was only a few months old when they
   returned to New Zealand. At an early age he began his
   apprenticeship as a compositor, joining the Typographical
   Union. When nineteen, he came to Sydney and joined the
   composing staff of the Star. Then he became president
   of the Sydney Trades and Labor Council, and president of the
   Political Labor League of New South Wales. In 1894, he was
   returned to a New South Wales Parliament, and took the leading
   place among the Labor members. In 1901, he was returned to the
   first federal Parliament. He was selected to lead the Labor
   party in the federal House, and has won golden opinions in
   that position. He is a born leader of men, and has rare tact.
   He overcame the apprehension caused by his youth. He curbed
   the extremists of his party. Power came to him at once. He
   seized the advantage of leading a third party between two
   opponents. It was he, rather than Sir Edmund Barton or Mr.
   Deakin, who decided what should pass and what not.

   The situation developed in this period is described by an
   American writer, whose sympathies are ardently with the Labor
   Party, as follows:

   "Protectionists and Free Traders (so called) were so divided
   in the Australian Parliament that neither could gain a
   majority without the Labor Party. A succession of governments
   bowled over by labor votes drove this hard fact into the
   political intelligence. The Labor Party was then invited to
   take the government. For five months men that had been
   carpenters, bricklayers, and painters administered the
   nation’s affairs. No convulsion of nature followed, no
   upheavals and no disasters. It is even admitted that the
   government of these men was conspicuously wise, able, and
   successful. But having a minority party, their way was
   necessarily precarious, and on the chance blow of an adverse
   vote they resigned. Some scene shifting followed, but in the
   end the present arrangement was reached, by which the
   government is in the hands of the Protectionists that follow
   Mr. Deakin, and the ministry is supported by the Labor Party
   on condition that the Government adopt certain legislation.
   And that is the extent of the ‘absolute rule of the Labor
   gang.’ The Deakin Government does not greatly care for the
   Labor Party, nor for the Labor Party’s ideas, but it rules by
   reason of the Labor Party’s support, and in return therefor
   has passed certain moderate and well-intentioned measures of
   reform.
{32}
   Indeed the sum-total of the ‘revolutionary, radical, and
   socialistic laws’ passed by the Labor Party, directly or by
   bargaining with the Deakin or other ministries, indicates an
   exceedingly gentle order of revolution. It has done much in
   New South Wales and elsewhere to mitigate the great estate
   evil by enacting graduated land taxes; it has passed humane
   and reasonable laws regulating employers’ liability for
   accidents to workmen and laws greatly bettering the hard
   conditions of labor in mines and factories. It has passed a
   law to exclude trusts from Australian soil. It has stood for
   equal rights for men and women. In New South Wales it has
   enormously bettered conditions for toilers by regulating hours
   of employment even in department and other stores and by
   instituting a weekly half-holiday the year around for
   everybody. It has tried with a defective Arbitration and
   Conciliation Act to abolish strikes. To guard Australia
   against the sobering terrors of the race problem that
   confronts America, it has succeeded in keeping out colored
   aliens. It has agitated for a Henry George land tax and for
   the national ownership of public services and obvious
   monopolies. And with one exception this is the full catalogue
   of its misdeeds." [The "one exception" is the abolition of
   coolie labor.]

      Charles E. Russell,
      The Uprising of the Many,
      chapter 24
      (Doubleday, Page and Company, New York, 1907).

      See, also, (in this Volume)
      Labor Organization: Australia.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Mr. Deakin’s precarious ministry.
   Power of the Labor Party without responsibility.
   Its principles and its "Fighting Platform."
   Important legislation of 1905.
   The Federal Capital question.
   General election of 1906.

   Mr. Reid, the Free Trade Premier, had taken office on an
   agreement with Mr. Deakin, the Protectionist leader, that the
   tariff question should not be opened during the term of the
   existing Parliament. But the truce became broken early in
   1905, each party attributing the breach to the other, and the
   Reid Ministry, beaten on an amendment to the address replying
   to the Governor-General’s speech, resigned. The
   Protectionists, in provisional alliance with the Labor Party,
   then came back to power, with Mr. Deakin at their head.

   Of the political situation in 1905 it was said by a writer in
   one of the English reviews: "The Labour Party can dictate
   terms to the Ministry, and ensure that its own policy is
   carried out by others. It is strongest whilst it sits on the
   cross benches. During the few months it was in office it was
   at the mercy of Parliament; it left most of the planks of its
   platform severely alone, and it had, during that time, less
   real power than it has had either before or since. It is not
   likely again to take office, unless it can command an absolute
   majority of its own members to give effect to its own ideas,
   and, indeed, it perhaps would be better for Australia that it
   had responsibility as well as power, rather than as at present
   power without responsibility. However, if not at the next
   general election, the party is bound ere long to get the clear
   Parliamentary majority it seeks. Under these circumstances,
   great importance attaches to its aims and organisation. …

   "To quote from the official report of the decisions of the
   last Triennial Conference of the Political Labour
   organisations of the Commonwealth, which sat in Melbourne last
   July, the objective of the Federal Labour party is as follows:

   "(a) The cultivation of an Australian sentiment, based upon
   the maintenance of racial purity, and the development in
   Australia of an enlightened and self-reliant community,
   (b) The security of the full results of their industry to all
   producers by the collective ownership of monopolies, and the
   extension of the industrial and economic functions of the
   State and Municipality. The Labour party seek to achieve this
   objective by means of a policy that they invariably refer to
   as their platform. The planks of what is called the ‘Fighting
   Platform’ are as follows:

   "(1) The maintenance of a white Australia.
    (2) The nationalisation of monopolies.
    (3) Old age pensions.
    (4) A tariff referendum.
    (5) A progressive tax on unimproved land values.
    (6) The restriction of public borrowing.
    (7) Navigation laws.
    (8) A citizen defence force.
    (9) Arbitration amendment."

      J. W. Kirwan,
      The Australian Labour Party
      (Nineteenth Century, November, 1905).

   A strike in one of the coal mines of New South Wales during
   1905 brought the Arbitration Act of that province to an
   unsatisfactory test. The dispute, concerning wages, went to
   the Arbitration Court and was decided against the miners. They
   refused to accept the decision, abandoning work, and the
   court, when appealed to by the employers, found itself
   powerless to enforce the decision it had made. The judge
   resigned in consequence, and there was difficulty in finding
   another to take his seat.

   The Labor Party secured the passage of an Act which gives the
   trades-union label the force of a trade mark. Another
   important Act of 1905 modified the Immigration Restriction
   Act, so far as to admit Asiatic and other alien students and
   merchants, whose stay in the country was not likely to be
   permanent, and which, furthermore, permitted the introduction
   of white labor under contract, subject to conditions that were
   expected to prevent any lowering of standard wages.

   The location of a federal capital became a subject of positive
   quarrel between the Government of the Commonwealth and that of
   New South Wales. By agreements which preceded the federation,
   the Commonwealth capital was to be in New South Wales, but not
   less than a hundred miles from Sydney. This hundred-mile
   avoidance of Sydney was considerably exceeded by the Federal
   Government when it chose a site, to be called Dalgety, about
   equidistant from Sydney and Melbourne. New South Wales
   objected to the site and objected to the extent of territory
   demanded for it. Mr. Deakin proposed a survey of 900 square
   miles for the Federal District. New South Wales saw no reason
   for federal jurisdiction over more than 100 square miles.

   Ultimately Dalgety was rejected and a site named
   Yass-Canberra, or Canberra, was agreed upon and the choice
   confirmed by legislation. It is in the Murray district, about
   200 miles southwest of Sydney.

   A general election in the Commonwealth, near the close of
   1906, gave the Protectionists a small increase of strength in
   Parliament, and the Labor Party gained one seat, raising its
   representation from 25 to 26. The losers were the so-called
   Free Traders, or opponents of protective tariff-making. Their
   leader, Mr. Reid, in the canvass, dropped the tariff issue and
   made war on the State Socialism of the Labor Party. He held in
   the new Parliament a considerably larger following than the
   Protectionist Premier, Mr. Deakin, could muster, but it
   contained more Protectionists than Free Traders.

{33}

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1906.
   Developing the water supply.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907.
   The "New Protection," under the Tariff Excise Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: THE "NEW PROTECTION."

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907.
   Statistics of state schools.

      See EDUCATION: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907 (April-May).
   Imperial Conference at London.

      See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908 (December).
   Population of the Commonwealth.

   According to a letter to the London Times, from Sydney,
   "the population of Australia on December 31, 1908, was
   estimated at 4,275,304 (exclusive of full-blooded blacks),
   showing an increase of 509,965, or of 13.5 per cent. in the
   eight years of federation. That," said the writer, "is not a
   satisfactory expansion, and we should have fared better. New
   South Wales gained 231,367, or 17 per cent. and Western
   Australia 87,143, or 48.4 per cent. but all the other States
   fared indifferently. There is reason to hope that in the
   change of fashion, Australia will again grow into some favour
   with the emigrant from home."

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908.
   Change of Ministry.

   Late in the year, the Ministry of Mr. Deakin lost the
   provisional support of the Labor party, which had kept it in
   control of the Government for nearly four years, and suffered
   a defeat in Parliament which threw it out. For the second time
   a short-lived Labor Ministry was formed, under Mr. Andrew
   Fisher.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908.
   The Governor-Generalship.

   After five years of service as Governor-General, Lord
   Northcote returned to England in the fall of 1908 and was
   succeeded by Lord Dudley.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
   Attitude of the people toward immigration.
   Land-locking against settlement.

      See (in this Volume)
      Immigration: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
   A summary of sixty years of growth and progress.

   Sir John Forrest, Treasurer of the Commonwealth of Australia,
   in his Budget Speech to the Federal House of Representatives,
   in August, 1909, surveyed the position of Australia as part of
   the British nation,—a continent, he observed, containing two
   billion acres, with a coast line of 12,000 miles, no other
   nation having right or title to any part of this splendid
   heritage of the Southern Hemisphere, which was another home
   for the British race. Sixty years ago, said Sir John, the
   population of Australia was 400,000 and there were no
   railways. Now the inhabitants numbered nearly four-and-a-half
   millions, of whom 96 per cent were British. They had
   £112,000,000 deposited in banks and deposits in savings banks
   to the amount of over £46,000,000, the depositors in these
   being one-third of the entire population. They had produced
   minerals to the value of £713,000,000. Ten million acres were
   under crop. During last year Australia had produced 62,000,000
   bushels of wheat. It had exported butter of the value of
   £2,387,000 and wool of the value of £23,000,000. Australia had
   90,000,000 sheep, 10,000,000 cattle, and 2,000,000 horses. The
   oversea trade in 1908 represented £114,000,000.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
   Proposed federalization of state debts.

   On the 8th of September, 1909, the Government introduced a
   Bill in the House of Representatives for the amendment of the
   Constitution so as to enable the Commonwealth to federalize
   the State debts incurred since the inauguration of the
   Commonwealth, in addition to those then existing. The Premier
   urged that if the agreement was carried out the Commonwealth
   would be freed financially, and if the debts were taken over
   the per capita payments would be appropriated to meet the
   interest on the debts, the States making up any deficiency.
   The Bill was passed by the House on the 7th of October.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
   Federal acquisition of the Northern Territory.

   A Bill providing for the transfer to the Commonwealth of the
   vast unpopulated Northern Territory of the Australian
   Continent was before the Parliament of the Commonwealth during
   the last summer. In advocating its passage, the Minister for
   External Affairs explained that "the area to be transferred
   under the Bill was equal to France, Germany, Belgium,
   Switzerland, and Italy together. Port Darwin was nearer to
   Hongkong than to Sydney, and while the Northern Territory
   remained unpeopled it was a perpetual menace to Australia. The
   military authorities, Sir George Le Hunte, formerly Governor
   of South Australia, and Lord Northcote, formerly
   Governor-General of the Commonwealth, had all strongly urged
   its effective occupation, and Mr. Roosevelt had advised the
   Commonwealth to fill its ‘empty north.’

   "By the terms of the agreement the Commonwealth would assume
   responsibility for the debt of the territory, amounting to
   £2,725,000, and the accumulated deficit of the past
   administration, amounting to £600,000. The measure provided
   for the taking over of the Port Augusta-Oodnadatta Railway at
   a price of £2,240,000, and for the Commonwealth to undertake
   the construction of a trans continental line connecting the
   territory with South Australia, at an estimated cost of
   £4,500,000. The latest reports showed that the interior of the
   territory was a fertile and well-watered white man’s country,
   the healthiest in the tropical world, and that it was capable
   of carrying a large population."

      Despatch from Melbourne to The Times, London.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (May-June).
   Opening of the session of Parliament.
   Programme of business proposed.
   The political situation.
   Coalition under Mr. Deakin against the ministry.
   Its success.
   Resignation of Premier Fisher and Cabinet.
   Return of Mr. Deakin to power.
   His programme.

   The Federal Parliament was opened at Melbourne on the 26th of
   May. In the speech of the Governor-General, Lord Dudley, as
   reported to the English Press, he stated that "notwithstanding
   a decrease in the Customs and postal revenue, arrangements had
   been made to pay old-age pensions from July 1. Large financial
   obligations would be incurred in the near future and would
   demand careful attention. Parliament would be invited to
   consider the financial relations between the Commonwealth and
   the States, with a view to an equitable adjustment of them.
   Proposals would be submitted for the establishment of a
   Commonwealth silver and paper currency.

{34}

   "The Governor-General went on to refer to the coming Imperial
   Defence Conference and the establishment of a General Staff
   for the Empire. Engagements had, he said, been entered into
   for the building of three destroyers, and Parliament would be
   asked to approve a policy of naval construction including the
   building of similar vessels in Australia and the training of
   the necessary crews. A measure providing for an effective
   citizens’ defence force would be introduced at an early stage.

   "It being recognized that the effective defence of Australia
   required a vast increase in the population, it was proposed to
   introduce a measure of progressive taxation on unimproved land
   values, leading to a subdivision of large estates, so as to
   offer immigrants the inducement necessary to attract them in
   large numbers.

   "Proposals would be submitted for the amendment of the
   Constitution, so as to enable Parliament to protect the
   interests of the consumer while ensuring a fair and reasonable
   wage to every worker to extend the jurisdiction of Parliament
   in regard to trusts and combinations, and to provide for the
   nationalization of monopolies."

      See (in this Volume),
      LABOR REMUNERATION: THE ‘NEW PROTECTION’.

   In an editorial article on the situation at this juncture in
   Australia, which was, it remarked, "as interesting as it is
   obscure," the London Times rehearsed the main facts of
   it as follows:

   "It will be remembered that towards the close of last year the
   withdrawal of its support by the Labour party led somewhat
   unexpectedly to the defeat and resignation of Mr. Deakin’s
   Cabinet. A Labour Ministry was subsequently formed, and was
   enabled by Mr. Deakin’s refusal to combine with the Opposition
   against it to prorogue Parliament and get into recess. It has
   since elaborated a programme, announced by Mr. Fisher, the
   Prime Minister, to his constituents at Gympie, a few weeks
   ago, and recapitulated yesterday in the Governor-General's
   speech, which strongly resembles in most particulars the
   national policy advocated by Mr. Deakin when in power, and
   includes besides one or two additional proposals, such as ‘the
   nationalization of monopolies,’ more exclusively the property
   of the Labour party itself. These latter aspirations are
   probably more pious than practical, and are certainly not the
   issues on which the Labour Ministry is now to stand or fall.
   It will stand or fall by its proposals for the readjustment of
   the financial relations between the Commonwealth and the
   States, the establishment of a local flotilla designed for
   coastal defence, the creation of a citizen army based on
   universal training, and the imposition of a progressive land
   tax calculated to bring about the subdivision of large
   estates.

   "This latter proposal is the only one in which the Labour
   party cannot claim to be carrying out the spirit, if not the
   letter, of Mr. Deakin’s own programme; but, curiously enough,
   it does not seem to be the question on which Mr. Deakin has
   taken immediate issue with them. He is taking issue, we
   gather, first and foremost on the question of defence. The
   Labour Ministry is to be censured for refusing to make the
   offer of the Australian Dreadnought in the name of the
   Commonwealth. In taking this line Mr. Deakin has already made
   it clear that he has not in any way modified his previous
   views on the necessity of providing immediately for the
   creation of an Australian flotilla, but he considers that this
   necessity should in no way prevent Australia from adding in
   emergency to the strength of the British fleet. Speaking at
   Sydney last month, he said: ‘Our defence needs not only our
   own flotilla but a fleet on the high seas as well. It is for
   us to recognize that by joining New Zealand and making our
   offer of a Dreadnought for the Imperial Navy … the
   Commonwealth must do its share to prove the reality of
   Australia’s federal unity, to prove the unity of the Empire,
   to stand beside the stock from which we came.’

   "On this point there is no obscurity. It presents a clear
   difference of view dividing Mr. Deakin and the two sections of
   the Opposition with which he has now coalesced from the policy
   of the Ministry in power. But while it provides a rallying
   ground from which the coalition may defeat the Ministry, it
   provides no subsequent line of united advance. The terms on
   which the coalition has been formed seem indeed to contemplate
   no definite policy at all."

   The coalition against the Ministry of Mr. Fisher, referred to
   in the above, accomplished its purpose on the day after the
   opening of Parliament, by carrying a vote of adjournment which
   the Ministry accepted as a vote of want of confidence, and
   resigned. The former Premier, Mr. Deakin, then resumed the
   reins of Government, with a following that does not seem to
   have been expected to hold together very long. On the
   reassembling of Parliament, June 23, the Prime Minister made a
   statement of the business to be submitted to the House,
   including along with other measures the following: "A Bill
   would be introduced establishing an inter-State commission
   which, in addition to the powers conferred by the
   Constitution, would undertake many of the functions of the
   British Board of Trade. It would also undertake the duties of
   a Federal Labour Bureau, which would comprise the study of the
   question of unemployment and a scheme for insurance against
   unemployment. The commission would also assist in the
   supervision of the working of the existing Customs tariff. …
   An active policy of immigration would be undertaken, it was
   hoped with the cooperation of all the States. … The
   appointment of a High Commissioner in London with a
   well-equipped office was necessary to take charge of the
   financial interests of the Commonwealth, to supervise
   immigration, and to foster trade and commerce. … The Old Age
   Pensions Act was to be amended in the direction of simplifying
   the conditions for obtaining the pensions. … The policy of the
   Government in the matter of land defence would be founded on
   universal training, commencing in youth and continuing towards
   manhood. A military college, a school of musketry, and
   probably a primary naval college would be established to train
   officers. The counsel of one of the most experienced
   commanders of the British Army would be sought for with regard
   to the general development and disposition of Australia’s
   adult citizen soldiers.

   "In view of the approaching termination of the ten year period
   of the distribution of the Customs revenue provided for in the
   Constitution, a temporary arrangement was being prepared,
   pending a satisfactory permanent settlement of the financial
   relation between the State and the Commonwealth."

{35}

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (June).
   Federal High Court decision on Anti-Trust Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (July-September).
   The Imperial Defense Conference.
   Defense Bill in Parliament.
   Proposed compulsory military training.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (September).
   Coal Miners strike in New South Wales.
   See (in this Volume)
   LABOR ORGANIZATION: AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (September).
   Meeting at Sydney of Empire Congress of Chambers of Commerce.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1910.
   The last year of a troublesome Constitutional Requirement.

   Article 87 of the Constitution of the Commonwealth of
   Australia (see in Volume VI. of this work), reads as follows:

   "During a period of ten years after the establishment of the
   Commonwealth, and thereafter until the Parliament otherwise
   provides, of the net revenue of the Commonwealth from duties
   of custom and of excise not more than one fourth shall be
   applied annually by the Commonwealth towards its expenditure.
   The balance shall, in accordance with this Constitution, be
   paid to the several States, or applied toward the payment of
   interest on debts of the several States taken over by the
   Commonwealth." This, which has been known as the Braddon
   section, has imposed a serious handicap on the Federal
   Government. As its working was described recently by an
   English Press correspondent, "it made the Commonwealth raise
   four pounds whenever it wanted to spend one. It made the
   States begrudge the Commonwealth every penny it spent, even
   out of its own quarter—for every penny saved out of that
   quarter was an extra penny for the States. And it prevented
   every State Treasurer from knowing, until the Federal
   Treasurer had delivered his Budget speech, how much money he
   was likely to get from Federal sources for his own spending."

   At the end of the year 1910 the requirement of the Article
   will cease to be obligatory, and the Federal Parliament will
   be free to make a different appropriation of the revenue from
   customs and excise. Meantime the subject is under discussion,
   and in August, 1909, it was announced that a conference of the
   State Governments had come to an agreement—subject to
   ratification by the Federal Government—which provides for the
   annual per capita payment of 25s. in lieu of the three-fourths
   of the Customs revenue which has hitherto been returned to
   them. Western Australia to receive a special extra
   contribution of £250,000, decreasing by £10,000 annually until
   it ceases. Until the arrangement becomes operative, the
   Commonwealth may deduct from the statutory payments to the
   States £600,000 annually towards the cost of old-age pensions.

   The readjustment of State shares in the Customs revenue is
   said to involve an annual loss to New South Wales of
   £1,000,000. According to a London newspaper correspondent,
   "the main effects to the Commonwealth are the abolition of the
   book-keeping system between the States, the power to issue
   Australian stamps, telegrams, &c., and the securing of about
   £2,300,000 a year, or more, additional revenue. The States
   lose revenue to a similar amount, but there is a transfer of
   old-age pensions to the amount of nearly £1,000,000, of which
   they are relieved. In three of the States, all of which suffer
   little by the change, the pensions are new, and a considerable
   boon to the people. But more than half the money sacrifice
   falls upon New South Wales, and it goes to relieve her less
   prosperous neighbours. Well, that is true Federation!
   Naturally the Southern States would have nothing but a per
   capita distribution from the Commonwealth, and the New
   South Wales Ministers agreed to it with their eyes open. At
   present the Commonwealth Government secures the further
   revenue needed. But whether this agreement will so distinctly
   suit that Government as the State populations grow is another
   matter."

   A Bill for the required amendment of the Federal Constitution
   was introduced in the House of Representatives by the Prime
   Minister, Mr. Deakin, on the 8th of September. On the 4th of
   November, in opposition to the Government, an amendment to the
   Bill, limiting the duration of the agreement, instead of
   giving it force in perpetuity, was carried in committee of the
   whole by the casting vote of the chairman. On the 1st of
   December the Bill had its third reading in the Senate.

   ----------AUSTRALIA: End--------

   ----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: Start--------

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1870-1905.
   Increase of population compared
   with other European countries.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902 (June).
   Renewal of the Triple Alliance.

      See (in this Volume)
      TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903.
   Notice by Austria of intention to end, in 1904, the
   Customs Union which formed part of the Ausgleich, or
   Federation Compact of 1867.
   Language struggle in Austria.

   The difficulties between Austria and Hungary, concerning a
   renewal of the Ausgleich, or federation compact of 1867, which
   created the dual empire,—some account of which is given in
   Volume VI. of this work,—were compromised in 1900 by an
   agreement which extended the Ausgleich temporarily until 1907.


      See, in Volume VI.
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1900.

   It was stipulated, however, in the agreement, that if no
   permanent settlement of the questions involved should have
   been reached by the end of the year 1902, either party to the
   Ausgleich should be free to dissolve the Customs Union
   that formed part of it after 1904, provided that said party
   should have formally denounced the compact prior to January 1,
   1902. The formal notice or denunciation was given accordingly
   by Austria, whose government gave notice that it would end the
   Customs Union unless better terms from Hungary could be
   secured. In Hungary the Independence party led by Ferencz
   Kossuth, the son of Louis Kossuth, was eager for the break,
   desiring no union with Austria beyond that of the two crowns
   on one head. The tariff question seemed insoluble, because
   Hungary wanted protection for its agriculture, which Austria
   believed to be greatly disadvantageous to herself.

{36}

   The prime ministers of the two Governments came to an
   agreement which was submitted to the two parliaments early in
   1903, but obstruction in both bodies prevented any effective
   action. On other questions the antagonism was no less
   pronounced. The Hungarian Independence party was resolute in
   determining to separate the Hungarian from the Austrian army,
   making it distinctly Hungarian, under Hungarian officers and
   using the Hungarian word of command. This drew from the
   Emperor, in September, a public announcement that he must and
   would hold fast to the existing organization of the army. At
   length, in December, Kossuth agreed, for his party, to abandon
   obstruction on condition that Parliament should proclaim, as a
   principle, that "in Hungary the source of every right, and in
   the army the source of rights appertaining to the language of
   service and command, is the will of the nation as expressed
   through the legislature." But though obstruction from the
   Independence party ceased then it was continued by a Catholic
   party, on grounds of personal hostility to the Protestant
   Premier, Count Tisza, and the Government, deprived of
   authority to recruit the army, kept in service the men whose
   term had expired.

   An almost equal deadlock of legislation prevailed in Austria,
   where the struggle over language questions between Czechs and
   Germans went fiercely on; while Croatia was full of rebellious
   spirit, excited by the Magyarizing policy of its Hungarian
   governor.

   Twice, during 1903, the Hungarian administration underwent a
   change, the Szell Ministry giving way in June to one headed by
   Count Kuen Hedervary, he, in turn, being displaced by Count
   Tisza in October. The latter was a son of Koloman Tisza, who
   had formerly held the reins in Hungary for many years.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1903-1904.
   Concert with Russia in submitting the Mürzsteg Programme
   of reform in Macedonia to Turkey.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.
   Paralysis of Government in both divisions of the dual empire.

   Legislation in both Austria and Hungary was paralyzed
   throughout 1904 by obstructive oppositions which nothing could
   pacify. In Austria it was the battle of Czech against German
   for language rights; but, in the end, the German Premier, Dr.
   Körber, lost the support of his own race, by allowing Italian
   law-classes to be formed in the University at Innsprück, with
   a faculty of their own. He resigned on the last day of the
   year, and was succeeded by Baron Gautsch.

   In Hungary the obstruction was maintained by a combination of
   three parties,—the Independence Party of Ferencz Kossuth,
   which is irreconcilable in its repudiation of the union with
   Austria, the Liberal-Conservative Separatists, so-called, led
   by Count Apponyi, and a Catholic People’s Party, under Count
   Zichy. The extraordinary attitude of these practical
   anarchists, as they would seem to be, is indicated by a
   performance at the opening of the session of the Hungarian
   Parliament on the 13th of December, 1904, which is described
   in the Annual Register, as follows:

   "They entered the House before the usual time of meeting,
   assaulted the police when they endeavored to prevent some of
   the members from mounting the President’s platform, tore down
   the woodwork, destroyed the furniture, and finally had
   themselves photographed, with the ex-Premier Baron Banffy at
   their head, in the midst of the ruin they had wrought. This
   extraordinary scene was described by M. Kossuth as ‘a symbol
   of the political maturity of the Magyars, who, after asserting
   their rights, refrain from excesses;’ and by Count Apponyi as
   ‘an evidence of the importance attached to continuity of legal
   right in Hungary.’ When the broken furniture was removed and
   the House was restored to something like its former
   appearance, the members returned; but all the attempts of the
   Government to speak were howled down by the Opposition." The
   Opposition which accomplished this paralysis of Government in
   Hungary numbered, in its three divisions, only 190 members,
   out of 451.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904-1909.
   Effects in Europe and on the Triple Alliance of the
   Russo-Japanese War.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905.
   Action with other Powers in forcing financial reforms
   in Macedonia on Turkey.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905.
   Hostility to the Serbo-Bulgarian Customs Union.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN STATES: BULGARIA AND SERVIA: A. D. 1902.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Continued deadlock, seated mainly in Hungary.
   Resignation of Count Tisza.
   The Fejervary Ministry.
   Dissolution of the Hungarian Parliament.
   Kossuth and his allies take office.
   Universal male suffrage adopted in Austria.

   The deadlock of political forces in the Dual Empire was
   prolonged through another year, Hungary being the main seat of
   the block. Elections for the Hungarian Diet, in January, went
   heavily against the Ministry of Count Tisza and strongly in
   favor of that section of the Opposition which bore the name of
   the Independence Party and which was led by Ferencz Kossuth.
   Count Tisza resigned, and the Emperor-King endeavored to make
   terms with Kossuth, Apponyi, and Andrassy under which the
   Government might be carried on with parliamentary support.
   This proved impracticable, especially by reason of the
   insistent demand of the Opposition for a separation of the
   Hungarian from the Austrian part of the imperial army, and the
   determination of the sovereign not to yield to that demand.
   Count Tisza and his colleagues were kept in office until June,
   despite a heavy vote of censure in the Diet, and then the
   Emperor appointed as Premier General Baron Fejervary, who
   commanded no more support than his predecessor had done. The
   majority in the representative chamber denounced the Ministry
   as unconstitutional, and issued a manifesto, calling on the
   people to withhold taxes and military service from this
   simulacrum of Government, which had no lawful claim to either.
   This was accepted as good counsel by great numbers of people,
   and grave embarrassments resulted from the non-payment of
   taxes.

{37}

   In the August number (1905) of The American Review of
   Reviews Count Albert Apponyi, leader of one of the parties
   united more or less in the Hungarian Opposition, gave the
   Hungarian side of the political issues with Austria. In part,
   he wrote: "The writer had the honor of delivering at St.
   Louis, at the Arts and Science Congress of last year, a short
   historical account of our relation with the Austrian dynasty.
   There are to be found the chief facts, which show:
   (1) That our forefathers called that dynasty to the Hungarian
   throne, not in order to get Hungary absorbed into an Austrian
   or any other sort of empire, but, on the contrary, under the
   express condition of keeping the independence and the
   constitution of the Hungarian kingdom unimpaired;
   (2) that this condition has been accepted and sworn to by all
   those members of the dynasty (Joseph II. alone excepted) who
   ascended the Hungarian throne;
   (3) that, nevertheless, practical encroachments on our
   independence, followed by conflicts and reconciliations, have
   been at all epochs frequent;
   (4) but that a juridical fact never occurred which could be
   construed into a modification of that fundamental condition of
   the dynasty’s title to Hungary. …

   The physical person of the ruler is, in truth, the same in
   both countries, but the juridical personality of the King of
   Hungary is distinct and, as to the contents of its
   prerogative, widely different from the juridical personality
   of the Emperor of Austria. Hungary is the oldest
   constitutional country on the European Continent. The royal
   prerogative in her case is an emanation of the
   constitution,—not prior to it,—and consists in such rights as
   the nation has thought fit to vest in her king. In Austria, on
   the other hand, the existing constitution is a free gift of
   the Emperor, and has conferred on the people of Austria such
   rights as the Emperor has thought fit to grant to them. The
   title of ‘Emperor of Austria-Hungary’ … [sometimes used] is
   simply nonsense. The time-hallowed old Hungarian crown has not
   been melted into the brand-new Austrian imperial diadem. That
   imperial title does not contain, to any extent, the Hungarian
   royal title. The Emperor of Austria, as such, has just as much
   legal power in Hungary as the President of the United States
   has. He is, juridically speaking, a foreign potentate to us.

   "On these fundamental truths, no Hungarian—to whatever party
   he may belong—admits discussion. … The Liberal party,
   vanquished at the last elections, does not in the least differ
   from the victorious opposition as to the principles laid down
   in these pages; it only advocated a greater amount of
   forbearance against the petty encroachments which practically
   obscured them. That policy of forbearance became gradually
   distasteful to the country; seeing it shaken in the public
   mind, the recent prime minister, Count Tisza, formed the
   unhappy idea of gaining a new lease of power on its behalf by
   a parliamentary coup d’état. The rules of the House
   were broken, in order to prevent future obstruction, chiefly
   against military bills. This brought matters to an acute
   crisis. The parliament in which that breach of the rules had
   taken place became unfit for work of any sort, the country had
   to be consulted, and down went the Liberal party and the
   half-hearted policy it represented with no hope for revival.

   "The army question, with its ever-recurring difficulties, is a
   highly characteristic feature of the chronic latent conflict
   between the Austrian and the Hungarian mentality. It amounts
   to this, that, as we are a nation, we mean to have an armed
   force corresponding to our national individuality, commanded
   in our language, and serving under our flags and emblems. It
   would be unnatural for any nation, and would be, in fact, an
   abdication of the title of ‘nation,’ to renounce such a
   national claim. The Austrians, on the other hand,—and,
   unhappily, their influence is still prevalent in this
   question,—not yet having abandoned the idea of a pan-Austrian
   empire, uncompromisingly adhere to the present military
   organization, which makes the German language and the imperial
   emblems prevalent throughout the whole army, its Hungarian
   portion included."

   In September, 1905, the Emperor-King summoned the chiefs of
   the opposing coalition to Vienna and renewed his endeavor to
   make terms with them; but his own conditions, relative to the
   army, to the language of command and service in it, to the
   tariff relations between Austria and Hungary, and to other
   matters of dispute, were apparently as uncompromisable as
   theirs, and only intensified the bad feeling in the country.

   A little later the Fejervary Ministry announced a programme of
   policy which offered concessions and many excellent measures,
   but all save one of them were scorned. That one was a proposal
   of universal suffrage, with direct secret balloting, which in
   both Hungary and Austria had now become a subject of wide
   popular demand. The agitation for it became clamorous in the
   later months of the year, especially in the Austrian towns.
   But the leaders of the Hungarian Opposition were supposed to
   be personally hostile to universal suffrage. "As
   representatives of the most educated, wealthy, and powerful
   race in the kingdom, they have long enjoyed absolute political
   control. But universal suffrage," says a contemporary
   journalist, "would so increase the non-Magyar elements in
   Parliament as to deprive the Magyar leaders of much of their
   ascendency. At present these leaders are strong enough to
   defeat the King’s magnificent programme, announced by Baron
   Fejervary. But such a defeat would place them in an
   embarrassing position. They would have definitely assumed an
   attitude which belies their name of Liberal."

   The Fejervary programme was well planned to be troublesome to
   the opponents of the Government. While not surrendering to
   their demand for the Magyar language of command in the
   Hungarian part of the Imperial army, it proposed that the men
   who do not speak that language should be trained in it as far
   as possible. And it included a number of other most important
   measures: for compulsory free education; for compulsory
   insurance of workmen; for small farm grants to the peasantry;
   for the conversion of mortgage debts that weigh on small
   landowners, and for various taxation reforms. Evidently the
   Opposition endeavored to keep public attention and public
   feeling focused on the claim for a distinct Hungarian army,
   with the Magyar language for its word of command. Kossuth, the
   dominating leader of the coalition against the Government,
   defined the argument for this claim. No mention, he said, is
   made of any common army in the agreement on which the Dual
   Empire is founded. The Hungarian Constitution vests in the
   Emperor of Austria, as King of Hungary, "all those things
   which refer to the commanding and administration … of the
   Hungarian army."

{38}

   But the Constitution does not hint that the Hungarian army
   should be commanded in German. It has not specifically
   forbidden such a thing, but in another part of the
   Constitution it is provided that the language of public
   services in Hungary shall be Hungarian. And is not the army a
   "public service"? he asked. Besides, he explained: "A century
   ago the Hungarian magnates, generally, paid for their own
   soldiers, and ours was not, in the beginning, a State army.
   When the combination with Austria came about, the officers
   were of all nations, and the Austrians brought in many of
   their own. To tell the truth, our own Hungarians were too
   lazy—there is no other word for it—to take the trouble to
   reorganize and start a Hungarian army, so they left it to the
   Austrians for the time being. It was for this reason, and with
   the consciousness of this defect, that Article XI. expressly
   left the language of command to be determined,
   constitutionally, later. But we also expressly confined it
   within the limits of our own Constitution … and we spoke of a
   Hungarian army, not a common one."

   The year 1906 opened with the discords of the situation in
   Hungary rather heightened than lessened, and on the 19th of
   February the Emperor dissolved the Hungarian Parliament,
   announcing that he did so for the reason that the parties of
   the Opposition had "persistently refused to take over the
   Government on an acceptable basis without violating the Royal
   rights as by law guaranteed." Disturbances on the occasion
   were prevented by strong forces of soldiery and police. Two
   days later the Austro-Hungarian tariff and a commercial
   treaty, both of which had been refused ratification in
   Hungary, were promulgated as of force, pending future action;
   and by various other arbitrary measures the Emperor-King
   assumed the right to prevent a governmental collapse. This
   attitude on the part of the sovereign appears to have produced
   a change of attitude among his opponents; for early in April
   M. Kossuth and Count Andrassy entered into an arrangement with
   him for the formation of a Ministry by themselves and their
   associates of the Coalition, with the understanding that the
   army question should be put aside until after the election of
   a new Parliament, to meet in May. At that session they
   promised to pass the budget, the new international commercial
   treaties, to maintain in every way the existing condition of
   things between Austria and Hungary, to permit the passage of a
   bill providing for universal manhood suffrage, and then for
   Parliament to terminate its labors, allowing the election of a
   new one under the universal suffrage system, the Cabinet to be
   re-formed conformably to the desires of the parliamentary
   majority. Thereupon the Emperor-King requested Dr. Alexander
   Wekerle, a former Hungarian Prime Minister, to form a Cabinet,
   including in it Kossuth, Apponyi, Andrassy, and Zichy. At the
   election, held soon after, the Independence party won about
   250 out of 400 seats. The new Parliament was opened on the 22d
   of May.

   In Austria, the grand event of 1906 was the franchise reform,
   which extinguished the whole system of class representation
   and established a representative Parliament on the broad basis
   of a manhood vote. "Every male citizen who had completed his
   twenty-fourth year and was not under any legal disability was
   entitled to be registered as a voter after one year’s
   residence. Every male, including members of the Upper House,
   who had possessed Austrian citizenship for at least three
   years and had completed his thirtieth year, was eligible for
   election as a deputy; but members of the Upper House elected
   to the Lower could not sit in both at once. Voting was to be
   direct in all provinces. In Galicia, however, every
   constituency would return two deputies, each voter having one
   vote, so as to permit of the representation of racial
   minorities, the population being composed of Poles and
   Ruthenians. Voting was to be obligatory under penalty of a
   fine wherever a provincial Diet should so decide. This Bill
   was passed, in the face of the opposition of the Conservative
   and aristocratic members of both Houses and of the extreme
   representatives of the various nationalities, mainly through
   the influence of the Emperor. He regarded it as the only way
   to get rid of Parliamentary obstruction, and the best means of
   stimulating loyalty to the dynasty."

   Two changes of Ministry occurred in Austria during 1906, Baron
   Gautsch, as Premier, giving way to Prince Hohenlohe in April,
   and the latter resigning in June, to be succeeded by Baron
   Beck. Count Goluchowski, who had been Austro-Hungarian
   Minister of Foreign Affairs since 1895, resigned in October,
   because of ill-feeling against him in Hungary, and was
   succeeded by Baron Aehrenthal.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1906 (January-April).
   At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1907.
   Effects of universal and equalized suffrage in Austria.

   Elections were held in Austria a few months after the passage
   of the law which introduced equal and universal male suffrage,
   and the character and disposition of the elected Reichsrath,
   which met in June, 1907, afforded indications of some
   remarkable effects from the extension and equalizing of the
   franchise. It was expected, of course, to popularize the
   Reichsrath, and break the domination of the upper classes in
   that body; but, according to reports, it has done much more.
   Prior to 1896, the members of the Abgeordncten or lower house
   of the Reichsrath, then numbering 353, were all divided into
   four sections, elected by four classes of people, as follows:
   85 elected by the owners of large landed estates, 22 by
   chambers of commerce and manufactures; 115 by town taxpayers
   assessed for five florins of annual tax, and by doctors of
   universities; 131 by country taxpayers assessed for five
   florins yearly. In that year the membership was enlarged by an
   addition of 72, who were to be representatives of the whole
   people, elected by universal male suffrage, while the old
   classified representation remained as before. The new law has
   swept away the whole system of a classified representation,
   and the representative house is now leveled to one footing, as
   a body of deputies from the people at large.

   The most conspicuous effect of this in the elections appears
   to have been a sudden break of the power which the German
   element in the much-mixed population of the Austrian dominion
   has been able to exercise hitherto. Hence, it must be the fact
   that the Germans hold far more than their proportion of the
   property which the old system represented, and derived from
   that, formerly, a weight in the Reichsrath which their numbers
   cannot give them on the equalized vote.

{39}

   Altogether, in the various Cisleithan states—the two Austrias
   proper, Bohemia, Moravia, Galicia, Silesia, Salzburg, Tyrol,
   Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, Istria, Dalmatia—they form a
   little more than one third of the total population, the other
   two thirds being mainly Slavonic, in many divisions,
   principally Czech, Polish, and Slovene.

   Ten years ago the Austrian Reichsrath was offering a spectacle
   of factious disorder so violent that it drew the attention of
   the world, and was made entertaining as well as interesting by
   Mark Twain, then a resident for some months at Vienna and
   writing descriptions of the scenes of tumult that went on
   before his eyes.

      See in Volume VI. of this work
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

   The specially bitter race quarrel was over a language question
   between the Germans and the Czechs. The Czechs had succeeded
   in forcing the government to give their own tongue its
   rightful public use in Bohemia, where the German had displaced
   it officially for along time past. The determination of the
   Germans in the Reichsrath to undo this change practically
   paralyzed that legislature for a number of years, and seemed
   to be driving the realm of the House of Austria to inevitable
   wreck.

   Indeed, some factions of the Germans made no concealment of
   their wish for such a wreckage, out of which the German Kaiser
   at Berlin might pick the pieces that it pleased him to take.
   They have never doubted the sympathy and countenance of their
   kinsmen in the neighboring empire, and that has emboldened
   them to an attitude which a minority, in other circumstances,
   would hardly take.

   Within the last few years there has been a quieting of the
   antagonism; but most observers of the state of things in
   Austria have looked for serious troubles to arise, whenever
   the great personal influence of the present Emperor is
   withdrawn by his death. The imperial dominion of the Austrian
   archdukes could not be dissolved and its parts redistributed
   without subjecting the peace of Europe to such a trial as it
   never yet has gone unbrokenly through. If the Germans lose
   disturbing power in the Reichsrath, as the late elections are
   said to indicate that they will, and if racial factions give
   place to political parties, as a consequence of the equalized
   and universalized suffrage, then Austria may possibly be
   welded into a nation, and her neighbors may not be tempted to
   quarrel over her dismembered remains.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1907.
   Final negotiation of a new financial Ausgleich.
   Adjustment of the vexed questions of tariff, joint debt,
   and revenue quotas.

   The long struggle toward a readjustment of the
   Ausgleich or Agreement of 1866 between Austria and
   Hungary, on its financial side, was brought to a close on the
   8th of October, 1907, by the signing of a new agreement that
   day. It continued the common customs arrangement until 1917,
   and provided that commercial treaties concluded with foreign
   powers must be signed by the representatives of both Austria
   and Hungary—a concession by Austria to Hungary. Hitherto the
   Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs had conducted such
   negotiations. On its part, Hungary made the minor concession
   of conforming its stock exchange laws to those of Austria.
   Previously, excise duties had been common to both states;
   henceforth they were to be left to each state to be determined
   and levied. In the joint fiscal burden, Hungary’s contribution
   was increased from 34.4 per cent to 36.4 per cent. Provision
   was made for a court of arbitration, composed of four Austrian
   and four Hungarian members, who must chose a ninth member as
   chairman.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Hungarian politics.
   The State Bank question.
   Split in the Independence party.
   M. de Justh, a new party leader.
   Attitude of M. Kossuth.
   Deadlock returned.

   The complete deadlock of legislation in Hungary from 1904 into
   1906 was overcome but partially, and not for long, by the
   patched-up coalition which started the wheels of Government
   anew, under Dr. Wekerle, in April, 1906, as related above. In
   the course of the next two years the Wekerle Ministry
   accomplished some useful legislation, besides achieving the
   ratification of the important tariff and commerce agreement
   which settled long-troublesome disputes with Austria; but its
   very slight coherent energy was exhausted soon,—too soon for
   its promise of universal suffrage to be fulfilled.
   Practically, it seems to have been at the end of its
   capabilities for some time before the spring of 1909, when, in
   April, it resolved to resign, and began an effort to escape
   from office which went on through the year without success.
   The Crown could induce no one to take from Dr. Wekerle the
   impossible task of government, and kept that unfortunate
   gentleman in his powerless place.

   In Austro-Hungarian politics a new contention had now been
   developed, which divided the Independence party, led hitherto
   by M. Kossuth and Count Apponyi, so that it acquired on the
   new question a third more extreme sectional chief, in the
   person of the President of the Chamber, M. de Justh. The
   followers of M. de Justh were demanding the transformation of
   the existing joint State Bank into two autonomous banks,
   connected in operation, but distinctly Hungarian in one
   organization and Austrian in the other. This demand was
   opposed in Austria as determinedly as the obnoxious demand for
   army use of the Hungarian language in Hungarian regiments, and
   the Crown would give sanction to neither. Apparently, neither
   Kossuth nor Apponyi would act with M. de Justh on the bank
   question, and the Independence party lost, consequently, its
   advantage as the largest of the various parties in the
   Chamber.

   In November, when a test of numbers occurred at a conference
   of the party, the following of M. de Justh was found to be
   largely in the majority. A resolution demanding the separate
   Hungarian State Bank was adopted by 120 votes against 74,
   despite a declaration by M. Kossuth that he would quit the
   party if it took that stand. According to a Press report of
   what occurred at the conference, the burden of Kossuth’s
   speech to the conference was "that without his name and his
   leadership the party would never have obtained the majority,
   and that many of those who were about to vote against him owed
   their seats in Parliament to his recommendation. His speech
   was indeed a scarcely-veiled threat that when deprived of the
   support of his name his opponents would find themselves
   forsaken by their constituents. The defeated minority
   proceeded forthwith to constitute itself as the ‘Independence,
   1848, and Kossuth party,’ as distinguished from the
   ‘Independence and 1848 party,’ over which M. de Justh now
   reigns supreme."

{40}

   Immediately after his triumph at the party conference M. de
   Justh resigned the presidency of the Hungarian Chamber and
   presented himself for reelection. In that test he suffered
   defeat, the combined forces of the Andrassy Liberals, the
   Clerical People’s party, and the Kossuth group casting 201
   votes against 157. The Croatian Deputies abstained, owing, it
   is said, to a promise made to them by Dr. Wekerle that, if
   they remained neutral, he would deliver Croatia from the
   oppressive rule of the Ban, Baron Rauch. The political
   situation in Hungary was thus more than ever confused.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.
   The "Greater Servia Conspiracy."
   Alleged treasonable movement of Servians in Croatia.
   The Agram trials.

   The following telegram to the newspaper press, from Agram,
   Austria, October 5, 1909, reported the conclusion and the
   result of a long prosecution which had drawn wide attention
   and excited deep feeling in many parts of Europe for a full
   year:

   "After a trial lasting seven months, sentences were handed
   down to-day in the cases of fifty-two school teachers,
   priests, and other persons charged with connection with what
   is known as the ‘Greater Servia conspiracy.’ The prisoners
   were accused of high treason in participating in a movement
   for the union of Croatia, Slavonia, and Bosnia to Servia, even
   carrying the propaganda among the troops of the
   Austro-Hungarian army. Thirty of the accused are condemned to
   terms of rigorous imprisonment varying from four to twelve
   years, and twenty-two were acquitted. The persons condemned
   have given notification of appeal."

   On the 31st of December it was announced from Vienna that all
   but two of the condemned had been set at liberty pending their
   appeal, this being consequent on the revelations of forgery in
   the documents on which they were convicted.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH)
      at close of article.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Arbitrary annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
   Violence to the Treaty of Berlin.
   The European disturbance and its settlement.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1808-1809 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1909.
   The language quarrel in Austria.

   "Amid deafening uproar from the Czech Radicals, the Austrian
   premier has submitted to the Chamber [February 3, 1909] two
   bills for the regulation of the Bohemian language question.
   The bills, which in present circumstances appear to have
   little chance of becoming law, divide Bohemia into 239
   judicial and 20 administrative districts. Of the former, 95
   are German, 138 Czech, and the remainder mixed, while of the
   administrative districts five are German, 10 Czech, and five
   mixed. In the German districts German is to be the predominant
   language, and in the Czech districts Czech, while in the mixed
   districts, which include Prague, the two languages are placed
   on an equal footing. Provision is, however, made for the use
   of either language if necessary throughout the whole
   province."

      NEW YORK EVENING POST.

   A telegram to the same journal from Vienna, March 10,
   reported:

   "The Lower House of the Austrian Parliament, which closed on
   February 5, after a scene of extraordinary turbulence arising
   from old racial ill-feeling between the Germans and the
   Czechs, reopened to-day with every promise of a continuance of
   the disorders. The galleries of the House were crowded with
   partisans of the two factions, and as soon as the ministers
   appeared hostile shouts came from the Czech and radical
   benches, drowning the cheers of the members of the Left party
   and the Poles.

   "Premier von Bienerth, amid an incessant tumult, declared the
   nineteenth session opened, saying he hoped the work would be
   crowned with success and the proceedings not disturbed. His
   statement sounded ironical in face of the unbroken uproar."

   The following is a later Press despatch, November 2, from
   Vienna:

   "The Emperor has accepted the resignations of the two Czech
   Ministers in the Austrian Cabinet, and has sanctioned the laws
   adopted by the Diets of Upper and Lower Austria, Salzburg and
   Vorarlberg, to establish the unilingual German character of
   those provinces. In the name of the Czech people the Czech
   National Council addressed yesterday a telegram to the Emperor
   begging that the laws might not be sanctioned, since, runs the
   telegram, they affect the honour of the Czech people and must
   cause constant racial strife both in the provinces and in
   Vienna, ‘which is not only the capital of Lower Austria, but
   is also the capital of the whole empire and of all its races.
   These laws are a dangerous beginning of constitutional changes
   in your Majesty’s glorious empire.’ A copy of the telegram was
   sent to the Polish leader, Dr. Glombinski, with an 'expression
   of the deepest regret that members of the Polish party should
   have supported as Ministers these anti-Slav laws.’"

   A revival of turbulent obstruction to legislative proceedings
   in the lower house of the Austrian Reichsrath led, at last, in
   December, to the enactment of rules which so enlarge the
   powers of the speaker as to enable him to suppress factious
   obstruction and to suspend deputies who outrage the decencies
   of behavior in the Chamber. The measure was limited in its
   operation to a year, but is expected to be prolonged.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1909 (December).
   Alleged plan of a Federated Triple Monarchy.

   "There has been circulated in Paris a curious document, full
   of figures, supposed to be based on authentic information.
   This document relates to the plan attributed to Prince Lentur
   and Count d’Aehrenthal to change the dual monarchy of
   Austria-Hungary into a triple monarchy. Croatia,
   Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Dalmatia, according to the scheme,
   would be united into an independent and constitutional
   kingdom, corresponding to the old Illyria. The double state,
   Austria-Hungary, would be changed into a three-fold
   Austria-Hungary-Illyria. A Slav nation would thus stand side
   by side with the Teutonic nation of Austria and the Magyar
   nation of Hungary. Its extent would be a good deal smaller, a
   little more than one-third, of the other two, and its
   population about a quarter of the Hungarian and one-sixth of
   the Austrian. According to this document, which is declared to
   have strong claims to be considered authentic, this change
   would no doubt be followed by a further one. Bohemia and
   Moravia would also want home rule. The monarchy would thus
   become a kind of Federal state. Hungary alone would remain
   standing strong and united as the centre and leader of this
   federation."

      New York Evening Post,
      December 29, 1909.

{41}

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1909-1910.
   The Hungarian situation.

   Late in December, Dr. de Lukacs, who had served in the former
   Szell Ministry, was persuaded by the Crown to undertake the
   formation of a Government which might hope to secure some
   measure of parliamentary support, and on the 4th of January he
   was formally appointed Prime Minister; but his undertaking
   ended on the 11th, when he resigned, and Count Khuen Hedervary
   was heroic enough to accept the apparently hopeless task. The
   Hedervary Ministry suffered defeat on the 28th of January,
   when a vote of no confidence was carried by M. de Justh, and
   the King thereupon prorogued the chamber until March 24. A
   majority of the members, however, remained in session until
   they had adopted a resolution declaring the Government to be
   unconstitutional and forbidding the payment of taxes to it.
   Such is the Hungarian situation at the time this record of
   events goes to print—February, 1910.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1910.
   The Archduke Franz Ferdinand,
   Heir Apparent to the thrones.

   Since the tragically mysterious death (January 30, 1889) of
   the Emperor’s only son, Rudolph, the heir apparent to the
   several Hapsburgh crowns has been the Archduke Franz
   Ferdinand, son of the Emperor’s brother, the late Archduke
   Karl Ludwig. In order to contract a morganatic marriage, some
   years ago, he renounced the right of his children to the
   imperial and regal succession; but it is believed that he will
   force the regularizing of his marriage and the annulling of
   his renunciation, as he is reputed to be a man of strenuous
   will. According to report, also, he is strongly
   anti-democratic and reactionary, and extremely likely to give
   trouble as a sovereign to this democratic generation.

   ----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: End--------

AUTOCRAT:
   Title denied to the Czar by the Third Duma.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1906-1907.

AZAD-UL-MULK.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

AZEFF:
   The Russian police spy and agent provocateur.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-JULY).

AZUL, Party of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      PARAGUAY.

B.

BABISM.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

BACON, Robert:
   Secretary of State.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

BADEN: A. D. 1906.
   Introduction of universal suffrage.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

BAEYER, Adolf von.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

BAGDAD RAILWAY, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

BA HAMED, Late Grand Wazeer of Morocco.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.

BAHIA HONDA:
   Coaling and naval station leased to the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1903.

BAHIMA, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: ITS COLONIZABILITY.

BAILEY, L. H.:
   On Country Life Commission.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909 (AUGUST-FEBRUARY).

BAKHMETIEFF, Madame:
   Her humane work in Macedonia.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.

BAKHTIARI, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

BAKU: Destruction of Oil Industry.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

BALDWIN ARCTIC EXPEDITION.

      See (in this Volume)
      Polar Exploration.

BALFOUR, Arthur J.:
   Becomes Prime Minister of England.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

BALFOUR, Arthur J.:
   His puzzling attitude on Mr. Chamberlain’s declaration for
   preferential trade with the Colonies.
   Correspondence on Mr. Chamberlain’s resignation.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

BALFOUR, Arthur J.:
   In the "Dreadnought" debate of 1909.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

BALFOUR MINISTRY:
   Its resignation.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

   ----------BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Start--------

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1903-1907.
   Complaint of European non-action by Christian subjects
   of Turkey.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1907.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bosnia: A. D. 1908.
   Arbitrary annexation to Austria-Hungary.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bulgaria:
   The influence of Robert College.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: TURKEY, &c.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1901.
   The Bulgarian committee which directs revolutionary operations
   and assassinations in Macedonia.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1901.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1903.
   Alleged promotion of revolt in Macedonia.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.
   Barbarities of Bulgarian bands in Macedonia.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.


BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908.
   The race struggle in Macedonia.

      See TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Independence of Turkey declared and won.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1909.
   Prince Ferdinand assumes the title of King.

   On the acquisition of complete Bulgarian independence, Prince
   Ferdinand was said at first to be intending to assume the
   title of Tsar; but that intention, if it had been formed, was
   changed, and he took the title of King.

{42}

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bulgaria and Servia: A.D. 1905.
   Customs Union Convention between the two States.
   Anger and Hostility of Austria.
   Dictatorial demands on Servia.
   The frontier closed to trade.

   "Servia and Bulgaria, in July, 1905, signed a Customs
   Convention, creating a customs union and breaking down the
   tariff barriers between the two countries. The age is the age
   of union in business, in finance, in every department in life.
   … Not only has the Customs Convention between the two
   countries, which is, after all, but the first step towards a
   real zollverein, demonstrated the trend of international
   development, but it has enabled the world to see clearly the
   relations existing between the small Balkan States—unprotected
   by any guarantee of neutrality—and their great neighbours. It
   has been made clear that, despite all the many protestations
   in Vienna of goodwill to the Balkan States, Austria does not
   wish to see real progress in that part of Europe. And what is
   true of Austria is true also of Russia. …

   "True to her unvarying policy, Austria no sooner heard of the
   Customs Convention than she set to work to destroy it,
   claiming that it damaged her commercial interests. By her
   unjust attempts at coercion, plain and undisguised, Austria
   brought into being a political bond between Bulgaria and
   Servia which was not in existence at the time of the signature
   of the Customs Convention. …

   "In the past Servia has fallen more and more completely under
   the domination of Austria; her geographical position and her
   internal troubles made her an easy prey for Vienna, and had it
   not been for the desire of Russia to share the dainty morsel,
   Servia would in all probability have gone ere this to join the
   Servian provinces of Bosnia and Hersegovina as an integral
   part of the Austrian Empire. Her commerce is almost solely
   with Austria or Hungary, and her finances are under the
   control of a French-Austrian syndicate. It might therefore
   well seem incredible that the small State, bound thus hand and
   foot to the oppressor, should dare to oppose her desire for
   liberty to the Austrian desire for gain, political,
   commercial, or financial. But just as under the Turkish rule
   the Servians began to fight for freedom in small bands, so the
   Customs Convention with Bulgaria represents the first blow for
   economic and political freedom. … While the Convention
   represents an effort on Servia’s part to free herself from the
   thrall of Austria, it was not directed against that country.
   It seeks rather to open up new markets and new means of
   export, for which there was sufficient reason in the fact that
   there was no increase in the export of Servian goods to
   Austria during the last few years, some of which even showed a
   decrease. Commercial development demanded that new markets
   should be sought and a new route via Bulgaria to the Black Sea
   ports be opened up. …

   "On January 8th the Austrian Minister in Belgrade presented a
   note from his Government making it a condition that in order
   that the negotiations for a commercial treaty should not be
   suspended, the Servian Government should engage not to bring
   the Customs Union before the Skouptchina before the conclusion
   of the treaty. At the same time he indicated the disastrous
   results of refusal on Servia’s part. The Servian Cabinet
   accepted the Austrian proposals as to the postponement of the
   presentation of the Customs Union to the Skouptchina, and
   promised also to consider the modification of the Convention
   in so far as these modifications were not contrary to the
   nature of the Customs Union. The Austrian Minister recommended
   a change of the reply, because his Government would not accept
   it as it stood. On the Servians refusing to make any change,
   he gave them till the afternoon of the next day to repent,
   with the alternative that the treaty negotiations would be
   broken off and the frontiers closed. … Servia insisted upon
   maintaining her dignity as a nation, while expressing her
   readiness to meet Austria in every possible economic way.
   Furious at the Servian refusal, the Viennese authorities
   ordered the closing of the frontiers to Servian cattle, pigs,
   and even fowls. This last restriction was contrary to the
   existing treaty of commerce between the two countries which
   does not expire till March 1st, 1906. The cattle and pigs were
   excluded under the arbitrary veterinary convention, it having
   been found that a pig had died of ‘diplomatic swine fever,’ a
   contagious disease, prevalent when Servia opposes Austrian
   desires. The cool indifference with which Austria ignored her
   treaty obligations with Servia led to a profound feeling that
   it was hardly worth making sacrifices in order to obtain a new
   commercial treaty, which could be as equally well ignored.
   Patriotic fervour waxed great in Servia, and the people
   prepared to make a good fight for their liberty. But it was
   never overlooked that the relations with Austria were of great
   and vital importance."

      Alfred Stead,
      The Serbo-Bulgarian Convention and its Results
      (Fortnightly Review, March, 1906).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Herzegovina: A. D. 1908.
   Annexation to Austria.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Montenegro: A. D. 1905.
   Prince Nicholas’s Constitution, and his operation of it.

   "When Prince Nicholas heard that the Czar had promised his
   people a Constitution, he, disciple of Russia in all things,
   determined to outdo Nicholas II., and, as a matter of fact,
   granted his little country [December, 1905] a more liberal
   Constitution than that which Russia enjoys. In Russia certain
   things were not to be discussed in the Duma. In Montenegro,
   everything could be discussed. When this principle began to be
   put in practice, however, although in the most loyal and
   respectful manner, the Prince took offence and began to
   imprison politicians who dared to ask for information about
   the financial condition of the principality. As a consequence,
   he made himself unpopular among what in Russia would be called
   the ‘intelligencia,’ but, being a man of far stronger
   personality and more striking genius than the Czar of Russia,
   he is still feared and obeyed. He is, in fact, an old soldier
   with all the old soldier’s preference for barrack discipline
   as the only method of rule, and in thinking that he understood
   what is meant by the words ‘constitutional government’ he
   deceived himself, for he does not understand, and being an old
   man surrounded by flatterers, he is perhaps less able to
   understand now than he would have been thirty years ago.

   "If he had been more adaptable, and had taken greater pains to
   instruct his people in the methods of parliamentary
   government, the constitutionalist movement might have been a
   success, but unfortunately he withdrew from Cettinje in a
   ‘huff’ when the Skupschina passed some criticisms on the
   government, and declined to coöperate with the deputies,
   though they were all very anxious to have his advice. It is
   stated, on the other hand, however, that the Skupschina
   interpreted in too large a sense the Constitution that had
   been granted to them."

   Special Correspondent New York Evening Post,
   Cettinje, December 15, 1908.

{43}

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
   With Servia against Austrian annexation of Bosnia
   and Herzegovina.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1809 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Roumania: A. D. 1866-1906.
   Development of the country under King Charles I. and
   his admirable Queen.

   "The efforts of King Charles have been principally devoted
   towards internal improvement. Railways have increased and
   improved since the State purchased them in 1886, at an outlay
   of 237,500,000 francs. Then there were 1,407 kilometres; in
   1903 these had increased to 3,177. In the Dobrudja, given to
   Roumania after the war with Turkey, the King has created a
   great commercial port at Constantza, whence the grain and
   petroleum of Roumania can flood the market. From here will
   radiate a Roumanian merchant marine, which will bear the
   Roumanian flag to all parts of the world. Agriculture has been
   carefully cherished, and to-day the country is one of the
   principal grain-exporting countries of the world, and the lot
   of the peasant, formerly so low, has been improved. An
   educational system has sprung into being, owing much to the
   direct support and inspiration of the Royal family. The
   finances have been put on a stable footing, and although the
   nation has already acquired a sufficiency of debt, the future
   is not at all dangerously beset. Thanks to the discovery of
   extensive petroleum fields, Roumania has been strengthened and
   raised from the position of a country relying solely on the
   rain and sun for its prosperity; while thanks to the King’s
   indefatigable efforts and unceasing watchfulness, the
   petroleum industry has been protected from becoming the
   monopoly either of the ruthless Standard Oil Trust or of the
   politically guided and government-supported German Bank. Had
   King Charles done nothing else for Roumania, his determined
   and wise action in this question would have earned him all
   praise. But whether it be in the question of the Danube, with
   its international Commission, or of the transformation of the
   twelve enormous Crown lands, dispersed over the kingdom, into
   national and social models, to see and follow—a work due
   principally to M. Kalindero—the King’s interest in all things
   which directly or indirectly touch Roumania is unabated.

   "And what manner of man is this, who has thus created a
   European State out of the remnants of a land cursed by a
   Turkish rule and Phanariot sway? First and foremost he is
   always a Hohenzollern, swayed by his obedience to duty, and
   based upon that Hohenzollern saying: 'It is not enough to be
   born a prince, you must show that you are worthy of the
   title,' and second, he is ever a true Roumanian, who has
   caught much of the inspiration of those great former Roumanian
   leaders and warriors. His youth was one of discipline and
   healthy education, while the influence of his father on his
   character can never be overestimated. Every inch a king, he
   never forgets that he is always also a man—personal
   animosities never cloud his national judgment. An
   indefatigable worker and on an organised plan tending towards
   definite ends, King Charles devotes his whole time to his
   never-ceasing task. By his marriage to Princess Elizabeth of
   Wied’ [known in literature as Carmen Sylva] ‘a marriage so
   non-political as to make it a political event of the first
   importance,’ he brought to Roumania a queen who made herself
   beloved of all, and speedily became the centre of all
   charitable ideas and works."

      Alfred Stead,
      King Charles I. of Roumania
      (Fortnightly Review, July, 1906).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1902.
   Oppression of the Jews.
   Appeal of the United States to the signatories
   of the Treaty of Berlin.

   On the 11th of August, 1902, Mr. John Hay, Secretary of State
   in the Government of the United States, addressed a
   communication to the American Ambassadors and Ministers in
   Great Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia,
   Italy, and Turkey, whose governments were parties to the
   Berlin Treaty of 1878, directing that it be read to the proper
   ministers in the governments of those countries. The
   communication related to the treatment of the Jews in
   Roumania, which had long been a matter of deep concern to the
   United States, not only from sympathy with the persecuted
   people, but also because of the state in which it drove them
   as emigrants to this land. An abridgment of Secretary Hay’s
   despatch, published at the time, renders its substance as
   follows:

   "As long ago as in 1872 this country protested against the
   oppression of these Jews under Turkish rule. The Treaty of
   Berlin it was supposed would cure this wrong by the provisions
   of its forty-fourth article, which prescribed that ‘in
   Roumania the difference of religious creeds and confessions
   shall not be alleged against any person as a ground for
   exclusion or incapacity in matters relating to the enjoyment
   of civil and political rights, admission to public
   employments, functions and honors, or the exercise of the
   various professions and industries in any locality whatsoever.
   These prescriptions, however, have, in the lapse of time, been
   rendered nugatory as regards the native Jews of Roumania.
   Apart from the political disabilities of the Jews in that
   country, and their exclusion from the liberal professions,
   they are denied the inherent rights of man as a breadwinner in
   the ways of agriculture and trade. They are prohibited from
   owning land or from cultivating it as common laborers; they
   are debarred from residing in the rural districts, and many
   branches of petty trade and manual production are closed to
   them in the cities. They have become reduced to a state of
   wretched misery. The experience of the United States shows
   that the Jews possess in a high degree the qualities of good
   citizenhood. No class of immigrants is more welcome to our
   shores when coming equipped in mind and body, but when they
   come as outcasts, made doubly paupers by physical and mental
   oppression in their native land, their migration lacks the
   essential conditions which make alien immigration either
   acceptable or beneficial. Many of these Roumanian Jews are
   forced to quit their native country, and the United States is
   almost the only refuge left to them. They come hither unfitted
   by the conditions of their exile to take part in the new life
   of this land, and they are objects of charity for a long time.
   Therefore the right of remonstrance against the acts of the
   Roumanian Government is fairly established in favor of this
   Government. This Government cannot be a tacit party to what it
   regards as an international wrong. It is constrained to
   protest against the treatment to which the Jews of Roumania
   are subjected. The United States is not a signatory to the
   Treaty of Berlin, and cannot, therefore, appeal
   authoritatively to the stipulations of that treaty, but it
   does earnestly appeal to the principles consigned therein,
   because they are the principles of international law and
   eternal justice."

{44}

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1907.
   Agrarian and anti-Semitic riots.

   Serious riotings of the peasants of Roumania, in both Moldavia
   and Wallachia, occurred in April, 1907. Before the rising
   could be suppressed more than 100,000 troops were employed;
   the capital, Bucharest, was in a state of siege, and martial
   law was proclaimed throughout the country. At first the
   character of the uprising seems to have been purely agrarian.
   The peasants demanded land at low prices and tried to throw
   off the yoke of the middlemen, who are mostly Jews. As the
   revolt spread, villages, farms, and even some towns were
   plundered and destroyed by wholesale. Hundreds of peasants
   were killed, and in several sections a state of real war
   existed for more than a week. King Charles issued a
   proclamation to his people promising the redress of their
   grievances. The Conservative ministry resigned on March 24 and
   a Liberal government was at once formed under the presidency
   of Dr. Sturdza.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Servia: A. D. 1901-1903.
   Royal Constitution-making and unmaking.

   The character of the Servian monarchy, and the value to the
   nation of its king-made Constitution, may be judged from the
   following report, May 12, 1903, to the State Department of the
   United States Government, by its Minister at Athens, who has
   the care of American interests at Belgrade: "The Servian
   constitution now in force is that which was granted the
   country by King Alexander on April 6-19, 1901. Under this
   constitution the influence of the radical party had gradually
   increased to such an extent that the King thought it was
   dangerous to the welfare of the country. For some time there
   were rumors to the effect that a new constitution was in
   contemplation and would probably be put into force on the
   anniversary of its predecessor. More or less excitement was
   caused by these reports, and in consequence the King
   determined to act at once.

   "On the afternoon of March 24—April 6 last [1903] a royal
   proclamation was issued to the Servian people, explaining the
   King’s views of the situation, suspending the constitution
   referred to above, annulling the ukase of April 6, 1901, and
   all subsequent ukases relating to the election of senators,
   retiring all the members of the council of state, dissolving
   the Skupshtina (national chamber of deputies), annulling the
   election of all senators chosen for the period 1901-1906,
   annulling various laws relating to the liberty of the press,
   the election of deputies, etc., and putting into force certain
   laws which had previously been repealed.

   "The next morning a second proclamation was issued, putting
   the same constitution in force again, and directing the life
   senators to elaborate a provisional law for the election of
   senators and deputies, who should hold office, respectively,
   until September, 1909, and May, 1907.

   "The date for the elections has been fixed for the first part
   of June. It is considered probable that the Radical members of
   the Government (four ministers, I believe) will soon withdraw
   from the cabinet."

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1903.
   The murder of King Alexander, Queen Draga, her brothers,
   and two ministers of state.
   The military plot.

   King Alexander, who received the Servian crown, as a mere boy,
   by the abdication of his father, the erratic King Milan, in
   1889, began his reign autocratically, but attempted twelve
   years later, to propitiate popular favor by the grant of a
   liberal constitution, in 1901.

      See, in Volume I. of this work,
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1879-1889.

   This failed, however, to win the good will of his subjects,
   and he annulled it in April, 1903, with much of the
   legislation it had produced. This intensified public feeling
   against him, and against his unpopular Queen,—the former
   lady-in-waiting at his mother’s court, Madame Draga Maschin.
   This marriage in 1900 is related in:

      See in Volume VI. of this work
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

   There were fears of an intention to force recognition of Queen
   Draga's brother as heir apparent to the crown, and feeling in
   the army became especially bitter against both king and queen.
   The outcome was an awful tragedy of murder on the night of
   June 11, 1903, when a party of officers broke into the palace
   and slew, with barbaric ferocity, the King, the Queen, the
   Queen’s brothers, the Prime Minister, and the Minister for
   War. The following account of the horrible tragedy appeared in
   the next issue of The Contemporary Review:

   "All traces of the midnight carnage in the palace of Belgrade
   have been cleared away. The Pretender for whose benefit it was
   perpetrated comes in. First proclaimed in the midst of the
   still warm corpses, the title of military acclamation has been
   ratified by a National Assembly, convened by the Pretorians
   almost simultaneously with the massacre to meet three days
   after that event, and in the palace where Colonel Maschine and
   his lieutenants, acting in the names of outraged national
   dignity and social purity, put to shame human nature,
   Karageorgevich, whose career as a Pretender in some points
   resembles that of Louis Napoleon, accepts the proffered crown.
   The telegraphic agencies have informed us that order reigns at
   Belgrade, and that Peter I. has entered his capital amid
   demonstrations of public joy. The representatives of the Press
   of Europe, numbering about a hundred, were, through the
   civility of a palace official who witnessed the nocturnal
   invasion, taken through the theatre of one of the most
   revolting crimes of modern history. They were minutely
   informed of the circumstances connected with it, saw the
   smashed doors and floors where dynamite tubes had exploded,
   the pistol shots in walls and ceilings; the timepieces shaken
   by the explosion had stopped at five minutes past one on the
   morning of the 12th June. The palace official took them into
   the little wardrobe room in which the King and Queen had
   hidden themselves, and, when found, met their doom, unshriven,
   offering no resistance. …

{45}

   "Officers who had studied in the Zurich Polytechnic school
   knew how to use dynamite without injury to themselves when
   they wanted to break in doors massive as those of a church.
   Those who had been told off to cut the electric wires
   communicating with lamps had indiarubber gloves. They searched
   by the light of composite candles they had brought in their
   pockets for the hiding-place of the King and Queen. When they
   discovered the fugitives, some of the officers held high the
   candles for their comrades to lay on and not spare the
   unfortunate pair. There was no attempt to resist. All
   Alexander wanted was ‘to die with Draga,’ and this elevated
   him into the region of romance. It may hereafter furnish a
   theme to Servian bards. Another modern circumstance makes
   one’s flesh creep. The bodies, flung out of a window, lay on a
   garden walk until dawn, when a soldier received an order to
   wash them there with a fireman’s hydrant, and when they had
   been cleansed to lay them on the tables of the palace kitchen
   for dissection. The surgeons had been requisitioned to come
   there at five o’clock. …

   "At the post-mortem in the palace kitchen at Belgrade, the
   surgeons counted in the body of Alexander six revolver wounds,
   each deadly, and forty-two sword wounds. Draga received two
   pistol balls and sixty-two sword cuts and slashes. She had
   been cut to pieces, but they left her face unmutilated.
   And—still more frightful—her corpse bore black and blue marks
   that testified to a merciless pounding with strong fists. The
   regicides gave so many conflicting accounts of their adventure
   that one did not know what to believe. It is now certain that
   the King and Queen were defenceless, that they at once on
   being aroused by the dynamite took refuge in her wardrobe
   room, and that they never sought to escape by the roof, and
   did not run through a long suite of rooms, slamming the doors
   after them. They had not a moment’s time to utter a prayer.

   "Draga’s brothers received a five minutes’ respite to make
   their souls. Nicodemus, the eldest, for whom Mademoiselle Pach
   mourns in Brussels, asked for cigars and for leave to embrace
   his brother. He and Nicholas faced unflinchingly a firing
   party, casting away the cigar ends as they stood before a
   wall. …

   "Colonel Maschine, who figures as the ringleader in the
   conspiracy, had been in the inner circle of King Milan, who
   thought him a valuable officer. Milan, a man with considerable
   ability and without his match in playing an intricate and
   difficult diplomatic game, had been educated in his mother’s
   fast set in Vienna, and at a Paris lycée. … Military force as
   a means of government recommended itself to his barbarous
   mind. It may be that he saw in Maschine a man suitable for
   coup d’état work. An ostensible reason for taking him
   into favour was Maschine’s bravery in the campaign against
   Bulgaria and his personal fidelity to Milan, as twice evinced
   in saving his life. The partiality of the King buoyed up
   Maschine’s hopes of a brilliant military career. Death
   overtook Milan, who so often had escaped poison and assassin’s
   bullets, on his way to Belgrade, where he was to have set
   Alexander aside and remounted the throne. His unexpected
   decease blighted the colonel’s prospects, inasmuch as Draga
   gained thereby uncontrolled influence over the King. She and
   the Maschines had long kept up a bitter feud. Barbarians like
   to brood over their grievances, real or imaginary. Colonel
   Maschine could not forget or forgive, and his pride prevented
   him from trying to propitiate her when she let him know that
   he thought her more intractable than she really was. He had
   set about the slander that she poisoned her first husband, and
   then made believe he committed suicide. This story had been
   told by the Colonel to Milan. Alexander, when his father
   repeated it to him, called it a ‘machination,’ the name he
   ever after gave to slanders and libels that came to his
   knowledge about Draga. He refused to hear calumnious tales,
   but could not prevent anonymous letters passing into the hands
   of his secretary, and spoke of the Court of Russia as being
   stupidly turned against his wife by ‘machinations.’ One can
   understand from this why Colonel Maschine became the soul of
   the horrible conspiracy, and bent his whole mind to carry out
   a plan which has succeeded, through his perfect generalship as
   to ensemble, the minutest attention to details, the
   widest prescience, the coolest head and an utter
   unscrupulousness."

      Ivanovich,
      The Servian Massacre
      (Contemporary Review, July, 1903).

   In the same issue of The Contemporary, Dr. Dillon
   wrote: "A graphic version of one scene of the tragedy, which
   was given to me by one of the murderers, Adjutant N., is as
   follows:

   ‘We were wild with passion, trembling with excitement,
   incapable of receiving any impressions from the things and
   people around us. Hence we cannot say who shot the King in the
   head, who in the heart. But I have a vivid recollection of
   some things. I remember turning out the electric light and
   going to fetch candles to light my comrades on the way. That
   done I remained together with them to the end. I remember our
   breaking into the King’s bedroom, finding it empty, and then
   looking into the Queen’s wardrobe room, where we found the
   pair. Who fired first? I don’t know; nobody knows. At first we
   did not fire at all. We drew our sabres and cut off the
   fingers of the King and Queen; four fingers were hewn from the
   King’s hand. Then we fired.’"

      E. J. Dillon,
      Servia and the Rival Dynasties
      (Contemporary Review, July, 1903).

   The hideous crime which ended the reign of King Alexander
   excited horror everywhere except in Servia. There it seemed to
   be approved and rejoiced over universally, even the head of
   the national Servian Church, the Metropolitan of Belgrade,
   officiating at a thanksgiving service and commending the army
   for what it had done. Senators and Deputies of the Skupstchina
   filled the vacant throne by the election of Prince Peter
   Karageorgievitch, descendant of Kara Georg (Black George), the
   primary hero of the later struggle of the Servians with the
   Turk. King Alexander had been of the house of Milosh
   Obrenovitch, founder of the Obrenovitch dynasty, which
   supplanted that of Kara Georg.

      See in Volume I. of this work,
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES:
      14TH-19TH CENTURIES: SERVIA.

   Prince Peter, then in exile at Geneva, accepted the
   blood-stained crown, and was welcomed at Belgrade on the 24th
   of June. Foreign governments, except those of Russia and
   Austria-Hungary, gave no recognition to the new sovereign for
   some time; but, said a writer in The Fortnightly Review
   of the next month, "no thrill of horror has been manifested by
   the ‘dear brothers ’ and ‘cousins’ of the royal victims; on
   the very day of the holocaust, when the mangled corpses of a
   King and Queen were being exposed to the outrages of frenzied
   fiends, there was never a pause in the pomp and circumstance
   and revelry of European Courts.
{46}
   But the ghastly details of the deed have appealed to the
   melodramatic instincts of the vulgar, arousing a morbid
   indignation throughout every land. What honest person could
   fail to be stirred by the story of the conspirators, sitting
   over their wine under the verandah of the Srbski Kruna,
   uproariously urging the gipsy band to play Queen Draga’s March
   before they sallied forth to hack her to pieces with their
   swords; by the airy apologies of the baffled murderers when
   they roused a citizen for axes and candles, wherewith to track
   down their victims in the sleeping palace; by the thought of
   the ill-starred young Sovereigns lying in their own gardens,
   riddled with bullets, sighing through the small hours for the
   long-delayed relief of death? In the pages of ancient or
   mediaeval history, even in sensational fiction, such hellish
   horrors could not fail to arouse intense emotion; in the cold
   glare of the twentieth century they are brought home so
   vividly that we are almost eye-witnesses."

      Herbert Vivian,
      A ‘Glorious Revolution’ in Servia
      (Fortnightly Review, July, 1903).

   A general election in September gave the Radicals a decisive
   majority in the Skupstchina, and a Radical Ministry under
   General Gruiteh was formed.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1904.
   Coronation of King Peter.

   King Peter was anointed and crowned with due ceremony, at
   Zicha, on the 9th of October, 1904. Representatives of all the
   Powers in Europe except Great Britain did honor to the
   occasion by their presence; thus condoning the foul crime
   which smeared the new King’s crown with blood. The officers
   who committed the crime had been dismissed from their palace
   posts, but rewarded by military promotion.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Attitude toward Austria on the annexation of Bosnia and
   Herzegovina.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
   The alleged "Greater Servia Conspiracy."
   The Agram Trials.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1909.
   Renunciation of the crown by the Crown Prince.

   The following note was addressed to the Prime Minister of
   Servia by the Crown Prince, George, on the 25th of March,
   1909: "Driven by unjustified insinuations based on an
   unfortunate occurrence, I beg in defence of my honour, as well
   as of my conscience, to declare that I renounce all claims to
   the Throne, as well as any other privileges to which I am
   entitled. I beg you to take note of this, and to take the
   necessary steps that this action may receive the necessary
   sanction. I place my services as a soldier and citizen at the
   disposal of my King and Fatherland, ready to give my life for
   them.
   —George."

   The "unfortunate occurrence" alluded to was the death of one
   of the Prince’s servants from injuries which the Prince was
   believed by the public to have inflicted, as he was reputed to
   have a brutal temper.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Servia and Bulgaria: A.D. 1905.
   Customs Union Convention.

      See above:
      BULGARIA AND SERVIA.

   ----------BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: End--------

BALLINGER, Richard A.:
   Secretary of the Interior, United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

BALLINGER, Richard A.:
   Action against Water Power Monopoly.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

BALLOONS, Dirigible.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

BALTIC FLEET, The Russian:
   Its voyage and destruction.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

BALTIC PROVINCES:
   Peasant insurrection.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

BALTIMORE: A. D. 1904.
   Destructive fire.

   Next to that at Chicago in 1871, the most destructive fire
   among the many that have devastated the cities of the United
   States occurred at Baltimore on February 7th and 8th, 1904. It
   burned for thirty hours, in the heart of the city, the center
   of its business, destroying some 2600 buildings and consuming
   property to the estimated value of $75,000,000.

BAMBAATA.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: NATAL: A. D. 1906-1907.

BANNARD, Otto T.:

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.

BARCELONA: A. D. 1902.
   General strike and battle with soldiery.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: SPAIN.

BARCELONA: A. D. 1909.
   Revolutionary outbreak.
   Trial and execution of Professor Ferrer.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

BARCELONA: A. D. 1909.
   Riotous hostility to war in Morocco.

      See MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

BARGE (ERIE) CANAL, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898-1909.

BARNATO, Harry.
   Bequest for cancer research.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

BARRETT, Charles Simon:
   President of the National Farmers’ Union.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

BARRETT, John.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF.

BARRETT, John.
   Delegate to Second International Conference of
   American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BARTHOLDT, Richard.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909, and 1907.

BARTON, Sir Edmund:
    Premier of Australia.

       See (in this Volume)
       AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.

BAST, The taking of.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

BASUTOLAND:

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904, and 1909.

BAVARIA: A. D. 1906.
   Introduction of direct voting.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

BEATIFICATION OF JOAN OF ARC.

      See (in this Volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

BECHUANALAND: A. D. 1904.
   Census.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904, and 1909.

BECK, Baron.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

BECQUEREL, Henri.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM;
      also, NOBEL PRIZES.

"BEEF TRUST," The:
Investigations and prosecutions by the U. S. Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES:
      A. D. 1901-1906; 1903-1906; and 1910.

{47}

BEERNAERT, M.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES

BEHRING, Emil Adolf von.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

BEIRUT:
   Joy over the restored constitution of Turkey.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D). 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

   ----------BELGIUM: Start--------

BELGIUM: A. D. 1870-1905.
   Increase of population compared with other European countries.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1900-1904.
   Municipal systems of insurance against unemployment.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1902.
   Popular opposition to the plural vote.
   Demand for constitutional revision defeated.
   General strike in the country.

   Substantially universal but not equal suffrage is given to the
   male citizens of Belgium by the Constitution of the kingdom as
   revised in 1893.

      See in Volume I. of this work,
      CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM.

   All have one vote, but certain classes of persons, qualified
   by property ownership, tax-payments, education, office-holding
   or professional dignity, are given one or two supplementary
   votes. Opposition to this political inequality had been
   growing from the first, until it united the Socialist and
   Liberal parties in a demand for the revision of the
   Constitution, not only to abolish the plural suffrage, but to
   introduce proportional representation and compulsory
   education. The agitation attending this demand brought about,
   in April, a general strike throughout the country of workmen
   in all departments of industry, to the extent of 350,000. The
   Government resisted the demand, maintaining that the system of
   plural voting had not been sufficiently tried, and the bill
   for constitutional revision was defeated in the Chamber of
   Representatives, after a bitter debate, by 84 votes to 64.

   The situation was described as follows by Mr. Townsend, the
   American Minister to Belgium, in a despatch of April 19:

   "The struggle between labor and capital in Belgium has become
   extremely acute in the past few years. A large industrial
   population, confined to a small superficial area, with long
   hours of labor and small wages, have combined to produce a
   feeling of discontent among the working classes, who, perhaps
   unjustly, blame the existing Government for a condition of
   affairs which may be due to economic conditions rather than
   political. This is a factor which may be largely responsible
   for the rapid growth of Socialism in Belgium during the past
   few years. Liberals and Socialists have combined to fight for
   universal suffrage, and have raised the cry ‘one man one vote’
   as a panacea for the existing ills.

   "The Clericals maintain that the existing system of plural
   voting meets the present requirements of the country; that it
   places a premium on education, and acts as a check to the
   power of the ignorant, who are prone to resort to violence and
   disorder. The more moderate Liberals in the House of
   Representatives expressed a willingness to accept a compromise
   in the shape of a total abolition of the triple vote, granting
   one vote at 25 years and a second vote to married men of 35 or
   40 years, with legitimate issue. The Clericals, however, would
   not consider a compromise and opposed revision in any form.

   "During the past fortnight, while the debates on the subject
   of revision were being held in the House of Representatives,
   the socialists and workingmen have held nightly meetings at
   the Maison du Peuple, and have frequently paraded the streets
   shouting for universal suffrage and ‘one man one vote.’ The
   Liberal members, as well as some of the socialist leaders in
   the House, have cautioned the paraders to be calm, to avoid
   violence and disorder. But the ranks of the paraders have been
   swelled by the addition of the representatives of the very
   lowest and criminal classes of the population, the result
   being a conflict with the police followed by the breaking of
   windows and other damages to property. Shots were exchanged
   between the gendarmes and rioters, several of the latter being
   killed and wounded. Similar scenes were at the same time
   enacted in other towns in Belgium, consequently the Government
   called out the troops. Order has been restored, but the
   streets of Brussels, as well as the large towns, are lined
   with soldiers. A general strike has taken place in all the
   industrial centers of Belgium, with the avowed object of
   forcing the Government to grant universal suffrage, but
   without success. The feeling of unrest is very general all
   over the country."

      Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of
      the United States, 1902, page 85.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1903.
   Enactment to compensate workmen for injurious accidents.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: BELGIUM: A. D. 1903.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1903.
   Agreement for settlement of claims against Venezuela.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1903-1905.
   King Leopold’s administration of the Congo State.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1904.
   Liberal gains in the elections, at the expense of the
   Catholics and Socialists.

   Belgian elections, in May, reduced the majority by which the
   Clericals still retained control of the Government, and took
   six seats in the representative chamber from the Socialists,
   adding in all nine to the representation of the Liberal party.
   The latter continued, with no success, its demand for a
   revision of the Constitution, especially for the abolition of
   the plural vote, which gives the Church party its majority in
   Parliament, while its voters are an actual minority of the
   nation.

   Belgian feeling on the subject of the charges of brutal
   oppression in the Congo Free State was deeply stirred, and its
   current ran strongly against the accusers of the King. The
   public in general appears to have been fully persuaded that
   interested motives were actuating the whole criticism of Congo
   administration, and that the stories of inhumanity to the
   natives were wholly false.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1906.
   At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1908.
   North Sea and Baltic agreements.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1908 (October).
   Annexation of the Congo State.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1909.
   New military law.
   Compulsory service with no substitution.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: BELGIAN.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1909 (October).
   The Government’s programme of reforms in the Congo State.

      See CONGO STATE: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

{47}

BELGIUM: A. D. 1909 (December).
   Death of King Leopold.
   Accession of King Albert.

   On the 17th of December, 1909, King Leopold died. He was
   succeeded on the throne by Prince Albert, son of his brother,
   the Count of Flanders. Of the new King, who was born in 1875,
   it was said by The Times, of London: "The happiest
   expectations are cherished in Belgium for the new King’s
   reign. He has shown, together with his gracious Consort, that
   desire to identify himself with the interests of the humblest
   of his subjects which we are accustomed to admire among the
   characteristic merits of our own Royal Family. He was
   naturally precluded by his position from taking any part in
   the controversies connected with the Congo, but it may
   reasonably be thought that if his uncle’s life had been less
   prolonged the constitutional difficulties raised by the ‘Congo
   question’ would have been avoided. He is known to have been
   painfully impressed by the need of reform during his recent
   visit to the colony."

   ----------BELGIUM: End--------

BELL, Richard:
   Secretary of the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

BENEDICTINES: Forbidden to teach in France.

      See (in this Volume)
      France: A. D. 1908.

BENGAL: A. D. 1905.
   Partition of the Province.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

BEQUESTS.

      See GIFTS.

BERESFORD, Admiral Lord Charles:
   On the "Dreadnought."

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: DREADNOUGHT ERA.

BERKELEY, California:
   Perfect example of the "Commission Plan" of Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: CALIFORNIA.

BERLIN: A. D. 1903.
   Sweeping victory of Socialists in Imperial election.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1903.

BERLIN: A. D. 1905.
   Strike in electrical industries.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY.

BERLIN TREATY OF 1878, Violations of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BETHMANN-HOLLWEG, Dr. von:
   Appointed Chancellor of the German Empire.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909, AND 1909 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

"BIG SIX," The.

      See (in this Volume)
      Combinations, Industrial: United States: A. D. 1903-1906.
      The "Beef Trust."

BIRRELL, Augustine,
   President of the Board of Education.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER), and 1905-1906.

BIRRELL, Augustine,
   Chief Secretary for Ireland.
   Proposed Councils Bill for Ireland.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1907 (MAY).

BISWAS, Ashutosh, Assassination of.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

BITUMINOUS COAL STRIKES.

   See (in this Volume)
   LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

BJORNSON, Bjornstjerne.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

BLACK HAND, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

BLERIOT, Louis.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

BLIND, Karl:
   On the "Young Turks."

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

"BLOC," Chancellor Bülow’s:
   Incongruous coalition in the German Reichstag.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

   Its break.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

"BLOODY SUNDAY."

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

BOARDS OF CONCILIATION.

      See Labor Organization:
      GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1906.

BOBRIKOFF, Governor-General of Finland:
   His assassination.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINLAND: A. D. 1904.

BOER-BRITISH WAR, Last year of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

BOERS, The:
   Repatriation and resettlement.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.

BOERS, The:
   Active in movement for South African Union.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

BOGOLIEPOFF, M.,
   Assassination of.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

BOLIVIA: A. D. 1901-1906.
   Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
   of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

      See (in this Volume)
      American Republics.

BOLIVIA: A. D. 1901.
   Broad Treaty of Arbitration with Peru.

      See (in this Volume)
      ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL: A. D. 1902 (NOVEMBER).

BOLIVIA: A. D. 1903-1909.
   Boundary disputes in the Acre region with Brazil and Peru.

      See (in this Volume)
      ACRE DISPUTES.

BOMBAY PRESIDENCY, The Bubonic Plague in.

      See (in this Volume)
      Public Health: Bubonic Plague.

BONAPARTE, Charles J.:
   Secretary of the Navy and Attorney-General.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

BOND, Sir Robert: Premier of Newfoundland.
   Negotiation of the Hay-Bond Reciprocity Treaty.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.

BOND, Sir Robert:
   At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

      See (in this Volume)
      British Empire: A. D. 1907.

BOND, Sir Robert:
   Resignation and defeat at election.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

BONHAM, Captain W. F.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.

BONILLA, General Manuel:
   Revolutionary President of Honduras.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1903, and 1907.

BONUS SYSTEM, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: THE BONUS SYSTEM.

"BOODLERS," so called, in municipal government.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

BORSTAL SYSTEM, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PREVENTIVE DETENTION.

BOSHIN CLUB.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

BOSNIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

BOSTON: A. D. 1904.
   International Peace Congress.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.

BOSTON: A. D. 1909.
   New plan of city government chosen by popular vote.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

{49}

BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS:
   In the closing year of the Boer-British War.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS:
   Premier of the Transvaal.
   At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

      See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS:
   Leader in movement for South African Union.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

BOURGEOIS, Leon:
   President of the French Chamber of Deputies.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1902. (APRIL-OCTOBER).

BOURGEOIS, Leon:
   President of Chamber of Deputies.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

BOURGEOIS, Leon:
   Minister of Foreign Affairs.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

BOURSE LAW, German:
   Revision of it.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

BOURSES DU TRAVAIL.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: France: A. D.1884-1909.

BOXER OUTBREAK, The:
   Penalty paid by China for it.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

BOXER OUTBREAK, The:
   Recurrence of.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1902.

BOYCOTTING: In China:
   The boycotting of the United States in 1905.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

BOYCOTTING: In India.

      See INDIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

BOYCOTTING: In Ireland:
   The recent practice.

      See IRELAND: A. D. 1902-1908.

BOYCOTTING: In Turkey, of Austrian commodities.

      See EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BOYCOTTING: In the United States:
   By Trade Unions.
   Decisions of courts.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

BRADDON SECTION, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1910.

BRANCO, Baron do Rio.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS: THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE.

BRAUN, Ferdinand.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Participation in Second International Conference of
   American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1902.
   Inauguration of President Alves.

   Dr. Rodriguez Alves was inducted in office as President of the
   United States of Brazil on the 15th of November, 1902,
   succeeding Dr. Campos Salles.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1903.
   Settlement of boundary dispute with Bolivia.

      See (in this Volume)
      ACRE DISPUTES.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.
   An impromptu Revolt that became a comedy of errors.

   "To the American who is under the impression that all South
   America is continually in the throes of one or another
   revolution it will come as a surprise to learn that this vast
   district, comprising one half the territory and almost two
   thirds the population of the whole continent, has known no
   revolution since the founding of the Republic. The revolts of
   1893, 1897, and 1904, menacing in varying degree, were
   outbursts fostered by a centralization of national vitality
   which inspired the belief in each insurrectionist that it was
   but necessary to strike the head,—the body would lie dormant.
   The justification of this belief lay in the historical fact
   that the vast majority of successful revolts throughout South
   America have consisted merely in coups d'état. The
   masses have lain dormant, and the fighting, if any, has
   generally come after the somersault.

   "The revolt of November of last year in Brazil was so typical
   of South American revolutions, and so elementary, that it
   affords a lucid illustration. Owing to the prompt and
   efficient measures taken by the government to suppress true
   reports of the disturbance, and owing, too, to its signal
   failure, this revolt was scarcely mentioned by the American
   press. Nevertheless, it missed by little causing international
   commotion. …

   "A great epidemic of smallpox led the government to require of
   Congress a law making vaccination compulsory. Long and heated
   debate on the constitutionality of the measure went on, while
   the epidemic assumed alarming proportions. The Executive’s
   patience being worn out, arbitrary pressure was brought to
   bear, and the law passed. This intervention brought down the
   general censure of the press, and the opposition seized the
   handle with disproportionate avidity. On the eleventh of
   November a mass meeting was held in one of the central squares
   of Rio Janeiro. … The mounted police broke up the meeting with
   the flat of the sword: no lives were lost. On the following
   day the scene was duplicated, several people injured, and a
   life lost. By night riots had broken out in various parts of
   the city.

   "Up to the fourteenth of November, revolution was not even
   rumored. … Toward evening city and government were genuinely
   surprised by the news that General Travassos, who was to have
   commanded a battalion in the review, immediately upon the
   announcement of its postponement had proceeded to the Military
   Academy on the outskirts of the city, and, before the student
   body, had demanded of the officer in charge transfer of his
   command. Frightened by the attitude of the cadets, the
   commanding officer made a puerile protest, and surrendered. He
   and his staff were allowed to withdraw, and carried the news
   of the revolt to the city. It was soon confirmed: the cadets
   were advancing on the President’s palace, under the leadership
   of General Travassos. …

   "The shortest line of march was along the bay front, and to
   repulse the attack were sent by land a battalion of the line
   reinforced by police, and by sea two gunboats under the play
   of searchlights from an armored cruiser. The cadets marched
   under the assurance that no soldier of the line would fire on
   them, as the army was back of the movement. … They were met by
   an armed force, indistinguishable owing to the destruction of
   all the lamps by rioters. The force was the advancing
   battalion, and it is generally believed that it fired on the
   cadets, mistaking them for the returning body of police which
   had followed the water front. Brisk fighting ensued, when
   suddenly the cry arose among the cadets that they had been
   betrayed, and were attacked by soldiers of the line. They
   broke and made a disorderly retreat to the Academy. Almost
   simultaneously the soldiers learned their mistake, and that
   they had opposed a commanding officer; and they turned in
   precipitous flight. General Travassos was mortally wounded in
   the engagement. …

{50}

   "Meanwhile the detachment of police dispatched from the city
   had advanced along the bay front to the stone quarry, where
   they awaited the rebels. Drawn up at this spot under close
   formation, they were mistaken by the gunboats for the cadets,
   and were made the target of a disastrous hail of bullets from
   quick-firing guns. Their retreat also was precipitous.

   "Such was the comedy of errors which will be known as the
   Revolt of 1904. Its net results were a rude but salutary
   recall of the government to watchfulness; added prestige
   abroad for the government, vouched by a rise in its bonds;
   and, most significant of all, spontaneous and immediate
   support of the Chief Executive from neighboring states. And
   yet the credit was not due to the government, which avowedly
   had been caught napping, but to the Goddess of Chance, the
   arbiter of every coup d'état."

      G. A. Chamberlain,
      The Cause of South American Revolutions
      (Atlantic Monthly, June, 1905).

BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.
   Settlement of boundary between Brazil and British Guiana.

   By the decision of the King of Italy, to whom the boundary
   question in dispute between Brazil and British Guiana had been
   referred, the line separating the territories of the two
   states was defined, as drawn by Nature, along the watershed,
   starting from Mount Yakontipu and running easterly to the
   source of the river Mahu, thence down that river to the Tacuta
   and up the latter to its source, where it touches the boundary
   already determined. Both countries to have free navigation of
   the rivers in question.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.
   Presidential Election.

   The quadrennial presidential election occurring in Brazil in
   the spring of 1906 raised Dr. Alfonso Moreira Penna from the
   Vice-Presidency to the Presidency of the Republic, with no
   disturbance of its quiet.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.
   German Colonies.

   "Already 500,000 Germans, emigrants and their offspring, are
   resident in Brazil. The great majority of them, it is true,
   have embraced Brazilian citizenship, but their ideals and ties
   are essentially and inviolably German. In the south, where
   they are thickest, they have become the ruling element. German
   factories, warehouses, shops, farms, schools and churches dot
   the country everywhere. German has superseded Portuguese, the
   official language of Brazil, in scores of communities. Twenty
   million pounds of vested interests—banking, street railroads,
   electric works, mines, coffee-plantations, and a great variety
   of business undertakings—claim the protection of the Kaiser’s
   flag. A cross-country railway and a still more extensive
   projected system are in the hands of German capitalists. The
   country’s vast ocean traffic, the Amazon river shipping, and
   much of the coasting trade are dominated by Germans.

   "Over and above this purely commercial conquest, however,
   looms a factor of more vital importance to North American
   susceptibilities—namely, the creation of a nation of Germans
   in Brazil. That is the avowed purpose of three German
   colonising concerns, which have become lords and masters over
   8,000 square miles of Brazilian territory, an area
   considerably larger than the kingdom of Saxony, and capable of
   dwarfing half-a-dozen German Grand Duchies. It is the object
   of these territorial syndicates to people their lands with
   immigrants willing to be ‘kept German’—a race of transplanted
   men and women who will find themselves amid conditions
   deliberately designed to perpetuate ‘Deutschthum,’ which means
   the German language, German customs, and unyielding loyalty to
   German economic hopes."

      F. W. Wile,
      German Colonisation in Brazil
      (Fortnightly Review, January, 1906).

   "The talk about German exploitation of Brazil for colonization
   purposes is pure buncombe. The writer has visited the southern
   Brazilian provinces of Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catharina, and
   Parana, where most of the Germans reside, and he has seen no
   more reason for Brazil to fear ulterior purposes on the part
   of Germany than has the United States because Germans form a
   large percentage of the population of New York, Chicago, and
   Milwaukee. The Germans make excellent Brazilian citizens,
   while loving the Fatherland from association and respecting
   the Emperor for his great personality."

      John Barrett,
      The United States and Latin America
      (North American Review, September 21, 1906).

      See (in this Volume), also,
      GERMANY: A. D. 1904.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.
   Third International Conference of American Republics
   at Rio de Janeiro.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1907.
   Adoption of obligatory military service.

   By a law enacted in 1907 military service was made obligatory.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1908.
   Dreadnought building.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Increasing immigration.

      See (in this Volume)
      IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1909.
   Frontier agreements and demarcations.

   The Message of President Penna to Congress, May 3, 1909,
   contained the following announcements:

   "On September 15 last, a treaty between Brazil and Holland was
   finally approved at The Hague, to determine the limits of our
   frontier with the Colony of Surinam or Dutch Guiana. The
   demarcation of the new frontier line between Brazil and
   Bolivia in Matto Grosso is now completed, and awaits only the
   approval of the two Governments interested. The same mixed
   commission to which was intrusted this survey will now proceed
   to reconnoitre the head-waters of the Rio Verde. The
   Government of the French Republic proposes the appointment of
   a mixed commission for the demarcation of the common boundary
   established on December 1, 1900, by arbitration of the Swiss
   Federal Council. An agreement will shortly be arrived at with
   Great Britain to determine the frontier of Brazil with British
   Guiana."

BRAZIL: A. D. 1909.
   Death of President Penna.
   Accession of the Vice-President.

   Dr. Alfonso Penna, President of Brazil, died suddenly on the
   14th of June, 1909, and was succeeded in the office by the
   Vice-President, Señor Nilo Pecanha, who will fill out the
   presidential term, ending November 15, 1910. Meantime an
   active canvass of candidates for the succeeding term has been
   in progress, the names most discussed being those of General
   Hermes de Fonseca, Baron Rio Branco, Minister of Foreign
   Affairs, and Señor Ruy Barbosa, a prominent advocate.

   ----------BRAZIL: End--------

BRENNAN MONO-RAIL SYSTEM.

   See (in this Volume)
   SCIENCE AND INVENTION: RAILWAYS.

BRIAND, Aristide:
   in the Ministry of France as Minister of Public
   Instruction and Public Worship.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

{51}

BRIAND, Aristide:
   Prime Minister of France.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

BRIAND, Aristide:
   On the French secular or neutral schools and the clerical
   attack on them.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

BRENT, Bishop:
   Service on International Opium Commission and on
   Philippine Committee.

      See (in this Volume)
      Opium Problem.

BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA:
   Its parts suitable for European Settlement.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA.

BRITISH COLUMBIA: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Census.
   Increased representation in Parliament.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

BRITISH EAST AFRICA:
   Its habitability by whites.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA.

   ----------THE BRITISH EMPIRE: Start--------

THE BRITISH EMPIRE:
   A Census of the Empire.

   In March, 1906, a "Census of the British Empire"—the first
   ever undertaken—was published as a Parliamentary Blue Book.
   Its preparation had been proposed by Mr. Chamberlain, who
   suggested, while Colonial Secretary, that the figures of the
   census of the United Kingdom in 1901 should be collated with
   those of other portions of the empire, to be analyzed,
   tabulated, and published as a whole. A full realization of the
   plan of collation had been found impracticable, owing to the
   wide differences of circumstance and of the forms of
   census-taking in different parts of the Empire; but many
   summings up of highly interesting and important facts were
   obtained.

   The territory covered by the British Empire was shown to be
   11,908,378 square miles, being an increase of 40 per cent.
   since 1861, and embracing more than a fifth of the land
   surface of the globe. This exceeds the area of the Russian
   Empire (European and Asiatic) by more than three millions of
   square miles. It is nearly three times the area of the Chinese
   Empire, and more than three times that of the United States
   and their exterior possessions. An exact count of population
   in all regions of the Empire was impossible, but the estimated
   total is 400,000,000, of which 300,000,000 is assigned to Asia
   and 43,000,000 to Africa. The United Kingdom contains
   41,500,000, British America 7,500,000, Australasia, 5,000,000,
   the Mediterranean possessions 500,000, and there are 150,000
   in the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man. Classified by
   religion, there 208,000,000 Hindus, 94,000,000 Mohammedans,
   58,000,000 Christians, 12,000,000 Buddhists, and 23,000,000 of
   other religions—Parsees, Confucians, Jews, Sikhs, and Jains,
   over whom Edward VII. of England reigns as Emperor or King.
   His Asiatic subjects alone are three-fourths as many as the
   Emperor of China is supposed to rule, and considerable more
   than twice the number that live within the whole sweep of the
   scepter of the Tsar.

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1902.
   Conference at London with the Prime Ministers
   of the self-governing Colonies.
   Address of the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain.
   Results of the Conference.

   Taking advantage of the presence in London of the Prime
   Ministers of the various self-governing colonies of Britain,
   on the occasion of the coronation of King Edward VII., a
   Conference with them, touching questions of general interest,
   was arranged by the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Mr.
   Chamberlain, in meetings which extended from June to August,
   1902. The proceedings were confidential, and no report of
   discussions made public; but the resulting resolutions,
   together with the opening address of the Colonial Secretary,
   and certain statements on subjects considered, are printed in
   a Parliamentary paper (Cd. 1299) from which the following
   account of the Conference is derived:

   Mr. Chamberlain in his address argued strongly and with
   feeling for a political federation of the Empire. He said: "I
   may be considered, perhaps, to be a dreamer, or too
   enthusiastic, but I do not hesitate to say that, in my
   opinion, the political federation of the Empire is within the
   limits of possibility. I recognize as fully as any one can do
   the difficulties which would attend such a great change in
   our constitutional system. I recognise the variety of
   interests that are concerned: the immense disproportion in
   wealth and the population of the different members of the
   Empire, and above all, the distances which still separate
   them, and the lack of sufficient communication. These are
   difficulties which at one time appeared to be, and indeed
   were, insurmountable. But now I cannot but recollect that
   similar difficulties almost, if not quite as great, have been
   surmounted in the case of the United States of America. And
   difficulties, perhaps not quite so great, but still very
   considerable, have been surmounted in the federation of the
   Dominion of Canada. … We have no right to put by our action
   any limit to the Imperial patriotism of the future; and it is
   my opinion that, as time goes on, there will be a continually
   growing sense of the common interests which unite us, and
   also, perhaps, which is equally important, of the common
   dangers which threaten us. At the same time I would be the
   last to suggest that we should do anything which could by any
   possibility be considered premature. We have had, within the
   last few years, a most splendid evidence of the results of a
   voluntary union without any formal obligations, in the great
   crisis of the war through which we have now happily passed.
   The action of the self-governing Colonies in the time of
   danger of the motherland has produced here a deep and a
   lasting impression. … I feel, therefore, in view of this it
   would be a fatal mistake to transform the spontaneous
   enthusiasm which has been so readily shown throughout the
   Empire into anything in the nature of an obligation which
   might be at this time unwillingly assumed or only formally
   accepted. The link which unites us, almost invisible as it is
   sentimental in its character, is one which we would gladly
   strengthen, but at the same time it has proved itself to be so
   strong that certainly we would not wish to substitute for it a
   chain which might be galling in its incidence. And, therefore,
   upon this point of the political relations between the
   Colonies and ourselves. His Majesty’s Government, while they
   would welcome any approach which might be made to a more
   definite and a closer union, feel that it is not for them to
   press this upon you. The demand, if it comes, and when it
   comes, must come from the Colonies. If it comes it will be
   enthusiastically received in this country.

{52}

   "And in this connection I would venture to refer to an
   expression in an eloquent speech of my right honorable friend,
   the Premier of the Dominion of Canada—an expression which has
   called forth much appreciation in this country, although I
   believe that Sir Wilfrid Laurier has himself in subsequent
   speeches explained that it was not quite correctly understood.
   But the expression was, ‘If you want our aid call us to your
   councils.’ Gentlemen, we do want your aid. We do require your
   assistance in the administration of the vast Empire, which is
   yours as well as ours. The weary Titan staggers under the too
   vast orb of its fate. We have borne the burden for many years.
   We think it is time our children should assist us to support
   it, and whenever you make the request to us, be very sure that
   we shall hasten gladly to call you to our councils. If you are
   prepared at any time to take any share, any proportionate
   share, in the burdens of the Empire, we are prepared to meet
   you with any proposal for giving to you a corresponding voice
   in the policy of the Empire. And the object, if I may point
   out to you, may be achieved in various ways. Suggestions have
   been made that representation should be given to the Colonies
   in either, or in both, Houses of Parliament. There is no
   objection in principle to any such proposal. If it comes to
   us, it is a proposal which His Majesty’s Government would
   certainly feel justified in favourably considering, but I have
   always felt myself that the most practical form in which we
   could achieve our object would be the establishment or the
   creation of a real council of the Empire, to which all
   questions of Imperial interest might be referred, and if it
   were desired to proceed gradually, as probably would be our
   course—we are all accustomed to the slow ways in which our
   Constitutions have been worked out—if it be desired to
   proceed gradually, the Council might in the first instance be
   merely an advisory council. But, although that would be a
   preliminary step, it is clear that the object would not be
   completely secured until there had been conferred upon such a
   Council executive functions, and perhaps also legislative
   powers, and it is for you to say, gentlemen, whether you think
   the time has come when any progress whatever can be made in
   this direction."

   Turning naturally from this to the subject of imperial
   defence, Mr. Chamberlain gave the substance of a paper which
   would be submitted to the Conference, exhibiting comparatively
   the naval and military expenditure of the United Kingdom and
   of the different self-governing colonies. The cost of the
   armaments of the United Kingdom had increased enormously since
   1897, and "that increase," he said, "is not entirely due to
   our initiative, but it is forced upon us by the action of
   other Powers who have made great advances, especially in
   connection with the Navy, which we have found it to be our
   duty and necessity to equal. But the net result is
   extraordinary. At the present moment the estimates for the
   present year for naval and military expenditure in the United
   Kingdom—not including the extraordinary war expenses, but the
   normal estimates—involve an expenditure per head of the
   population of the United Kingdom of 29s. 3d. per annum. In
   Canada the same items involve an expenditure of only 2s. per
   head of the population, about one-fifteenth of that incurred
   by the United Kingdom. In New South Wales—I have not the
   figures for the Commonwealth as a whole, but I am giving those
   as illustrations—and I find that in New South Wales the
   expenditure is 3s. 5d.; in Victoria, 3s. 3d.; in New Zealand,
   3s. 4d.; and in the Cape and Natal, I think it is between 2s.
   and 3s. Now, no one, I think, will pretend that that is a fair
   distribution of the burdens of Empire. No one will believe
   that the United Kingdom can, for all time, make this
   inordinate sacrifice. … I think, therefore, you will agree
   with me that it is not unreasonable for us to call your
   serious attention to a state of things which cannot be
   permanent. We hope that we are not likely to make upon you any
   demand that would seem to you to be excessive. We know
   perfectly well your difficulties, as you probably are
   acquainted with ours."

   The speaker passed next to the question of commercial
   relations between the mother land and its colonies. "Two
   salient facts" he set with emphasis before his colonial
   audience. "The first is this. That if we chose—that is to say,
   if those whom we represent chose—the Empire might be
   self-sustaining. It is so wide; its products are so various;
   its climates so different, that there is absolutely nothing
   which is necessary to our existence, hardly anything which is
   desirable as a luxury, which can not be produced within the
   borders of the Empire itself. And the second salient fact is
   that the Empire at the present time, and especially the United
   Kingdom—which is the great market of the world—derives the
   greater part of its necessaries from foreign countries, and
   that it exports the largest part of its available produce
   —surplus produce—also to foreign countries. This trade might
   be the trade, the inter-imperial trade, of the Empire. It is
   at the present time, as I say, a trade largely between the
   Empire and foreign countries. Now, I confess, that to my mind
   that is not a satisfactory state of things, and I hope that
   you will agree with me that everything which can possibly tend
   to increase the interchange of products between the different
   parts of the Empire is deserving of our cordial encouragement.
   What we desire, what His Majesty’s Government has publicly
   stated to be the object for which they would most gladly
   strive, is a free interchange. If you are unable to accept
   that as a principle, then I ask you how far can you approach
   to it? If a free interchange between the different parts of
   the Empire could be secured it would then be a matter for
   separate consideration altogether what should be the attitude
   of the Empire as a whole or of its several parts towards
   foreign nations? …

   "Three proposals have been made for the consideration of the
   present Conference, on the initiative of New Zealand. The
   first and the most important one is that a preferential tariff
   should be arranged in favour of British goods which are now
   taxable in the respective Colonies and in the United Kingdom.
   And although no proposal comes to us from Canada, I am, of
   course, aware that similar questions have been recently
   specially discussed very actively and very intelligently in
   the Dominion, and that a strong opinion prevails there that
   the time is ripe for something of this kind."

{53}

   Thereupon Mr. Chamberlain examined the results of the Canadian
   preferential tariff, showing that England derived very little
   commercial benefit from it, and continued: "I think the very
   valuable experience, somewhat disappointing and discouraging
   as I have already pointed out, but the very valuable
   experience which we have derived from the history of the
   Canadian tariff, shows that while we may most readily and most
   gratefully accept from you any preference which you may be
   willing voluntarily to accord to us, we cannot bargain with
   you for it; we cannot pay for it unless you go much further
   and enable us to enter your home market on terms of greater
   equality."

   On the subject of imperial defence, the result of the
   Conference was an agreement from Australia and New Zealand to
   increase their contribution towards an improved Australasian
   squadron and the establishment of a branch of the Royal Naval
   Reserve to £200,000 a year for the former and £40,000 for the
   latter; an agreement from Cape Colony and Natal to contribute
   £50,000 and £35,000 per annum respectively toward the general
   maintenance of the Navy, and a pledge from Newfoundland of
   £3000 per annum toward a branch of the Royal Naval Reserve.
   From Canada no agreement was reported. In a "Memorandum by the
   First Lord of the Admiralty" of interviews held with the
   several Premiers it is said: "Sir Wilfrid Laurier informed me
   that His Majesty’s Government of the Dominion of Canada are
   contemplating the establishment of a local Naval force in the
   waters of Canada, but that they were not able to make any
   offer of assistance analogous to those enumerated above."

   Concerning preferential trade, the following resolutions were
   adopted:

   "1. That this Conference recognises that the principle of
   preferential trade between the United Kingdom and His
   Majesty’s Dominions beyond the seas would stimulate and
   facilitate mutual commercial intercourse, and would, by
   promoting the development of the resources and industries of
   the several parts, strengthen the Empire.

   "2. That this Conference recognises that, in the present
   circumstances of the Colonies, it is not practicable to adopt
   a general system of Free Trade as between the Mother Country
   and the British Dominions beyond the seas.

   "3. That with a view, however, to promoting the increase of
   trade within the Empire, it is desirable that those Colonies
   which have not already adopted such a policy should, as far as
   their circumstances permit, give substantial preferential
   treatment to the products and manufactures of the United
   Kingdom.

   "4. That the Prime Ministers of the Colonies respectfully urge
   on His Majesty’s Government the expediency of granting in the
   United Kingdom preferential treatment to the products and
   manufactures of the Colonies either by exemption from or
   reduction of duties now or hereafter imposed.

   "5. That the Prime Ministers present at the Conference
   undertake to submit to their respective Governments at the
   earliest opportunity the principle of the resolution and to
   request them to take such measures as may be necessary to give
   effect to it."

   The Prime Ministers of the Colonies also stated the extent to
   which they were prepared to recommend to their several
   Parliaments a preferential treatment of British goods: The
   Premier of Canada would propose to continue the existing
   preference of 33 1/3 per cent., and an additional preference
   on lists of selected articles—
   (a) by further reducing the duties in favor of the United
   Kingdom;
   (b) by raising the duties against foreign imports;
   (c) by imposing duties on certain foreign imports now on the
   free list.

   In New Zealand the recommendation would be of a general
   preference by 10 per cent., or an equivalent in respect of
   lists of selected articles on the lines proposed by Canada. At
   the Cape and Natal a preference of 25 per cent. would be
   advised, or its equivalent given by increasing duties on
   foreign imports. The recommendation in Australia would be of a
   preferential treatment not yet defined.

   A resolution was adopted favoring future Conferences at
   intervals not exceeding four years. Other resolutions
   recommended that a preference be given to products of the
   Empire in all Government contracts, Imperial or Colonial; that
   the privileges of coastwise trade within the Empire be refused
   to countries in which the corresponding trade is confined to
   ships of their own nationality; that a mutual protection of
   patents within the Empire be devised; that the principle of
   cheap postage between the different parts of the Empire on all
   newspapers and periodicals published therein be adopted; that
   the metric system of weights and measures be adopted
   throughout the Empire. These were the mainly important
   conclusions derived from the Conference, and it was difficult
   to regard them as quite satisfactory.

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1903.
   Mr. Chamberlain’s declaration for preferential trade
   with the Colonies.
   Its political effects in Great Britain.
   His resignation from the Cabinet.
   Disclosures of the correspondence.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
   Conference of Imperial and Colonial Ministers at London.
   Formulation of the Constitution of the Conference, to be
   known as the Imperial Conference.
   Discussion of preferential trade, imperial defence,
   and other subjects.
   Resolutions adopted.

   According to the resolution adopted by the Colonial Conference
   of 1902, the next Conference should have been held in 1906,
   but by agreement of all parties it was deferred until the
   following year. In the interval, a protracted correspondence
   occurred between the Colonial Office and the Governments of
   the several States federated in the Commonwealth of Australia,
   each of which claimed representation in the Conference by its
   own Ministers, and protested against the sufficiency of the
   representation that would be given to it by the General
   Government of the Commonwealth. The "State Rights" doctrine
   received no encouragement, however, and only the Premier of
   the Commonwealth, Mr. Deakin, and one of the members of his
   Cabinet, took part in the Conference, which held its first
   meeting in London on the 15th of April and its final one on
   the 14th of May.

{54}

   At the first meeting there were present, as representatives of
   the Imperial Government, the Prime Minister, Sir Henry
   Campbell-Bannerman, the Secretary of State for the Colonies,
   the Earl of Elgin, in the Chair, and several other Members of
   the Cabinet and officials of the Administration. The Premiers
   of the self-governing colonies, excepting Sir Robert Bond, of
   Newfoundland, who arrived a few days later, were all in
   attendance,—namely, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, of Canada, the
   Honorable Alfred Deakin, of Australia, the Honorable Sir J. G.
   Ward, of New Zealand, Dr. L. S. Jameson, of Cape Colony, the
   Honorable F. R. Moor, of Natal, and General Louis Botha, of
   the Transvaal. The Conference was first addressed by the Prime
   Minister, and responses to his remarks were made by the
   several colonial premiers. It was then agreed that the
   constitution of the Conference and the question of military
   defence should be the subjects first considered. Before ending
   this preliminary sitting it was decided, as one ruling on the
   constitution of the Conference, that any Ministers
   accompanying their Prime Ministers, should be at liberty to
   attend its meetings.

   At the second session of the Conference resolutions brought
   forward by the Governments of Australia and New Zealand,
   proposing to give the character of an Imperial Council to the
   Conference, and a resolution from the Government of Cape
   Colony on the subject of Imperial Defence, together with a
   draft resolution concerning the constitution of the Conference
   which the Chairman, Lord Elgin, submitted, were discussed,
   without action taken. The discussion was continued at the
   third and fourth meetings, and the resolution proposed by the
   Secretary of State for the Colonies, being amended in some
   particulars, was adopted at the end, as follows:

   "That it will be to the advantage of the Empire if a
   Conference to be called the Imperial Conference is held every
   four years at which questions of common interest may be
   discussed and considered as between His Majesty’s Government
   and his Governments of the self-governing Dominions beyond the
   seas. The Prime Minister of the United Kingdom will be ex
   officio President, and the Prime Ministers of the
   self-governing Dominions ex officio members of the
   Conference. The Secretary of State for the Colonies will be an
   ex officio member of the Conference and will take the
   chair in the absence of the President. He will arrange for
   such Imperial Conferences after communication with the Prime
   Ministers of the respective Dominions.

   "Such other Ministers as the respective Governments may
   appoint will also be members of the Conference—it being
   understood that, except by special permission of the
   Conference, each discussion will be conducted by not more than
   two representatives from each Government, and that each
   Government will have only one vote.

   "That it is desirable to establish a system by which the
   several Governments represented shall be kept informed during
   the periods between the Conferences in regard to matters which
   have been or may be subjects for discussion, by means of a
   permanent secretarial staff charged under the direction of the
   Secretary of State for the Colonies with the duty of obtaining
   information for the use of the Conference, of attending to its
   resolutions, and of conducting correspondence on matters
   relating to its affairs.

   "That upon matters of importance requiring consultation
   between two or more Governments which cannot conveniently be
   postponed until the next Conference, or involving subjects of
   a minor character or such as call for detailed consideration,
   subsidiary conferences should be held between representatives
   of the Governments concerned specially chosen for the
   purpose."

   On the subject of Imperial Defence, which was then taken up,
   and in the discussion of which the Secretary of State for War
   took part, the following resolutions were approved:

   "That the Colonies be authorized to refer to the Committee of
   Imperial Defence through the Secretary of State for advice any
   local questions in regard to which expert assistance is deemed
   desirable.

   "That whenever so desired, a representative of the colony
   which may wish for advice should be summoned to attend as a
   member of the Committee during the discussion of the questions
   raised.

   "That this Conference welcomes and cordially approves the
   exposition of general principles embodied in the statement of
   the Secretary of State for War, and, without wishing to commit
   any of the Governments represented, recognizes and affirms the
   need of developing for the service of the Empire a General
   Staff, selected from the forces of the Empire as a whole,
   which shall study military science in all its branches, shall
   collect and disseminate to the various Governments military
   information and intelligence, shall undertake the preparation
   of schemes of defence on a common principle, and without in
   the least interfering in questions connected with command and
   administration, shall at the request of the respective
   Governments advise as to the training, education, and war
   organization of the military forces of the Crown in every part
   of the Empire."

   At subsequent meetings the following resolutions were adopted
   or accepted:

   On the subject of Emigration: "That it is desirable to
   encourage British emigrants to proceed to British colonies
   rather than foreign countries. That the Imperial Government be
   requested to cooperate with any colonies desiring immigrants
   in assisting suitable persons to emigrate."

   On the subject of Judicial Appeals: The Conference "agreed to
   the following finding: The resolution of the Commonwealth of
   Australia, ‘That it is desirable to establish an Imperial
   Court of Appeal,’ was submitted and fully discussed.

   "The resolution submitted by the Government of Cape Colony was
   accepted, amended as follows:

   ‘This Conference, recognizing the importance to all parts of
   the Empire of the appellate jurisdiction of His Majesty the
   King in Council, desires to place upon record its opinion—

   "‘(1) That in the interests of His Majesty’s subjects beyond
   the seas it is expedient that the practice and procedure of
   the Right Honourable the Lords of the Judicial Committee of
   the Privy Council be definitely laid down in the form of a
   code of rules and regulations.

   "‘(2) That in the codification of the rules regard should be
   had to the necessity for the removal of anachronisms and
   anomalies, the possibility of the curtailment of expense, and
   the desirability of the establishment of courses of procedure
   which would minimize delays.

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   "‘(3) That, with a view to the extension of uniform rights of
   appeal to all colonial subjects of His Majesty, the various
   Orders in Council, instructions to Governors, charters of
   justice, ordinances and proclamations upon the subject of the
   appellate jurisdiction of the Sovereign should be taken into
   consideration for the purpose of determining the desirability
   of equalizing the conditions which gave right of appeal to His
   Majesty.

   "‘(4) That much uncertainty, expense, and delay would be
   avoided if some portion of His Majesty’s prerogative to grant
   special leave to appeal in cases where there exists no right
   of appeal were exercised under definite rules and
   restrictions.’

   "The following resolutions, presented to the Conference by
   General Botha and supported by the representatives of Cape
   Colony and Natal, were accepted:

   "‘(1) That when a Court of Appeal has been established for any
   group of colonies geographically connected, whether federated
   or not, to which appeals lie from the decisions of the Supreme
   Courts of such colonies, it shall be competent for the
   Legislature of each such colony to abolish any existing right
   of appeal from its Supreme Court to the Judicial Committee of
   the Privy Council.

   "‘(2) That the decisions of such Court of Appeal shall be
   final, but leave to appeal from such decisions may be granted
   by the said Court in certain cases prescribed by the statute
   under which it is established.

   "‘(3) That the right of any person to apply to the Judicial
   Committee of the Privy Council for leave to appeal to it from
   the decision of such Appeal Court shall not be curtailed.’"

   And now, at last, on the 30th of April, the Conference came to
   the discussion of the question which had been dominant in all
   minds from the first,—the question of preferential trade.
   Essentially it was a settled question already,—settled, that
   is, by the voters of the United Kingdom a year and a half
   before, when they took the administration of their Government
   away from the party which had approved the fiscal proposals of
   Mr. Chamberlain. The commercial negotiation of the colonies
   now was with a Ministry that stood pledged against the
   preferential tariff arrangements they desired. On their side
   they had committed their fortunes to the stimulant working of
   protective tariffs, against which the judgment and experience
   of England was still firm. The preferential tariffs which
   preferential trade involved were in the line of their policy,
   but directly antagonistic to hers. How impossible this made an
   arrangement of reciprocity on that line was intimated gently
   by the Prime Minister when he spoke to the Conference at its
   first sitting, but set forth later in plain words by the
   Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Asquith, and by the President
   of the Board of Trade, Mr. David Lloyd-George. "If the
   Colonies," said Mr. Asquith, "thought it their duty to foster
   industries by protective tariffs their action would not evoke
   remonstrance or even criticism from him. He noted that various
   self-governing Colonies gave preference to the Mother Country,
   but it was a fact that these preferential tariffs did not
   admit the manufactures of the Mother Country to compete on
   equal terms with the local product. Doubtless the Colonies
   held this to be vital to their interests, and in the same way
   His Majesty’s Government held that free trade was vital in the
   interests of the United Kingdom. Reference had been made to
   the fact that Cobden advocated free trade here as a part of a
   universal system of free trade, but the official author of the
   policy, Sir Robert Peel, defended it on the ground of its
   necessity to this country alone. His Majesty’s Government held
   that it was more necessary now than it was in his day. He
   pointed out the position now existing. We had a population of
   44,000,000 bearing the whole weight of an enormous debt
   largely contracted in building up the Empire, and of the cost
   of Imperial diplomacy and Imperial defence. That population
   was dependent for food and raw materials on external sources
   of supply. This is the essential point for consideration. He
   asked how the supremacy of Great Britain was maintained. He
   thought it must be attributed to our special productive
   activity, to the profits which we obtain from keeping the
   biggest open market in the world, and to the enormous earnings
   of our shipping. All these were based in the long run on
   keeping our food and our raw materials on the same basis and
   as nearly as possible at the same price. Free trade was no
   shibboleth, but a principle maintained because it was a matter
   of vital national interest. He drew attention to the tariff
   reform campaign, and observed that, after the fullest
   examination and discussion, the people of England had declared
   in favour of free trade by a majority of unexampled size. As
   spokesman for the people, His Majesty’s Government could not
   accept any infringement of that policy, even by way of such an
   experiment as Dr. Jameson had suggested. It was necessary to
   state that fact fully and frankly at the outset. …

   "For these reasons His Majesty’s Government, speaking for the
   people of this country, could not accept the principle of
   preferential trade by way of tariff preference. He thought,
   however, that the discussion had thrown light on other methods
   by which inter-imperial trade relations might be improved.
   Reference had been made to the improvement of means of
   communication, especially steamer services, to the increase in
   the number of commercial agents in the Colonies, to the
   desirability of removing or reducing the Suez Canal dues, and
   of establishing mail communication with the Australasian
   Colonies via Canada. All these were matters on which His
   Majesty’s Government would be fully ready to consider and
   cooperate with any practical proposals, and he said this the
   more earnestly as he felt that in the performance of his duty
   it had been necessary for him to enunciate a general policy
   which was not in accord with the views of the Colonial
   representatives."

   Mr. Lloyd-George was equally plain spoken. "He had hoped," he
   said, "it might have been possible for those present,
   acknowledging the limitations imposed on them by the
   convictions they respectively held on fiscal issues, to see
   whether it might not be possible to find other means of
   attaining the object in view. The Colonies regard a tax on our
   foods as necessary both for raising revenue and also for the
   protection of their own industries. Mr. Deakin acknowledged
   that the late election in Australia was fought on the issue of
   protection and preference. It was open for the representatives
   of the Imperial Government to have ignored the mandate given to
   Mr. Deakin and to have endeavoured to commit their colleagues
   here to a policy of free trade within the Empire, to which
   those colleagues would not assent without being false to the
   trust reposed in them by their own people. Sir William Lyne
   the other day had urged the commercial union of the whole
   Empire, quoting the consolidation of the United Kingdom, the
   United States, and the Federation of South Africa and
   Australia. In these cases all tolls and tariffs were removed.

{56}

   "Had a free-trade resolution been pressed by His Majesty’s
   Government and refused, it might have been said by the Press
   that the Colonies had refused to listen to the appeal of the
   Mother Country to be put on equal terms with her children, and
   later that the door had been slammed in the old mother’s face
   by her ungrateful progeny. His Majesty’s Government had not
   taken this course, recognizing the unfairness of ignoring
   local conditions and exigencies. They were not here to attempt
   to manoeuvre each other into false positions, but to discharge
   the practical business of the Empire. They were in perfect
   accord as to the objects they could strive to promote. His
   Majesty’s Government were in favour of any scheme for the
   development of inter-imperial trade which did not inflict
   sacrifices on any individual community so as to create a sense
   of grievance deep enough to introduce the elements of
   discontent and discord, and thus impair the true unity of the
   Empire. …

   "He agreed that this federation of free commonwealths is worth
   making some sacrifice for. He differed only on ways and means.
   He was convinced that to tax the food of our people is to cast
   an undue share of sacrifice on the poorest part of the
   population, and that a tax on raw material would fetter us in
   the severe struggle with our foreign competitors. This,
   therefore, was a sacrifice which would weaken our power to
   make further sacrifices, and we ought not to be called upon to
   make it. In Mr. Deakin’s resolution the Government were asked
   to do what no protectionist country in the world would
   do—viz., to tax necessaries of either life or livelihood which
   we cannot produce ourselves, and of which the Colonies cannot
   supply us with a sufficiency for many years.

   "He wished to acknowledge the considerable advantage conferred
   upon the British manufacturer by the preference recently given
   to him in colonial markets. The Canadian tariff had produced a
   satisfactory effect on our export trade, and apparently had
   also benefited Canada, for our purchases from Canada had also
   increased. The South African and New Zealand tariffs had not
   yet been put to, the test by much actual experience, but would
   no doubt have a similarly happy result. The same applied to
   Australia, and Great Britain felt grateful, not merely for the
   actual concessions, but for the spirit of comradeship and
   affection which inspired the policy. But it was said, ‘What
   are you prepared to do in return?’ His first answer was that
   Great Britain was the best customer the Colonies have got for
   their products. To illustrate this he gave the following
   figures: In 1905, the last year for which the information was
   available, the exports from the self-governing Colonies to all
   foreign countries only amounted to 40½ millions, while the
   exports to the United Kingdom amounted to 65¾ millions,
   exclusive of bullion and specie (21¾ millions)."

   The outcome of the discussion was a simple reaffirmation of
   the five resolutions on the subject that were adopted at the
   Conference of 1902, and which will be found in the report of
   that Conference, preceding this. Before putting those
   resolutions to vote Lord Elgin stated that His Majesty’s
   Government could not assent to them so far as they implied
   that it is necessary or expedient to alter the fiscal system
   of the United Kingdom. They were agreed to, subject to that
   reservation. Sir Wilfrid Laurier, who moved their readoption,
   said in doing so: "Free trade within the Empire had been
   suggested, just as there was free trade within the boundaries
   of the United States, Germany, and France. For the British
   Empire this was impossible for two reasons—the United Kingdom
   was not prepared to limit free trade to the Empire, and the
   Colonies were not prepared to accept free trade even within
   its boundaries. In Canada the policy of free trade within the
   Empire was impracticable, as it was necessary for her to have
   Customs duties as a main source of revenue. Canada had given
   the British preference deliberately, and had no cause to
   regret it; she had from time to time increased it, and in the
   last tariff had maintained it generally at the increased
   amount of 33 1/3 per cent. Canadian opinion had been almost
   unanimous in favour of preference, for Canada felt that she
   would as a result of the preference sell more to Great Britain
   and buy more from her. Mr. Asquith had not given Canada all
   the credit to which he thought she was entitled in making a
   comparison which showed no great advantage to British goods.
   He dwelt on the effect of the proximity of a nation like the
   United States, of their own stock, enormous in numbers, and
   most enterprising in trade; it was not a matter for surprise
   that their trade with that country had increased. But, so far
   as they could, they had done everything to keep trade within
   the Empire. They had built canals and railways from east to
   west of Canada, and they had taken care to assist the
   principle of mutual trade so far as legislation could do it. …
   He explained that in the recent revision of the Canadian
   tariff they had adopted a new principle in providing an
   intermediate tariff for negotiation. They were prepared to
   negotiate with nations like France or Italy on the basis of
   that tariff, but their lower preference tariff remained
   reserved for the British Empire."

   Other resolutions adopted or accepted during the last two
   sessions of the Conference were as follows:

   "That it is desirable that the attention of the Governments of
   the Colonies and the United Kingdom should be called to the
   present state of the navigation laws in the Empire, and in
   other countries, and to the advisability of refusing the
   privileges of coastwise trade, including trade between the
   Mother Country and its Colonies and possessions, and between
   one colony or possession and another, to countries in which
   the corresponding trade is confined to ships of their own
   nationality, and also to the laws affecting shipping, with a
   view of seeing whether any other steps should be taken to
   promote Imperial trade in British vessels." (This was voted by
   the representatives of the Colonies only, "His Majesty’s
   Government dissenting.")

{57}

   "That it is desirable that His Majesty’s Government, after
   full consultation with the Colonies, should endeavour to
   provide for such uniformity as may be practicable in the
   granting and protection of trade marks and patents."

   "That it is desirable, so far as circumstances permit, to
   secure greater uniformity in the trade statistics of the
   Empire, and that the Note prepared on this subject by the
   Imperial Government be commended to the consideration of the
   various Governments represented at this Conference."

   "That it is desirable, so far as circumstances permit, to
   secure greater uniformity in Company Laws of the Empire, and
   that the memorandum and analysis prepared on this subject by
   the Imperial Government be commended to the consideration of
   the various Governments represented at this Conference."

   "That, in view of the social and political advantages and the
   material commercial advantages to accrue from a system of
   international penny postage, this Conference recommends to His
   Majesty’s Government the advisability, if and when a suitable
   opportunity occurs, of approaching the Governments of other
   States, members of the Universal Postal Union, in order to
   obtain further reductions of postage rates, with a view to a
   more general and if possible a universal adoption of the penny
   rate."

   "That, with a view to attain uniformity so far as practicable,
   an inquiry should be held to consider further the question of
   naturalization, and in particular to consider how far, and
   under what conditions, naturalization in one part of His
   Majesty’s dominions should be effective in other parts of
   those dominions, a subsidiary conference to be held, if
   necessary, under the terms of the resolution adopted by this
   Conference on April 20 last."

   "That in the opinion of this Conference the interests of the
   Empire demand that in so far as practicable its different
   portions should be connected by the best possible means of
   mail communication, travel, and transportation; That to this
   end it is advisable that Great Britain should be connected
   with Canada, and through Canada with Australia and New Zealand
   by the best service available within reasonable cost; That for
   the purpose of carrying the above project into effect such
   financial support as may be necessary should be contributed by
   Great Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand in equitable
   proportions."

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909.
   The total of its prospective Military Strength when present
   Imperial plans are carried out.

   In a speech made in March, 1909, Mr. Haldane, Minister for
   War, summed up the total of defensive military strength which
   the Empire might count on when recent plans for Imperial
   defence are carried out. He said: "With the divisions between
   the Cape and Malta and those which Lord Kitchener had in
   India, the Regular Army had for overseas work 16 divisions,
   equivalent to eight army corps, which was larger than any
   other nation had for overseas work, the reason being that we,
   unlike others, were responsible for 12 million square miles
   and 400 millions of human beings. The second line, what one
   might call the local line of home defence, consisted of the 14
   divisions of the Territorial Army. Supposing Canada, the
   population of which was very rapidly increasing, were to build
   on the foundations laid at the Conference, by the new
   proposals which Canada had accepted she might easily add five
   or six Territorial divisions of her own. Those would be for
   her own defence, but they knew that in 1899, when a supreme
   emergency arose, she did not scruple to send forth her
   strength to help the Mother Country. In Australia there was a
   remarkable movement for the organization of the forces of the
   Crown, which might easily produce five Australian Territorial
   divisions. New Zealand might produce another division, and
   South Africa could rapidly produce four or five. … If they
   could add to the 14 second line divisions at home 16 for the
   second line Army of the Empire there would be 30 divisions
   altogether, and these, added to the 16 Regular first line
   divisions for use overseas, would give us an army for war
   conceivably and practicably of 46 divisions, equivalent to 23
   army corps. The army of Germany had 23 army corps, and no
   other army in the world had an organization so great. He was
   speaking of possibilities."

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (June).
   The Imperial Press Conference in England.

   Among the many endeavors of late years in England to draw the
   distant peoples of the great British Empire into closer
   relations with its sovereign Mother Country, and into the
   feeling of stronger ties of unity among themselves and with
   her, none seems to have been wiser or more surely of effect
   than that which brought about the Imperial Press Conference of
   June, 1909. It assembled sixty representatives of the
   Newspaper Press of every part of the Empire and of every shade
   of political opinion. It entertained them delightfully and
   impressively for three weeks. It made all England and its
   colonies and dependencies listen to their discussion of many
   questions, all bearing on the fundamental desire to make the
   most and best that can be made of the great political organism
   which extends its law to every continent and its influence to
   all the world. It brought before them its most distinguished
   and eloquent men to address them at meetings and feasts. It
   assembled at Spithead its stupendous central fleet of
   battleships, to pass it in review before them. It filled their
   minds with an undoubtedly new realization of what the United
   Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland—the sovereign, the seat,
   the center of greatness in their Empire—is to it; and they
   went back to Canada, to Australia, to South Africa, to New
   Zealand, even to India, to propagate that realization in other
   minds.

   A Western Australian editor, speaking at one of the banquets
   of the Conference, referred to this result, saying: "The
   influence that had been brought to bear upon the overseas
   delegates could not fail to have very great effects upon their
   writings in the future. Coming as they did from isolated parts
   of the Empire, it was an agreeable surprise to them to find
   that they had all been thinking Imperially, and thinking in
   much the same way. While the spirit of nationalism was growing
   up very strongly, they felt that the spirit of nationalism was
   in no way out of harmony with the true spirit of Imperialism;
   and it had been a revelation to the delegates to find the
   unanimity that existed, not only among the English-speaking
   people of the Empire, but among those who came from different
   races. They had been helped to strengthen that feeling of
   Imperial unity in the certain hope that eventually the highest
   ideals of the best form of Imperialism would be realized. That
   form of Imperialism was not associated with a policy of
   aggrandisement, but was associated with the policy that would
   tend to promote the peace of the world, and the prosperity and
   the betterment of humanity generally."

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   A writer in The Times, reviewing the Conference after
   it closed, quoted the above and added: "The speaker just
   quoted travelled for seven days across Australia before he
   reached the capital of the State where he joined his
   fellow-delegates from the Commonwealth. The Australian party,
   when once it had left Sydney, was three weeks on the ocean
   before it reached the Pacific coast of Canada. A Canadian
   delegate, speaking at a banquet in Glasgow, declared that when
   at home he was as remote from one of his Canadian colleagues
   as Egypt is from London, and as remote from another, in the
   opposite direction, as London is from Russia. It might have
   been supposed that distances like those just indicated would
   have had the effect of causing some estrangement between men
   so widely separated; but the contrary proved to be the case.
   The Australians, following the All-Red route, which was
   defined as the official route, were greeted on their arrival
   on Canadian soil with an enthusiasm which both surprised and
   touched them. Wherever they went they found themselves among
   friends, anxious and eager to exchange views and ideas on all
   sorts of subjects affecting the common interests of the two
   peoples. They were banqueted by many representative men, from
   the Governor-General downwards, and, having been welcomed with
   the utmost heartiness at Victoria on the Pacific coast, were
   given a not less hearty ‘God-speed’ from Quebec on the St.
   Lawrence.

   "Among the indirect results of the Conference must be
   mentioned the knowledge gained from such experiences. When in
   Canada the Australians were able to see how far their own
   trade interests were identical with those of the people among
   whom they had come, how the Canadians are facing the same
   problems both of politics and material development, of
   commerce and agriculture. And when, the feastings over, they
   found themselves on board the steamer with their Canadian
   fellow-delegates, a community of interests was at once
   established, and lasting friendships were formed.

   "Similarly, when the delegates had all assembled in England
   there arose a spirit of comradeship which subsisted without a
   jarring note from the beginning of the Conference to the end.
   Nor must it be forgotten that the men who formed part of this
   company of editors and writers of the overseas Press were not
   wholly of British race. From Canada came representatives of
   the French-Canadians, from South Africa some of Boer and Dutch
   extraction, from India one delegate at least of Indian blood.
   The welding together of all these men in a spirit of loyalty
   to the Empire in which they as well as we have a share has
   been one of the most significant features of the Conference."

   The practical object for which the Press Conference strove
   most earnestly was a cheapening of telegraphic communication,
   by cable or wireless, between the distant parts of the Empire,
   to the end that there may be an ampler publication of news
   from each division of it in every other. It received strong
   assurances of coöperation from the Imperial Government in its
   efforts to accomplish this end. To a deputation which waited
   on him, the Premier, Mr. Asquith, said: "Your Conference, if I
   may venture to say so, has very wisely appointed a standing
   committee to deal with that matter. The Post Office and other
   Government departments concerned will be anxious to assist and
   to keep themselves in touch with this committee by information
   and intercommunication and in all other ways that may be
   practicable. I think it will be the solid and substantial
   result of your deliberations on this very great Imperial
   necessity that in regard to the development of electric
   communication between different parts of the Empire we shall
   now have on the side of the Press a body formally organized
   and constantly existing with which we can enter into necessary
   communication, and by mutual discussion and reference, having
   regard to the various considerations to which I have already
   adverted, we may accelerate the developments of what we all
   agree to be one of the first requisites of an Empire such as
   ours—a cheap, a certain, a constant, a convenient, and a
   universally accessible system of electric communication."

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (July-August).
   Imperial Defence Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      War, The Preparations for: Military and Naval.

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (September).
   Congress of Empire Chambers of Commerce.

   A Congress of Chambers of Commerce, representing all parts of
   the Empire, which was assembled at Sydney, New South Wales, on
   the 14th of September, 1909, gave much of its discussion to
   the proposition that the several parts of the Empire should
   afford preferential treatment to each other in their several
   markets, on a basis of reciprocity, and adopted resolutions to
   the effect that the Congress "urges upon the Governments of
   the Empire that they should treat this matter as of present
   practical importance, and that the organizations represented
   at this Congress pledge themselves to press their respective
   Governments to take such action at the next Imperial
   Conference as will give effect to the principle advocated in
   this resolution." This was carried on individual voting, by 81
   votes to 31. On voting by chambers, the resolution was passed
   with 60 for, 8 against, and 11 neutral.

   Among the other resolutions of the Congress were the
   following: "That this Congress urges upon his Majesty’s
   Government and upon the Governments of the Colonies the
   appointment of an Advisory Imperial Council to consider
   questions of Imperial interest, especially those tending to
   promote trade between the various parts of the Empire."

   "That the settlement in adequate Volume of the Anglo-Saxon
   race in the British Dominions is deserving of the constant
   solicitude of the Home and Colonial Governments, who are
   hereby urged to consider what further or better steps than
   those at present existing should be taken to elaborate a
   general State-aided scheme at reduced rates to encourage
   emigration of suitable settlers under well-considered
   conditions."

   "This Congress is of opinion that it is desirable to complete
   the Imperial route between the Motherland, Canada, Australia
   and New Zealand by State-owned electric communication across
   Canada to Great Britain and that the postal departments of the
   various Governments of the Empire should be requested to frame
   a combined scheme of substantial reductions in telegraphic
   rates."

{59}

BRITISH GUIANA: A. D. 1904.
   Settlement of Brazilian boundary dispute.

      See (in this Volume)
      Brazil: A. D. 1904.

BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA.

      See SOUTH AFRICA

BROWNSVILLE AFFAIR, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906 (August).

BRYAN, William Jennings:
   Suggestion at the Peace Congress in New York.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

BRYAN, William Jennings:
   Nominated for President of the United States.

      See UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908(April-November).

BROTHERHOODS OF LOCOMOTIVE FIREMEN AND OF RAILWAY TRAINMEN.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

BRUSSELS: A. D. 1902-1907.
   Sugar Bounty Conference and Convention, 1902,
   and Additional Act, 1907.

      See (in this Volume)
      SUGAR BOUNTY CONFERENCE.

BRYCE, James:
   Chief Secretary for Ireland.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

BUBONIC PLAGUE.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

BUCHANAN, William I.:
   Delegate to Second and Third International Conferences
   of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BUCHANAN, William I.:
   Diplomatic Service in Venezuela.

      See VENEZUELA: A. D. 1907-1909.

BUCHANAN, William I.:
   Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

BUCHANAN, William I.:
   Death, October 16, 1909.

BUCHNER, Eduard.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

BUCKS STOVE COMPANY CASE.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

BUDGET OF 1909, The British.

       See (in this Volume)
       ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April-December).

BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.
   The Pan-American Exposition.
   Assassination of President McKinley.
   Vice-President Roosevelt becomes President of the United States.

   In Volume VI. of this work, which went to press in the spring
   of 1901, an account was given of the plan and preparations
   made for the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, then just at
   the point of being opened, on the 1st of May. The following
   characterization of the Exposition by a visitor is sufficient
   to add what was then said of it:

   "They have staged electricity at Buffalo this summer, and they
   call it the Pan-American Exposition. It took a rectangle of
   350 acres for the stage, and over $10,000,000 for the
   settings. The result, baldly stated, is the most glorious
   night scene the world has ever had the fortune to witness. The
   staging of Niagara is the one unforgettable thing about the
   affair. The Pan-American is, however, much more than this. …

   "It may be well to say that the original generic scheme for
   the Exposition, that of joining the three Americas in a
   unified attempt to show one another their trade resources,
   seems to be in results far less prominent than was hoped at
   first. For one reason or another,—I have heard European
   influences in South America given as a chief cause,—the Latin
   Americas did not cooperate as was expected. The great trade
   idea upon which the Pan-American was originally based
   gradually faded, and gave place to the idea of an electrical
   beatification—for which the spectator will perhaps be
   thankful. There are exhibits, to be sure, from most of the
   South American countries, but the United States occupies
   industrially foreground, background, and middle distance. The
   other countries fill in the odd corners. The ardent patriot
   will see no lack of proportion in this; and as there is a hint
   of Mexico and the Argentine, and very creditable exhibits by
   Chile and Honduras, we have enough of the sister continent to
   justify the name. Most of the southern republics are
   represented in one way or another. It is hard, however, to
   explain the insufficiency of Canada’s exhibit. It is upon much
   too small a scale to do credit to her great resources. It is
   worthy of note that when the other countries realized the
   importance and beauty of the Pan-American, they set about
   vigorously to retrieve themselves.

   "So the staging of electricity was undertaken. There was
   Buffalo to start with, and Buffalo is backed in the great race
   of American cities by the power of Niagara and the commerce of
   the Lakes. It is delightfully accessible and pleasing. Here
   was the psychological place. It was also the psychological
   moment,—a period of general prosperity, a time when America
   had set about her great task of making commercial vassals of
   the Old World countries. The psychological idea came with
   electricity, and under this happy triad of influences
   conspiring for success the work was begun.

   "The managers took a big rectangle of unused land to the north
   of a beautiful park, and welded with it the most attractive
   portion of that park for their groundwork. Then they charted
   an effect. They put millions into an attempt to please, and
   did more, for they have both pleased and startled,—an effect
   peculiarly delightful to Americans."

      E. R. White,
      Aspects of the Pan-American Exposition
      (Atlantic Monthly, July, 1901).

   The Pan-American Exposition may be said to have been paralyzed
   in the first week of its fifth month by the awful tragedy of
   the wanton murder of President McKinley, while it entertained
   him as its guest. Mr. McKinley, with Mrs. McKinley, had
   arrived in Buffalo on the 4th of September, for a long planned
   visit to the Exposition, and had accepted the hospitality of
   its President, Mr. John G. Milburn. On the afternoon of the
   6th he held a public reception in the Temple of Music, on the
   Exposition grounds, and it was there that the brutal assassin
   found his opportunity for the deed. The following graphic
   narrative of the tragedy is from the pen of Mr. Walter Wellman
   in the American Review of Reviews:

   "Usually a secret-service agent is stationed by the
   President’s side when he receives the public, but on this
   occasion President Milburn stood at the President’s left.
   Secretary Cortelyou was at his right, and a little to the
   rear. Opposite the President was Secret-Service Officer
   Ireland.
{60}
   Eight or ten feet away was Officer Foster. When all was ready,
   the line of people was permitted to move, each one pausing to
   shake the hand of the President. He beamed upon them all in
   his courtly way. When one stranger timidly permitted himself
   to be pushed along without a greeting, the President called
   out, smilingly, ‘Hold on, there; give me your hand.’ Mr.
   McKinley would never permit any one to go past him without a
   handshake. He was particularly gracious to the children and to
   timid women. Here, as we have often seen him in Washington and
   elsewhere, he patted little girls or boys on the head or cheek
   and smiled at them in his sweet way. A woman and a little girl
   had just passed, and were looking back at the President, proud
   of the gracious manner in which he had greeted them. Next came
   a tall, powerful negro—Parker. After Parker, a slight, boyish
   figure, a face bearing marks of foreign descent, a smooth,
   youthful face, with nothing sinister to be detected in it. No
   one had suspected this innocent-looking boy of a murderous
   purpose. He had his right hand bound up in a handkerchief, and
   this had been noticed by both of the secret-service men as
   well as by others. But the appearance in a reception line of
   men with wounded and bandaged hands is not uncommon. In fact,
   one had already passed along the line. Many men carried
   handkerchiefs in their hands, for the day was warm.

   "So this youth approached. He was met with a smile. The
   President held out his hand; but it was not grasped.
   Supporting his bandaged right hand with his left, the assassin
   fired two bullets at the President. The first passed through
   the stomach and lodged in the back. The second, it is
   believed, struck a button on the President’s waistcoat and
   glanced therefrom, making an abrasion upon the sternum. The
   interval between the two shots was so short as to be scarcely
   measurable. As the second shot rang out, Detective Foster
   sprang forward and intercepted the hand of the assassin, who
   was endeavoring to fire a third bullet into his victim. The
   President did not fall. He was at once supported by Mr.
   Milburn, by Detective Geary, and by Secretary Cortelyou.
   Before turning, he raised himself on tiptoe and cast upon the
   miserable wretch before him, who was at that moment in the
   clutches of a number of men, a look which none who saw it can
   ever forget. It appeared to say, ‘You miserable, why should
   you shoot me? What have I done to you?’ It was the indignation
   of a gentleman, of a great soul, when attacked by a ruffian. A
   few drops of blood spurted out and fell on the President’s
   waistcoat. At once the wounded man was led to a chair, into
   which he sank. His collar was removed and his shirt opened at
   the front. Those about him fanned him with their hats.
   Secretary Cortelyou bent over his chief, and Mr. McKinley
   whispered, ‘Cortelyou, be careful. Tell Mrs. McKinley gently.’

   "A struggle ensued immediately between the assassin and those
   about him. Detective Foster not only intercepted the arm of
   the murderer, and prevented the firing of a third shot from
   the revolver concealed in the handkerchief, but he planted a
   blow square upon the assassin’s face. Even after he fell,
   Czolgosz endeavored to twist about and fire again at the
   President. Mr. Foster threw himself upon the wretch. Parker,
   the colored man, struck him almost at the same instant that
   Foster did. Indeed, a half-dozen men were trying to beat and
   strike the murderer, and they were so thick about him that
   they struck one another in their excitement. A private of the
   artillery corps at one moment had a bayonet-sword at the neck
   of Czolgosz, and would have driven it home had not Detective
   Ireland held his arm and begged him not to shed blood there
   before the President. Just then the President raised his eyes,
   saw what was going on, and with a slight motion of his right
   hand toward his assailant, exclaimed: ‘Let no one hurt him.’"

   As soon as possible, the wounded President was removed to the
   Exposition Hospital, and surgeons were quickly in attendance.
   The medical director of the Exposition, Dr. Roswell Park,
   President of the American Society of Surgeons, chanced to be
   absent, at Niagara Falls, where he was performing an operation
   at the time. The necessary operation upon the President was
   performed by Dr. Matthew D. Mann, assisted by Dr. Herman
   Mynter, Dr. Eugene Wasdin, of the Marine Hospital service, and
   others. The one fatal bullet of the two that were fired was
   found to have passed through both walls of the stomach, and
   its further progress was not traced. Dr. Park arrived on the
   scene before the operation was finished and took part in the
   subsequent consultations.

   From the hospital Mr. McKinley was removed to Mr. Milburn’s
   house, where Mrs. McKinley, being an invalid, had remained
   that day. There he received all possible care during the eight
   days in which the nation hoped against hope that he might be
   saved. Dr. Charles McBurney was called from New York to join
   the attending physicians and surgeons, and approved all that
   had been done. For a week there seemed good ground for
   believing that the sound constitution of the President would
   defeat the assassin’s attempt; but on Friday the 13th the
   signs underwent a rapid change, and at fifteen minutes past
   two o’clock of the morning of Saturday he breathed his last.

   Vice-President Theodore Roosevelt, who was then at a camp in
   the Adirondacks, was summoned at once, and arrived in the city
   that afternoon. At the house of Mr. Ansley Wilcox (whose guest
   he became), in the presence of the members of the late
   President’s cabinet and of a few friends and newspaper
   correspondents, he took the oath of office as President,
   administered by Judge Hazel, of the United States District
   Court. Before taking the oath he said: "I wish to say that it
   shall be my aim to continue, absolutely unbroken, the policies
   of President McKinley for the peace, the prosperity, and the
   honor of our beloved country."

   The assassin, who called himself Nieman at first, was
   identified as Leon Czolgosz, a Pole, having reputable parents
   at Cleveland, Ohio. He had come under anarchist influences and
   been taught to believe that all heads of government were
   enemies of the people and ought to be slain. There was no
   other motive discoverable for his crime. He was arraigned in
   the County Court, before Justice Emory, on the 17th of
   September, three days after his victim’s death, and, having no
   counsel, two former Justices of the Supreme Court of the
   State, Loran L. Lewis and Robert C. Titus, consented to be
   assigned for his defence.
{61}
   On the 23d he was tried in the Supreme Court, Justice Truman
   C. White presiding, the only defence possible being that on
   the question of sanity, and his guilt was pronounced by the
   verdict of the jury. On the 26th he was sentenced to be
   executed, in the State Prison at Auburn, within the week
   beginning October 28.

      See, also, (in this Volume) under
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901 (SEPTEMBER).

BU HAMARA, the Mahdi.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1903-1904, and 1909.

BULGARIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von: Chancellor of the German Empire:
   Action on the Morocco question.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von:
   On German Navy-building.

      See WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von:
   Defeat in the Reichstag on attempted financial reform.
   His resignation.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: NEW YORK CITY.

BURGER, SCHALK W.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

BURLEY TOBACCO SOCIETY.

      See (in this Volume)
      KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.

BURNS, John:
   President of the Local Government Board.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906, 1905-1909, and 1909.

BURNS, William J.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

BURTON, Joseph R.:
   United States Senator.

   Convicted of having received $2500 from a fraudulent concern,
   which had been debarred from using the United States mails, in
   return for his efforts to have embargo removed; sentenced to a
   fine of $2500 and nine months imprisonment, May, 1909.

BUTLER, Charles Henry:
   Technical delegate to the Second Peace Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

BUTLER, Edward:
   Political "Boss" of St. Louis, as seen in the confessions of
   Charles F. Kelly.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

BUTLER, Nicholas Murray:
   President of Columbia University.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

BUTLER, Nicholas Murray:
   Arrangement of professorial interchanges
   with German universities.

      See EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

BUXTON, Sidney C.:
   Postmaster-General (British).

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.


C.


CACERES, Ramon.

      See (in this Volume)
      SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

CADETS, Russian.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

CAJAL, Ramon y.
      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

CALABRIA:
   Destructive earthquake in 1905.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES.

CALAMITIES, Recent extraordinary.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES, FAMINES, FIRE, FLOODS, VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS.

CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1900-1909.
   Growth.
   Industries.
   Products.
   Railway facilities, etc.

   "Within the past decade numerous events have tended to direct
   the attention of the United States and of the world to the
   importance of the Pacific ocean and the lands bordering upon
   it, as the field of great activities in the near future. The
   Spanish-American war, and particularly the voyage of the
   battleship Oregon around South America hastened the movement
   for an inter-oceanic canal. The development of the Alaskan
   gold fields gave a great impetus to shipping and trade in
   staple supplies in Pacific coast cities. The war between
   Russia and Japan revealed the maritime enterprise and
   established the naval prestige of Japan.

   "Since the earliest days of American occupation California has
   been steadily filling up with people. These later movements in
   Pacific coast history, together with the steady development of
   natural resources, have greatly accelerated the advance in
   population, especially in cities as the centers of industrial
   and commercial activity. The census of 1900 showed a total
   population of 1,485,053. At the beginning of 1909 the number
   is estimated by the State Board of Trade at 2,564,363. The
   growth of cities in the same period is shown by the following
   instances,—the first figure being the population by the
   census of 1900, the second the State Board of Trade estimate
   for 1909.

                    1900.     1909.

   Alameda         16,464    25,000
   Berkeley        13,214    40,000
   Fresno          12,470    32,000
   Los Angeles    102,479   305,000
   Oakland         66,960   200,000
   Sacramento      29,282    55,000
   San Francisco  342,782   500,000
   San Jose        21,500    45,000
   Stockton        17,506    25,000

   "Two features characterize the recent development of
   California agriculture,—the increased value of the products,
   and a greater variety of crops. Originally wheat was the
   staple crop, but now sugar beets, hops, beans, alfalfa, and
   garden seeds must be added to the common cereals to make the
   list of staples. In 1908 the wheat crop was valued at
   $18,894,961, and the barley at $26,841,394.

   "Orchards and vineyards furnish one of the best records of
   advancing wealth. Shipments out of the state by rail and by
   sea are given by the State Board of Trade as follows:

                             1898.    1908.

                             Tons.    Tons.
   Green Deciduous Fruits   69,732   161,224
   Citrus Fruits           180,658   399,094
   Dried Fruits             76,662   133,846
   Raisins                  47,796    29,601
   Nuts                      5,815    10,887
   Canned Fruits            52,219    85,135

{62}

   "About ninety per cent of all the citrus fruits go from the
   southern part of the State (south of Tehachapi mountains) and
   substantially all the fresh deciduous fruits go from the
   northern and central portions, Sacramento being one of the
   largest shipping points. Nearly all the dried fruits, raisins,
   canned fruits, wine and brandy, go from the northern and
   central portions. Most of the walnuts are grown in the south,
   and most of the almonds in the northern and central parts of
   the state. Olives are grown in about equal quantities, north
   and south. General farming, including stock raising, is much
   more widely pursued north of Tehachapi than south, and the
   same is true of the mining industry. The principal forests of
   the state are in the Sierra region and in the Coast Range
   Mountains north of Sonoma county.

   "Formerly wool was an important product of California. The
   industry reached its maximum about thirty years ago,—the wool
   clip of 1876 amounting to 56,550,973 pounds. Since that date
   the wool product steadily declined till 1906, when the total
   amount was 24,000,000 pounds. Since 1906 the decline has been
   swift, as shown by the total of 15,000,000 pounds for 1908.

   "In the production of the precious metals the record of
   California is very steady in recent years,—the gold output for
   1900 being valued at $15,863,355, and for 1907 at $16,727,928.
   On the other hand the oil industry shows a marvelous advance.
   The output of petroleum from California oil wells was
   4,000,000 barrels in 1900, and 48,300,758 barrels in 1908.
   Since 1906 the oil product of California has amounted to over
   twenty-five per cent of the total production of the United
   States. California petroleum now exceeds in value the output
   of her gold mines.

   "For a long time the high cost of fuel retarded the growth of
   manufactures in California. Recently, however, the production
   of fuel oil and the introduction of electrical power developed
   from the water power in the streams of the Sierras have given
   a great impetus to manufacturing industries. The use of
   electricity is certain to be greatly increased in the near
   future and for this reason the people of California are
   tremendously interested in the policy of the federal government
   in the preservation of the mountain streams and in the
   disposition of water-power sites. The value of the products of
   manufacturing enterprises in the state for 1908 is estimated
   at about $500,000,000, of which the sum of $175,000,000 is
   credited to San Francisco, $62,000,000 to Los Angeles,
   $52,000,000, to Oakland, with Sacramento, San Jose, Stockton
   and Fresno following in the order of naming.

   "California is a state of magnificent dimensions and it is
   quite in keeping with the size of the state to find that in
   1907, with but two per cent, of the total population of the
   United States she had three per cent. of the total railway
   mileage of the country. New construction was almost entirely
   suspended in 1908, but has been resumed in 1909. The most
   important new road is the Western Pacific which enters the
   state by the Beckwith Pass to the north of the line of the
   Central Pacific route, from Sacramento to Ogden, and with the
   advantage of crossing the Sierras at 2000 feet less elevation.
   It reaches the Sacramento Valley by the canyon of the Feather
   River and opens up a large area of rich country to railway
   communication. It will be completed through to San Francisco
   in 1910, and will be the fifth trans continental line
   terminating on San Francisco Bay.

   "Another great work of railway construction in progress in
   1909 is the rebuilding upon an improved grade of the Central
   Pacific road through the Sierras. The extreme elevation of the
   present road at the summit of the range (7000 feet) is to be
   diminished by a lengthy tunnel. Other work of construction
   soon to be brought to completion is the extension of the
   Northwestern Pacific, a coast road north from San Francisco
   Bay to Eureka on Humboldt Bay, and the extension of the Ocean
   Shore Railway south along the coast to Santa Cruz.

   "The records of the State Railroad Commission show in 1909 a
   total mileage in the state of 6744.54 miles.

   "The lines operated by the principal companies measure up as
   follows:

                                          MILES.
   Southern Pacific System.               3,582
   Santa Fé System.                         978
   Northwestern Pacific.                    404
   San Pedro, Los Angeles and Salt Lake.    341
   Western Pacific.                         237
   Yosemite Valley Railroad.                 79

   "Suburban electric railways have reached a high stage of
   development and utility in Southern California, in the Santa
   Clara Valley, connecting numerous cities and towns in the
   vicinity of San Francisco Bay, and in the Sacramento Valley.
   The increase of electric power by the further utilization of
   the water power of the Sierra Nevada streams will certainly
   bring about in the near future a great extension of electrical
   transportation for freighting as well as in passenger
   traffic."

      Frederick H. Clark,
      Head of History Department,
      Lowell High School, San Francisco.

CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1900-1909.
   Constitutional changes.

   "Amendments to the state constitution originate with the
   legislature, and are placed before the voters of the state at
   the biennial state elections. Dissatisfaction with parts of
   the state constitution is manifested by an increasing number
   of proposed amendments. So long as property interests are not
   antagonized, the voters show a willingness to make changes by
   ratifying a large majority of the amendments proposed. Among
   the important subjects upon which amendments have been adopted
   within the past ten years are the following:

   authorization of legislation for the control of
   primary elections;
   providing for the use of voting machines;
   the establishment of a system of state highways;
   increasing the salaries of judges and of state
   executive officers;
   changing the pay of members of the legislature from
   $8.00 per diem for a period not to exceed 60 days to
   the sum of $1000 for the regular session;
   authorizing the legislature to provide a state tax for the
   support of high schools;
   permitting exemption from taxation of various forms of
   property, such as buildings used exclusively for religious
   purposes and the endowments of the Leland Stanford Junior
   University, the California School of Mechanical Arts,
   and the Cogswell Polytechnical College,
   —also personal property at the will of the owner
   to the amount of $100;
   eight hours made a legal day’s work on all public work
   throughout the state;
   authorization for the depositing of public funds in banks.

{63}

   An important change in the state judiciary was made in 1904 by
   the creation of district courts of appeal for the relief of
   the congested condition of the business of the State Supreme
   Court. The state was divided into three judicial districts, in
   each of which was established a court of appeal consisting of
   three judges elected from within the district for a term of
   twelve years.

   "A plan for the reorganization of the revenue system of the
   state was placed before the voters in 1908, but failed of
   adoption. The proposed amendment was the outcome of a movement
   that began in 1905 with the appointment of a special
   commission on taxation. This commission employed expert
   assistance and made a thorough study of the subject of public
   revenues. Its work was placed before the next meeting of the
   legislature from which came the proposed amendment. Its
   central object was to discover new sources of revenue for the
   state treasury, leaving the direct property tax for the
   maintenance of local government alone."

      Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department,
      Lowell, High School, San Francisco.

CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1904-1909.
   Anti-Japanese agitation.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1906.
   The earthquake of April 18.
   Destruction at San Francisco by fire following the shock.
   Cause of the occurrence.

      See (in this Volume)
      SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906.

CALIPHATE, The Mohammedan:
   The Turkish Sultan’s title disputed.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.

CAMPBELL, H. W.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AGRICULTURE.

CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR HENRY:
   Prime Minister of the British Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR HENRY:
   Address at Colonial Conference.

      See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR HENRY:
   DEATH, April 22, 1908.

   ----------CANADA: Start--------

CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.
   The interchange of people between Canada and the United States.
   The "American Invasion."
   Rapid settlement of the Canadian Northwest.
   Immigration in the last decade.

   "Nature is healing the schism of the race by her own slow but
   efficacious methods. Hundreds of families of the United Empire
   stock have gone back to the United States, in some instances
   to the very place of their origin. Upwards of a million native
   Canadians are now living in the States, the great majority as
   naturalised Americans; whilst American farmers, attracted by
   cheap land and good laws, are entering the Canadian North-West
   at the rate of 50,000 a year. The exodus, as migration across
   the line is called, is a heavy drain on Canada; like an
   ancient conqueror, it sweeps away the flower of both sexes,
   leaving the unfittest to survive. During the last 30 years we
   have spent $10,000,000 on immigration work in Europe, yet our
   population has not held its natural increase, has not, that
   is, grown as fast as the population of an old and over-crowded
   country like England. The Canadian lad thinks no more of
   transferring himself to Buffalo or Chicago than a Scotch youth
   of going up to London, perhaps not so much. On the other hand,
   American tourists, ‘drummers,’ lecturers, sportsmen and
   investors come and go in Canada precisely as if this were a
   State of the Union. When we produce a champion athlete, a
   clever journalist or eloquent divine, they annex him and
   advertise him next day as a Yankee. Marrying and giving in
   marriage is going on without the slightest regard for the
   doctrines of the Loyalists. There are said to be 200 college
   professors of Canadian birth in the United States. I am
   acquainted with some of them, and in their opinion, whatever
   it may be worth, Canada can best serve herself by becoming
   politically independent, and could best serve England by
   joining the American Union, where her presence and vote would
   offset the Anglophobia latent or active in other elements.

   "The influence of the Canadian-Americans, to say nothing of
   that of the Americans proper, is visible on every side in
   English Canada; they are constantly visiting the old home, in
   many cases paying the interest of the mortgage on it. The
   French Canadians in New England have taught those in Quebec
   that the priest has no business to interfere unduly in
   elections, or to make war on Liberalism; that the Press ought
   to be free, and the State, not the Church, supreme within the
   sphere she defines as her own. Every day the French Canadian
   papers publish columns of correspondence from the French
   settlements in the factory towns across the line, but of
   British affairs editors and readers know little, and,
   apparently, care less. I mention this not to sneer at the
   French Canadian Press, but to show those Englishmen who urge
   us to cultivate the Imperialist spirit how difficult it would
   be for Mrs. Partington to keep out the Atlantic.

   "In English Canada, our newspapers supply us with British news
   filtered through American channels; we read American books,
   are interested in American politics, frequent their
   watering-places and race tracks, imitate their tariffs, play
   baseball and poker, live under local institutions fashioned
   after theirs, think like them, speak like them, eat like them,
   dress like them; when we visit England, we find ourselves
   taken for them and treated well in consequence, better than if
   we confessed ourselves Colonials."

      E. Farrer,
      Canada and the new Imperialism
      (Contemporary Review, December, 1903).

   "Some ten years since there began to trickle into the vast
   wastes of the West the tiny rivulet of immigration which has
   now become a great stream. Many influences have gone toward
   widening this current of immigration, but the initial impulse
   which set it in motion came from the courage of one man. In
   1896 Clifford Sifton, a young man, thirty-five years of age,
   who had already played a considerable rôle in the
   politics of Manitoba, became Minister of the Interior in the
   Dominion Government. He was equipped with a genius for
   organization, an almost unequaled capacity for persistent hard
   work, and, above all, a faith in the West which knew neither
   wavering nor questioning.
{64}
   He threw himself with immense energy into the task of
   advertising the Canadian West to the world and inducing
   immigration. His conception of the problem and its solution
   was Napoleonic; for he saw what others could not see and even
   scouted as absurd, that the people who could be induced most
   easily to lead the procession into the vacant prairies lived
   in the adjoining States of the American Union. A new
   generation had grown up in these States on the farms secured
   as free grants by their fathers in the ’70's, and he saw that
   when they looked for lands for themselves there would be none
   available at all comparable with those of Western Canada.
   Therefore, he argued, to acquaint them with the opportunities
   and possibilities of the new land to the north would be to
   insure such a migration as he desired, and if the stream once
   began flowing it would widen by its own velocity. This was the
   great idea which, given effect to by an organization called
   into being by first-class executive talent, operating with
   limitless resources, broke forever the great silence of the
   prairies and made them the Mecca of the world’s landless folk.

   "There had been for years Canadian immigration agencies at
   various places in the United States, but they had been
   administered in a spirit of perfunctory hopelessness. These
   offices were reorganized; new ones opened; tens of thousands
   of dollars were expended in advertising and in the
   distribution of printed literature; enterprising drummers were
   sent abroad throughout the Western States to preach up the
   opportunities of Western Canada; representative farmers were
   induced to take trips through the Canadian West, all expenses
   paid by the government,—in fact, everything that trained
   business talent could suggest was done.

   "The result? In the first year of the new order of things 2412
   Americans came to Canada, and thereafter the number mounted
   yearly. By 1899 the figures had reached 11,945; 1901, 17,987;
   1902, 26,388; 1903, 49,473; 1904, 45,171; 1905, 43,652; 1906,
   57,919. During the ten years ending June 30, 1906, no less
   than 272,609 persons left the United States to become
   residents of Western Canada. These people came from all parts
   of the United States. The government homestead records for
   1906 show applications from persons coming from every State
   and Territory of the United States, including the District of
   Columbia and Alaska. North Dakota led in the applications,
   with Minnesota a close second; then came Iowa, Michigan,
   Washington, Wisconsin, Illinois, tapering to two from Alabama
   and one from Georgia. …

   "It has given Canada over a quarter of a million of settlers
   with the highest average of efficiency. They, almost without
   exception, have sufficient capital to make a good start, a
   most important consideration in a new country where money is
   scarce and dear. Akin to the Canadians in race, language,
   political and social customs, they become a part of the
   community just as naturally as one stream flows into another
   at the same level. These settlers have also brought with them
   fifty years’ experience in prairie farming, and by their
   example have enormously affected agricultural methods. …

   "More important, however, was the advertisement which the
   ‘American invasion’ gave Western Canada. It was precisely what
   the country needed—indeed there could have been no substitute
   for it in effectiveness. The Eastern Canadian was rather out
   of conceit with his own West; and if a migratory instinct
   drove him onward he went to the United States. In Great
   Britain Western Canada could get no hearing at all,—her
   emigrants went to Australia, the United States, New Zealand,
   or even to alien lands in preference to Canada. It is doubtful
   whether any possible exertions by the Government could have
   turned the attention of these people to Canada had not the
   influx of Americans to the prairies, loudly announced by all
   controllable agencies of publicity, challenged their attention
   and pricked their national pride. Once the fact was driven
   into their consciousness they began to hold that if Western
   Canada was good enough for ‘Yankees’ it was good enough for
   them. British newspapers in particular showed a belated but
   very real interest.

   "The result has been a heavily increasing immigration from the
   British Isles, until it now exceeds by many thousands every
   year the arrivals from the United States. For the ten-year
   period specified above there were 311,747 immigrants from
   Great Britain, compared with 272,609 from the United States;
   with 248,250 from ‘other countries,’ chiefly continental
   Europe. The Scandinavian, Teutonic, and Slavic peoples are all
   strongly represented in Western Canada. The most numerous
   non-British people are the Ruthenians, or little Russians. In
   addition there is a large yearly influx of Canadian settlers
   from the older provinces, of whom there is no record excepting
   in the homestead applications. These figures showed that out
   of 41,869 applications for homesteads last year 27 per cent.
   were Canadians, 29 per cent. Americans, 20 per cent. from the
   British Isles, while the remaining 24 per cent. comprised
   persons of eighteen different nationalities. These statistics
   show that Western Canada is overwhelmingly English-speaking."

      John W. Dafoe,
      Western Canada: Its Resources and Possibilities
      (American Review of Reviews, June, 1907).

   Writing from Toronto, June 24, 1909, the regular Correspondent
   of the London Times took the subject of Canadian
   immigration, especially that from the United States, for
   extended treatment. Part of his remarks were as follows:

   "So long as the American States had free, fertile lands, it
   was natural that population should flow into the Republic.
   America, in the mind of Europe, was the land of promise and
   the home of freedom, and the United States was America. Canada
   was but a fringe of inhospitable British territory, where the
   spring came late and summer was brief, and winter was long and
   stern. The first great impulse to settlement came with the
   construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway, but an even more
   material factor in Canadian development was the comparative
   exhaustion of the free land of the Western States and the
   increasing reputation of the Canadian West as a wheat-growing
   country. If the 20th century belongs to Canada, as Sir Wilfrid
   Laurier has said, it is primarily because the American
   Republic has become a far less formidable competitor for
   British and European immigration, and because thousands of
   American farmers have discovered that they can sell their
   improved farms at good prices and secure lands of equal value
   in Canada for themselves and their sons with a very small
   investment of capital.

{65}

   "The total immigration since 1901 is estimated at 1,200,000.
   In that year it was 49,149. It rose in 1902 to 67,379. Thence
   there was a steady increase until 1907, when the figures were
   262,469. In 1908 the total immigration was between 140, 000
   and 142,000, and for this year the estimate is 200,000.
   British immigrants began to come in considerable Volume in
   1901, when there were 17,269 arrivals. The best year was 1907,
   when the number reported was 120,182, as compared with 83,975
   from the Continent of Europe and 58,312 from the United
   States. The decline in 1908 was chiefly in British and
   European immigration. Between 50,000 and 55,000 came from
   across the border, which was a greater number than came from
   either Britain or Europe. This year it is estimated that
   70,000 Americans will come into the country. They will take up
   between 20,000 and 25,000 homesteads, and as it is considered
   that they bring property to the average value of $1,000 each
   this would give a total new capital of $70,000,000. In 1907,
   the year in which we had our greatest Volume of immigration,
   there were 178,500 British and Americans as compared with
   84,000 from the Continent of Europe. For the last year there
   were 100,000 British and Americans and not a third as many
   from Europe.

   "It is apparent that, even with the best business management
   the Empire can apply to the direction of its population, the
   American immigration to Canada will continue to exceed that
   from Great Britain. One of the most careful and soberminded of
   our public men with whom I talked a few days ago, a man who
   knows the West and for years has had intimate official
   knowledge of the movements of population on both sides of the
   border, believes that in the next ten or twelve years five
   millions of Americans will come into Canada. Upon this I
   pronounce no opinion, save to agree that the overflow from the
   United States is bound to increase in Volume. Naturally there
   are those amongst us who regard ‘the American invasion’ with
   uneasiness, and fear the ultimate effect upon our institutions
   and upon the relation of Canada to the Empire. In this
   connexion I can only say that for some years I have been at
   pains to consult men from all parts of the West who should
   know the mind of these American settlers and their general
   disposition towards the social and political institutions of
   the country, and as yet I have not found a single Western
   Canadian to express apprehension. They all agree that, while
   the Americans have a natural affection for ‘Old Glory’ and as
   yet may confuse the Fourth with the First of July, they pay
   ready allegiance to the flag under which they have come to
   live, and very generally agree that the impartial and
   inflexible administration of justice in Canada is in itself
   sufficient reason for the permanence of the British allegiance
   and an honest loyalty to Canadian institutions. What may be
   hidden in the womb of the future, when many of these Americans
   sit in the Legislatures and in the Federal Parliament, and
   become powerful in moulding public policy, we cannot know, but
   at least it is seldom that the seeds of revolution thrive
   amongst a prosperous agricultural population.

   "But it is to one particular phase of the movement of
   population that I desire chiefly to call attention. The
   migration to the West has had a marked effect on the older
   Canadian provinces. Many farms in the long settled districts
   have been almost deserted. The old remain; the young have
   gone. The only compensation is that the sons prosper in the
   West."

   According to a despatch from Ottawa in September, 1909, "the
   annual Immigration Report states that the total arrivals in
   Canada during the last fiscal year were 146,908. For the first
   time in Canadian history immigrants from the United States
   exceeded those from the United Kingdom; the figures are
   respectively 59,832 and 52,901. The total immigration during
   the 13 years which the present Government has been in office
   was 1,366,658. American immigrants in that period have brought
   to Canada £12,000,000 in cash and effects. Immigration from
   France and Belgium declined last year and Japanese immigration
   fell off by 7,106. Only six Hindus entered Canada, compared
   with 2,623 in the previous year; 3,803 immigrants were
   rejected at ocean ports, of whom 1,748 were deported. The
   total deportations since 1902, when the system was first
   inaugurated, were 3,149, of whom 2,607 were English."

   Two months later it was reported from Ottawa that during the
   first six months of 1909 "homestead entries were made by
   27,296 bona fide settlers, representing free grants of
   Dominion lands of 4,367,360 acres. This is an increase of 939
   entries and of 150,200 acres as compared with the
   corresponding period of 1908. In September the total number of
   homestead entries was 2,902; of these 926 were American, 325
   English, 109 Scotch, 54 Irish, 336 Canadians from Ontario, and
   83 Canadians from Quebec."

   Previously, in August, it had been stated that "German
   capitalists have interested Toronto men in a big plan to
   colonize the lands of Alberta and Saskatchewan on a
   time-payment system. The scheme includes advances to settlers
   for the purchase of implements and for help in house building.
   The expectation is that 20,000 Germans will avail themselves
   of the scheme."

CANADA: A. D. 1898-1903.
   German retaliation for the tariff discrimination
   in favor of British goods.

      See (in this Volume)
      TARIFFS.

CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.
   The Census of the Dominion.
   New apportionment of parliamentary representation.

   The census of the Dominion, taken in 1901, showed
   a total population of     5,370,000,
   of which
   Ontario contained         2,182,947;
   Quebec,                   1,648,898;
   Nova Scotia,                459,574;
   New Brunswick,              331,120;
   Manitoba,                   254,947;
   British Columbia,           177,272;
   Prince Edward Island,       103,259;
   The Northwest Territories,
   Yukon included,             211,649.

   The new distribution of parliamentary representation,
   determined this year, gave the House of Commons a total
   membership of 214, apportioned as follows; Quebec 65 (as
   guaranteed by the Confederation Act); Ontario 86; Nova Scotia
   18; New Brunswick 13; Manitoba 10; British Columbia 7;
   Northwest Territories 10; Prince Edward Island 4; the Yukon 1.
   The basis was one representative for each 2500 people. Ontario
   lost 6 seats, Nova Scotia 2, New Brunswick and Prince Edward
   Island 1 each; all the other provinces gained, British
   Columbia to the extent of 7 seats, the Northwest Territories
   4, and Manitoba 3.

CANADA: A. D. 1902.
   Colonial Conference at London.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE.

{66}

CANADA: A. D. 1903.
   Discovery of the cobalt silver mines in Ontario.

   Ore bodies carrying values in silver, cobalt, nickel, and
   arsenic were discovered in 1903, during the building of the
   Temiskaming and North Ontario Railway near the town of
   Haileybury, at a distance of about 103 miles from North Bay.
   The railway line ran over the most important vein that has
   been found, and signs of the latter were noticed in the spring
   of the year named. Prospecting was begun in the fall with
   quick results of important discovery, and the rapid attraction
   of a large mining population to what has become famous as the
   Cobalt District. The production of silver in the district
   increased from $111,887 in 1904 to $9,500,000 in 1908. The
   ores are said to be unique among those of North America.

      16th Annual Report of Ontario Bureau of Mines.

CANADA: A. D. 1903 (May).
   Adoption of "Empire Day" in Great Britain.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (May).

CANADA: A. D. 1903 (October).
   Settlement of the Alaskan boundary question.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

CANADA: A. D. 1903-1904.
   Measures to establish sovereignty over land and sea
   of Hudson Bay region.

   "The agreement by Britain and America to arbitrate at The
   Hague the Newfoundland Fishery Question will probably pave the
   way for a similar solution of another entanglement, as
   threatening and complicated as that respecting the Alaskan
   Boundary, apparently now imminent between Canada and the
   United States over the sovereignty of Hudson Bay. This has a
   special relation to the Newfoundland problem, being also based
   on the treaty of 1818. The Canadian Government in August,
   1903, despatched the Newfoundland sealing steamer ‘Neptune’
   (one of the type of wood-built ships suited for the work) to
   the region, with an official expedition whose three-fold
   object was:
   (1) to reassert British sovereignty over all the land and seas
   there;
   (2) to expel or subject to Canadian authority the United
   States whalers who fish there, illegally, it is held; and
   (3) to secure further data tending to determine the
   navigability of the waters for an ocean grain route and
   justify subsidising or discouraging the construction of
   railways from the north-west to the shores of Hudson Bay.

   "In the summer of 1904, in anticipation of the ‘Neptune’s’
   return, the Canadian Government purchased from Germany the
   Antarctic exploring steamer ‘Gauss,’ re-named her the
   ‘Arctic,’ and sent her to Hudson Bay as an official cruiser,
   she conveying also Major Moodie, of the North-West Mounted
   Police, who was commissioned as ‘Governor of Hudson Bay ’ and
   was accompanied by a body of that famous force, to assist him
   in the administration of this extensive province, they to
   build posts there and establish themselves at the most
   important points. … The undisguised purpose of the Dominion is
   to take all possible steps to prevent the United States from
   securing any advantage, territorial or diplomatic, which would
   enable her to put forward pretensions such as have been
   advanced by her with respect to the Alaskan Boundary.

   "The similarity of this question to that of the Alaskan
   Boundary is quite striking. Geographically, the Hudson Bay
   region is to the Northeastern portion of the continent what
   Alaska is to the North-western. In the variety and value of
   natural resources both have much in common. The development of
   the Hudson Bay region, while not as advanced as that of
   Alaska, seems destined to be much accelerated in the near
   future in every department of industrial endeavour. The United
   States whalers, voyaging from New Bedford into Hudson Bay, and
   from San Francisco into Alaskan seas, penetrate to the very
   confines of the Arctic zone itself. To proceed against them
   now, after their having enjoyed for over seventy years an
   unrestricted access to Hudson Bay, whether entitled thereto or
   not, is a step which may provoke a repetition of the
   difficulties which were recently experienced over the Alaskan
   Boundary. …

   "[Canada] contends that from the entrance to Hudson Strait,
   which she says is in a line drawn from Cape Chidley, the
   northern projection of Labrador, to Resolution Island, the
   southern extremity of Baffin Land, all the waters and lands to
   the west, including the numerous islands of Arctic America,
   are her exclusive possession. She bases this contention on the
   following grounds:—

   "1. Discovery (the waters, coastline and hinterland having
   been discovered and charted by British explorers).

   "2. Occupation (the region having been occupied only by the
   Hudson Bay Company).

   "3. Treaty cession (the British rights to the region having
   been admitted by the French in 1713).

   "4. Acquiescence (the United States having acknowledged the
   Hudson Bay Company’s rights in 1818).

   "5. Purchase (Canada having bought out the Company in 1870).

   "But Americans are indisposed to acquiesce in any such
   conclusion as regards the waters of the Bay. They contend that
   the British had originally no rights beyond the three-mile
   limit, that the French in 1713 could cede them no more, and
   that the American concurrence in 1818 could apply only to the
   same territorial waters. In other words, they question the
   right of the British Monarch to grant such a Charter as he
   did, and it may be observed here that the same point has
   frequently been made in England also in the past by opponents
   of the Company and by legal critics."

      P. T. McGrath,
      The Hudson Bay Dispute
      (Fortnightly Review, January, 1908).

CANADA: A. D. 1903-1905.
   Attitude of the Canadian Manufacturers’ Association toward
   Great Britain and the United States on the Tariff question.

   "The attitude of the Canadian Manufacturers’ Association
   toward both the United States and Britain has been very
   frequently misrepresented by opponents of tariff reform in
   Canada and England. … The views of the Association were
   clearly set forth in the recommendations made by the Tariff
   Committee at the annual meeting in September, 1903, and
   adopted by the Association after full discussion. The
   attendance was very large, and the meeting was practically
   unanimous, only one member dissenting. The resolutions were as
   follows:

{67}

   "'(1) That we reaffirm the tariff resolution passed at the
   last annual meeting in Halifax, as follows: Resolved, That in
   the opinion of this Association, the changed conditions which
   now obtain in Canada demand the immediate and thorough
   revision of the tariff, upon lines which will more effectually
   transfer to the workshops of our Dominion the manufacture of
   many of the goods which we now import from other countries;
   that, in any such revision, the interests of all sections of
   the community, whether of agriculture, mining, fishing, or
   manufacturing, should be fully considered, with a view, not
   only to the preservation, but to the further development, of
   all these great natural industries; that, while such a tariff
   should primarily be framed for Canadian interests, it should
   nevertheless give a substantial preference to the Mother
   Country, and also to any other part of the British Empire with
   which reciprocal preferential trade can be arranged,
   recognizing always that under any conditions the minimum
   tariff must afford adequate protection to all Canadian
   producers.

   (2) That, except in very special cases, we are opposed to the
   granting of bounties in Canada as a substitute for a policy of
   reasonable and permanent protection.

   (3) That we are strongly opposed to any reciprocity treaty
   with the United States affecting the manufacturing industries
   of Canada.

   (4) We recommend that the Dominion Government establish in
   Canada a permanent tariff commission of experts, who shall
   have constant supervision of tariff policy and changes, and
   shall follow closely the workings of the Canadian tariff with
   a view to making such recommendations to the Government as
   will best conserve and advance the interests of the Dominion.’

   "These resolutions were reaffirmed at the annual conventions
   in 1904 and 1905, meeting with no opposition."

      Watson Griffin,
      Canadian Manufacturers' Tariff Campaign
      (North American Review, August, 1906).

CANADA: A. D. 1903-1909.
   New transcontinental railway project.
   The Grand Trunk Pacific.

   "The project for a new transcontinental railway made the year
   1903 industrially significant. The scheme when finally
   presented to Parliament by Sir Wilfrid Laurier, on July 31st,
   provided for the building of a new line from Moncton, New
   Brunswick, through Quebec to Winnipeg and the Pacific Coast at
   a terminus then not fixed, but now known to be Prince Rupert.
   The road is to be divided into two parts; the Eastern from
   Moncton to Winnipeg, which is to be built by the Government,
   and the Western from Winnipeg to Prince Rupert, to be built by
   the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway Company. Provision was made
   for a lease of the Eastern section by the company and its
   purchase after fifty years. This company is practically the
   same as the Grand Trunk Railway Company. Sir Wilfrid estimated
   the cost at $13,000,000. There were provisions for Government
   assistance in the guaranteeing of the bonds of the new
   company."

      F. B. Tracy,
      Tercentenary History of Canada,
      Volume 3, page 1034 (Macmillan Company, New York, 1908).

   At the half yearly meeting of the Grand Trunk Company in
   London, October 21, 1909, the President, Sir C. Rivers Wilson,
   who had recently returned from Canada, spoke of the present
   state and prospects of the transcontinental line, partly as
   follows:

   "They were, he remarked, under an obligation to complete their
   road through to Prince Rupert by December 1, 1911, but, owing
   to the want of labour, he feared there was very little chance
   of their succeeding in doing so. … They had built through to
   Winnipeg on the one hand and to Lake Superior on the other,
   but there remained an unfortunate link of 245 miles to
   complete their junction with Lake Superior. … After what had
   happened he was very chary of making any prediction, but he
   should think that, after all that had taken place, and after
   the great pressure which was now being put on the contractors,
   the road would be finished by next summer. Their great object,
   of course, was to link up the west with their eastern system.
   That would be done during the summer by the road coming down
   to Lake Superior, which would enable them to communicate by
   water with their Georgian Bay port, and during the winter,
   when navigation was closed, by way of land north of Lake
   Superior by the line the Government was to build to a place
   called Cochrane, about 540 miles distant, where they would
   obtain communication with North Bay and put themselves in
   contact with their own Ontario road."

CANADA: A. D. 1904.
   General Election.
   Continuance of the Laurier Ministry.
   The Earl of Minto succeeded as Governor-General by Earl Grey.

   The general election in 1904 resulted in a parliamentary
   majority of 64 for the Liberals, thus firmly reseating the
   Laurier Ministry. The Conservatives carried Ontario, but were
   beaten heavily in the Maritime Provinces, in Quebec, and in
   the West. The general prosperity of the country gave a backing
   to the Liberals which no political criticism could overcome.

   The Earl of Minto was succeeded as Governor-General, in 1904,
   by Earl Grey, grandson of the Earl Grey who, as Prime Minister
   of England in 1832, carried through the first Reform of
   Parliament, extinguishing the "rotten boroughs," transferring
   political power from the land-owning aristocracy to the middle
   class of English people, and beginning the democratizing of
   government, which two later reforms have made nearly complete.
   "There can be no doubt," said a Canadian correspondent of one
   of the London journals lately, "that the present
   Governor-General is more widely popular in Canada than any of
   his predecessors in that high office were, or could have been.
   Happy in his personality, happier still in his opportunities,
   he is known and liked by all sorts and conditions of Canadians
   in every part of the country; whereas more than one of those
   who have represented the Sovereign there since the creation of
   the Canadian Confederacy were regarded as august functionaries
   forming the ‘dignified part’ of the constitutional mechanism
   (to use Bagehot’s phrase), and as sedulously avoiding close
   contact with the people at large."

   Within the past year it has been announced officially from
   Ottawa that Lord Grey will fill out his full period of six
   years in the office of Governor-General, expiring in December,
   1910.

CANADA: A. D. 1904.
   Creation of the Board of Railway Commissioners.
   Its large regulative powers.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: CANADA.

CANADA: A. D. 1904-1909.
   Race problems.
   Restriction of Chinese Immigration.
   Labor hostility.
   Riotous attacks on Japanese, Chinese, and Hindu laborers.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.

{68}

CANADA: A. D. 1905.
   New Provinces created.
   Alberta and Saskatchewan.
   Revival of the Separate School controversy.
   The compromise settlement.

   By Bills brought into the Dominion Parliament by the Premier,
   Sir Wilfrid Laurier, on the 21st of February, 1905, and
   subsequently passed, the four Northwest Territories ceded to
   the Dominion by Great Britain in 1870 were reorganized as two
   provinces, and admitted to membership in the Canadian Federal
   Union, bearing the names of Alberta and Saskatchewan, with
   Edmonton for the capital of the former and Regina for the
   latter.

      See, in Volume IV. of this work,
      NORTHWEST TERRITORIES OF CANADA.

   Saskatchewan includes the territories of Saskatchewan,
   Assiniboia, and one-half of Athabasca, and Alberta the
   territory of Alberta and the remainder of Athabasca. The
   entire area of the two provinces is 550,345 square miles, and
   it extends from Manitoba west to the 110th meridian, and from
   the United States boundary to 60 north latitude. The
   population of each province was reckoned at 250,000, and was
   rapidly increasing. The Dominion Government retains control of
   the public lands. Each of the new provinces received at the
   beginning five representatives in the Dominion House of
   Commons and four in the Senate. A single Legislative Chamber
   of twenty-five members was provided for each; each has a
   Lieutenant-Governor, with a Cabinet of responsible Ministers.
   The Dominion Treasury contributes $250,000 yearly to the
   revenue of each.

   A provision in these bills for conceding separate schools to
   religious minorities revived the controversy which raged in
   Canada for many years, after the Province of Manitoba, in
   1890, had abolished denominational schools and established a
   free, compulsory, unsectarian school system.

      See, in Volume VI. of this work,
      CANADA: A. D. 1890-1896, and A. D, 1898 (JANUARY).

   The Government was forced to amend the provision, devising a
   compromise which cannot be said to have satisfied either party
   to the dispute, but which saved the Government from a probable
   defeat. This affords a half hour of religious teaching, by
   denominational teachers, at the end of school hours, the
   denominational character of the instruction determined by the
   majority in attendance, and its reception to be optional. As
   explained at the time by a writer in The Outlook, the working
   of the system is as follows. "The half-hour is the only
   noteworthy feature of the separate schools. They are liable
   for no other school taxation than that which is necessary to
   support those schools. In all other respects, in every detail
   of government control and oversight, they are exactly like the
   schools of the majority. From nine o’clock in the morning
   until three o’clock in the afternoon the order of lessons is
   the same for all; so are the textbooks, the standards of
   efficiency, and the qualifications of the teachers. There
   cannot be any control of the school by any clerical or
   sectarian body. There cannot be any sectarian teaching between
   nine o’clock in the morning and three o’clock in the
   afternoon. The Normal schools of the new provinces will give a
   uniform normal training for all teachers, and there will be
   uniform curricula and courses of study for all schools of the
   same grade. There will be complete and absolute control of all
   schools as to their government and conduct by the central
   school authority created by the new provincial Legislature.
   The distribution of the legislative grant to all schools will
   be according to educational efficiency, a wise provision which
   did not apply to separate schools of the old type. To
   recapitulate, all the schools are alike, except that where the
   trustees are Protestant there is Protestant religious teaching
   from half-past three to four, and where the trustees are Roman
   Catholic there is Roman Catholic teaching during the
   half-hour. That is the only distinction, and neither
   Protestant nor Roman Catholic children, when they are in the
   minority, need remain to hear any religious teaching against
   their parents’ wishes."

CANADA: A. D. 1906.
   Dominion Forest Reserves Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      Conservation of Natural Resources.

CANADA: A. D. 1906.
   Passage of the "Lord’s Day Act."

      See (in this Volume)
      SUNDAY OBSERVANCE.

CANADA: A. D. 1906.
   Prisons and Reformatory Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

CANADA: A. D. 1906 (May).
   Departure of the last British garrison.

   On the 1st of May, 1906, the last British garrison in the
   Dominion was withdrawn from Esquimault, in British Columbia,
   under an arrangement which leaves the Canadian Government in
   undivided control of all military posts.

CANADA: A. D. 1906-1907.
   Political experiments in Ontario.
   Broadening the functions of government.

   The Canadians of their Middle West, who used to be the most
   conservative of Britons, have manifested lately a new spirit,
   wafted, perhaps, from adventuresome New Zealand, and are
   trying governmental experiments that would stagger
   Oklahoma,—trying them, too, with what looks like success.

   For the development of the rich cobalt and silver mining
   region on its eastern border, and for the encouragement of
   colonization farther northward on the same border, the Ontario
   Government has not hesitated to construct and own and operate
   officially an important line of railway, the Temiskaming and
   Northern Ontario, which is reported to have been profitable
   from the start. The road may possibly be extended to James
   Bay, the southward projection of Hudson Bay.

   The progressive government of Ontario has also undertaken to
   work for its own benefit the mines in a large lately opened
   block of the Cobalt mining territory, covering about 100
   square miles. In somewhat the same line of economic policy, it
   determined in 1906 to control the development and transmission
   of electric power at and from Niagara Falls, and accomplished
   its purpose by a contract with the Ontario Power Company,
   which secures power to municipalities in Ontario at an
   extremely reasonable rate.

   This adventurous policy in economic directions is less
   surprising, however, than an absolutely novel experiment in
   the officializing of political parties, as agencies in
   representative government, which has been put on trial in
   Ontario during two parliamentary sessions. For the first time
   in constitutional history, the opposition leader in a
   legislature has been made a recognized functionary and
   salaried by the Government to the extent of $7,000 a year.
   Theoretically, the importance of an effectively critical
   opposition to the majority party in a legislature is always
   acknowledged. Is there not good sense, then, theoretically at
   least, in a policy of government which aims to increase the
   efficiency of that criticism and give it a responsible
   character, in the mode which the Ontarians are trying?

{69}

   After between two and three years trial of this last named
   experiment, with a salaried leader of the Opposition, the
   Toronto correspondent of the London Times wrote, in
   June, 1909, to that paper as follows:

   "This is an experiment in Parliamentary government which has
   not been attempted elsewhere. It has both advantages and
   disadvantages. There are few men of wealth or leisure in
   Canadian public life, and generally a private party fund has
   been provided for the support of the leader of the Opposition.
   The charge was commonly made that as this fund was likely to
   be provided by the few wealthy men of the party they would
   exact compensation in the form of official appointment or
   legislative favour when the Opposition leader became the head
   of the Government. It was decided, therefore, to give a
   salary, equal to the emoluments of a Minister of the Crown, to
   the leader of the Opposition. Mr. Borden [leader of the
   Opposition in Ontario for some time past] sanctioned this
   legislation and accepted the remuneration provided. It was
   argued that he thus became a pensioner on the Government, and
   that a servile consideration for his salary would affect his
   independence and restrain his criticism of the paymasters on
   the Treasury benches. Mr. Borden, while disposed more than
   once to relinquish the salary, felt that this criticism was
   unjust, and, knowing the grave financial distresses which some
   of his predecessors had experienced, waited patiently for the
   attack to exhaust itself and for opportunity to prove that he
   was not a dependent of the Treasury. At length his course
   seems to be justified, and the appropriation of a salary for
   the leader of the Opposition seems likely to become a settled
   feature of the Canadian Parliamentary system. The real test
   will come, however, if the system of Parliamentary groups
   should ever replace the established two-party system in
   Canada. But for the time the experiment has been justified,
   and under the conditions which so often obtain in Canada it
   may even be said that the official salary enhances the
   independence and dignity of the Opposition leader in
   Parliament."

CANADA: A. D. 1906-1908.
   The Canada Temperance Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: CANADA.

CANADA: A. D. 1907.
   The founding of Macdonald College.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907.

CANADA: A. D. 1907 (March).
   The "Industrial Disputes Investigation Act," to aid in the
   prevention and settlement of Strikes and Lockouts.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907-1908.

CANADA: A. D. 1907 (April-May).
   Imperial Conference at London.

      See (in this Volume)
      British Empire: A. D. 1907.

CANADA: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Convention respecting commercial relations with France
   and its amendment.

   A Convention which greatly liberalized the tariff regulations
   affecting trade between Canada and France was concluded
   between the British and French Governments and signed at Paris
   on the 19th of September, 1907. It gave "the benefit of the
   minimum tariff and of the lowest rates of customs duty
   applicable to like products of other foreign origin,"
   reciprocally, in each country to certain enumerated products
   of the other; with mutual pledges that every reduction granted
   by either to any foreign country should apply to similar
   products of the other.

   In January, 1909, an amended Convention was negotiated which
   liberalized still further this commercial agreement, enlarging
   the schedules of favored products, especially the agricultural
   schedules, giving important advantages to Canada in the French
   market. The amended Convention was ratified in France on the
   13th of July, and in Canada early in December.

CANADA: A. D. 1908.
   Child Labor legislation.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS WORKERS.

CANADA: A. D. 1908.
   Governmental undertaking of a railway to Hudson Bay.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: CANADA: A. D. 1908-1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (April).
   Convention for the preservation and propagation of Food
   Fishes in waters contiguous to the United States and Canada.

         See (in this Volume)
         FOOD FISHES.

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (April).
   Treaty respecting the demarcation of the International
   Boundary between the United States and Canada.

   A Treaty "providing for the more complete definition and
   demarcation of the international boundary between the United
   States and the Dominion of Canada," negotiated by Ambassador
   Bryce and Secretary Root, appointed Plenipotentiaries of the
   Governments of Great Britain and the United States,
   respectively, was signed at Washington on the 4th of June,
   1908. The Treaty provides for parcelling the boundary line in
   eight sections, for the determination in each of which each
   Government "shall appoint, without delay, an expert geographer
   or surveyor to serve as Commissioner." Its first article
   prescribes with minuteness the procedure to be followed and
   the consideration to be given to former surveys and
   determinations of the boundary line "in the waters of
   Passamaquoddy Bay from the mouth of the St. Croix River to the
   Bay of Fundy." The second article defines similarly the task
   appointed to the Commissioners who shall determine the "line
   drawn along the middle of the River St. Croix from its mouth
   in the Bay of Fundy to its source." The third article
   instructs the Commissioners who shall fix the line from the
   source of the St. Croix to the St. Lawrence. The fourth deals
   in like manner with the next section of the line, from "the
   point of its intersection with the St. Lawrence River near the
   forty-fifth parallel of north latitude, as determined under
   articles I. and VI. of the Treaty of August 9, 1842, between
   Great Britain and the United States, and thence through the
   Great Lakes and communicating waterways to the mouth of Pigeon
   River, at the western shore of Lake Superior." The fifth
   pursues the line from "the mouth of Pigeon River to the
   northwestern-most point of the Lake of the Woods." The sixth
   traces the work to be done on the line from that point of the
   Lake of the Woods to the summit of the Rocky Mountains. The
   seventh relates to the section of boundary "along the
   forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, from the summit of the
   Rocky Mountains westward to the eastern shore of the Gulf of
   Georgia, as defined in article I. of the Treaty of June 15,
   1846, between Great Britain and the United States and as
   marked by monuments along its course,"—for the renewing and
   completing of which monuments commissioners were appointed by
   concurrent action of the two Governments in 1902 and 1903. The
   eighth article has to do with the western terminal section of
   the task, carrying the boundary line "from the forty-ninth
   parallel of north latitude along the middle of the channel
   which separates Vancouver’s Island from the mainland and the
   Haro Channel and of Fuca’s Straits to the Pacific Ocean, as
   defined in article I. of the Treaty of June 15, 1846, between
   Great Britain and the United States, and as determined by the
   award made on October 21, 1872, by the Emperor of Germany as
   arbitrator.

{70}

   In articles one and two there are provisions for the
   arbitration of disagreements; and the concluding article
   contains the following:

   "If a dispute or difference should arise about the location or
   demarcation of any portion of the boundary covered by the
   provisions of this Treaty and an agreement with respect
   thereto is not reached by the Commissioners charged herein
   with locating and marking such portion of the line, they shall
   make a report in writing jointly to both Governments, or
   severally each to his own Government, setting out fully the
   questions in dispute and the differences between them, but
   such Commissioners shall, nevertheless, proceed to carry on
   and complete as far as possible the work herein assigned to
   them with respect to the remaining portions of the line.

   "In case of such a disagreement between the Commissioners, the
   two Governments shall endeavor to agree upon an adjustment of
   the questions in dispute, and if an agreement is reached
   between the two Governments it shall be reduced to writing in
   the form of a protocol, and shall be communicated to the said
   Commissioners, who shall proceed to lay down and mark the
   boundary in accordance therewith, and as herein provided, but
   without prejudice to the special provisions contained in
   Articles I and II regarding arbitration.

   "It is understood that under the foregoing articles the same
   persons will be appointed to carry out the delimitation of
   boundaries in the several sections aforesaid, other than the
   section covered by Article IV, unless either of the
   Contracting Powers finds it expedient for some reason which it
   may think sufficient to appoint some other person to be
   Commissioner for any one of the above-mentioned sections."

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (July).
   Tercentenary Celebration of the Founding of Quebec.

   The three hundredth anniversary of the founding of Quebec by
   Champlain was celebrated at that city in July, 1908, with
   remarkable spirit and success. The Government of the Dominion
   took an active and important part in the preparations,
   nationalizing the battle-field of Wolfe’s victory over
   Montcalm, on the Plains of Abraham, and converting it into a
   park, where the principal pageants and ceremonies of the
   occasion were performed. The Imperial Government interested
   itself warmly in the undertaking, the Prince of Wales, Lord
   Roberts, the Duke of Norfolk, and other distinguished
   personages from Great Britain coming as guests of the
   festivity and to bear a part. Living descendants of Wolfe and
   Montcalm were also invited guests, and the Governments of
   France and the United States were officially represented.
   Battleships from the fleets of these nations and from Germany,
   Italy, Spain, Japan and the Argentine Republic were brought to
   a friendly concourse in the harbor of Quebec, for
   participation in the brilliant spectacles of the féte. These
   included a military representation of the armies of Wolfe and
   Montcalm, on the field where they fought; a representation of
   the landing of Champlain, from a ship which duplicated the
   structure and equipment of his own, and a number of other
   historical pageants, all admirably planned and executed, and
   offering a rare entertainment to the many thousands of
   visitors who were attracted to Quebec from all parts of the
   Dominion and the United States.

   The celebration began on the 19th of July and continued
   through two weeks.

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (September).
   Act to amend Civil Service Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: CANADA.

CANADA: A. D. 1909.
   The projected Georgian Bay Canal.
   Present state of the project.

   "The scheme for a canal to give through transport for
   ocean-going steamers from Montreal to the Great Lakes may now
   be said to have emerged from the field of idealism into that
   of practical politics, the need for such a waterway having
   been generally recognized by Canadian politicians. In
   commercial circles there is the strongest feeling that the
   canal works should be put in hand at once, and at the end of
   April last a powerful deputation representing 20 Canadian
   Boards of Trade and 54 municipalities pressed this point of
   view upon the Government. At the present time questions of
   finance alone prohibit the practical adoption of the
   enterprise. … When the work is started, it will probably be
   found that the contract will be entrusted to private
   enterprise under Government supervision.

   … The present position of the negotiations between the
   Government and the canal company is that the latter
   corporation having matured its scheme, the Government
   engineers have made a report, and a compromise has now to be
   effected on those points where the recommendations of the
   Government engineers differ from the scheme of construction
   drawn up by the Georgian Bay Canal Company.

   "The total distance of the route planned by the canal company
   engineers between Georgian Bay on Lake Huron to Montreal, the
   head of ocean navigation on the St. Lawrence River, is 440
   miles. The project is essentially a river and lake
   canalization scheme, and for the greater part of its course
   the projected route follows the course of the French River and
   the Ottawa. River and its lakes. From Georgian Bay to the
   summit level it is proposed to utilize the middle channel of
   French River to Lake Nipissing. From the northern side of this
   lake to the summit level, a distance of over 80 miles from
   Georgian Bay, it would be mainly an artificial waterway. From
   the summit level, 677 ft. above sea level, there is a long
   fall to Montreal, and the route proposed by the canal company
   engineers is via Trout and Turtle Lakes, the little
   Mattawa River into Talon Lake to Sand Bay, a distance of 21
   miles. A canal three miles long would carry the waterway to
   the Mattawa River, 13 miles of which would be utilized, and a
   short canal cut would give access to the Ottawa River, which
   would then be followed for a distance of 293 miles. Thence the
   St. Lawrence River or a branch of the Ottawa River, known as
   the Back River, would form the new waterway for the last 25
   miles. The difference in elevation of 659 ft. between Montreal
   and the summit level, and 99 ft. between the summit and
   Georgian Bay would be bridged by 27 locks, ranging in lift
   from 5 ft. to 50 ft. These locks would be designed for a
   length of 940 ft., with a width of 70 ft. and with 22 ft. of
   water upon the lock sills, the proposed depth of the canal
   being 24 ft.
{71}
   The total length of canal cutting for the route is estimated
   at from 28 to 34 miles, and in all about 108 miles out of the
   total length of 440 miles would require excavation work for
   lock approaches, canals, and submerged channels.

   "The plans of the Government engineers, as embodied in a
   report to the Department Of Public Works, do not differ
   materially from those of the canal company. The latter
   proposes a 24 ft. waterway, with 22 ft. upon the lock sills;
   the Government plans provide for a 22 ft. waterway, which, it
   is pointed out, would more than equal the conditions as they
   exist to-day in the channels connecting the waters of the
   Great Lakes, which govern the draught of boats on the Lakes. …
   The opening up of the Great Lakes for the first time to
   ocean-going traffic would be an event of the first commercial
   magnitude. It is not generally recognized that the trade of
   the Lakes is greater than the coasting trade of England, of
   France, and of Germany put together. The statistical reports
   of Lake commerce passing through the canals at Sault Ste.
   Marie, Michigan and Ontario, show that the tonnage passing
   through these canals increased during 1897 to 1907 from
   18,982,755 to 58,217,214.

   "Reference should also be made to the water powers which would
   be created by the present plans for the construction of the
   canal. The report of the Government engineers states that
   nearly 1,000,000 h. p. could be secured along the Ottawa and
   French rivers and it is estimated that 100,000 h. p. would be
   available within almost a mile of the city of Montreal.

   "The question yet to be decided is when can the country afford
   to start the work. Sir Robert Perks, M. P., who has been
   intimately associated with the scheme, recently submitted an
   offer to the Government on behalf of the canal company, who
   own the charter, to provide £5,000,000 at a 3 per cent.
   guarantee, with ½ per cent. sinking fund, for the construction
   of the French River section of the canal, a distance of about
   86 miles, and to build docks and warehouses at North Bay on
   Lake Nipissing. … It is estimated that it would take ten years
   from the inception of the work before the canal would be open
   for navigation, and that the total cost would be about
   £20,000,000."

      Engineering Correspondence London Times,
      August 18, 1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1909.
   The Great Mackenzie Basin.
   The Newest Canadian West.

   A report on the agricultural possibilities of the great
   Mackenzie Basin, prepared by a select committee of the
   Dominion Senate, was made public in the summer of 1909.
   "Basing their calculations upon the testimony of witnesses,
   the Committee calculate that some two million square miles
   between the northern limits of Saskatchewan and Alberta and
   the Arctic Circle can be used for pasturage and for the
   cultivation of wheat, barley, potatoes, and other vegetables.
   Until a few years ago not only the Mackenzie basin but the
   valley of Peace rivers were on account of their high latitudes
   considered to be unfit for cultivation. The comparatively mild
   climate, which, as the report shows, they in reality enjoy, is
   said to be due to the proximity of large bodies of water such
   as the Great Slave and Great Bear lakes and to the
   chinook wind, the warm current of air that blows across
   the Rocky Mountains from the Pacific. The shortness of the
   sub-Arctic summer appears to be offset by the proportionate
   length of the days and by the clearness of the air. In regard
   to the future of the district with which it deals the report
   points out that in 1870 the representatives of the people of
   Eastern Canada were anxious to obtain in regard to what is now
   the prosperous province of Manitoba exactly the same
   information as the Committee has been engaged in collecting
   about Canada’s ‘newest west.’"

CANADA: A. D. 1909.
   The opposition in Newfoundland to union with the Dominion.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (January).
   The Waterways Treaty between the United States and Great
   Britain, concerning the waters between the former and Canada.

   Resulting from the labors of an International Waterways
   Commission, appointed four years before, a Waterways Treaty,
   having reference to the lakes and rivers that lie along the
   boundary between Canada and the United States, was concluded
   by Ambassador Bryce, on the part of the British Government,
   and Secretary of State Root, on the part of the United States,
   in January, 1909. The Treaty was ratified by the Senate of the
   United States in the closing hours of the Congressional
   session which ended March 4, but with a proviso, in the form
   of a resolution attached. The following is a summary of the
   provisions of the Treaty as it went to the Senate:

   "A preliminary article defines the Canadian and American
   boundary waters.

   "Article I. enacts that the navigation of these waters,
   including Lake Michigan and the canals connecting them, shall
   for ever continue free and open for the purposes of commerce
   to the inhabitants of both countries. Regulations affecting
   canals in the territory of either country shall apply equally
   to inhabitants of the other who may wish to make use thereof.

   "Article II. reserves to the signatories and to the State and
   provincial Governments exclusive control over the use,
   diversion, &c., of such waters in their territory as flow into
   the boundary waters or across the frontier. Any inhabitant of
   either country injured by the use of this privilege will be
   entitled to the legal remedies he would have if he were a
   native of the defendant country. The contracting parties,
   however, reserve the right of objection whenever navigation on
   their own side of the boundary is imperilled by any diversion
   of water across it.

   "Articles III. and IV. provide that no works shall be
   undertaken on either side of the line, if such works would be
   likely to affect the level of the waters on the other side,
   without agreement between the contracting parties and the
   sanction of the Joint Commission. Pollution of the waters is
   also forbidden.

   "Article V., which relates to the diversion of the waters of
   Niagara, the control of the level of Lake Erie, and the flow
   of the Niagara River, has a clause which states that it is the
   desire of both parties to accomplish these objects with the
   least possible injury to the investments which have already
   been made in the construction of power plants on the United
   States side of the Niagara River under grants of authority
   from the State of New York, and on the Canadian side of the
   river under licenses authorized by the Dominion of Canada and
   the Province of Ontario.

{72}

   "Article VI. apportions the uses of the St. Mary’s and Milk
   rivers and their tributaries in the west.

   "Article VII. provides for the creation of an International
   Joint Commission, consisting of three representatives of
   Canada and three of the United States.

   "Article VIII. provides that the Commission shall have
   jurisdiction over, and shall decide all cases involving, the
   waterways where, under articles III. and IV., their approval
   is required, and gives principles for their guidance. The
   contracting parties are to have equal and similar rights. The
   uses of the water are to be considered in the following
   order:—First, domestic and sanitary purposes; secondly,
   purposes of navigation; third, purposes of power and
   irrigation. The Commission is invested with some discretion
   with regard to departure from the principle of equal division,
   &c. In case of a tie vote each Commissioner is to make a
   separate report to his Government; whereupon the two
   Governments shall attempt to reach an agreement.

   "The two following articles, IX. and X., requiring that all
   disputes shall be referred to the Commission, stand out as the
   most important provisions of the treaty. Article IX., after
   stating that matters of difference shall be referred to the
   Commission whenever either Government desires, goes on to
   authorize the Commission in each case so referred to examine
   into and report upon the facts and circumstances of the
   particular questions referred, together with such conclusions
   and recommendations as may be appropriate, subject, however,
   to any restrictions or exceptions which may be imposed with
   respect thereto by the terms of reference. Such reports of the
   Commission are in no way to have the character of an arbitral
   award. The Commission shall make joint report to both
   Governments in all cases wherein all or a majority of the
   Commissioners agree, and in case of disagreement the minority
   may make joint report to both Governments, or separate reports
   to their respective Governments. In case the Commission is
   evenly divided upon any question referred to it, separate
   reports shall be made by the Commissioners, one on each side
   to their own Government.

   "Article X. extends the powers of the Commission by providing
   that other matters of difference affecting the rights of
   either country may be referred to the Commission. In each case
   so referred the Commission is authorized to examine into and
   report upon the facts and circumstances of the particular
   questions and matters referred, together with such conclusions
   and recommendations as may be appropriate, subject, however,
   to any restrictions or exceptions which may be imposed with
   respect thereto by the terms of reference. A majority of the
   Commission shall have power to render a decision or finding
   upon any of the questions or matters so referred.

   "In the event of a failure of the Commission to agree upon the
   issues submitted to them for decision or report, the article
   requires the Commissioners to make a joint report to both
   Governments, or separate reports to their respective
   Governments, showing the different conclusions arrived at with
   regard to matters or questions so referred, which shall
   thereupon be submitted for decision by the high contracting
   parties to an umpire chosen in accordance with procedure
   prescribed in the fourth, fifth, and sixth paragraphs of
   Article XLV. of The Hague Convention for the pacific
   settlement of international disputes, dated October 18, 1907.
   Such umpire, the article concludes, shall have power to render
   a final decision on matters whereon the Commission have failed
   to agree."

   The resolution attached to the Treaty by the Senate of the
   United States related to the use of waters flowing at the
   rapids of St. Mary’s River at Sault Ste. Marie, and was
   introduced by Senator Smith of Michigan. It is as follows:

   "Resolved—As part of this ratification, the United States
   approves this treaty, with the understanding that nothing in
   the treaty shall be construed as affecting or changing any
   existing territorial or riparian right in the water, or the
   rights of owners of lands under water, on either side of the
   international boundary, at the rapids of St. Mary’s River at
   Sault Ste. Marie, in the use of waters flowing over such
   lands, subject to the requirements of navigation in the
   boundary waters and of the navigation of canals, and without
   prejudice to the existing right of the United States and
   Canada, each to use the waters of St. Mary’s River within its
   own territory; and that this interpretation will be mentioned
   in the ratification of this treaty as conveying the true
   meaning of the treaty, and will in effect form part of the
   treaty."

   This stipulation was objectionable to Canada, and the consent
   of the Dominion Government to a ratification of the Treaty on
   the part of Great Britain was withheld. It has been
   understood, however, that the objection will be substantially
   removed if the Government of the United States acquires
   possession of the lands and riparian property concerned, which
   was provided for by an Act of Congress passed in March. The
   necessary proceedings will consume some time.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (February).
   The institution of a Department of External Affairs.

   An Associated Press despatch from Ottawa, on the 18th of
   February, 1909, made known that "the Canadian Government has
   announced its intention of creating a portfolio of external
   affairs. Heretofore all of the foreign business of Canada has
   been carried on through the channel of the British colonial
   and foreign office. Even after the external affairs branch is
   created by Canada this will be the principal avenue for such
   business. That method is cumbersome. In the case of
   negotiations with the United States, papers have to cross the
   Atlantic twice in passing from Washington to Ottawa, being
   sent first to the colonial office and then back to Canada. The
   process has been much criticised and both the prime minister
   and the opposition leader have declared themselves in favor of
   a modification. The creation of the external department is
   regarded as the first step. The most radical proposal is the
   intimation that in negotiations with the United States there
   will hereafter be direct communication between Washington and
   Canada, through the medium of the British Ambassador."

{73}

   In the British Parliament, on the 4th of March, the Prime
   Minister, Mr. Asquith, replied to a question on the subject,
   as follows:

   "It is understood that the Canadian Government propose to
   establish a Department of External Affairs. This department is
   merely intended—like the corresponding department of the Com
   [Commonwealth?] wealth Government—to conduct correspondence
   with the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and his
   Majesty’s Ambassador at Washington, and with the several
   departments of the Canadian Government. At present delay
   occurs in dealing with the correspondence, as there is no
   department to conduct the work. No suggestion has been made by
   the Canadian Government for the increase of their powers in
   dealing with external affairs."

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (February).
   Participation in a North American Conference on the
   Conservation of Natural Resources.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: NORTH AMERICA.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (April).
   Statistics of the Budget speech.
   Revenue.
   Trade.
   No increase of taxation.

   The following was reported in a despatch from Ottawa, April
   20, 1909:

   "Notwithstanding the financial stringency of the past year,
   which reduced the revenue of Canada by $11,500,000, Mr.
   Fielding, Minister of Finance, in his Budget speech today made
   the gratifying announcement that there was a surplus of
   $1,500,000 for the year ended March 31. The increase in the
   net debt was $46,029,000, of which $32,000,000 was for the
   National Transcontinental Railway and the Quebec Bridge. The
   total trade of the country during the past year was
   $553,737,000, a decrease of $97,000,000, principally in
   imports. The estimated expenditures for the current year were
   $80,078,624. In the judgment of the Government there was no
   necessity for increased taxation, but the situation should be
   met by a substantial reduction in expenditures."

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (June).
   Important ruling by the Railway Commission affecting
   American Railways.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: CANADA: A. D. 1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (July-August).
   Imperial Defence Conference.
   Its agreements.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (August).
   Meeting of the British Association for
   the Advancement of Science.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (August).
   Proposed union of the Maritime Provinces.

   A Press despatch of August 19, from Ottawa, reported:

   "At a conference of the Boards of Trade of the Maritime
   Provinces at Charlottetown a resolution was adopted in favour
   of the union of the Maritime Provinces. The Governments of
   Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island were
   asked to appoint a committee to draft terms of union. The
   general opinion is that only union can avert the overwhelming
   influence of the West in future."

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (December).
   Convention relating to obstructions in the St. John River.

   "Commissioners have been appointed on the part of the United
   States to act jointly with commissioners on the part of Canada
   in examining into the question of obstructions in the St. John
   River, between Maine and New Brunswick, and to make
   recommendations for the regulation of the uses thereof, and
   are now engaged in this work."

      Message of the President of the United States to Congress,
      December 6, 1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1909-1910.
   As affected by the new tariff of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

CANADA: A. D. 1910.
   Anti-Trust Bill in the Dominion Parliament.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: CANADA.

CANADA: A. D. 1910 (January).
   Announcement of naval programme.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

   ----------CANADA: End--------

CANADA STEEL CORPORATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: CANADA: A. D. 1909.

CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY STRIKE, 1908.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907-1908.

CANAL ZONE.

      See (in this Volume)
      PANAMA CANAL.

CANALS.

      See (in this Volume)
      PANAMA, GEORGIAN BAY,
      and (for Barge Canal) NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898-1909.

CAMPANILE OF ST. MARK’S, at Venice.
   Its fall.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENICE: A. D. 1902.

CANBERRA,
YASS-CANBERRA.
   Chosen site of the Capital of Australia.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

CANCER RESEARCH.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

CANDAMO, PRESIDENT MANUEL.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERU.

CAPE COLONY.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA.

CAPITALISTIC COMBINATIONS.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.;
      also RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES.

CAPUCHINS:
   Forbidden to teach in France.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

CARDUCCI, Giosue.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.


CARLOS I., King of Portugal.
   His assassination.

      See (in this Volume)
      Portugal: A. D. 1906-1909.

CARMEN SYLVA: Queen of Roumania.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA: A. D. 1866-1906.

CARNEGIE, ANDREW:
   Gift to Scottish universities and students.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.

CARNEGIE, ANDREW:
   Gift of a building at Washington for the
   Bureau of the American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF.

CARNEGIE, ANDREW:
   Gift of a court house and library for the Permanent Court of
   Arbitration at The Hague.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1903.

CARNEGIE, ANDREW:
   At Peace Congress in New York.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

CARNEGIE FOUNDATION, FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF TEACHING.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

CARNEGIE HERO FUNDS.

   April 15, 1904, a letter from Andrew Carnegie was made public
   announcing that he had set apart a fund of $5,000,000 to be
   known as "The Hero Fund." In this letter Mr. Carnegie said:
   "We live in an heroic age. Not seldom are we thrilled by deeds
   of heroism where men or women are injured or lose their lives
   in attempting to preserve or rescue their fellows; such are
   the heroes of civilization.
{74}
   The heroes of barbarism maimed or killed. I have long felt
   that the heroes and those dependent upon them should be freed
   from pecuniary cares resulting from their heroism and as a
   fund for this purpose I have transferred to a commission
   $5,000,000 of collateral 5 per cent bonds of the United States
   Steel Corporation." Only such as follow peaceful vocations on
   sea or land in the United States or Canada are eligible to
   receive money or medals for heroic deeds. The commission which
   has charge of the fund has its headquarters in Pittsburg,
   Pennsylvania. A similar fund in Great Britain was created soon
   afterward by Mr. Carnegie, and in May, 1909, he placed, for
   the same purpose, $1,000,000 of the bonds of the United States
   Steel Corporation in the hands of trustees in France, under
   the sanction of the French Government.

CARNEGIE INSTITUTE, The, at Pittsburg:
   Its enlargement and re-dedication.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

CARTAGO, COSTA RICA:
   Institution of the Central American Court of Justice.
   Gift of a building by Mr. Carnegie.

      See (in this Volume)
      Central America: A. D. 1908.

CARTELS.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (IN GERMANY).

CASABLANCA:
   Bombardment by French and Spanish fleets.
   The Casablanca incident.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

CASEMENT, ROGER: British consul in the Congo State.
   His reports.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

CASTRO, CIPRIANO:
   President of Venezuela.

      See in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA,
      also COLOMBIA: 1898-1902.

CASTRO, Luciano de.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

CATALONIA: A. D. 1902.
   Disorders.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909.

CATHOLIC DISABILITIES, IN ENGLAND:
   Majority vote in Commons for removing.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May).

CATHOLIC PEOPLE’S PARTY.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.

CATSKILL AQUEDUCT.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905-1909.

CATTLE DRIVING.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1902-1908.

CAUCASUS, The:
   Conflict of Tartars and Armenians.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (February-November).

CENSORSHIP.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.

CENSUS BILL, PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT’S VETO OF THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

CENSUS BUREAU, CREATION OF A PERMANENT.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (March).

CENTER, or CENTRUM PARTY.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

   ----------CENTRAL AMERICA: Start--------

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1906.
   Participation of all the states in the Second and Third
   International Conferences of American republics.
   Their signature of an obligatory arbitration convention.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1902.
   Treaty of compulsory arbitration and obligatory peace
   between the five republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1903.
   Honduras: Revolution, establishing General Bonilla
   in the Presidency.

   In the spring of 1903 a rising in Honduras against the
   Government was reported to be in progress, under General
   Bonilla. Early in March the situation was stated by the
   American consular agent at Amapala as follows:

   "A great part of the members of the Congress that was in
   session in Tegucigalpa, amongst them the President of the
   Congress, fled from the capital to the frontier of Salvador
   the 30th of January, so that Congress was de facto dissolved
   on that date. It seems that the council of ministers formed a
   new Congress out of the remaining deputies and the substitutes
   of the fugitives. The new Congress proclaimed Dr. Juan Angel
   Arias president, and General Maximo B. Rosales vice-president
   of the Republic. The new Government was recognized by
   Nicaragua, but I do not know if it was recognized by the other
   Central American Republics. In the meantime General Bonilla
   has gone ahead with his military operations against the new
   government. His forces have taken the fortified towns of
   Ocotepeque, Santa Rosa, and Gracias, near the frontier of
   Nicaragua. On the 22d of February General Bonilla was as
   attacked in El Aceituno by General Sierra, the ex-president,
   who was completely defeated and escaped with several hundred
   men, the remainder of his troops, to the fortified town of
   Nacaome, where he still is. General Bonilla has now an army of
   about 4,500 men."

   In despatches of the 15th and 24th of April, Minister Combs,
   who represented the United States in transactions with both
   Guatemala and Honduras, advised the State Department that
   General Bonilla was in possession of Tegucigalpa; that
   ex-President Arias was a prisoner; that peace was restored,
   and that Bonilla should be recognized as President.
   Accordingly the recognition was given.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1904.
   Nicaragua, Honduras, Salvador, and Guatemala: Peace Conference.

   A despatch, August 31, 1904, from the American Minister at San
   José, Costa Rica, to the State Department at Washington, was
   as follows:

   "I have the honor to advise that on the 21st instant, at
   Corinto, Nicaragua, the Presidents of Nicaragua, Honduras, and
   El Salvador, and a special delegate representing the President
   of Guatemala, held a conference ostensibly for the purpose of
   securing the peace of Central America. … The parties holding
   the conference have issued a lengthy manifesto, which
   indicates nothing of interest to our Government except that
   the four governments represented are controlled by parties who
   will aid each other by military force, if necessary, in
   maintaining the status quo, and that the peace of Central
   America is thus reasonably assured by making revolutionary
   efforts more difficult and less liable to achieve success."

{75}

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1904. Nicaragua and Honduras:
   Agreement to arbitrate boundary dispute.

   In October, 1904, the United States Government was informed
   that Nicaragua and Honduras had agreed to submit a boundary
   dispute to the King of Spain.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1905. Nicaragua:
   Treaty with Great Britain concerning the Mosquito Territory.

   The following treaty between Great Britain and the Republic of
   Nicaragua was signed at Managua, Nicaragua, April 19, 1905:

   Article I.
   The High Contracting Parties agree that the Treaty of Managua
   of January 28, 1860, is and shall remain abrogated.

   Article II.
   His Britannic Majesty agrees to recognize the absolute
   sovereignty of Nicaragua over the territory that constituted
   the former Mosquito Reserve, as defined in the aforesaid
   Treaty of Managua.

   Article III.
   In consideration of the fact that the Mosquito Indians were at
   one time under the protection of Great Britain, and in view of
   the interest that His Majesty’s Government and the Nicaraguan
   Government take in their welfare, the Nicaraguan Government
   agree to grant them the following concessions:

   (a) The Government will submit to the National Assembly a law
   exempting, for fifty years from the date of the ratification
   of this Treaty, all the Mosquito Indians and the Creoles born
   before the year 1894, from military service, and from all
   direct taxation on their persons, property, possessions,
   animals, and means of subsistence.

   (b) The Government will allow the Indians to live in their
   villages enjoying the concessions granted by this Convention,
   and following their own customs, in so far as they are not
   opposed to the laws of the country and to public morality.

   (c) The Nicaraguan Government will concede a further period of
   two years for them to legalize their rights to the property
   acquired in conformity with the Regulations in force before
   1894 in the Reserve. The Government will make no charge to the
   said inhabitants either for the lands or the measurement
   thereof, or for the grant of title-deeds. For this purpose the
   title-deeds in the possession of the said Indians and Creoles
   before 1894 will be renewed in conformity with the laws, and,
   in cases where no such title-deeds exist, the Government will
   give to each family, at their place of residence, eight
   manzanas of land, if the members of the family do not exceed
   four in number, and two manzanas for each person if the family
   exceeds that number.

   (d) Public pasture lands will be reserved for the use of the
   inhabitants in the neighbourhood of each Indian village.

   (e) In the event of any Mosquito Indians or Creoles proving
   that the lands which they held in conformity with the
   Regulations in force before 1894 have been claimed by and
   allotted to other persons, the Government will indemnify them
   by the grant of suitable public lands of approximate value as
   near as possible to their present residences.

   Article IV.
   The ex-Chief of the Mosquito Indians, Robert Henry Clarence,
   will be permitted by the Nicaraguan Government to reside in
   the Republic of Nicaragua and to enjoy full protection so long
   as he does not transgress the laws, and provided his acts do
   not tend to incite the Indians against Nicaragua.

   Article V.
   The Mosquito Indians, and other inhabitants of the former
   Reserve, will enjoy the same rights as are secured by the laws
   of Nicaragua to other Nicaraguan citizens.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1906. Honduras, Guatemala, and Salvador:
   War, ended by mediation of the United States and Mexico.

   Neither the Convention of Peace and Compulsory Arbitration
   signed at Corinto in 1902 by the presidents of all five of the
   Central American republics, nor the peace agreement between
   four of them two years later, sufficed to prevent an outbreak
   of war in 1906 which involved the three states of Honduras,
   Guatemala, and Salvador. President Roosevelt, in his annual
   Message to Congress that year, referred to the war as having
   arisen from "trouble which had existed for some time"; but
   does not indicate the nature of the "trouble"; nor is any
   light thrown on it in a long diplomatic correspondence between
   the parties to it and the governments of the United States and
   Mexico, which appears in the American report of Foreign
   Relations for 1906. Probably nobody outside of the
   belligerents ever learned definitely why they felt called upon
   to fight, or what they had to settle when peace was made.

   Seemingly Honduras was the aggressor; but the affair seems
   hardly worth the trouble of any deep investigation. Its chief
   importance is in the successful mediation that was undertaken
   jointly by the governments of the United States and Mexico, of
   which President Roosevelt made report in the Message referred
   to above:

   "The thoroughly good understanding which exists between the
   United States and Mexico," said the President, "enabled this
   Government and that of Mexico to unite in effective mediation
   between the warring Republics; which mediation resulted, not
   without long-continued and patient effort, in bringing about a
   meeting of the representatives of the hostile powers on board
   a United States warship as neutral territory, and peace was
   there concluded; a peace which resulted in the saving of
   thousands of lives and in the prevention of an incalculable
   amount of misery and the destruction of property and of the
   means of livelihood. The Rio Conference passed the following
   resolution in reference to this action:

   "‘That the Third International American Conference shall
   address to the Presidents of the United States of America and
   of the United States of Mexico a note in which the conference
   which is being held at Rio expresses its satisfaction at the
   happy results of their mediation for the celebration of peace
   between the Republics of Guatemala, Honduras, and Salvador.’

   "This affords an excellent example of one way in which the
   influence of the United States can properly be exercised for
   the benefit of the peoples of the Western Hemisphere; that is,
   by action taken in concert with other American republics and
   therefore free from those suspicions and prejudices which
   might attach if the action were taken by one alone."

{76}

   The resulting "General Treaty of Peace and Amity, Commerce,
   etc., between the Republics of Costa Rica, Salvador,
   Guatemala, and Honduras," signed September 25, 1906, involved
   solemn engagements in its first four articles, as follows:

   "ARTICLE 1.
   There shall be perpetual peace and a frank, loyal, and sincere
   friendship among the Republics of Costa Rica, Salvador,
   Guatemala, and Honduras, each and every one of the aforesaid
   Governments being in duty bound to consider as one of their
   principal obligations the maintenance of such peace and the
   preservation of such friendship, by endeavoring to contribute
   every means to procure the desired end, and to remove, as far
   as lies in their power, any obstacles, whatever their nature,
   which might prevent it. In order to secure such ends they
   shall always unite when the importance of the case demands it,
   to foster their moral, intellectual, and industrial progress,
   thus making their interests one and the same, as it becomes
   sister countries.

   "ARTICLE 2.
   In the event, which is not to be expected, that any of the
   high contracting parties should fail to comply with or cause
   any deviation from any of the subjects agreed to in the
   present treaty, such event, as well as any particular
   difficulty which may arise between them, shall necessarily be
   settled by the civilized means of arbitration.

   "ARTICLE 3.
   The Governments of Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, in
   conformity with the stipulations of the treaty executed on
   board the Marblehead, hereby appoint as umpires, Their
   Excellencies the Presidents of the United States of America
   and of the United Mexican States, to whom all particular
   difficulties arising among said Governments shall be submitted
   for arbitration.

   "For the purpose of agreeing on the manner to effect such
   arbitration, the above-mentioned Republics shall accredit, at
   the latest within three months from this date, their
   respective legations near the Governments of the United States
   of America and Mexico, and in the meanwhile arbitration shall
   be ruled according to the stipulations of the treaty of
   compulsory arbitration concluded in Mexico on the 29th of
   January, 1902.

   "ARTICLE 4.
   Guatemala not having subscribed to the Corinto convention of
   January 20, 1902, Costa Rica, Salvador, and Honduras do hereby
   respectively declare, that said Corinto convention is to
   continue in force, and that any particular difference which
   may arise among them shall be settled in conformity with the
   aforesaid convention and with the regulations established by
   the Central American court of arbitration on the 9th of
   October of that year."

   Notwithstanding these grave pledges to each other, three of
   the parties to this treaty were at war the next year.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.
   Nicaragua, Honduras, and Salvador: War.
   Mexican and American Mediation.
   The Washington Peace Conference.
   General Treaty of Peace and Amity.
   Central American Court of Justice.

   In February, 1907, a fresh outbreak of Central American war
   occurred, originally between Nicaragua and Honduras, but
   involving Salvador, presently, in alliance with Honduras. The
   arbitration convention of 1904 had not accomplished a specific
   settlement of the boundary disputes between Honduras and
   Nicaragua, and President Zelaya, of the latter republic,
   accused the former of encroachments. Mexico and the United
   States had endeavored to pacify the disputants before
   hostilities began, but without success. The quarrel was fought
   out, and a complete victory won by Nicaragua, whose forces
   captured the Honduran capital and drove President Bonilla from
   the country. A provisional government was established in
   Honduras and terms of peace arranged, April 24th. Then the
   good offices of President Roosevelt and President Diaz were
   employed again, with the result which the former communicated
   to Congress in his Message of December 3, 1907, as follows:

   "The effort to compose this new difficulty has resulted in the
   acceptance of the joint suggestion of the Presidents of Mexico
   and of the United States for a general peace conference
   between all the countries of Central America. On the 17th day
   of September last a protocol was signed between the
   representatives of the five Central American countries
   accredited to this Government agreeing upon a conference to be
   held in the City of Washington 'in order to devise the means
   of preserving the good relations among said Republics and
   bringing about permanent peace in those countries.’ The
   protocol includes the expression of a wish that the Presidents
   of the United States and Mexico should appoint
   ‘representatives to lend their good and impartial offices in a
   purely friendly way toward the realization of the objects of
   the conference.’ The conference is now in session and will
   have our best wishes and, where it is practicable, our
   friendly assistance."

   The first regular session of the Conference was held on the
   14th of November, the place of meeting being the building of
   the International Bureau of the American Republics. In
   addition to the delegates present from the States of Costa
   Rica, Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, the
   Republic of Mexico designated Señor Don Enrique C. Creel,
   Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the United
   States, and the United States designated Honorable William I.
   Buchanan, as representatives from Mexico and the United States
   at the conference. The Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of
   State of the United States, was present, also, at the first
   session, over which he presided until the organization of the
   Conference had been effected. His opening address to the
   Conference included these wise and impressive remarks:

   "We cannot fail, gentlemen, to be admonished by the many
   failures which have been made by the people of Central America
   to establish agreement among themselves which would be
   lasting, that the task you have before you is no easy one. The
   trial has often been made and the agreements which have been
   elaborated, signed, ratified, seem to have been written in
   water. Yet I cannot resist the impression that we have at last
   come to the threshold of a happier day for Central America.

   "It would ill become me to attempt to propose or suggest the
   steps which you should take, but I will venture to observe
   that the all-important thing for you to accomplish is that
   while you enter into agreements which will, I am sure, be
   framed in consonance with the most peaceful aspirations and
   the most rigid sense of justice, you shall devise also some
   practical methods under which it will be possible to secure
   the performance of those agreements.
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   The mere declaration of general principles, the mere agreement
   upon lines of policy and of conduct are of little value unless
   there be practical and definite methods provided by which the
   responsibility for failing to keep the agreement may be fixed
   upon some definite person, and the public sentiment of Central
   America brought to bear to prevent the violation. The
   declaration that a man is entitled to his liberty would be of
   little value with us in this country were it not for the writ
   of habeas corpus that makes it the duty of a specific
   judge, when applied to, to inquire into the cause of his
   detention, and set him at liberty if he is unjustly detained.
   The provision which declares that a man should not be deprived
   of his property without due process of law would be of little
   value were it not for the practical provision which imposes on
   specific officers the duty of nullifying every attempt to take
   away a man’s property without due process of law.

   "To find practical definite methods by which you shall make it
   somebody’s duty to see that the great principles you declare
   are not violated, by which if an attempt be made to violate
   them the responsibility may be fixed upon the guilty
   individual—those, in my judgment, are the problems to which
   you should specifically and most earnestly address
   yourselves."

   The address of Secretary Root was followed by one of excellent
   counsel from the Mexican Ambassador, and a reply to both was
   made, on behalf of the Conference, by Señor Don Luis Anderson,
   Minister of Foreign Affairs of Costa Rica. The Conference then
   elected its officers, choosing Minister Anderson for its
   President, and proceeded to the transaction of business.

   Fourteen sessions were held between November 14 and December
   20, resulting from which eight conventions were agreed to and
   signed on the latter date. These conventions are:

   General Treaty of Peace and Amity;
   Additional Convention to the General Treaty;
   Establishing a Central American Court of Justice;
   Extradition;
   On Future Conferences (Monetary);
   On Communications;
   Establishing an International Central American Bureau;
   and Establishing a Pedagogical Institute.

   The essential provisions of the General Treaty of Peace and
   Amity are in the following articles:

   "ARTICLE I.
   The Republics of Central America consider as one of their
   first duties in their mutual relations, the maintenance of
   peace; and they bind themselves to always preserve the most
   complete harmony, and decide every difference or difficulty
   that may arise amongst them, of whatsoever nature it may be,
   by means of the Central American Court of Justice, created by
   the Convention which they have concluded for that purpose on
   this date."

   "Article III.
   Bearing in mind the central geographical position of Honduras
   and the facilities which this circumstance has afforded in
   order that its territory should have been most often the
   theatre of Central American conflicts, Honduras declares from
   now on its absolute neutrality in any event of conflict
   amongst the other Republics; and the latter, in their turn,
   provided such neutrality be observed, bind themselves to
   respect it and in no case to violate the Honduranean
   territory.

   "ARTICLE IV.
   Bearing in mind the advantages which must be gained from the
   creation of Central American institutions for the development
   of their most vital interests, besides the Pedagogical
   Institute and the International Central American Bureau which
   have been established according to the Conventions celebrated
   to that end by this Conference, the creation of a practical
   Agricultural School in the Republic of Salvador, one of Mines
   and Mechanics in that of Honduras, and another of Arts and
   Trades in that of Nicaragua, is especially recommended to the
   Governments.

   "ARTICLE V.
   In order to cultivate the relations between the States, the
   contracting parties obligate themselves each to accredit to
   the others a permanent Legation.

   "ARTICLE VI.
   The citizens of one of the contracting parties, residing in
   the territory of any of the others, shall enjoy the same civil
   rights as nationals, and shall be considered as citizens in
   the country of their residence if they fulfill the conditions
   which the respective constituent laws provide. Those that are
   not naturalized shall be exempt from obligatory military
   service, either by sea or land, and from every forced loan or
   military requirement, and they shall not be obliged on any
   account to make more contributions or ordinary or
   extraordinary imposts than those which nationals pay."

   "ARTICLE X.
   The Governments of the contracting Republics bind themselves
   to respect the inviolability of the right of asylum aboard the
   merchant vessels of whatsoever nationality anchored in their
   ports. Therefore, only persons accused of common crimes and by
   order of the competent judge, after due legal procedure, can
   be taken from them. Those prosecuted on account of political
   crimes or common crimes in connection with political ones, can
   only be taken therefrom in case they have embarked in a port
   of the State which claims them, whilst they may remain in its
   jurisdictional waters, and after the requirements hereinbefore
   exacted in the case of common crime have been fulfilled."

   "ARTICLE XIV.
   Public instruments executed in one of the contracting
   Republics shall be valid in the others, provided they shall
   have been properly authenticated and in their execution the
   laws of the Republic whence they proceed shall have been
   observed."

   "ARTICLE XVI.
   Desiring to prevent one of the most frequent causes of
   disturbances in the Republics, the contracting Governments
   shall not permit the head men or principal chiefs of political
   emigrations, nor agents thereof, to reside in the departments
   fronting on the countries whose peace they might disturb.

   "Those who may have been actually established in a permanent
   manner in a frontier department shall be able to remain in the
   place of their residence under the immediate surveillance of
   the Governments affording them an asylum, but from the moment
   when they become a menace to public order they shall be
   included in the rule of the preceding paragraph.

   "ARTICLE XVII.
   Every person, no matter what his nationality, who, within the
   territory of one of the contracting parties, shall initiate or
   foster revolutionary movements against any of the others,
   shall be immediately brought to the capital of the Republic,
   where he shall be submitted to trial according to law."

   "ARTICLE XIX.
   The present Treaty shall remain in force for the term of ten
   years counted from the day of the exchange of ratifications.
   Nevertheless, if one year before the expiration of said term,
   none of the contracting parties shall have given special
   notice to the others concerning its intention to terminate it,
   it shall remain in force until one year after such
   notification may have been made."

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   The "Additional Convention to the General Treaty "is in three
   articles, as follows:

   "ARTICLE I.
   The Governments of the High Contracting Parties shall not
   recognize any other Government which may come into power in
   any of the five Republics as a consequence of a coup d’Etat,
   or of a revolution against the recognized Government, so long
   as the representatives of the people, freely elected, have not
   constitutionally reorganized the country.

   "ARTICLE II.
   No Government of Central America shall in case of civil war
   intervene in favor of or against the Government of the country
   where the struggle may take place.

   "Article III.
   The Governments of Central America, in the first place, are
   recommended to endeavor to procure by the means at their
   command a constitutional reform in the sense of prohibiting
   the reëlection of the President of a Republic, where such
   prohibition does not exist, in the second place to adopt all
   measures necessary to effect a complete guarantee of the
   principle of alternation in power."

   The "Convention for the Establishment of a Central American
   Court of Justice" contains thirty-eight articles, with a
   "Provisional Article" and an "Annexed Article" appended. The
   more important provisions are in the following:

   "ARTICLE I.
   The High Contracting Parties agree by the present Convention
   to constitute and maintain a permanent tribunal which shall be
   called the ‘Central American Court of Justice,’ to which they
   bind themselves to submit all controversies or questions which
   may arise among them, of whatsoever nature and no matter what
   their origin may be, in case the respective Departments of
   Foreign Affairs should not have been able to reach an
   understanding.

   "ARTICLE II.
   This Court shall also take cognizance of the questions which
   individuals of one Central American country may raise against
   any of the other contracting Governments, because of the
   violation of Treaties or Conventions, and other cases of an
   international character; no matter whether his own Government
   supports said claim or not; and provided that the remedies
   which the laws of the respective country provide against such
   violation shall have been exhausted and that a denial of
   justice shall be shown.

   "ARTICLE III.
   It shall also take cognizance of the cases which by common
   accord contracting Governments may submit to it, no matter
   whether they arise between two or more of them or between one
   of said Governments and individuals.

   [Footnote: After signing the treaties an omission was
   discovered in this Article. An additional protocol was
   thereupon signed by all the delegates adding to this Article,
   and to be considered as an integral part of the Convention,
   the following words:

   "It shall also have jurisdiction over cases arising between
   any of the contracting Governments and individuals, when by
   common accord they may have been submitted to it.]

   "Article IV.
   The Court may likewise take cognizance of the international
   questions which by special agreement any one of the Central
   American Governments and a foreign Government may have
   determined to submit to it.

   "ARTICLE V.
   The Central American Court of Justice shall sit at the City of
   Cartago in the Republic of Costa Rica, but it shall be
   authorized to transfer its residence to another point in
   Central America when it may deem it proper to do so for
   reasons of health, of guaranteeing the exercise of its
   functions, or of the personal security of its members.

   "ARTICLE VI.
   The Central American Court of Justice shall consist of five
   Justices named, one from each Republic and selected from among
   the jurists who possess the qualifications which the laws of
   each country may exact for the exercise of high judicial
   functions, and enjoy the highest consideration, not only
   because of their moral character but also on account of their
   professional ability. The vacancies shall be filled by
   substitute Justices, named at the same time and in the same
   manner as the regular ones and who shall unite the same
   qualifications as the former. The attendance of the five
   Justices who constitute the Tribunal is indispensable in order
   to have a legal quorum in the judgments of the Court.

   "ARTICLE VII.
   The legislative power of each one of the five contracting
   Republics shall name one regular and two substitutes as their
   respective Justices. The salary of each Justice shall be eight
   thousand dollars, gold, per annum, which shall be paid by the
   Treasury of the Court. The salary of the Justice of the place
   where the Court resides shall be designated by the respective
   Government. Besides, each State shall contribute two thousand
   dollars, gold, annually for the ordinary and extraordinary
   expenses of the Tribunal. The Governments of the contracting
   Republics bind themselves to include their respective
   contributions in their budgets of expenses and to remit
   quarterly in advance to the Treasury of the Court the
   proportion which corresponds to them on account of such
   expenditures."

   "ARTICLE XIII.
   The Central American Court of Justice represents the national
   conscience of Central America, wherefore the Justices who
   compose the Tribunal shall not consider themselves prohibited
   from the exercise of their functions because of the interest
   which the Republics, whence they derive their appointment, may
   have in any case or question. With regard to implications and
   challenges, the rules of procedure which the Court may fix
   shall make proper provision."

   "ARTICLE XXII.
   The Court is authorized to determine its jurisdiction,
   interpreting the Treaties and Conventions germane to the
   matter in dispute, applying the principles of international
   law.

   "ARTICLE XXIII.
   Every final or interlocutory decision shall be rendered in
   accordance with the agreement of at least three of the
   Justices of the Court. In case of disagreement, one of the
   substitute Justices shall be chosen by lot, and if still a
   majority of three be not obtained other Justices shall
   continue to be chosen by lot until three votes in the same
   sense shall have been obtained.

   "ARTICLE XXIV.
   The decisions must be in writing and shall contain a statement
   of the reasons upon which they are based. They must be signed
   by all the Justices of the Court and countersigned by the
   Secretary. Once they have been published they cannot be
   altered on any account; but, at the request of any of the
   parties, the Tribunal may decide the interpretation which must
   be given to its judgment.

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   "Article XXV.
   The judgments of the Court shall be communicated to the five
   Governments of the Contracting Republics. The interested
   parties solemnly bind themselves to submit to said judgment;
   and they all agree to lend every moral support that may be
   necessary in order that they may be properly fulfilled, in
   this manner constituting a real and positive guarantee of
   respect for this Convention and for the Central American Court
   of Justice."

   "Article XXVII.
   The High Contracting Parties solemnly declare that for no
   motive nor in any case will they consider the present
   Convention as lapsed; and that, therefore, they will consider
   it as being always in force during the term of ten years
   counted from last ratification. In the event that the
   political entity of one or more of the Contracting Republics
   is changed or altered, the attributes of the Central American
   Court of Justice created by this Convention shall be suspended
   ipso facto; and a conference to adjust the constitution
   of said Court and the new order of things shall be forthwith
   convoked by the respective Governments; in case they do not
   unanimously agree the present Convention shall be considered
   as rescinded."

   "PROVISIONARY ARTICLE.
   As a recommendation of the five Delegations an Article is
   annexed which contains an amplification of the Central
   American Court of Justice, in order that the Legislatures that
   may deem it proper may see fit to include it upon ratifying
   this Convention."

   "ANNEXED ARTICLE.
   The Central American Court of Justice shall also have
   jurisdiction over the conflicts which may arise between the
   Legislative, Executive and Judicial Powers, and when as a
   matter of fact the judicial decisions and congressional
   resolutions are not respected."

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1908.
   Inauguration of the Central American Court of Justice.
   Gift of a building for its use by Mr. Carnegie.

   The Central American Court of Justice, contemplated in the
   treaty of 1907, quoted above, was formally instituted, at
   Cartago, Costa Rica, with appropriate ceremony, in the last
   week of May, 1908. The Honorable William I. Buchanan, in
   attendance as Commissioner from the United States, added
   interest to the occasion by announcing the proffer of a gift
   of $100,000 by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, for the erection of a
   building to be dedicated to the exclusive use of the Court.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
   Financial undertakings in New York.
   Honduras, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.

   In the summer of 1909 various financial undertakings by great
   banking houses in New York were announced, involving some
   handling of the debts of Honduras, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.
   It was thought that these operations were in line with efforts
   of the State Department at Washington and the Bureau of
   American Republics to bring about the establishment of a chain
   of American banking houses in the Latin-American countries,
   for the advancement of American trade and the promotion of
   more intimate Pan-American relations.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
   Nicaragua.
   Establishment of a colony of Sioux Indians from
   the United States.

   A dispatch to the Press from Boston, November 17, 1909, made
   the following statement:

   "To save the remnant of the Sioux tribe of Indians from
   extinction by consumption and other diseases, a colony of the
   Indians will be established in Nicaragua early in the new
   year. Chief Little Bison, a full-blooded Sioux, sailed from
   Boston on the steamship Esparta to-day for Nicaragua, where he
   will receive the deeds to 16,000 acres of land granted by the
   Nicaraguan government for the establishment of the colony. The
   project is supported financially by F. S. Dellenbaugh, head of
   the American Geographical Society, and several wealthy New
   York people. The emigration of the Indians is expected to
   begin in January."

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
   President Zelaya a menace to peace.
   His conduct trying the patience of the United States.

   In the early spring of 1909 the disturbing attitude and
   conduct of the Nicaraguan President, Zelaya, not only towards
   his near neighbors of Salvador and Honduras, but also in the
   relations of his Government with that of the United States,
   had caused the latter to enter again into consultation with
   the Mexican Government, as to joint action to preserve peace.

   For some years the United States had been trying to bring
   about the settlement of a claim against the Nicaraguan
   Government preferred by an American company. This Emery claim,
   as it was known, arose in connection with a concession granted
   in 1898 for cutting and exporting mahogany. The concession
   provided that any differences which should arise between the
   Government and the company should be arbitrated by a tribunal
   of three members, one to be selected by the Government, one by
   the company, and the third by these two arbitrators. In 1903
   an accusation of smuggling was brought against the company,
   and the questions raised were submitted to the stipulated
   tribunal. This decided that, inasmuch as the company had paid
   taxes to the Government three years in advance, amounting to
   $30,000, the concession could not be annulled, as President
   Zelaya wished to have done. Nevertheless Zelaya declared it
   annulled, and caused proceedings to be instituted for stopping
   the company’s exportations. This led the American Government
   to interpose. Under instructions from Washington, its Minister
   at Managua, Mr. Merry, addressed the following note to the
   Nicaraguan Minister of Foreign Affairs, December 15, 1906:

   "I have the honor to inform you that I have received
   instructions from my Government to make an urgent and firm
   request that your Excellency’s Government will settle the
   Emery company controversy by an international arbitration, and
   that until a decision has been given thereby, your
   Excellency’s Government will restore to the Emery company all
   its property, dismissing all legal prosecutions in the case,
   and permitting the company to resume its work under its
   concession, as if no controversy had arisen."

   This communication secured a promise of the desired
   international arbitration, and the stopping meantime of
   proceedings of interference with the company’s business. But
   when the protocol of arbitration was to be drawn the
   Nicaraguan Government refused to have any question of damages
   to the company included. On this contention the settlement was
   blocked for more than two years, and the patience of the
   Washington Government was about worn out. In just what
   wrappings of diplomatic language it made that fact apparent
   has not yet been disclosed to the public; but evidently the
   understanding of Señor Zelaya was duly penetrated.
{80}
   On the 26th of May last (1909) his representative at
   Washington signed a protocol which provided that the questions
   at issue between the Government of Nicaragua and the Emery
   Company should be submitted to arbitration, unless the parties
   could make their own settlement within four months.

   This, however, did not end troubles with Nicaragua,—or,
   rather, with its presidential dictator. Revolutionary attempts
   in the republic to unseat him gave rise to new offenses on his
   part against the United States, which President Taft, in his
   Message to Congress, December 6, 1909, recounted as follows:

   "Since the Washington conventions of 1907 were communicated to
   the government of the United States as a consulting and
   advising party, this government has been almost continuously
   called upon by one or another, and in turn by all of the five
   Central American republics, to exert itself for the
   maintenance of the conventions. Nearly every complaint has
   been against the Zelaya government of Nicaragua, which has
   kept Central America in constant tension or turmoil. The
   responses made to the representations of Central American
   republics, as due from the United States on account of its
   relation to the Washington conventions, have been at all times
   conservative and have avoided, so far as possible, any
   semblance of interference, although it is very apparent that
   the considerations of geographic proximity to the Canal Zone
   and of the very substantial American interests in Central
   America give to the United States a special position in the
   zone of these republics and the Caribbean Sea.

   "I need not rehearse here the patient efforts of this
   government to promote peace and welfare among these republics,
   efforts which are fully appreciated by the majority of them
   who are loyal to their true interests. It would be no less
   unnecessary to rehearse here the sad tale of unspeakable
   barbarities and oppression alleged to have been committed by
   the Zelaya government. Recently two Americans were put to
   death by order of President Zelaya himself. They were officers
   in the organized forces of a revolution which had continued
   many weeks and was in control of about half of the republic,
   and as such, according to the modern enlightened practice of
   civilized nations, they were entitled to be dealt with as
   prisoners of war.

   "At the date when this message is printed this government has
   terminated diplomatic relations with the Zelaya government,
   for reasons made public in a communication to the former
   Nicaraguan chargé d’affaires, and is intending to take such
   future steps as may be found most consistent with its dignity,
   its duty to American interests, and its moral obligations to
   Central America and to civilization. It may be necessary for
   me to bring this subject to the attention of the Congress in a
   special message."

   Some days previous to the date of the President’s Message, the
   Secretary of State, Mr. Knox, had addressed a letter of
   extreme severity to the Nicaraguan Chargé d’Affaires at
   Washington, Mr. Rodriguez, reviewing the conduct of the
   Nicaraguan Government, and saying: "In these circumstances the
   President no longer feels for the government of President
   Zelaya that respect and confidence which would make it
   appropriate hereafter to maintain with it regular diplomatic
   relations, implying the will and the ability to respect and
   assure what is due from one State to another." The conclusion
   of the letter was as follows: "To insure the future protection
   of legitimate American interests, in consideration of the
   interests of the majority of the Central American republics,
   and in the hope of making more effective the friendly offices
   exerted under the Washington conventions, the government of
   the United States reserves for further consideration at the
   proper time the question of stipulating also that the
   constitutional government of Nicaragua obligate itself by
   convention for the benefit of all the governments concerned as
   a guarantee for its future loyal support of the Washington
   conventions and their peaceful and progressive aims.

   "From the foregoing it will be apparent to you that your
   office of charge d’affaires is at an end. I have the honor to
   enclose your passports for use in case you desire to leave
   tins country. I would add at the same time that, although your
   diplomatic quality is terminated, I shall be happy to receive
   you as I shall be happy to receive the representative of the
   revolution, each as the unofficial channel of communication
   between the government of the United States and the de facto
   authorities to whom I look for the protection of American
   interests pending the establishment in Nicaragua of a
   government with which the United States can maintain
   diplomatic relations."

   President Zelaya at once protested against this arraignment,
   telegraphing to Secretary Knox that his sources of information
   had been prejudiced, and asking that the United States send a
   commission of investigation, proposing to resign if his
   administration was shown to be detrimental to Nicaragua.
   Receiving no reply, he resigned the presidency of Nicaragua on
   the 16th of December, announcing the fact by cable to
   President Taft in these words:

   "To avoid harm to my country, and desiring that it shall renew
   friendly relations with the United States, I have to-day sent
   my resignation to Congress. As my opponents consider my
   presence a disturbing factor, I propose to show my good faith
   by leaving Nicaragua. I stand ready to account for my acts."

   The vacant presidential office was filled by the Congress of
   Nicaragua, which elected Dr. Madriz, the choice having been
   dictated, it was believed, by Zelaya. The revolutionists with
   whom Zelaya had been contending since October, and who had, on
   their part, elected and proclaimed their leader, General Juan
   Estrada, Provisional President of Nicaragua, refused to
   recognize this Congressional election, and continued, against
   the government of Madriz, the revolt they had organized
   against Zelaya, determined to secure for Estrada the power to
   order a presidential election by the people.

   On Christmas Eve Zelaya left Nicaragua for Mexico, being
   conveyed by a Mexican gunboat from Corinto to Salina Cruz. A
   few weeks later he migrated to Europe and is understood to
   have taken up his residence in Belgium.

   The revolt led by General Estrada is still in progress at the
   time this writing goes into print (early in March, 1910), but
   the latest reports do not warrant expectations of its success.

   ----------CENTRAL AMERICA: End--------

{81}

CENTRAL AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

      See, (in this Volume) also,
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

CENTRAL BANK QUESTION.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.

CENTRO CATOLICO.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

CHAFFEE, Major-General Adna R.:
   Military Governor of the Philippines.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

CHAFIN, Eugene W.:
   Nominated for President of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

CHAMBERLAIN, Austen:
   Postmaster-General in the English Ministry.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
   Address at opening of Colonial Conference of 1902.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
   On a State-rights question in Australia.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
   Declaration for Preferential Trade with the Colonies.
   His resignation from the Cabinet.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
   Visit to South Africa.
   Views on the Labor question.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.

CHAMPLAIN TERCENTENARY CELEBRATION.

   See (in this Volume)
   NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.

CHANG CHIH-TUNG:
   Measures as viceroy to check the use of opium.

      See (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

CHANTABUN:
   Restored to Siam.

      See (in this Volume)
      SIAM: A. D. 1902.

CHANUTE, OCTAVE.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

CHARITIES.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF; SOCIAL BETTERMENT; and
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW.

CHARLES I., King of Roumania.
   What he has done for his kingdom.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA.

CHARLES, Prince, of Denmark:
   Election to the Norwegian Throne.
   Assumes the name of Haakon VII.

      See (in this Volume)
      NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.

CHARLESTON: A. D. 1901.
   The "South Carolina and Interstate and West Indian
   Exposition."

   Under this name, a very beautiful and successful exhibit of
   the progress of Southern industry and art, and of the
   possibilities of West Indian and Spanish-American trade, was
   opened at Charleston on the 1st of December, 1901. The site of
   the exposition was a tract of one hundred and sixty acres of
   ground, only two and a half miles from the business section of
   the city, embracing the famous old Lowndes estate, with its
   historic mansion, which the present owner permitted to be used
   as the Women’s Building of the occasion. Fine taste and a high
   public spirit entered into the making of this very interesting
   Fair.

CHARTREUX MONKS.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (June-July).

CHEMULPHO.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY) and (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

CHICAGO: A. D. 1896-1909.
   Institution and work of the Municipal Voters’ League.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: CHICAGO.


CHICAGO: A. D. 1899.
   Institution of the first Juvenile Court.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1903.
   The burning of the Iroquois Theater.

   Chicago has now two of the most painful memories of fire that
   are in the past of any city. The second was added on the
   afternoon of December 30, 1903, when 588 people perished in
   the burning of the Iroquois Theater. The audience was made up
   principally of women and children, many of whom belonged to
   prominent families. The whole city was plunged in grief, and
   the whole world shared in the sorrow and manifested its
   sympathy. The theater was a new one, and was regarded as the
   best of any in the city in its method of construction. But
   inquiry soon proved that it was defective in its provisions
   for safety. Further examination, moreover, showed a similar
   condition in other places of assembly, with the result that
   all the theaters, with many churches and halls in Chicago,
   were closed by order of the mayor, pending their compliance
   with certain provisions of the law.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1905.
   Strike of the Teamsters’ Union.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-JULY).

CHICAGO: A. D. 1905-1908.
   Struggle for a better charter.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1906.
   Packing-House Investigation.

      See (in this Volume)
      Public Health: PURE FOOD LAWS: UNITED STATES.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1907.
   National Conference on Trusts.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1909.
   Population, and race mixture.

   The City Statistician of Chicago, in his manual for 1909,
   gives the number of the inhabitants of the city as 2,572,835,
   of whom 699,554 are Americans or persons whose parents are not
   foreign born. The Germans rank second, with a population of
   563,708; the Irish third, with a population of 240,560. Next
   come the Poles, with 173,409; the Swedes, with 143,307; the
   Russians, with 123,238; the Bohemians, with 116,549. Thirty
   other foreign countries given are all below the 100,000 mark.
   The Chinese population is given as 1,801, the Japanese as 257.
   The Albanians are the lowest, with a population of 39.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1909.
   "The Chicago Plan."
   Systematizing the future development.

   "Early in 1906 the Merchants’ Club, comprising a group of the
   younger business and professional men of the city, arranged
   for the preparation of a complete project for the future
   development of Chicago. The next year the Merchants’ Club was
   merged with the Commercial Club under the name of the latter
   organization, and the city-planning work was continued under
   the auspices of that body." The resulting "Plan of Chicago"
   was reported in the course of the summer of 1909. "The report
   represents about thirty months’ work by men whose thoughts for
   years have dwelt upon the subject of city building and
   beautification. The work was in charge of Daniel H. Burnham,
   chief architect and director of works of the World’s Columbian
   Exposition of 1893, who gave his services to his city without
   compensation for the purpose of this report. Even so, the
   expense of preparing and publishing the report has
   approximated $75,000, all raised by voluntary subscriptions
   from the business men of Chicago."

      George C. Sikes,
      The New Chicago
      (The Outlook, August 28, 1909).

{82}

CHICAGO: A. D. 1909 (May).
   The Second National Peace Congress.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

CHICAGO, MILWAUKEE AND ST. PAUL TRANSCONTINENTAL LINE.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

CHI-KUAN-SHAN, Fort, Capture of.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

   ----------CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: Start--------

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:
   As Dependents:
   England: The Poor Law Children.

   The following is from a speech in Parliament June 17, 1909, by
   Mr. John Burns, President of the Local Government Board, which
   administers the Poor Laws and the Public Health Laws:

   "In England and Wales there were 235,000 children supported by
   the rates either inside or outside Poor Law institutions, and
   of these 70,000 were in cottage homes, barrack schools,
   scattered homes, and similar institutions. The cost per child
   maintained in cottage homes varied from 12s. 9d. to 25s. 2d.
   per week, and in scattered homes from 8s. 6d. to 11s. 2d. At
   this moment the number of children in workhouse schools, which
   in 1870 was 29,000, was only from 500 to 600; 19,000 of the
   Poor Law children were being educated in elementary schools
   outside. … With regard to sick children he was delighted to
   hear the almost unanimous chorus of appeal that the Local
   Government Board should do a great deal by administration.
   They had, in fact, transferred 1,000 out of the 2,500 sick
   children from the London workhouses and infirmaries to an
   institution on the healthy and breezy downs of Surrey at
   Carshalton, where they could be better treated, and where they
   would recover much more quickly than in any of the workhouses
   and infirmaries in London. If he could find more buildings or
   institutions available he would transfer more children. He
   should not rest until all the sick children throughout the
   country were transferred from workhouses and infirmaries to
   institutions in the country where they would recover health
   more rapidly."

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:
   United States: Proposed Federal Child Bureau.

   Transmitting to Congress, on the 5th of February, 1909, the
   proceedings of a conference held at Washington on the care of
   dependent children, President Roosevelt accompanied it with a
   message, in which he urged the establishment of a Bureau in
   one of the Departments of the Federal Government, to
   centralize attention to the subject; with the enactment of
   such legislation as will bring the laws and practices in
   regard to the care of dependent children in all Federal
   territory into harmony, and certain legislation in behalf of
   dependent children in the District of Columbia. The President
   maintained that such legislation is important not only for the
   welfare of the children immediately concerned, but "as setting
   an example of a high standard of child protection by the
   National Government to the several States of the Union, which
   should be able to look to the nation for leadership in such
   matters."

   Statistics showing the large number of dependent children in
   the country were presented by Mr. Roosevelt. "Each of these
   children, he said, represents either a potential addition to
   the productive capacity and the enlightened citizenship of the
   nation, or, if allowed to suffer from neglect, a potential
   addition to the destructive forces of the community. The ranks
   of criminals and other enemies of society are recruited in an
   altogether undue proportion from children bereft of their
   natural homes and left without sufficient care. The interests
   of the nation are involved in the welfare of this army of
   children no less than in our great material affairs."

   In urging a Children’s Bureau, one of whose duties will be to
   investigate and report upon all matters pertaining to the
   welfare of children and child life, the President pointed out
   that "the National Government is the only agency which can
   effectively conduct such general inquiries as are needed for
   the benefit of all our citizens."

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:
   As Dependents and as Offenders:
   England: The Children Act of 1908.
   Infant Life Protection.
   Reformatory and Industrial Schools.
   Treatment of Youthful Criminals.
   No death-sentence for them.
   Special "Places of Detention."
   Juvenile Courts.

   An act entitled The Children Act, passed by the Parliament of
   the United Kingdom in December, 1908, and which came into
   effect April 1, 1909, has such importance that it has been
   described as "The Children’s Charter." According to its full
   title it is "An Act to consolidate and amend the Law relating
   to the Protection of Children and Young Persons, Reformatory
   and Industrial Schools and Juvenile Offenders, and otherwise
   to amend the Law with respect to Children and Young Persons."
   It gathers into one great enactment nearly everything in which
   the guardianship of Law can be specially extended to them,
   except the matters of education and child labor, which are
   subjects of distinct legislation. It repeals wholly twenty-one
   previous enactments and amends more or less seventeen more. It
   contains 134 sections and fills a so-called Parliamentary
   "White Book" of 93 pages.

   As used in the Act, the word "child" means a person under 14
   years; the expression "young person" means one above that age,
   but under sixteen.

   The Act is divided into six parts, which are concerned with
   the following main subjects:
   (1) Infant Life Protection.
   (2) The Prevention of Cruelty to Children and Young Persons.
   (3) Juvenile Smoking.
   (4) Reformatory and Industrial Schools.
   (5) Juvenile Offenders.
   (6) Miscellaneous and General.

   The provisions for "infant life protection" have to do mainly
   with the supervision of "baby-farming." Foster parents are
   forbidden to insure the life of a nurse-child and insurance
   companies are forbidden to accept any such insurance.

   Juvenile smoking is dealt with very drastically, the penalties
   for selling cigarettes or the material for making them to
   persons under sixteen years of age being sharp, and both
   policemen and park-keepers in uniform being empowered to take
   such materials from the persons of Juvenile smokers.

{83}

   The part of the Act which relates to reformatory and
   industrial schools enables the Courts to deal effectively with
   youthful offenders without subjecting them to the prison
   taint. Boys or girls between the ages of 12 and 16 who are
   convicted of offences punishable in the case of adults with
   penal servitude or imprisonment may be sent to a certified
   reformatory school. In certain defined cases, children may be
   taken from depraved or drunken parents and consigned to a
   certified industrial school. In these cases the child may be
   brought before the Court by any person in order that the
   provisions of the Act may be set in force. Parents who are
   unable to control their children may themselves take advantage
   of the Act, and in these cases the Court may place the
   children under the supervision of a probation officer instead
   of sending them to an industrial school. In all cases of
   children who are liable to be consigned to an industrial
   school, there is given to the Courts the alternative power of
   committing them to the care of relatives or other fit persons
   with or without the supervision of the probation officer.

   The most important part of the Act, perhaps, is that relating
   to juvenile offenders. It allows no young person under sixteen
   years of age to be sentenced to death. "Sentence of death,"
   says this Law, "shall not be pronounced on or recorded against
   a child or young person, but in lieu thereof the Court shall
   sentence the child or young person to be detained during his
   Majesty’s pleasure."

   In future, also, no child may be sentenced to imprisonment or
   penal servitude for any offence, or committed to prison in
   default of payment of a fine, damages, or costs. No young
   person may be sentenced to penal servitude for any offence,
   nor may he be sentenced to imprisonment or committed to prison
   in default of payment of a fine or costs, unless the Court
   certifies that he is of so unruly a character or so depraved
   that it is not desirable to send him to a "place of detention"
   provided under the Act. These provisions relating to the
   substitution of "detention" for imprisonment did not come into
   force until January 1, 1910.

   This part of the Act makes elaborate arrangements for the
   treatment of youthful criminals, both before and after trial.
   Special "places of detention" are to be opened in all petty
   sessional divisions. Here children will be placed on arrest
   (if for some special reason they cannot be released on a
   recognizance), or after being remanded or committed for trial.
   Here they may be kept in custody instead of being lodged in
   gaol if they are sentenced to terms of imprisonment of less
   than one month. Persons under 16 years of age must also be
   tried in special "juvenile Courts," unless they are charged
   jointly with adult offenders. A "juvenile Court" must sit
   "either in a different building or room from that in which the
   ordinary sittings of the Court are held, or on different days
   or at different times from those at which the ordinary
   sittings are held." Only the Court officials, those directly
   interested in the case, and the representatives of the Press
   may be admitted to these Courts, unless the special leave of
   the magistrate is obtained. Every effort is to be made, both
   before and after trial, to prevent the association of children
   with adult criminals. Finally, parents and guardians are to be
   required to attend the hearing of charges against their
   children or wards, and may be ordered to pay any fines,
   damages, or costs imposed.

   The miscellaneous provisions of the Act include a number of
   importance, to prevent the giving of intoxicating liquors to
   children, to exclude them from drinking places, to safeguard
   them at entertainments, and to make the Act applicable to
   Scotland and Ireland.

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: As Offenders:
   Canadian provision for Separate Detention,
   Reformatory Imprisonment, etc.

   The Canadian Prisons and Reformatory Act of 1906 provides
   that—"Young persons apparently under the age of sixteen years
   who are,

   (a) arrested upon any warrant; or,
   (b) committed to custody at any stage of a preliminary inquiry
   into a charge for an indictable offence; or,
   (c) committed to custody at any stage of a trial, either for
   an indictable offence or for an offence punishable on summary
   conviction; or,
   (d) committed to custody after such trial, but before
   imprisonment under sentence;

   shall be kept in custody separate from older persons charged
   with criminal offences and separate from all persons
   undergoing sentences of imprisonment, and shall not be
   confined in the lock-ups or police stations with older persons
   charged with criminal offences or with ordinary criminals."

   Other sections of the Act confer discretionary authority on
   courts and magistrates to sentence convicted offenders whose
   age does not exceed sixteen years, and whose offence is
   punishable by imprisonment, to reformatory prisons, for not
   less than two nor more than five years; also, in certain
   cases, to commit such offenders to a certified industrial
   school, from which they may sometimes be permitted to be taken
   for apprenticeship to any respectable and trustworthy person.

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:
   The George Junior Republic.

   Much attention has been turned from many directions, within
   the last few years, upon the reformatory experiment which
   bears the name of The George Junior Republic. From an ordinary
   undertaking to give a few summer weeks of country fresh air to
   a group of neglected, roughly-bred boys, out of the slums of
   the City of New York, it has grown into a unique institution,
   which remolds character and refashions life for hundreds of
   the young of both sexes, who had been given wrong startings in
   the world by the circumstances into which they were born. It
   has done this by the simple method of organizing them into a
   self-governing community,—a republic in which they are
   citizens, invested with all the responsibilities, duties, and
   cares that go with republican citizenship in its larger
   spheres. They make and administer its laws, conduct its public
   business and its politics, manage its institutions, generate
   and have experience of its public opinion. The moral and
   social influence of this training has now been proved by more
   than a decade of success.

   This remarkable organization was not framed up by its
   architect, Mr. William R. George, on the lines of a
   preconceived theory, but took its shape slowly from
   suggestions of experience as they came.
{84}
   He began in 1890 to take companies of boys of the hoodlum
   class from New York City to his place of summer residence, at
   Freeville, a few miles from Ithaca and not far from Auburn,
   New York. He found it hard to rule them, and no satisfactory
   corrections of wrong-doing and bad behavior could be devised.
   Physically they were bettered by their summer outings, but he
   could not see much gain in other ways. This continued for some
   seasons before his experiments with them began. The first to
   be applied was a rule that such articles of clothing and the
   like as had formerly been given to the boys must be paid for
   in work. At the outset they resented the idea; but before the
   summer was over they were all cheerfully at work, and the tone
   of the party was much improved. In the next year culprits, who
   robbed orchards and committed other misdemeanors, were
   arraigned before the whole community, for a hearing and a
   public verdict as to their guilt. Hard labor at stone-breaking
   and the building of a road now became the penalty for
   wrong-doing, and, presently, there was a boy constable to see
   that they did their work.

   So, step by step, from year to year, the fabric of
   self-government and self-supporting industry was constructed,
   until the Junior Republic emerged, with its President and
   other executive officers, its representative legislature, its
   courts, its police, its own monetary system and bank,—a
   political and industrial commonwealth of boys and girls (for
   both sexes have been included), taken out of a derelict class
   for treatment by this simple inoculation with social
   responsibilities. Writing of the George Junior Republic in
   1908, Dr. Lyman Abbott said:

   "It now has as a territory a hundred and fifty acres of land
   owned by the Board of Trustees, and the practical use of a
   hundred and fifty more belonging to Mr. George and some other
   friends of the Republic who have made their home here because
   such residence affords them an opportunity to give guidance
   and inspiration to the boys and girls. The citizens, i. e. the
   boys and girls in the Republic, number upwards of a hundred
   and fifty. They are in some cases signed over to the Republic
   by the parents, in other cases practically committed on
   suspended sentences by the courts. They are extraordinarily
   free within the territory, but are not free to leave it.
   Laundry, baking, carpentry, and printing are the principal
   trades indoors; road-making and land improvement the principal
   industries out-of-doors. There are two jails, one for the
   boys, one for the girls; a library, a school-house, a chapel,
   bank, and a well-organized banking and currency system. There
   is a court, and there is a judge, who is elected every year by
   the citizens. From this court an appeal lies in certain cases
   to a Supreme Court chosen by the boys from the Board of
   Trustees, but this court only passes on the regularity of the
   proceedings in the court below, that is, on what might be
   regarded as equivalent to constitutional and jurisdictional
   questions. There are a President, a Vice-President, a
   Secretary of State, and a Secretary of the Treasury, all of
   whom are elected annually; the three latter officers
   constituting the Police Commissioners, the Board of Health,
   and the President’s Cabinet. There are both a girl and a boy
   District Attorney, who are appointed by the President, and
   certain police officers and prison keepers. All citizens of
   the Republic, both boys and girls, over fourteen years of age,
   are voters; no one can remain a citizen after twenty-one. The
   legislature has been abolished by the citizens themselves, and
   all laws are made in town meeting, which is held once a month.
   …

   "The Republic has been in existence long enough to give the
   experiment a fair trial, and the results justify the
   expectations of its friends. In round numbers, about five
   hundred have gone out from the Republic into life, most of
   them taken from the class of boys and girls whose environment
   was fruitful of crime and whose tendency was toward a criminal
   career. Of these five hundred two or three are known to have
   returned to crime, and five or six have disappeared entirely.
   But of these eight or ten failures not one was in the Republic
   more than a few months—not long enough to get the benefit of
   the training. The other four hundred and ninety are known to
   be earning an honest livelihood by honorable labor; and of
   these four hundred and ninety, twenty have either graduated
   from college, are now in college, or are just preparing to
   enter college. At this writing two new Republics are about
   being organized, one in Georgia and one in California, and a
   movement is on foot for the organization of a National
   Association."

   Some months later than the above account of the Junior
   Republic there were reported to be kindred organizations
   modelled upon it in Connecticut and Maryland, with movements
   to the same end in Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and New
   Jersey, as well as in some countries abroad. Mr. Thomas M.
   Osborne, of Auburn, who has been from an early day the chief
   supporter of Mr. George in his work, said recently in a
   published letter:

   "I believe that the success of the Junior Republic idea, as we
   have worked it out during the last fourteen years, is no
   longer dependent upon Mr. George, its originator, or upon any
   one man. Its established principles will now live on into the
   far future, and work the sure righting of thousands of
   youngsters gone wrong in every section of the greater
   republic."

   But it may work much more than "the sure righting of thousands
   of youngsters gone wrong." It may, if its working widens and
   roots itself among the institutions of the future, as it seems
   likely to do, have a very potent and positive political
   influence in the world. If men and women representative of a
   class that is now troublesome to democracy, politically as
   well as otherwise, should by and by be brought in large
   numbers yearly from graduation in the Young Republic training
   schools of imitative citizenship, to be joined with their
   elders in larger spheres of more entire self-government, are
   they not likely to introduce a profounder change in the
   operation of republican institutions than can now be foreseen?

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: Juvenile Courts.
   Their origin and development.

   A collection of reports on "Children’s Courts in the United
   States," prepared for the International Prison Commission and
   edited by Mr. Samuel J. Barrows, Commissioner for the United
   States, was published in 1904 as House Document No. 701 of the
   58th Congress, 2d Session. The following account of the origin
   of the now widely established Juvenile Courts of America and
   Europe, and of their development in the United States during
   the first four years of their existence, is derived from those
   reports.

{85}

   Commissioner Barrows opens his introduction to the collected
   reports with the following remarks:

   "If the question be asked, 'What is the most notable
   development in judicial principles and methods in the United
   States within the last five years?’ the answer may
   unhesitatingly be, ‘The introduction and establishment of
   juvenile courts.’ Never perhaps has any judicial reform made
   such rapid progress. Beginning in Chicago in 1899, this
   institution has sprung up in city after city and State after
   State until it is now established in eight States and eleven
   large cities. This progress has been made not merely by
   changes in procedure or legal technique, nor by the
   introduction of a new method; it is most of all by the
   introduction of a new spirit and a new aim. … It must not be
   supposed that the juvenile court is only a smaller court for
   smaller offenders or simply a court holding separate sessions
   for such offenders; it represents an altogether different
   principle. The juvenile court is a life-saving institute in
   society.

   "It is scarcely necessary to say that child-saving methods,
   institutions, and organizations have long flourished in the
   United States. The Northern States have regarded juvenile
   reformatories as a part of their correctional equipment, and
   the courts have served as vestibules for such institutions;
   but they have only been incidentally a part of the process. We
   have not before realized what the court might be and do before
   resorting to institutions. The children’s court still
   maintains relations with the reform school, but it represents
   in itself active and vital forces and invokes a whole range of
   influence and motives which are personal and formative. It
   appeals to the reform school not as the first, but only as the
   last resort. The juvenile court has discovered that the child
   is a child, and, as Judge Hurley says, ‘The child should be
   treated as a child. Instead of reformation, the thought and
   idea in the judge’s mind should always be formation. No child
   should be punished for the purpose of making an example of
   him.’ …

   "The methods of children’s courts, or juvenile courts, as they
   are termed in some States, differ in different places. In some
   States the judge is detailed from some other court; in some
   courts but one judge is assigned to this work. In New York
   several judges from the court of special sessions act
   successively in turn as judges of the children’s court. In
   Maryland and Indiana the judges of the children’s courts
   exercise this function only, and it is claimed that it is
   better than the method of rotation, since the judge who
   confines himself to juvenile court cases becomes a specialist
   in this work. In Colorado Judge Lindsey is not only judge of
   the juvenile court, but also of the county court. He finds
   advantage in the fact that in his first capacity he can
   protect the child, while as judge of the county court he can
   also sentence the guardian or parent who is responsible for
   the child’s delinquency.

   "An essential feature of every juvenile court is the probation
   system and probation officers. Their duty is to investigate
   the case before trial, and, if the child is placed on
   probation, to exercise watchcare over them until the period of
   probation is closed. It is in this way that the parental care
   of the State is exerted."

   The City of Chicago and the Legislature of Illinois have the
   honors of the origination of the Children’s Court as a
   distinct creation of law. The Visitation and Aid Society of
   Chicago had been laboring since 1891 to secure various
   measures of advanced legislation bearing on child-saving,
   without much success, until, as related in a report by Mr.
   Hurley, of that Society, the Bar Association of Chicago took
   the matter in hand, in 1899, and appointed a committee to
   press it. This committee drafted the first juvenile court law
   ever planned distinctly to that end and secured its enactment
   by the Legislature of the State. The law went into force on
   the 1st of July, 1899. The Court was soon opened, and Judge
   Tuthill, of the Circuit Court of Illinois, who presided in it
   from the first, has stated the principles of its constitution
   and action in these following words:

   "The basic principle of the law is this: That no child under
   16 years of age shall be considered or be treated as a
   criminal; that a child under that age shall not be arrested,
   indicted, convicted, imprisoned, or punished as a criminal. It
   of course recognizes the fact that such children may do acts
   which in an older person would be crimes and be properly
   punishable by the State therefor, but it provides that a child
   under the age mentioned shall not be branded in the opening
   years of its life with an indelible stain of criminality, or
   be brought, even temporarily, into the companionship of men
   and women whose lives are low, vicious, and criminal.

   "The law divides children into two classes, the ‘dependent’
   and the ‘delinquent.’ A dependent child, in the language of
   the law, is a child—‘who for any reason is destitute or
   homeless or abandoned, or has not proper parental care or
   guardianship, or who habitually begs or receives alms, or who
   is found living in any house of ill fame or with any vicious
   or disreputable person, or whose home, by reason of neglect,
   cruelty, or depravity on the part of the parents, guardian, or
   other person in whose care it may be, is an unfit place for
   such a child.’ A ‘delinquent child’ is defined to be—‘any
   child under the age of 16 who violates any law of this State
   or any city or village ordinance, or who is incorrigible, or
   who knowingly associates with thieves, vicious, or immoral
   persons, or who is growing up in idleness or crime, or who
   knowingly frequents a house of ill fame, or who knowingly
   patronizes any policy shop or place where any gaming device is
   or shall be operated.’

   "The law places its enforcement upon the judges of the circuit
   court, who are required to select one of their number to
   perform these duties as a part of the judicial work of such
   judge. … The circuit court is a court of original and
   unlimited jurisdiction, the highest in the State, and the duty
   of holding the juvenile court was placed in the circuit court
   (which for convenience is designated the ‘juvenile court’) as
   an indication by the legislature of the importance to the
   State of the work to be done.

   "The case of each child brought into court, whether dependent
   or delinquent, becomes of record, and every step taken in the
   case is shown upon the court record."

   Interest in the Illinois Law was awakened quickly in many
   parts of the country, and requests for copies of it, says Mr.
   Hurley in his historical sketch, "began to pour in from all
   directions. These requests were promptly answered and copies
   of the Juvenile Court Record, published by the Visitation and
   Aid Society, containing the necessary information, were sent
   to applicants.
{86}
   Agitation began in other States for a law similar to the one
   passed in Illinois, and those who helped to form the Illinois
   law were invited to visit other States to explain the measure
   and the method of administering the law in Cook County.

   "The Illinois law proved so satisfactory that many judges
   throughout the country, not wishing to await the action of a
   legislature, established branches in their several courts for
   children cases only, and in the treatment of the cases applied
   the probate and chancery powers of the court. This was the case
   especially in Denver, Colorado, where Judge Ben D. Lindsey had
   a complete and well-equipped juvenile court and probation
   system before the legislature took any action whatever. A like
   court was subsequently adopted in Indianapolis by George W.
   Stubbs. The two latter courts were carried on practically in
   the same way that they have been since laws were adopted by
   these States. In most of the States the probation officers are
   volunteers."

   Judge Lindsey, of Denver, has won celebrity among the
   presiding magistrates of the Juvenile Courts by the kindly
   shrewdness of the methods by which he has won the confidence,
   the admiration and devotion of the boys and girls of his city,
   within the classes with which he has to deal. The scene which
   his court-room presents on the appointed days when the
   delinquents on probation come in a body to report to him and
   to be talked to by him has been often described, and it seems
   to exemplify a kind of influence that would go farther than
   any other in resistance to the vitiating conditions which
   surround masses of the young in all cities. Judge Lindsey’s
   extended report of his work and experience in the Denver
   Juvenile Court, published in the collection referred to above,
   is a paper of remarkable interest.

   As stated already, the Juvenile Court is now an established
   institution in nearly every part of the United States, and in
   many countries abroad. It was established in Great Britain by
   the notable "Children Act" of 1908 (see above), and was
   instituted that year in several of the German cities. A Press
   despatch from Berlin, March 15, 1909, reported the opening of
   a congress in that city, under the auspices of the German
   Association for the Care of the Young, which aims at the
   extension of this important reform. "The labors of the
   society," says the despatch, "seem to have been stimulated by
   the passing of the English Children Act of 1908, a German
   translation of which has been distributed to members of the
   congress. The movement for the establishment of special Courts
   for juvenile offenders was taken up in Germany later than in
   some other countries, but has recently made rapid progress.
   The first children’s Courts were established on January 1,
   1908, at Cologne, Stuttgart, and Breslau, and there are now 26
   such Courts in Prussia. Official statistics, however, indicate
   that in recent years the total number of juvenile offenders in
   Germany has grown about three times as fast as the total
   number of offenders of all ages. During 1906, 55,211 persons
   under the age of 18 were sentenced, as compared with 51,232 in
   1905 and 49,993 in 1904."

   At the meeting of the International Prison Commission, at
   Lausanne, Switzerland, in 1907, it was significant of the deep
   interest which the children’s court has awakened in Europe
   that nineteen societies in France, including the Academy of
   Moral and Political Sciences, the General Society of Prisons,
   and the faculties of law of Paris, Lille, and Montpellier, and
   several of the most prominent tribunals in France, asked to
   have the whole subject of the organization of children’s
   courts elucidated and discussed. A similar interest was shown
   in Switzerland and Germany.

   In an extended letter to the London Times, published
   August 19, 1909, Miss Florence Davenport-Hill traced the
   origin of children’s courts to Massachusetts, and gave the
   following account of their introduction from that source of
   suggestion into Australia, and thence, to some extent, into
   Great Britain. Miss Davenport-Hill’s statements on the subject
   are, in part, as follows:

   "Although we hear little now from our earliest exemplar,
   Massachusetts—possibly because she has, I believe, cleared
   away the class to be dealt with—it is desirable to remember it
   was she who evolved the then new principle of absolute
   separation of child from adult, and devised its potent
   supporter, the probation system—a system affording watchful
   and kindly help to strong and maybe wilful weaklings. Thus did
   Massachusetts become a noble example, making the way plain for
   her successors. Mr. Joseph Sturge, attracted early in the
   eighties by reports of the ‘plan,’ visited Boston to
   investigate its methods. He describes in a pithy narrative
   subsequently published how his highest expectations were
   fulfilled; and it is interesting to learn from his pen that
   ‘the probation system by which juvenile offenders are saved
   from imprisonment has been so successful, economically and
   morally, that the city of Boston now employs a probation agent
   to deal with suitable adult cases in a corresponding manner.’

   "A copy of Mr. Sturge’s narrative reached, by good fortune,
   the Chief Justice of South Australia, then presiding at a
   Royal Commission of inquiry concerning adult and juvenile
   dependents on the State. He recognized, and in his forthcoming
   report expounded, the value of the Massachusetts plan in its
   application to children. The result was the creation by the
   South Australian Government of a department, entitled the
   State Children’s Council, consisting of 12 ladies and
   gentlemen nominated by the State as honorary members, to deal
   with erring and neglected children on the lines of that plan.
   …

   "Nineteen years ago the Children’s Court was opened in
   Adelaide, and in October, 1903, thanks, Sir, to your
   sympathetic courtesy, the reproduction in The Times of
   a letter describing it in the Melbourne Argus from Miss
   Alice Henry made known among us its scope, methods, and
   success. Gradually Benches of Magistrates in various parts of
   Great Britain and of Ireland who led the way tried the
   experiment, which was then discovered to be already existing
   among us here and there, and in a more or less developed form,
   as at Greenwich, Hull, &c."

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: As Workers:
   Canada: Child Labor Legislation.

   "There is not in any province a comprehensive act dealing with
   the subject of child labor as a whole, and even in Ontario,
   which has its Factories Act, its Shops Act, its Mines Act, its
   Municipal Act, its Truancy Act—all bearing on the matter more
   or less directly—it is still possible for young children to be
   kept at work by their parents for mercilessly long hours under
   sweat-shop conditions.
{87}
   Prince Edward Island, Saskatchewan, and Alberta have neither
   Shops nor Factories Acts. Ontario, Nova Scotia, Manitoba, and
   British Columbia have both; Quebec and New Brunswick have
   Factories Acts, and six of the provinces have Mines Acts. The
   several Factories Acts resemble one another closely. In
   general, they prohibit the employment of girls under eighteen
   and boys under sixteen in factories where the work is
   dangerous or unhealthy; forbid the employment of children
   under fourteen in any manufacturing establishment (except
   canning factories) in three provinces; limit the hours of
   labor for women and children to ten hours a day and sixty
   hours a week; and specify the amount of overtime permissible
   for these classes of workers. The Shops Acts, upon the whole,
   allow greater latitude to the employers of children; thus the
   hours of labor are longer and the conditions often not less
   injurious than those in factories. Except in Ontario, no age
   limit is set under which a child may not begin work in a shop.
   Again by the Mines Acts of British Columbia, children of
   twelve may be employed above ground, and by those of
   Saskatchewan and Nova Scotia boys of twelve may work under
   ground. The enforcement of the laws restricting child labor
   has, from various causes, proved somewhat inadequate. For
   instance, Nova Scotia has had a Factories Act since 1901, but
   no inspector of factories till the present year; while
   Ontario, with a Truancy Act that, if enforced, would prevent
   many children from engaging in unsuitable labor, has vested
   the appointment of truancy officers in the municipalities, and
   these, in many instances, have neglected to make
   appointments."

      The Outlook,
      November 14, 1908.

   Recent changes in child labor laws in Canada are as follows:

   In Ontario the Factories Act limits the working time of boys
   under sixteen to ten hours, forbids the employment of children
   under twelve within doors, and restricts the privileges
   extended to canning factories. The Shops Act is amended by
   raising the age limit from ten to twelve years. Manitoba
   forbids the employment of minors as bartenders. Alberta has
   raised the age limit of children employed in mines from twelve
   to sixteen years. British Columbia prohibits the employment of
   boys under fourteen and girls under fifteen except in the
   canning of fish.

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: England:
   The Employment of Children Act, 1903.

   An Act "to make Better Provision for Regulating the Employment
   of Children" became law in August, 1903. Most of the
   responsibility for a proper protective regulation of child
   labor was imposed by this enactment on the local authorities
   of the Kingdom. Among its provisions were the following:

   "1. Any local authority may make byelaws—
      (i) prescribing for all children, or for boys and girls
      separately, and with respect to all occupations or to any
      specified occupation,—
         (a) the age below which employment is illegal; and
         (b) the hours between which employment is illegal; and
         (c) the number of daily and weekly hours beyond
         which employment is illegal:
      (ii) prohibiting absolutely or permitting, subject to
      conditions, the employment of children in any specified
      occupation.

   "2. Any local authority may make byelaws with respect to
       street trading by persons under the age of sixteen. …

   "3.
      (1) A child shall not be employed between the hours of nine
      in the evening and six in the morning: Provided that any
      local authority may, by byelaw, vary these hours either
      generally or for any specified occupation.

      (2) A child under the age of eleven years shall not be
      employed in street trading.

      (3) No child who is employed half-time under the Factory
      and Workshop Act, 1901, shall be employed in any other
      occupation.

      (4) A child shall not be employed to lift, carry, or move
      anything so heavy as to be likely to cause injury to the
      child.

      (5) A child shall not be employed in any occupation likely
      to be injurious to his life, limb, health or education,
      regard being had to his physical condition. …

   "4.
      (1) A byelaw made under this Act shall not have any effect
      until confirmed by the Secretary of State, and shall not
      be so confirmed until at least thirty days after the local
      authority have published it in such manner as the
      Secretary of State may by general or special order direct. …

   "13. In this Act—The expression ‘child’ means a person under
   the age of fourteen years:

   "The expression ‘guardian,’ used in reference to a child,
   includes any person who is liable to maintain or has the
   actual custody of the child:

   "The expression ‘employ’ and ‘employment,’ used in reference
   to a child, include employment in any labour exercised by way
   of trade or for the purposes of gain, whether the gain be to
   the child or to any other person: …

   "The expression ‘street trading’ includes the hawking of
   newspapers, matches, flowers, and other articles, playing,
   singing, or performing for profit, shoe-blacking, and any
   other like occupation carried on in streets or public places."

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: Germany:
   Child Labor Legislation and its operation.

   The Reichstag, in 1903, passed a new law for the protection of
   children, concerning the operation of which a well known
   English student of social conditions in Germany wrote as
   follows in 1908:

   "Several significant facts may be noted in relation to the
   protection of childhood in Germany. The legal age of admission
   to full employment in factories and workshops is fourteen
   years, though on the production of efficiency certificates
   children may be employed for not more than six hours daily at
   the age of thirteen, yet of the 5,607,657 industrial workers
   subject to inspection in 1905 only 10,245, or under 0.2 per
   cent., were below fourteen years, and in some States there
   were none. To show the progress which has been made in this
   respect it may be stated that in 1875 10 per cent. (88,000 out
   of a total of 880,500) of the factory workers were between
   twelve and fourteen years of age. … At the same time there is
   reason to believe that a serious exhaustion of juvenile
   strength takes place in the unregulated home industries of
   Germany. Further, from the age of six the child of the people
   attends the primary school for seven or eight years, and in
   many cases he is required to attend a continuation school
   several years longer. In most of the large towns the scholar
   from first to last receives free systematic medical care at
   the hands of the school doctors. It begins with a thorough
   examination on admission, and the health record thus opened is
   continued throughout the whole period of school life, so that
   the child is under constant medical supervision until it
   reaches the working age. Many towns have gone further, and
   have established dental surgeries, and attached eye and ear
   specialists to the primary schools."

      W. H. Dawson,
      The Evolution of Modern Germany,
      page 327 (Unwin, London; Scribner’s, New York).

{88}

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: United States:
   Child Labor Laws of the several States in 1908,
   and as amended since.

   The requirements of an effective child labor law are set forth
   in Pamphlet No. 60 of the National Child Labor Committee as
   resting "primarily upon certain definite prohibitions, among
   which are the following:

   Labor is prohibited (1) for all children under the age of
   fourteen years;

   labor is prohibited (2) for all children under sixteen years
   of age who do not measure sixty inches and weigh eighty pounds;

   labor is prohibited (3) for all children under sixteen years
   of age who cannot read fluently and write legibly simple
   sentences in the English language;

   labor is prohibited (4) for all children under the age of
   sixteen years, between the hours of 7 p. m. and 7 a. m. or
   longer than eight hours in any twenty-four hours, or longer
   than forty-eight hours in any week;

   labor is prohibited (5) for all children under the age of
   sixteen years in occupations dangerous to life, limb, health
   or morals."

   Further prescriptions of the Committee relate to the
   regulations and agencies of authority requisite to an
   effective enforcement of the Law.

   In Bulletin Number 62 of the United States Bureau of Labor
   published in January, 1906, there is published a compilation
   of the laws relating to child labor in each State of the
   Union, as amended and in force at the close of the year 1905.
   An examination of them shows that the proposed standard had
   not then been measured up to in any State, or approached even
   nearly by more than a few. In not one had the law prescribed a
   test by weight or measure of the bodily development of a child
   that should mark Nature’s consent to his employment in any
   kind of work.

   Thirteen States, namely, California, Connecticut, Delaware,
   Indiana, Kansas, Minnesota, New Jersey, Ohio, Oregon,
   Pennsylvania, Tennessee, West Virginia, and Wisconsin,
   prohibited in general terms the employment of children under
   fourteen years in mechanical, manufacturing or mercantile
   establishments, or to that apparent effect. New York did the
   same, with the proviso that children over twelve might have
   employment during school vacation times. Rhode Island,
   likewise, excepted the vacation time for children under
   fourteen. The State of Washington allowed certain judges to
   make exemptions from a similar prohibition, for the needed
   support of helpless parents. Maine, Michigan, New Hampshire,
   North Dakota, Texas, Vermont, Virginia, West Virginia, and
   Wisconsin fixed the age under which no child may be employed
   in wage-earning labor at twelve. Louisiana appointed it at
   twelve for a boy and fourteen for a girl. Colorado placed it
   at twelve for labor in mines only. Florida raised it to
   fifteen, but only as prohibitory without consent of "those
   having legal control" of the child. Alabama and Nebraska had
   it lowered to ten years. South Carolina had kept it at ten
   until 1903, at eleven until 1904, and at twelve until May,
   1905. In the Massachusetts law no absolute prohibition of
   child labor within any age line appeared.

   Educational requirements, conditioning the employment of
   children, were in most of the State laws, as they stood at the
   end of 1905, and many of them satisfied the third rule
   propounded by the National Child Labor Committee, as given
   above.

   In the next three years after the Bureau of Labor’s
   compilation of child labor laws, great reforms in them were
   brought about, as shown by comparison with the "Handbook 1908"
   of "Child Labor Legislation" compiled by Josephine Goldmark
   for the National Consumers’ League, and published originally
   as a Supplement to the Annals of the American Academy of
   Political and Social Science, May, 1908. Some statements from
   this are given below:

   "The age below which child labor is prohibited varies from
   sixteen to ten years. The number of employments prohibited
   also varies greatly—from all employment during school hours to
   mine work only. … Eleven states prohibit work to the sixteenth
   birthday in either mines or specific occupations injurious to
   health, or both. These are, for mines, New York, Oklahoma,
   Pennsylvania (inside anthracite mines), Texas; for specific
   occupations, Kentucky, Minnesota, Missouri, Ohio, Wisconsin;
   for both, Illinois and Montana."

   The fifteen year age limit is prescribed in only one State,
   South Dakota, which forbids it in mines, factories, hotels,
   laundries, theatres, bowling alleys, elevators, messenger
   service, or places where liquors are sold.

   The age limit of fourteen years is prescribed differently in
   different States. With various qualifications, employment
   below that age in factories, stores, offices, laundries,
   hotels, theatres, bowling alleys, is prohibited in California,
   Idaho, Illinois, Iowa, Indiana, Kentucky, Michigan, Missouri,
   Nebraska, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.

   In factories or stores it is forbidden in Connecticut,
   Massachusetts, North Dakota, Oregon, Rhode Island, and
   Washington.

   In factories it is not permitted in Arkansas, Colorado,
   Delaware, Kansas, Louisiana, Maine, Minnesota, New Jersey,
   Tennessee, Texas, Wisconsin.

   In messenger service it is made unlawful in California, Idaho,
   Illinois, Kentucky, Maryland, Michigan, Missouri, Nebraska,
   New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Vermont, Washington,
   Wisconsin.

   Children under this age are excluded from mines in Arkansas,
   Colorado, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Minnesota,
   Missouri, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Tennessee,
   Utah, Washington, Wisconsin, Wyoming.

   In all the prohibitions above cited many and various
   exceptions are allowed in the laws of different States—as for
   school-vacation periods, for children of widows and disabled
   fathers, etc. In like manner, the following State laws which,
   on general principles, forbid all employment of children under
   fourteen years during school hours, provide for numerous and
   different exceptional circumstances: California, Colorado,
   Connecticut, District of Columbia, Idaho, Illinois, Kentucky,
   Massachusetts, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, New
   Hampshire, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, South Dakota,
   Vermont, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin.

{89}

   The thirteen year age limit is fixed only in North Carolina,
   which excepts apprentices.

   The twelve year limit is applied (with exceptions for the
   vacation months) to factories or stores in California, to most
   descriptions of regular employment in Maryland, and to
   factories in West Virginia. It is applied to factories, with
   varied exceptions, in Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana,
   Mississippi, New Hampshire, North Dakota, South Carolina, and
   Texas. It applies to factories, quarries, railroads, and
   messenger service in Vermont, and to factories, stores, and
   mines in Virginia. To mines distinctly it applies in Alabama,
   Florida, Maryland (if the twelve-year child is not wholly
   illiterate), North Carolina, North Dakota (in school hours),
   Pennsylvania (in bituminous mines only), South Carolina,
   Virginia, West Virginia (vacation excepted).

   The ten year old limit for labor to be lawful was only in
   Georgia factories, with exceptions for the babes of widows and
   disabled fathers.

   As to hours of labor, "six states limit employment to 9 hours
   in one day and 54 in one week:—California, Delaware, Florida,
   Idaho, Missouri, and New York (applying to children under 16
   in stores and as messengers).

   "Twenty-four states restrict work to 10 hours in one day and
   either 55, 58 or 60 hours in one week.

   "Five states, Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, Pennsylvania
   and Tennessee allow more than 10 hours work in one day," in
   the hours per week they permit.

   "Those states which fail to restrict the hours of labor
   allowed in one week as well as in one day invite
   the possibility of seven days’ labor. In Washington, for
   example, women and girls may not only work ten hours at night,
   they may do this every night, including Sunday.

   "Work at night is effectively restricted to the 16th birthday
   in 18 states. Twelve states set an early closing hour for
   children under 16 years, New York fixing 5 p. m.; Michigan,
   Ohio, Oregon and Wisconsin 6 p. m., and Alabama, Idaho,
   Illinois, Kentucky, Minnesota, Missouri and New Jersey (in
   stores) fixing 7 p. m. Of these, the Ohio law is the most
   comprehensive, since it includes girls to the 18th birthday."

   "Children have no positive immunity from night work unless the
   hours are explicitly stated between which it is unlawful to
   employ them. … The District of Columbia, 4 territories and 20
   states fail to prohibit work at night after a definite closing
   hour. The sinister feature of this list is the presence of
   Connecticut, Delaware, Indiana, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland,
   New Hampshire, Tennessee and West Virginia, all of them
   important manufacturing states having industries in which
   children are employed."

   Since the compilation of the above several states have made
   important changes in or additions to their child labor laws,
   as follows:

   In Kentucky the age limit is raised to 14 years during school
   terms, children between 14 and 16 not to be employed without
   certificate from school authorities. The hours of labor are
   limited to ten hours a day and sixty hours a week, and night
   work is prohibited for children under 16 years.

   In Louisiana a fourteen-year age limit is established, with a
   9 hour working day, and night work is prohibited for boys
   under 16 and girls under 18 years.

   Mississippi has established a twelve-year limit, applicants
   under sixteen being required to furnish a certificate of age
   and educational advantages, and one from county health officer
   showing physical condition. The time limit is ten hours daily,
   58 hours a week.

   "New Jersey enacted a compulsory education law, requiring
   school attendance of all children between the ages of seven
   and seventeen, except that children of fifteen who have
   completed the grammar grades and are regularly employed may be
   excused. This places the age limit for employment during the
   school period at fifteen years.

   "In New York a law was passed transferring the enforcement of
   the mercantile child labor law from local boards of health in
   cities of the first class to the State Labor Department, and
   providing for the creation of a bureau of mercantile
   inspection. This law became effective October 1st, 1908." It
   made important changes, affecting dangerous employments, which
   became effective October 1st, 1909.

   "In Ohio an important measure was passed limiting the hours
   for boys under sixteen and girls under eighteen to eight per
   day and forty-eight per week."

      National Child Labor Committee
      (General Secretary’s Annual Report).

   An act to regulate the employment of child labor in the
   District of Columbia was passed by Congress on May 28, 1908.
   This law prescribes an age limit of fourteen years, and
   prohibits employment during school hours. Exceptions may be
   made for children in the service of the Senate, or for those
   whose labor is necessary for the support of a disabled or
   widowed parent. Street trades are forbidden to boys under ten
   and girls under sixteen years of age. The time limit for
   children under sixteen is eight hours a day and forty-eight
   hours a week.

   The report of the National Child Labor Committee, for the year
   ending September 30, 1909, gives the following additional
   changes: In South Carolina a system of factory inspection was
   adopted. The hours of labor, however, were changed from 10 to
   11 hours a day. In Maine an educational test was adopted, and
   the hours reduced from 60 to 58 per week. Rhode Island reduced
   the hours for women and children from 60 to 56 per week.
   Pennsylvania enacted a law requiring adequate proof of age of
   children seeking employment, and requiring school certificate.

   Hours of labor have been reduced in the following States:
   Michigan to 54 hours a week for all women and for males under
   18; Kansas, Oklahoma, North Dakota to 8 hour day and 48 hour
   week; Delaware to 9 hour day and 54 hour week; Maine to 10
   hour day and 58 hour week for boys under 16, and girls under
   18; Rhode Island to 56 hour week for minors under 16 and all
   women.

   Night work has been prohibited in the following additional
   States: Delaware, Kansas, North Dakota, Michigan, Oklahoma,
   California.

   Compulsory education laws have been passed in Arkansas and
   Tennessee, and revised and improved in New Jersey, New York,
   and Missouri.

      See, also.
      LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

   ----------CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: End--------

{90}

CHILDREN, Public Playgrounds for.

      See (in this Volume)
      PLAYGROUND MOVEMENT.

CHILDS, RICHARD S.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

   ----------CHILE: Start--------

CHILE: A. D. 1901-1906.
   Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
   of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

CHILE: A. D. 1902.
   Noble Peace Agreements between Chile and the Argentine
   Republic.
   Treaty for Arbitration of all Disputes.
   Limitation of Armaments.

      See (in this Volume)
      War, The Revolt against: A. D. 1902.

CHILE: A. D. 1903.
   Sale of war vessels to Great Britain.

   Pursuant to her Convention with Argentina, for the reduction
   of armaments, Chile, in this year, sold two newly built war
   vessels to Great Britain.

CHILE: A. D. 1906.
   Installation of President Montt.
   His prospective difficulties.

   Don Pedro Montt, elected President of Chile in June, 1906,
   was installed in office on the 10th of September following—the
   anniversary of Chilean independence. United States Minister
   Hicks, reporting the ceremony to his Government, added the
   following remarks on the political situation:

   "The new President takes office while enjoying great personal
   popularity. He is the son of Don Manuel Montt, who was
   President of Chile from 1851 to 1862. His reputation is that
   of a calm, well-balanced man, of unimpeachable integrity,
   strong and self-reliant, but conciliatory and far-seeing. He
   begins his career with many difficulties on his hands. One
   question left over from the last administration—that of the
   rectorship of the university—is already causing considerable
   trouble. Under the law the President appoints the rector from
   three persons named by the doctors of the university itself.
   Señor Letelier has been so named, but as he is said to be a
   liberal and even a freethinker, the church party and the
   conservatives generally are fighting him. The new President
   selected a cabinet last week entirely different from the one
   now in office, but owing to the rectorship question and some
   other things it failed and a new one had to be appointed
   hurriedly.

   "Among other difficulties to be met by the new President is
   the opposition of the Senate. It is understood that there is a
   majority in that body against him, and it is liable to operate
   unfavorably to him. Still his friends have full confidence that
   he will succeed in quieting opposition and will retain the
   unlimited confidence of the people.

   "Under the Chilean constitution much of the power delegated to
   the President under the American Constitution is retained by
   Congress. That body really dictates to the President the
   appointment or removal of his cabinet and thus his functions
   are quite different from those of the President of the United
   States."

CHILE: A. D. 1906.
   Destructive earthquake.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES: CHILE.

CHILE: A. D. 1907.
   Diplomatic relations with Peru reestablished.

   Diplomatic relations with Peru were reestablished in 1907; but
   the old sore question between the two countries, concerning
   the interpretation of the peace treaty of Ancón (1884),
   relative to the provinces of Tacna and Arica, which Chile took
   from Peru in the preceding war, remains open.

      See (in Volume VI.)
      CHILE.

CHILE: A. D. 1909.
   Contract given for the Arica-La Paz Railway.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: CHILE-BOLIVIA.

CHILE: A. D. 1909.
   Arbitration of the Alsop Claim of the United States.

   "Many years ago diplomatic intervention became necessary to
   the protection of the interests in the American claim of Alsop
   and Company against the government of Chili. The government of
   Chili had frequently admitted obligation in the case, and had
   promised this government to settle it. There had been two
   abortive attempts to do so through arbitral commissions, which
   failed through lack of jurisdiction. Now, happily, as the
   result of the recent diplomatic negotiations, the governments
   of the United States and Chili, actuated by the sincere desire
   to free from any strain those cordial and friendly relations
   upon which both set such store, have agreed by a protocol to
   submit the controversy to definitive settlement by his
   Britannic Majesty, Edward VII."

      Message to Congress of President Taft,
      December, 1909.

   The claim referred to is that of "the Alsop Company of New
   York and Connecticut which advanced large sums of money to the
   Bolivian government in exchange for the right to valuable
   guano deposits in that country and other concessions. The
   government contracted further to return a part of the loan
   from the receipts of customs at the port of Arica. Before her
   contract could be fulfilled Bolivia lost Arica and the
   adjoining districts to Chili in war. In 1885, following
   representations by the American State Department, Chili agreed
   to assume the obligations of Bolivia to the Alsop Company. She
   has never, however, made good her promise, and the matter has
   been the subject of diplomatic negotiations ever since. The
   claim now amounts to more than $1,500,000."

CHILE: A. D. 1909.
   Building of the Transandine Railway Tunnel.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: ARGENTINA-CHILE.

CHILE: A. D. 1909 (October).
   Naval plans.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: CHILEAN.

   ----------CHILE: End--------

   ----------CHINA: Start--------

CHINA: A. D. 1887-1907.
   Increase of Christian Mission Schools.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: CHINA.

CHINA: A. D. 1900-1905.
   Sudden and rapid upspringing of newspapers.

   "Without giving actual statistics, it may be mentioned that
   Peking, which had no newspaper up to the time of the Boxer
   rising—except a short-lived weekly started by the Peking
   Reform Club and suppressed by the Empress Dowager—has now
   three daily newspapers and two fortnightly ones, some of these
   being partly illustrated. Tientsin has at least three dailies,
   one of these, the ‘Ta-kung Pao’ ('The Impartial’),
   having the very respectable circulation of twenty thousand.
   The official organ which calls itself the ‘Times’ (the
   ‘Shih Pao’), although not so widely circulated, is well
   written under European auspices and has considerable
   influence.
{91}
   In Shanghai there are now sixteen daily papers (price, eight
   to ten cash each), some of which have circulations of
   as much as ten thousand, and besides these there are many
   journals published there. Further south (at Foochow, Soochow,
   and Canton), there are in all some six or seven daily papers,
   and at Hong-Kong five, while Kiaochow has one, which is
   supported by the local German government. In addition to
   these, several papers are now published in the interior, but
   the majority, for various reasons, flourish in the treaty
   ports."

      A. R. Colquhoun
      The Chinese Press of To-day
      (North American Review, January, 1906).

CHINA: A. D. 1900-1906.
   Progressive tariff and internal taxation measures to check
   the consumption of opium.

      See (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.
   The Russian grip on Manchuria.
   Coercive negotiations with China.
   Protests from other Powers.
   The Manchurian Treaty of 1902 and its impotence.

   Early in December, 1901, the American Minister to China, Mr.
   Conger, reported to Secretary Hay, at Washington, an impending
   treaty which Russia seemed likely to force on the Chinese
   Government, which would practically secure to that aggressive
   Power, through a prolonged agreement of China with the
   Russo-Chinese Bank, exclusive railway and mining concessions
   in Manchuria, and which would protract the Russian evacuation
   of that country through three years. England and Japan were
   using all their influence at Peking to prevent the signing of
   the treaty, and Mr. Hay entered a vigorous protest on the part
   of the Government of the United States, "animated now, as
   heretofore, by the sincere desire to insure to the whole world
   full and fair intercourse with China on equal footing." The
   pressure from Russia on China was so potent, however, that Mr.
   Conger, on the 29th of January, 1902, reported to Mr. Hay that
   Prince Ch’ing, who acted with authority from his Government in
   the negotiation with Russia, had informed him "that the latter
   has done the best he could and has held out as long as
   possible, but that Russian possession of Manchuria has become
   intolerable, and that China must at once sign the convention
   or lose everything; that he has therefore agreed to sign the
   convention [modified in some particulars] and will also sign
   the separate agreement with the Russo-Chinese Bank, which
   practically gives exclusive privileges of industrial
   development in Manchuria." Nevertheless the consummation of
   the Russian project of coercive diplomacy was delayed until
   the 8th of April, and the terms of the treaty then signed were
   considerably moderated from the original design. Its
   provisions of interest to others than the contracting parties
   were as follows:

   "ARTICLE I.
   His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, desiring to give a
   fresh proof of his love of peace and his sentiments of
   friendship for His Majesty the Emperor of China,
   notwithstanding the fact that the first attacks upon the
   peaceable Russian population were made from various points of
   Manchuria, which is situated on the frontier, consents to the
   reestablishment of the authority of the Chinese Government in
   the aforesaid province, which remains an integral part of the
   Empire of China, and restores to the Chinese Government the
   right to exercise governmental and administrative powers there
   as before its occupation by the Russian troops.

   "ARTICLE II.
   In resuming possession of governmental and administrative
   powers in Manchuria, the Chinese Government confirms, as well
   in regard to the terms as to all the other articles, the
   engagement strictly to observe the stipulations of the
   contract concluded with the Russo-Chinese Bank on the 27th of
   August, 1896, and assumes, according to article 5 of said
   contract, the obligation to protect the railroad and its
   personnel by every means, and also pledges itself to guarantee
   the security in Manchuria, of all Russian subjects in general
   who reside there and the enterprises established by them. The
   Russian Government, in view of the assumption of this
   obligation by the Emperor of China, consents on its part, in
   case there shall be no agitations of any sort, and if the
   action of the other powers shall offer no obstacle thereto,
   gradually to withdraw all its troops from Manchuria so as
   (a) To withdraw, in the course of six months from the
   signing of the convention, the Russian troops from the
   southwest portion of the province of Moukden, as far as the
   Liao-he River, and again to place China in control of the
   railways;
   (b) To withdraw, in the course of the six months
   following, the Imperial Russian troops from the remaining
   portion of the province of Moukden and the province of Kirin;
   and
   (c) To withdraw, in the course of the six months following,
   the remainder of the Imperial Russian troops now in the
   province of Hei-lung Kiang.

   "ARTICLE. III.
   In view of the necessity of obviating in future a repetition
   of the disturbances of 1900, in which the Chinese troops
   quartered in the provinces adjacent to Russia took part, the
   Russian Government and the Chinese Government agree to order
   the Russian military authorities and the dzian-dziuns, to come
   to an understanding for the purpose of regulating the number
   and determining the places of cantonment of the Chinese troops
   in Manchuria until the Russian troops shall have been
   withdrawn therefrom. The Chinese Government further pledges
   itself not to organize any other troops above the number thus
   agreed upon by the Russian military authorities and the
   dzian-dziuns which shall be sufficient to exterminate the
   brigands and to pacify the country. After the complete
   evacuation of the country by the Russian troops, the Chinese
   Government shall have the right to make an examination of the
   number of troops in Manchuria which are subject to increase or
   diminution, giving timely notice of such examination to the
   Imperial Government, for the maintenance of troops in the
   aforesaid province in superfluous numbers would manifestly
   lead to the increase of the Russian military forces in the
   adjacent districts, and would thus occasion an increase of
   military expenses, to the great disadvantage of both
   countries. For police service and the maintenance of internal
   order in this region outside of the territory ceded to the
   Chinese Eastern Railway Company, there shall be formed, near
   the local dzian-dziun governors, a police force, both on foot
   and mounted, composed exclusively of subjects of the Emperor
   of China

   "ARTICLE IV.
   The Russian Government consents to restore to their owners the
   railway lines of Shan-hai-kwan—Yin-kow—Simminting, which have
   been occupied and protected by the Russian troops since the
   end of the month of September, 1900. In consideration of this
   the Government of the Emperor of China pledges itself:

{92}

   "1. That in case it shall become necessary to insure the
   security of the aforesaid railway lines it will itself assume
   that obligation, and will not request any other power to
   undertake or participate in the defense, construction, or
   exploitation of these lines, and will not permit foreign
   powers to occupy the territory restored by Russia.

   "2. That the above-mentioned railway lines shall be completed
   and exploited on the precise bases of the agreement made
   between Russia and England April 16, 1899, and on those of the
   contract concluded September 28, 1898, with a private company,
   relative to a loan for the construction of the aforesaid
   lines, and, moreover, in observance of the obligations assumed
   by the company, especially: Not to take possession of the
   Shan-hai-kwan—Yin-kow—Simminting line or to dispose of it in
   any manner whatever.

   "3. That if a continuation of the railway lines in the south
   of Manchuria, or the construction of branch lines connecting
   with them, and the construction of a bridge at Yin Kow or at
   the transfer of the terminus of the Shan-hai-kwan Railroad,
   which is situated there, shall hereafter be undertaken, it
   shall be done after a previous understanding between the
   Government of Russia and that of China."

      Papers relating to the Foreign Relations
      of the United States, 1902, pages 271-281.

   During the next two years Russia was accused from all sides of
   infidelity to the engagements of this treaty, and her conduct,
   which seemed especially menacing to Japan, gave rise to the
   Russo-Japanese War.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Edicts for educational reform.
   Modernizing examinations for literary and military degrees.
   Establishing universities, colleges, and schools.
   Sending students abroad.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1904.
   Persistent occupation of Manchuria by the Russians.
   Remonstrances of the Japanese.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.
   Settlement of the indemnity to be paid to fourteen Powers on
   account of the Boxer Rising.
   Remission of part of it by the United States.

   In April, 1901, when the record of events connected with the
   Boxer rising against foreigners in China was closed in Volume
   VI. of this work, the Chinese government had promised
   satisfaction and indemnity to the fourteen Powers whose
   subjects had suffered from the barbarous attack and whose
   forces had overcome it, and the measure of indemnity to be
   paid was then being discussed. The discussion and the
   reckonings involved were prolonged till September. The final
   protocol was signed September 7, but it was not until the 30th
   of that month that the formulated claims of the Powers
   concerned were accepted by China, and the responsibility of
   payment assumed by an imperial decree. The total was
   450,000,000 taels, equivalent to $334,000,000, divided between
   Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Great
   Britain, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Spain,
   Sweden, and the United States. The sum was not reckoned solely
   for the covering of losses and expenses, consequent on the
   Boxer outrages, but was intended to be, in some degree, a
   penalty imposed on the Chinese nation; and some of the
   claimant nations were said to be more exacting on this score
   than others were.

   The amount for which the United States stipulated was
   $24,440,000, and the American government received an indemnity
   bond for that sum. But when the expenses of the American
   relief expedition had been accurately ascertained, and all
   losses and destruction of property belonging to American
   claimants had been settled, it was found that they would be
   largely overpaid. It was possible, according to common
   practice in international dealings, to regard the excess as
   justly punitive; but a different view was dictated by the wish
   to show friendliness to China, and a return of the overpayment
   was proposed. Recommended by President Roosevelt, the
   necessary sanction was given by Congress, and on the 11th of
   July, 1908, the American Minister to China addressed the
   following communication to the Prince of Ch’ing, President of
   the Wai-Wu-Pu, or Board of Foreign Affairs, at Peking:

   "Your Highness:
   "It is with great satisfaction that I have the honor to inform
   your Highness, under direction of the Secretary of State of
   the United States, that a bill has passed the Congress of the
   United States authorizing the President to modify the
   indemnity bond given the United States by China under the
   provisions of Article VI. of the final protocol of September
   7, 1901, from twenty-four million, four hundred and forty
   thousand dollars ($24,440,000), United States gold currency,
   to thirteen million, six hundred and fifty-five thousand, four
   hundred and ninety-two dollars and twenty-nine cents
   ($13,655,492.29), with interest at four per cent (4%) per
   annum. Of this amount two million dollars ($2,000,000) are
   held pending the result of hearings on private claims
   presented to the Court of Claims of the United States within
   one year. Any balance remaining after such adjudication is
   also to be returned to the Chinese Government, in such manner
   as the Secretary of State shall decide.

   "The President is further authorized under the Bill to remit
   to China the remainder of the indemnity as an act of
   friendship, such payments and remissions to be made at such
   times and in such a manner as he may deem just.

   "I am also directed by the Secretary of State to request the
   Imperial Government kindly to favor him with its views as to
   the time and manner of the remissions.

   "Trusting that your Imperial Highness will favor me with an
   early reply to communicate to my Government, I avail myself of
   this occasion to renew to your Highness the assurance of my
   highest consideration
   —W. W. ROCKHILL."

   In his reply, after reciting the statements conveyed to him by
   Mr. Rockhill, the Prince wrote (as translated) the following:

   "On reading this despatch I was profoundly impressed with the
   justice and great friendliness of the American government, and
   wish to express our sincerest thanks.

   "Concerning the time and manner of the return of the amounts
   to be remitted to China, the Imperial Government has no wishes
   to express in the matter. It relies implicitly on the friendly
   intentions of the United States Government, and is convinced
   that it will adopt such measures as are best calculated to
   attain the end it has in view.

{93}

   "The Imperial Government, wishing to give expression to the
   high value it places on the friendship of the United States,
   finds in its present action a favorable opportunity for doing
   so. Mindful of the desire recently expressed by the President
   of the United States to promote the coming of Chinese students
   to the United States to take courses in the schools and higher
   educational institutions of the country, and convinced by the
   happy results of past experience of the great value to China
   of education in American schools, the Imperial Government has
   the honor to state that it is its intention to send henceforth
   yearly to the United States a considerable number of students
   there to receive their education. The Board of Foreign Affairs
   will confer with the American Minister in Peking concerning
   the elaboration of plans for the carrying out of the intention
   of the Imperial Government.
   "A necessary despatch.
      "SEAL OF THE WAI-WU-PU."

   Simultaneously with the note from Prince Ch’ing, the Wai-Wu-Pu
   as a body addressed the following to Mr. Rockhill:

   "To his Excellency W. W. Rockhill,
   American Minister, Peking:

   "Referring to the despatch just sent to your Excellency
   regarding sending students to America, it has now been
   determined that from the year when the return of the indemnity
   begins, one hundred students shall be sent to America every
   year for four years, so that four hundred students may be in
   America by the fourth year. From the fifth year and throughout
   the period of the indemnity payments a minimum of fifty
   students will be sent each year.

   "As the number of students will be very great, there will be
   difficulty in making suitable arrangements for them.
   Therefore, in the matter of choosing them, as well as in the
   matters of providing suitable homes for them in America and
   selecting the schools which they are to enter, we hope to have
   your advice and assistance. The details of our scheme will
   have to be elaborated later, but we take this occasion to
   state the general features of our plan, and ask you to inform
   the American Government of it. We sincerely hope that the
   American Government will render us assistance in the matter.

   "Wishing you all prosperity,
   (Signed)
      PRINCE OF CH’ING, YUAN-SHIH-K’AI,
      NA-TUNG    LIEN-FANG
         LIANG-TUN-YEN."

   The remittance of somewhat more than $10,000,000 of the
   indemnity did not involve a repayment of that sum of money to
   the Chinese government, for the reason that payments on the
   original indemnity bond were to be in annual instalments,
   running until 1940, certain revenues being pledged to secure
   them. The remittance is effected, accordingly, by a
   readjustment of those payments hereafter.

   Writing in The Outlook of this transaction, and of the
   impression it has made in China, Mr. George Marvin, who has
   been for some time in official connection with the Chinese
   Government, says:

   "In pledging itself to the American educational mission the
   Chinese Government has given the fullest evidence of its
   appreciation. According to estimates made in Peking last
   summer, it was calculated that by and after the fourth year of
   the proposed educational foundation the investment necessary
   to finance the Chinese students in America would amount to
   $500,000 annually, a sum nearly equivalent to the entire
   yearly revenue remitted. Already, and quite apart from the
   scheme proposed in the note of the Wai-Wu-Pu, there are
   maintained in the United States by Imperial and Provincial
   funds one hundred and fifty-five Chinese students, picked boys
   and young men, sons of officials and prominent and wealthy
   merchants, chosen often by competitive examinations. The
   students now to be sent annually by the Imperial Government
   will be still more carefully selected. These are the men
   destined for positions of responsibility and influence in that
   ‘Awakening China’ of which we hear so much."

      G. Marvin, in The Outlook, November 14, 1908.

   A Special Ambassador from China, bearing a letter of thanks
   from the Emperor, presented it to the President on the 2d of
   December, 1908.

CHINA: A. D. 1902.
   Return to Peking of the Emperor, Empress-Dowager, and Court.
   Receptions to foreign representatives.
   Withdrawals of foreign troops.
   Recurrence of Boxer outbreaks.

   The Emperor, Empress Dowager, and their suite reentered Peking
   on the 7th of January, 1902. On the 22d the foreign
   representatives were admitted to audience with the Emperor; on
   the 28th the Emperor and Empress-Dowager, together, gave a
   reception to the diplomatic body, the Empress-Dowager being
   throned on a higher seat than the Emperor; on the 1st of
   February the Empress-Dowager entertained the ladies of the
   foreign legations at a banquet, where presents of jewelry were
   made to all the guests. Sorrow for the misdoings from which
   the foreigners in China had suffered was expressed on all
   these occasions, and there seemed to be an earnest desire to
   make amends for them.

   Foreign troops were withdrawn from Tien-tsin on the 15th of
   August, 1902, and the city delivered to the Chinese Viceroy.
   Many improvements in streets, bridges, and public grounds had
   been made by the provisional government which the Allies
   instituted in 1900. Shanghai was evacuated by the allied
   forces at the end of the year 1902.

   Some recurrence of Boxer movements and insurrections occurred
   in different parts of the Empire during 1902. Several
   missionaries and a number of native converts were murdered,
   chapels were burned, and other outrages committed; but in
   general there was a restoration of order in the country, and
   considerable building of railways and forwarding of other
   enterprises went on.

CHINA: A. D. 1902.
   Russo-Chinese Treaty concerning Tibet.

      See (in this Volume)
      TIBET: A. D. 1902.

CHINA: A. D. 1902 (January).
   Agreement respecting China between Great Britain and Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1902.

CHINA: A. D. 1902 (February).
   Wei-hai-wei found to be strategically worthless by the
   British Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY).

CHINA: A. D. 1902-1904.
   The British opening of Tibet by force.

      See TIBET: A. D. 1902.

{94}

CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).
   Treaty with the United States.
   Opening of two ports in Manchuria.
   Rights and privileges enlarged.

   "In the protocol of September 7, 1901,  China had agreed to
   extend the scope of her commercial treaties with the powers.

      See, (in this Volume)
      above, A. D. 1901-1908.

   When the negotiation of a new treaty was begun by
   Consul-General Goodnow at Shanghai, the United States demanded
   that at least two new ports in Manchuria be opened to foreign
   trade and residence. The Chinese commissioners declined to
   discuss this subject, on the alleged ground that they had no
   instructions to do so. It was evident that there was secret
   opposition somewhere, and on May 7, 1903, Mr. Conger reported
   that it came from the Russian charge d'affaires. Later he
   secured a written acknowledgment from the Chinese government
   that such was the case. … Mr. Hay then appealed with the
   utmost directness to the Russian government. … On July 14 a
   definite answer was at length received from Russia, in which
   she declared that it had never entered into her views to
   oppose the opening of certain cities in Manchuria to foreign
   commerce, but that this declaration did not apply to Harbin,
   one of the cities selected by the United States, which was
   situated within the railway zone, and therefore was not under
   the complete jurisdiction of China. A copy of this note was
   shown to the Chinese government; which finally agreed to
   insert in the treaty on October 8 (the date on which Russia
   had agreed to completely withdraw from Manchuria) a provision
   for the opening of two ports. The United States agreed to this
   arrangement, and on October 8 the treaty was signed, and
   Mukden and Antung named as the open ports."

      John H. Latané,
      America as a World Power,
      chapter 6 (Harper & Bros., New York, 1907).

   The further scope of the treaty was announced by President
   Roosevelt in his Message to Congress, December 7, 1903, as
   follows: "It provides not only for the ordinary rights and
   privileges of diplomatic and consular officers, but also for
   an important extension of our commerce by increased facility
   of access to Chinese ports, and for the relief of trade by the
   removal of some of the obstacles which have embarrassed it in
   the past. The Chinese Government engages, on fair and
   equitable conditions, which will probably be accepted by the
   principal commercial nations, to abandon the levy of ‘liken’
   and other transit dues throughout the Empire, and to introduce
   other desirable administrative reforms. Larger facilities are
   to be given to our citizens who desire to carry on mining
   enterprises in China. We have secured for our missionaries a
   valuable privilege, the recognition of their right to rent and
   lease in perpetuity such property as their religious societies
   may need in all parts of the Empire."

CHINA: A. D. 1904.
   Railways and Chinese travel on them.
   Unused British Concessions.

   "It may not have passed out of the public mind that in
   February, 1899, Mr. Balfour came down to the House of Commons
   and paraded before it and the country the magnificent triumph
   England had won in China in respect of Railway Concessions.

      See, in Volume VI.,
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER.).

   They totalled up to 2,800 miles! The House cheered, the
   country indulged in a fit of self-complacency, and the critic
   who asked questions was an ignoramus or a nuisance. Well, five
   years have gone by, and not one mile of those railways is in
   existence except the Chinese Northern State Railway, which has
   passed out of our hands. Of the rest the two great trunk
   lines, one from Hankow to Canton, and the other in Yunnan,
   have been abandoned, while among those of shorter length the
   only one that still remains in active force is the subject of
   this paper. …

   "In more than one recently published consular dispatch
   attention has been drawn to the fact that the Chinese,
   backward or hesitating in the adoption of every other European
   or Western innovation, have shown no reluctance to avail
   themselves of improved means of locomotion. The Northern
   Railway is used by several million passengers every year; the
   sections already open of the German railway in Shantung and of
   the Belgian in Shansi can complain of no lack of traffic. The
   fears of an earlier period as to what the Chinese would do
   with regard to railways have been dissipated by experience."

      D. C. Boulger,
      The Shanghai-Nanking Railway
      (Contemporary Review, June, 1904).

CHINA: A. D. 1904.
   The Russo-Japanese War in Manchuria.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY) and after.

CHINA: A. D. 1904-1909.
   The Hankau Sze-chuen Railway Loan.
   The question of American participation.

   In 1904 the American Minister at Peking concluded an agreement
   with the Chinese Government to the effect that, when loans for
   the construction of a projected railway into the western
   province of Sze-chuen, from Hankau, should be negotiated,
   Americans should have an opportunity to subscribe to it.
   Nearly five years passed before arrangements for the loan were
   made, and then, in the spring of 1909, it was found that terms
   had been concluded with a group of British, German, and French
   bankers for the whole sum sought, of $27,500,000, while
   American capitalists had not been given the promised
   opportunity. On behalf of the latter the Government of the
   United States intervened, claiming fulfilment of the agreement
   of 1904. The matter was regarded as being both politically and
   financially important. "A precedent is what we want to
   establish," said Mr. Crane, the newly appointed Minister to
   China, in an interview on the subject at New York. "The task
   of this Government to maintain its position with the European
   Powers in the East will be less difficult. We are looking
   twenty years ahead." As the result of communications in July
   from Washington to Peking, in which President Taft took part
   personally, the loan arrangement was readjusted, and American
   capitalists became participant in it to the extent of
   one-fourth.

   According to a despatch from Peking, August 17, the matter was
   settled definitely that day, on the following terms: "The loan
   to be increased from $27,500,000 to $30,000,000, and of this
   latter amount American bankers to get one-quarter, the other
   three-quarters going to British, French, and German interests.
   Americans are to have equal opportunity with the other nations
   to supply material for both the Sze-chuen and the Canton lines
   and the branches; they will appoint subordinate engineers, and
   they will have also one-half of all future loans of the
   Sze-chuen Railroad and its branches with the corresponding
   advantages."

{95}

   Subsequently, however, some difficulty in the readjustment of
   business details in the matter arose, which delayed the final
   settlement. The motives of the American Government in claiming
   a participation in the enterprise were stated as follows by
   President Taft in his Message to Congress, December 6, 1909:
   "By the treaty of 1903 China has undertaken the abolition of
   likin with a moderate and proportionate raising of the customs
   tariff along with currency reform. These reforms being of
   manifest advantage to foreign commerce as well as to the
   interests of China, this government is endeavoring to
   facilitate these measures with the needful acquiescence of the
   treaty Powers. When it appeared that Chinese likin revenues
   were to be hypothecated to foreign bankers in connection with
   a great railway project, it was obvious that the governments
   whose nationals held this loan would have a certain direct
   interest in the question of the carrying out by China of the
   reforms in question. Because this railroad loan represented a
   practical and real application of the open-door policy through
   coöperation with China by interested Powers, as well as
   because of its relations to the reforms referred to above, the
   Administration deemed American participation to be of great
   national interest. Happily, when it was as a matter of broad
   policy urgent that this opportunity should not be lost, the
   indispensable instrumentality presented itself when a group of
   American bankers, of international reputation and great
   resources, agreed at once to share in the loan upon precisely
   such terms as this government should approve. The chief of
   those terms was that American railway material should be upon
   an exact equality with that of the other nationals joining in
   the loan in the placing of orders for this whole railroad
   system. After months of negotiation the equal participation of
   Americans seems at last assured. It is gratifying that
   Americans will thus take their share in this extension of
   these great highways of trade, and to believe that such
   activities will give a real impetus to our commerce, and will
   prove a practical corollary to our historic policy in the Far
   East."

CHINA: A. D. 1905 (August).
   New agreement respecting China between Great Britain and Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

CHINA: A. D. 1905 (December).
   Treaty with Japan relative to Manchuria.

   By a treaty with Japan, concluded December, 1905, China
   consented to lease to Japan the Kwangtung peninsula, at the
   southern extremity of which are Port Arthur and Dalny,
   formerly held by Russia under lease from China, and concede to
   Japan the control of the railway on the peninsula northward as
   far as Changchin. China also conceded to Japan the right to
   build a railway from Antung on the Yalu River to Mukden, the
   ancient capital of Manchuria, provided, however, that at the
   end of a certain period the road may be purchased by China.
   More important is the fact that China agreed in the treaty to
   open to the world’s commerce and trade sixteen principal ports
   and cities in Manchuria, including Harbin, or Kharbin, the
   modern Russian capital of the province and its most important
   railway center.

CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.
   The stir of new ideas.
   Imperial Commission to study Representative
   Systems of Government.
   Signs of fruit from it.
   Reformative movements.
   The Constitutional Programme set forth in August, 1908.
   Nine years of approach to a Promised Constitution.

   A significant token of the dawning in China of a changed state
   of mind respecting the western world of Europe and America,
   and its very different development of scientific knowledge and
   of social institutions, was afforded in the fall of 1905, when
   an imperial commission, headed by Prince Tsai-Tse, was sent
   abroad to study representative systems of government. The
   Commission returned in the following July, and in August a
   committee of high dignitaries, with Prince Ch’ing for its
   chairman, was appointed to consider the report it had
   submitted on administrative reforms. The outcome, soon
   afterwards, was an imperial edict which recognized a "lack of
   confidence between the highest and the lowest, between the
   throne and ministers and the masses," and went so far as to
   say that "foreign countries become wealthy and powerful by
   granting a constitution to the masses and allowing suffrage to
   all." While intimating that China must look forward to a
   similar admission of the masses to some voice in the
   government, the edict set forth the prior need of many
   reforms, in the official system, in the laws, in education, in
   the finances, and in the army and police. To begin the
   undertaking of such reforms, Prince Tsai-Tse was put at the
   head of a committee for dealing with the official system, and
   before the year closed there were several changes of
   importance introduced, tending towards more simplicity of
   methods in public business and more centering of
   responsibilities. Examinations in Western subjects of
   knowledge began to replace the old conventional examinations
   in classic Chinese literature, as tests for admission and
   promotion in official service, and eagerness was shown in the
   opening of schools and colleges that approached the European
   and American type. Simultaneously with these stirrings of a
   new consciousness and purpose in China, a great moral reform
   was taken in hand. This was no less than an attempt to rescue
   the nation from its opium curse. Some account of the opium
   edict issued in September, 1906, will be found elsewhere.

      See, (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

   That these reformative steps were actually taken with a view
   to the ultimate granting of "a constitution to the masses and
   allowing suffrage to all" was proved in the summer of 1908,
   when a programme of gradual approach to constitutional
   government, by stages which extend through the next nine
   years, was promulgated at Peking on August 27th. According to
   Western ideas the document lacks definiteness, but it is not
   difficult to believe in the sincerity of its intent. There may
   be great wisdom of sincerity in the serial planning of
   successive measures that are to unfold and introduce a
   constitution at the end of nine years.

   The edict of August 27 was summarized and partially translated
   in a communication to the New York Tribune, as follows:

   "The preamble alone fills twenty large pages and is written in
   an incongruous mixture of Chinese Classical terms and new
   Japanese terminology invented to fit Western meanings. The
   efforts of the authors have been aimed at conveying to the
   Chinese mind an understanding of things hitherto beyond its
   comprehension. The explanations often convey nothing to the
   Western mind.

{96}

   "The subject is approached in an almost prayerful attitude.
   The fact that China obtains this constitution ‘by the imperial
   will’ is reiterated again and again. It is set forth that the
   imperial government, under the constitution, shall not be
   criticised, on the principle that the ‘sacred majesty of the
   sovereign may not be offended against,’ and that the leaders
   of the political parties are to be appointed by the throne.
   Full government under this constitution will become effective
   at the end of nine years. While the proposed system is called
   constitutional, it is far removed from Western constitutional
   government.

   "Broadly speaking, the document follows the constitution of
   Japan. Some of its most striking clauses follow:

   "‘We beg, as the condition of the country is perilous, and the
   hearts of the people are uneasy—trouble within and calamity
   from without, danger threatening, and no parliament at the
   side to investigate matters—that urgent measures may be taken
   to overcome half-heartedness and procrastination, that there
   may be peace above and completion below.

   "‘We have therefore laid down the general principles of the
   constitution and the programme for the work of getting
   everything in readiness in nine years. These may not be
   changed in the least particular.

   "‘There will be boundless daily improvement. May the "silken
   sounds" descend to inform the empire and fix the road for ten
   thousand years, comforting the hopes of the myriads who long
   for peace.’

   "Fourteen laws are then submitted, as follows:

   "1. The Ta Ch’ing Emperor will rule supreme over the Ta Ch’ing
   Empire for one thousand generations in succession, and be
   honored forever.

   "2. Majesty of the sovereign.

   "3. Right of promulgating laws.

   "4. Convocation, suspension, extension and dissolution
   of parliament.

   "5. Appointment, payment, promotion, degradation of officials.

   "6. Command over army and navy.

   "7. Power to make war, peace, treaties; to receive and appoint
   ambassadors.

   "8. Martial law.

   "9. Rewards and pardons.

   "10. Right over judges and the administration of laws.

   "11. Injunction.

   " 12. Right of raising funds when parliament is not in session.

   "13. Right of fixing the expenses of the imperial household.

   "14. Respecting authority over the imperial clan.

   "‘We look to our Empress Dowager and Emperor and see that they
   take the measure of heaven and earth as their measure and the
   heart of the people as their heart. The officials and people
   within the wide seas are reverently grateful.

   "‘The people should earnestly fulfil all the duties without
   selfish reservations, which would hinder the public welfare,
   and without rash impatience, which would confuse the
   regulation; not looking on the matter as too easy, so that the
   deliberations become empty wrangling, not failing to
   understand the limitation of powers, so as to make laws which
   overstep authority.

   "‘The sovereign has absolute power, which he exercises in
   constitutional form.’

   "It is then set forth that on the dissolution of parliament
   the people shall be called on to elect a new parliament, and
   the document continues:

   "‘Mercy is from above; officials, below, may not arrogate it
   to themselves.

   "‘Officers and people who keep within the law will have
   freedom of speech, of the press and of assembly. They shall
   not be disturbed without cause in their possession of
   property, nor interfered with in their dwellings; and they
   have the obligation to pay taxes and render military service
   and the duty of obedience to the law of the land.

   "‘Members of parliament shall not speak disrespectfully of the
   court or slander others. Violation of this law will be
   punished.’

   "The nine year programme is as follows:

   "‘Thirty-fourth year of Kwang Hsu, or 1908—Local
   self-government; rules for reorganization of finance; fusion
   of the Manchu and Chinese military; revision of criminal code.

   "‘Thirty-fifth year, or 1909—Election of provincial
   assemblymen; election to constitutional commission; local
   self-government bureaus established; census; provincial
   budgets; determination of functions of Peking officials;
   issuing of school books.

   "‘Thirty-sixth year, or 1910—Provincial assemblies opened;
   local self-government established; census reports; tax rate
   fixed; organization of provincial officials; courts of law at
   provincial capitals and treaty ports; publishing criminal
   code; extension of schools; preparation for organization of
   sub-prefecture; department and district police.

   "‘Thirty-seventh year, or 1911—Local self-government
   continued; public account; imperial budget; rules on imperial
   taxation; rules governing appointments and salaries of civil
   officials; extension of schools; codes of municipal and
   commercial laws and civil and criminal procedure drawn up.

   "‘Thirty-eighth year, or 1912—Completion of general
   arrangement of urban self-government; census reports;
   publication of taxation laws of empire; perfection of
   arrangements for provincial and lesser courts; extension of
   schools.

   "‘Thirty-ninth year, or 1913—Police registration; imperial
   trial budget of variable expenses; Supreme Court; courts of
   law in prefectures, sub-prefectures, departments and
   districts; criminal code promulgated; urban self-government
   established; rules for rural self-government; rules for urban
   police.

   "‘Fortieth year, or 1914—Imperial trial budget of fixed
   expenses; publication of system of national accounts; rural
   self-government established; rules for lower courts.

   "‘Forty-first year, or 1915—Imperial household expenses fixed;
   organization of the Banners’ controller’s office; public
   accounting enforced; lower courts established; municipal and
   commercial laws and civil and criminal procedure rules
   established; police system complete.

   "‘Forty-second year, or 1910—Promulgation of full constitution
   and the laws of the imperial clan; parliamentary rules and
   rules for parliamentary elections; budget for consideration of
   parliament; reorganized official system; appointment of a
   premier.’

   "The document concludes with these words:

{97}

   "'In the forty-third year of Kwang Hsu, or 1917, China will
   be, by following this plan, a parliamentary country like Japan
   or Russia.'"

      China's Constitution
      (New York Tribune, October 19, 1908).

   Prince Ito, the veteran statesman of Japan, regards the
   constitutional experiment in China with more anxiety than
   hopefulness. Speaking on the subject in August, 1909, he
   expressed doubt of its success, and thought failure would
   imperil peace in the Far East. His reasoning in brief was
   this:

   "First—the enormous area of the Empire and the defective
   facilities for communication would greatly impede the
   assembling of a Parliament, especially in time of emergency.

   Secondly, the immovable character of Chinese conservatism
   forbade a change even of the system of taxation,
   notwithstanding the State’s urgent need of funds, and there
   was, therefore, still greater difficulty in effecting the
   radical alterations required by a constitutional system.

   Thirdly, the Chinese were untrained in local administration,
   the institution of which was an essential prelude to a
   national Assembly. He said he was astonished at the silence of
   Occidental publicists on this question so vital to the peace
   of the Orient."

CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.
   Chinese Exclusion Laws of the United States.
   Boycott of American goods in the Empire.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909.
   Disputes with Japan.
   The Fa-ku-menn Railway and the Antung-Mukden Railway questions.
   Settlement of the latter by Japanese ultimatum.

   It could hardly have been possible for cordially friendly
   relations to be maintained between China and Japan, in the
   circumstances which transferred to the latter the extensive
   rights and privileges in Southern Manchuria, which Russia had
   acquired in that Chinese province by treaty and lease. By a
   protocol of December, 1905, after the closing of the
   Russo-Japanese War, there was an attempt, between Peking and
   Tokyo, to define the effects of the Treaty of Portsmouth,
   especially in the bearings of that article of the Treaty which
   ceded to Japan, "with the consent of the Government of China,
   the lease of Port Arthur, of Talien, and of the adjacent
   territories and territorial waters, as well as the rights,
   privileges and concessions connected with this lease or
   forming part thereof," and likewise, of "all the public works
   and property within the territory over which the above lease
   extends"; but misunderstandings and differences of opinion
   were sure to arise. Whether it has been more by the fault of
   Japan than of China that they arose and increased until, in
   the past year, they became a serious estrangement, is a
   question on which the judgment of foreign observers is
   conflicting. The veteran representative of the London Times at
   Peking, whose friendship for the Chinese is fast-fixed by long
   residence among them, lays the greater weight of
   responsibility on Japan, though he finds a lack of
   reasonableness on both sides. Japan, he says (writing July 19,
   1909), was welcomed in China with open arms after her
   victorious war. "No nation ever had a greater opportunity, and
   faulty must have been the policy which in so short a time has
   wrought so great a change. Japan is now regarded with a
   comprehensive distrust that is most disquieting.
   Not long ago more than 1,000 Japanese of different classes
   were employed in China, in schools and colleges, in the army
   and police, in law and prison reform, in agriculture and
   sericulture, in telephone and electric light companies, on
   railways, and in many other capacities. At present there are
   fewer than 400, 52 of whom are in Peking, and these numbers
   will be further reduced as existing contracts expire. Similar
   reductions are noted in the number of Chinese being educated
   in Japan. Three years ago there were more than 20,000; last
   year there were more than 10,000. The number now is 5,125, and
   only yesterday it was arranged that in the case of a body of
   300 Government students just returned to China, only 88 would
   be sent to take their places."

   "At present each country, through its Press, is protesting
   against the unreasonableness of the other. Contradictory
   statements on questions of fact are made on almost every point
   at issue."

   The main contention has related to the projected extension by
   China of a railway to Fa-ku-menn from the terminus of an
   existing line at Hsin-min-tun, west of Mukden. It was in the
   agreement of December, 1905, that no railways in competition
   with the South Manchurian line, which Japan took from Russia,
   should be built. The Japanese assert that they had in view
   this very Fa-ku-menn extension when that stipulation was
   inserted. The Chinese declare that the negotiation on their
   part had reference solely to the area east of the Liao River.
   Japan made two alternative proposals for the settlement of
   this question: "One that the Chinese should build a railway
   from Fa-ku-menn to the South Manchurian Railway instead of to
   Hsin-min-tun, or that the Japanese should build a railway from
   the South Manchurian line to Fa-ku-menn and thence to the
   North, in which case Japan would withdraw her objection to the
   Fa-ku-menn-Hsin-min-tun railway, provided that China undertook
   not to extend the line beyond Fa-ku-menn without a previous
   agreement with Japan." China is said to have declined
   discussion of these proposals, but offered arbitration of the
   whole matter. Japan objected to arbitration without previous
   discussion of her new proposals. And so the dispute seemed
   deadlocked.

   Another dispute turned on the interpretation of a clause in
   the Agreement of December, 1905, which reads: "China agrees
   that Japan has the right to improve the Antung-Mukden Railway
   so as to make it fit for the conveyance of commercial and
   industrial goods of all nations." Japan undertook, as a
   necessary "improvement" of the road, to reconstruct it, with a
   change of gauge to connect it with the standard gauge of the
   South Manchuria and Korean roads. China denied that the
   agreement gave a right to reconstruction. Several other
   questions arising between the two peoples have helped to raise
   hard feeling on both sides; but these have seemed to be at the
   front.

   At length on the 6th of August, 1909, Japan brought discussion
   of the Antung-Mukden Railway question to a summary ending, by
   a note to the Chinese Government which announced that "the
   Imperial Government is now compelled to take independent
   action, and to proceed to carry out the necessary work of
   reconstruction and improvement according to treaty rights."
{98}
   Before taking this decisive step, the Japanese Government is
   said to have consulted Great Britain and other powers, and to
   have had approval of her action from London, if not from
   elsewhere. China yielded to the ultimatum, and this leading
   cause of quarrel between the great nations of the East was
   removed on the 4th of September by the signing, at Mukden, of
   a memorandum of agreement, reported in substance as follows:

   China agrees, first, not to construct the
   Hsin-min-tum-Fa-ku-men Railroad without consulting Japan;
   second, that half the capital required to extend the Kirin
   Railroad shall be borrowed in Japan; third, that Japan will be
   permitted to extend the Yinkow and improve and modernize the
   Antung-Mukden Railroads, to which China was bitterly opposed;
   fourth, that Japan may work the mines in the Fushun and Yentai
   districts, and have joint exploitation of the mines reached by
   the Antung and Manchurian Railroad lines.

   In the Chientao boundary dispute Japan agrees to recognize
   China’s sovereignty, while China agrees to open four trade
   marts in the district.

   In a letter to a London journal, a few days before this
   settlement of the Antung-Mukden Railway question, Lord
   Stanhope said:

   "The Chinese have surely deeper reasons for opposing this
   scheme than the mere fact of reconstruction. They well realize
   that this railway, crossing narrow valleys, can have no
   commercial future, but is virtually a strategic railway to
   strengthen the Japanese grip on Manchuria."

CHINA: A. D. 1906.
   A Commission sent to America and Europe for the study of
   political and other institutions.

   The new spirit astir in China was manifested in the early
   months of 1906 by the sending of a large Commission of
   carefully chosen men to the United States and Europe, for
   observations that would be helpful toward reforms in their own
   country. It was headed by two High Commissioners of
   distinction, Tai Hung-chi and Tuan Fang, and they were
   attended by thirty-five scholars and functionaries of note.
   They received much attention during their stay of five weeks
   in the United States, and were placed by the Government under
   the special charge of Professor J. W. Jenks. Writing
   subsequently of their mission Professor Jenks said:

   "The purpose of the commission is, primarily, to make such a
   study of the political institutions of the various countries
   visited that they will be able, on their return, to offer
   valuable suggestions for the improvement of their own. There
   is even serious talk among the high officials in China of some
   form of a constitution. In consequence, the commissioners are
   as eager to learn regarding the working of some of our
   institutions as regarding their form of organization. Inasmuch
   as political reform necessarily involves social reform, even
   as a condition precedent, the commission is devoting special
   attention to the study of education, in universities and
   schools, and to methods of social amelioration, in prisons and
   asylums for the insane and the poor. They, however, are not
   neglecting the study of our large manufacturing plants, and
   have clearly in mind, also, the improvement of the industrial
   conditions of China. It is a matter of peculiar interest that
   the Empress-Dowager charged them to inquire especially into
   the education of girls in the United States, since she hoped,
   on their return, to be able to found a school for the
   education of the daughters of the princes."

CHINA: A. D. 1906.
   Sixty cities being opened to foreign settlement.

   A memorandum on the subject of the foreign settlements at the
   open ports of China, prepared by the Chinese Secretary of the
   American Legation at Peking, was transmitted to the State
   Department at Washington in December, 1906. It conveyed the
   following information:

   "In China proper and in Manchuria 46 cities and towns have
   been thrown open already to foreign residence and
   international trade. This does not include Dalny, in
   Manchuria, leased to Japan; Wei-hai-wei, in Shantung, leased
   to Great Britain; Kiaochow, in Shantung, leased to Germany;
   Kowloon, in Kuangtung, leased to Great Britain; nor
   Kuang-chou-wan, in Kuangtung, leased to France. Besides the
   above, there are 3 cities in Tibet thrown open to trade,
   making 49 ports in the Empire. In addition to these already
   declared open, there are 13 cities whose opening in the
   immediate future is arranged for, and 3 others whose opening
   depends upon the acceptance by other treaty powers of the
   provisions of Article VIII. of the last commercial treaty
   between China and Great Britain. No account is taken of the
   cities of Turkestan, Mongolia, and the Amur region, in which
   Russian subjects have for many years enjoyed privileges of
   trade and consular jurisdiction. It will be seen, therefore,
   that in the immediate future foreigners will enjoy the right
   of residence for purposes of trade at more than 60 cities of
   the Chinese Empire."

CHINA: A. D. 1906.
   Edict against the use of opium.

      See (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

CHINA: A. D. 1906 (January).
   Chinese students in Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1906.

CHINA: A. D. 1906-1907.
   Flood and famine in the region traversed by the Grand Canal.

   One of the frequent destructive floods in China which produce
   famine befell the region that is traversed by the Grand Canal
   in the summer of 1906. Heavy rains covered its vast plains
   with lakes of water, which drowned out the crops throughout an
   area estimated at 40,000 square miles. From ten to fifteen
   millions of people were reduced to famine, and could only be
   kept alive until the harvests of another year by the
   generosity of the outside world. It was not vainly appealed
   to; but the suffering and death in the afflicted country were
   appallingly great.

CHINA: A. D. 1906-1907.
   Christian Missions.

      See (in this Volume)
      MISSIONS: CHINA.

CHINA: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Restriction on Chinese immigration to Canada.
   Labor hostility.
   Riotous attacks.
   Lately modified regulations.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.

CHINA: A. D. 1908.
   Expansion of the Postal Service.

   According to a report from Peking on the working of the
   Imperial Chinese Post Office in 1908, "the operations show an
   unprecedented expansion." The postal routes cover 88,000
   miles, of which 68,000 are courier lines. The number of post
   offices open in 1901 was 176. There were 2,803 open in 1907,
   and 3,493 in 1908. The number of postal articles handled in
   1901 was 10,000,000. The number was 168,000,000 in 1907, and
   252,000,000 in 1908. The number of parcels was 127,000,
   weighing 250 tons, in 1901; 1,920,000, weighing 5,509 tons, in
   1907; and 2,445,000, weighing 27,155 tons, in 1908.

CHINA: A. D. 1908.
   Administration of the Department of Education.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1908.

{99}

CHINA: A. D. 1908.
   Chinese students in the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1908.

CHINA: A. D. 1908 (November).
   Death of the Emperor, Kuang-hsu,
   and of the Empress-Dowager, Tze-Hsi.
   Accession of the child-Emperor, Hsuan-Tung (Pu-Yi).

   The circumstances of the death, almost simultaneously, of the
   late Emperor, Kuang-hsu, and of the Dowager-Empress, Tze-Hsi,
   who had been the real ruler of the Empire, are involved in
   considerable obscurity. The Emperor is said to have died on
   the 14th of November, 1908, and the Empress on the following
   day. The announcement of their decease was preceded by the
   publication of two imperial edicts, one of which made Prince
   Chun, of the royal family, Regent of the Empire, while the
   other named Pu-Yi, the Prince’s son, three years old, as the
   heir presumptive to the throne. As communicated later to
   foreign governments, the Regent was given, by another imperial
   rescript, full power over the civil and military departments
   of government, and the entire appointment and dismissal of
   officials. The promised creation of a Parliament was
   anticipated in the prescription of his duties, among which
   were the following:

   "When a Parliament has been established the Prince Regent
   shall attend the same in place of the Emperor, but he need not
   attend the ordinary sessions. When the Constitutional
   Commission meets, the Prince Regent shall likewise represent
   the Emperor there.

   "The Prince Regent shall have full authority in negotiating
   treaties and in appointing representatives abroad.

   "The Prince Regent shall enter and leave his chair at the
   Ch’ien Ch’ing gate. The yamens, according to their duty, shall
   draw up and report on regulations modelled on the precedent
   established by Prince Jui-Chung regarding the equipage,
   escort, and general preparations for movements of the Prince
   Regent outside the palace.

   "Every year the Board of Finance shall transfer to the
   Department of the Imperial Household the sum of taels 150,000
   for disbursement. When the Emperor comes of age, his studies
   being completed, and his marriage takes place, the official
   body shall unite in asking him to assume personal direction of
   the government."

   On the 21st of November the members of the Diplomatic Corps at
   Peking were received in a body at the palace, to present the
   condolences of the Governments they represent on the deaths of
   the late Emperor and Empress. As reported to the Associated
   Press, there were present on the occasion "every official or
   member of the imperial family who recently has been reported
   ill, dead by his own hand or estranged from the government,
   and the desired impression of official stolidity at Pekin
   which, it was most evident, this occasion was intended to
   convey, was imparted successfully. This was the answer of the
   government to the rumors of suicides and deaths current in
   Pekin for the last week.

   "Prince Ching, for the first time since the passing away of
   their majesties, appeared officially as the head of the
   foreign board. The heads of the various governmental
   departments were present, with the members of the imperial
   clan, and, in addition, several thousand minor officials, all
   in white, had assembled at imperial command. At the conclusion
   of the functions, in honor of the dead, the diplomats paid
   homage to Prince Chun, the regent."

   On the 2d of December the strict mourning observed at Peking
   was suspended briefly, to permit the ceremonies attending the
   ascension of the dragon throne by the child-Emperor, Pu-Yi,
   who, as Emperor, took the name of Hsuan-Tung. The ceremonies,
   described to the Associated Press, lasted but half an hour.
   "The function began by the princes of the imperial family and
   the high officials of the empire kowtowing to the memorial
   tablets of their late majesties. After this they all kowtowed
   in turn to Pu-Yi: Pu-Yi then offered a sacrifice before the
   tablets of the Emperor and the Dowager Empress. After this he
   was relieved of his dress of mourning and clad with much care
   in a diminutive imperial garment, embroidered with the
   imperial dragon. His nurses performed this duty with great
   attention and care. Thus arrayed, the toddling Emperor
   ascended the throne amid a fanfare of drums, bells and
   firecrackers. He made his way alone and showed no need of the
   assistance which willing hands would have given him had his
   little feet faltered. From the throne Pu-Yi kowtowed to his
   stepmother, the Dowager Empress Yiahonala. He then received
   the kowtows, while still on the throne, of all the princes and
   officials present. This over, he descended from the throne and
   was again clad in his little dress of mourning.

   "The ceremony took place in the throne hall of the Forbidden
   City. The officials present were selected with great care and
   were the highest men in the empire. According to an old
   established custom, a number of humble coolies, men from the
   lowest walks of life, were brought into the sacred precincts
   of the Forbidden City to act as witnesses. The soldiery played
   but an inconspicuous part in the proceedings."

   Following the ceremony, an imperial edict proclaiming the
   ascension was issued. This edict grants amnesty for certain
   specified offences; rewards all the imperial princes,
   princesses, and dukes; promotes all officials by one degree
   and bestows honors on their parents; erases the demerits
   entered against minor officials; advances the degree of
   scholars; dismisses all pending petty criminal cases; excuses
   certain liabilities, and grants bounties to the soldiers in
   the service of the empire.

CHINA: A. D. 1908 (December).
   Decree reaffirming the Constitutional Programme of the late
   Empress Dowager.

   An imperial edict reaffirming the determination of the new
   government of China to carry out in its entirety the
   Constitutional programme laid down by the late Empress Dowager
   of China in August, 1908, was promulgated on the 4th of
   December. A literal translation was made public at Washington
   in January as follows:

   "On the first day of the 8th moon (August 27, 1908), the late
   Emperor reverently received the excellent decree of the late
   great Empress Dowager strictly ordering the officials and
   people of Peking and of the provinces to carry out completely
   by the ninth year all the preparatory work, so that at the
   appointed time the Constitution may be proclaimed. Also
   proclamations for the members of Parliament to assemble, and
   other decrees brightly manifested the sacred instructions, and
   all between the seas applauded.
{100}
   From ourselves down to the officials and people high and low
   all must sincerely obey the excellent decree previously
   issued. The eighth year of Hsuan T’ung [whose first year dates
   from January 22, 1909] is the limit of time. Let there be no
   ‘reabsorption of sweat’ in this matter. Our hope is that this
   will certainly be carried out. Let the officials of Peking and
   the provinces on no account look idly on, and procrastinate,
   delaying the opportune time. Let patriotism be shone forth.
   Exert yourselves that constitutional government may be
   established. And court and ‘wilds’ (people) may have peace;
   and so we may comfort the spirits of the late great Empress
   Dowager and the late Emperor in heaven, and make firm the
   foundations of countless years of peaceful government."

CHINA: A. D. 1909.
   Progress in the opium reform.

      See (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

CHINA: A. D. 1909.
   Progress in technical education.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1909.

CHINA: A. D. 1909.
   Existing treaties with United States and existing laws in the
   latter country relative to the admission of Chinamen.
   The question of their consistency with each other.
   Present status of the question.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: IN THE UNITED STATES.

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (January).
   Abrupt dismissal of Viceroy Yuan Shih-kai from his offices.

   Much disturbance of feeling and apprehension of a troublesome
   reaction in Chinese policy was excited among the foreign
   representatives in China, on the 2d of January, 1909, by the
   sudden dismissal of the able and powerful Viceroy of Chi-li,
   Yuan Shih-kai, from all his offices. He had been looked upon
   as the great leader of progress in China,—the statesman to be
   counted on for the most and best influence in the government
   of the Empire for some years to come. He had the confidence of
   foreign powers, and was supposed to have acquired a sure
   footing in the councils at Peking. Latterly, however, it is
   said to have become known in Peking that "a powerful Manchu
   cabal was working for his downfall, led by Tieh-liang, the
   Minister of War, and supported by the aged doctrinaire and
   Chinese ex-Viceroy, Chang Chih-tung," and the stroke which
   overthrew him at the beginning of the new year was ascribed to
   that source. "The cabal has been successful," was the wired
   message of the Peking correspondent of the London Times
   to his paper; and he summarized the merits of the fallen
   statesman thus: "No man in China deserved better of his
   country. He has been in the forefront of progress, and is the
   best administrator China has produced in this generation. When
   Governor of Shantung in 1900 his action in resisting the Boxer
   insurrection and in safeguarding foreigners really saved the
   Empire from disruption. He created China’s modern army and was
   the leader of the modern educational movement in China, and
   his famous memorial of September 2, 1905, urging the summary
   abolition of the antiquated system of literary examination was
   epoch-making. Under his Viceroyalty the Metropolitan province
   became the most advanced in the Empire. With Tang Shao-yi he
   led the anti-opium movement. Since he entered the Ministry for
   Foreign Affairs China has attained a measure of respect among
   the Powers which was unknown before."

   Some weeks after the blow had fallen, and when the peculiarly
   Oriental manner of its infliction had been learned, a letter
   from Peking to the New York Evening Post told of it as
   follows:

   "At 11 a. m. on Saturday, January 2, the grand councillors
   were summoned by the regent. Prince Ching had evidently heard
   a whisper of what was to come, and he pleaded illness. The
   other grand councillors answered the summons promptly, but
   when Yuan reached the door of the council chamber he was told
   that he was not wanted. Three grand councillors therefore went
   in and found the regent awaiting them with the edict
   dismissing Yuan Shih-kai already drawn up. ‘I want no
   discussion. Sign this edict!’ said the regent. Chang Chih-tung
   turned to reply. The regent repeated his words impressively,
   and the edict was signed without further demur.

   "Within the next hour, while Yuan Shih-kai was hastily making
   plans for his personal safety, the news flew around Peking and
   the city throbbed with excitement. Every one but his immediate
   councillors was astounded at Prince Chun’s temerity. Never in
   the history of China had such a man as Yuan been thrown out of
   office at such short notice. To the Western mind, however,
   there was nothing very harsh in the edict; it said simply:

   "‘Yuan Shih-kai, a member of the Grand Council and president
   of the Waiwupu, formerly received repeated offices and
   advancement under the late Emperor. After our enthronement we
   gave him great honors, because we considered that his talent
   certainly was one that could be made use of, if he exerted
   himself in the public service. Unexpectedly Yuan Shih-kai has
   now contracted rheumatism in the foot, which makes it hard for
   him to walk and difficult for him to attend to the duties of
   his offices. Yuan Shih-kai, therefore, is ordered to vacate
   his posts and return to his native place to nurse his
   disorder. Thus is our great mercy to him manifested.’"

   Yuan Shih-kai left Peking in haste, evidently in fear of his
   life, and it was expected that his whole following of friends
   and supporters would be swept out of their offices and
   employments. But no such result followed, and credit began to
   be given to the assurances of the Imperial Government that the
   dismissal of Yuan meant no reversal of policy or reaction
   whatever. He was distrusted, it was intimated, because he had
   been disloyal to the late Emperor in 1898, when the latter
   attempted great reforms.

      See, in Volume VI. of this work,
      CHINA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-SEPTEMBER), and after.

   Yuan Shih-kai was then the chief agent and instrument of the
   Dowager-Empress in overcoming the well-meaning but weak
   sovereign and annulling his reformative work. Hence, it was
   claimed, the present Government’s distrust of him.

   The Ministers of Great Britain and the United States had
   ventured some questions as to the significance of the act, but
   their colleagues did not join them, and no further discussion
   of the matter diplomatically took place.

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (February).
   Meeting of the International Opium Commission at Shanghai.

      See (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (May).
   New Russo-Chinese Agreement concerning the
   Chinese Eastern Railway.
   Municipalities on the Line.
   The Kharbin question.

   The Chinese Eastern Railway, so named, is the line which
   Russia, by Convention with China in August, 1896, obtained
   permission to construct, from a point on her Trans-Siberian
   Railway, through Northern Manchuria, to Vladivostok.
{101}
   Under that agreement the Russian authorities claimed a right
   to institute certain organizations of municipal administration
   at Kharbin and other towns of rising importance on the line.
   This right was challenged in 1908 by the American Consul at
   Kharbin (sometimes written Harbin), Mr. Fisher, who refused to
   recognize some ordinances of the Russian administration, on
   the ground that he was accredited to China, only, and could
   know no other sovereignty in Manchuria than the Chinese. This
   led to a new Russo-Chinese Agreement, signed at Peking on the
   10th of May, 1909, distinctly authorizing the "organization of
   municipalities on the lands" of the Chinese Eastern Railway.
   The "sovereign rights of China" are "not to be prejudiced in
   any way," says the new Agreement; but "municipal bodies are to
   be established in the commercial centres of a certain
   importance situated on the lands of the railway. The
   inhabitants of these commercial centres, according to the
   importance of the localities and the number of the residents,
   shall elect delegates by vote, who shall choose an Executive
   Committee; or else the residents themselves shall take part in
   the business of the municipality and a representative shall be
   elected from amongst them who will take upon himself to carry
   out the resolutions decided upon by meeting of all the
   residents.

   "No difference shall be made on the lands of the railway
   between the Chinese population and that of other
   nationalities; all residents shall enjoy the same rights and
   be subject to the same obligations.

   "The right to vote shall belong to every member of the
   community who owns real estate of a fixed value or who pays a
   fixed annual rental and taxes."

   Reading no farther in the Agreement than this, imperial Russia
   and China would seem to have jointly planted a seed of
   democratic municipalities in Manchuria; but that impression is
   destroyed by qualifying provisions, such as this:

   "The President of the Chiao-She-Chu [a Mixed Russo-Chinese
   Court, formerly created] and the director of the railway,
   occupying a position superior to the Presidents of the
   assemblies of delegates and of committees, have a right of
   control and personal revision, which they may exercise
   whenever they think fit. … in the event of decisions by the
   assembly of delegates not being approved by the President of
   the Chiao-She-Chu or the director of the railway, these
   decisions shall be returned to the assembly for further
   consideration. If the original decision is adopted by a
   majority of three-quarters of the members present, it becomes
   binding."

   The effect of the whole agreement would undoubtedly be to give
   the Russian railway officials supreme authority in the
   so-called municipalities. Remonstrances against it by the
   Government of the United States have been supported by Great
   Britain, Germany, and Austria. The question remains open and
   troublesome. Dr. Morrison, of The Times, wrote of the
   situation in November as follows:

   "The situation in Manchuria is receiving close attention from
   the Legations because of the increasing difficulty of the
   problems created by Russian and Japanese claims to territorial
   and administrative jurisdiction in connexion with their
   respective railways, claims which conflict with China’s
   unimpaired sovereignty and with the treaty rights of other
   nations. A tentative proposal was recently submitted to the
   consideration of the Diplomatic Body, with the approval of the
   Wai-wu-pu and M. Korostovetz, to create an international
   settlement at Kharbin on a separate site adjoining the railway
   settlement. The proposal was unacceptable to the Powers
   interested because it implied a fundamental discrimination in
   favour of the railway company, leaving it to exercise, in an
   important trade centre, powers which are incompatible with
   treaties and which are not conferred by its charter. …

   "The Chinese Government entirely fails to avail itself of its
   opportunities at this juncture. The local authorities are
   unable, and the Peking Government is unwilling, to take any
   initiative. The Wai-wu-pu adheres to its policy of shifting
   opportunism, as shown by its proposal to the Russian Minister
   to cancel, in deference to the protests of the Powers, the
   agreement with regard to the Kharbin municipal regulations
   concluded on May 10, a proposal unaccompanied by any practical
   alternative whereby political requirements might be reconciled
   with the undeniable vested interests of the railway. In this
   connexion it is interesting to note that, whereas England,
   America, France, Germany, Italy, and Austria-Hungary refused
   an unqualified assent to the Kharbin agreement, yet no
   exception has been taken to the regulations of the Japanese
   railway settlements, although, without any reference to China,
   they confer the widest powers on the Japanese authorities,
   including the right of arbitrary taxation and forcible
   expulsion."

   The Russian side of the question was presented in a
   semi-official statement, made public in October, 1909, as
   follows:

   "The representatives of certain Powers which have trade
   interests in China have, both in Peking and St. Petersburg,
   expressed doubts as to the rights of authority exercised by
   the Kharbin municipality. These representatives have
   endeavoured, in notes presented to the Chinese and Russian
   Governments on the matter, and in verbal communications, to
   prove that certain paragraphs of the treaty which was signed
   at Peking on May 10, 1909, violated the extra-territorial
   rights granted to their nationals by treaty with China, and
   further that some of the measures taken by the Kharbin
   authorities were opposed to the regulations of the
   international concession which, in their opinion, has been
   recently established at Kharbin.

   "It is easy to demonstrate that such a point of view is based
   on a misunderstanding. Extra-territorial rights, so far as
   they are secured by treaty, comprise exclusively the right of
   every foreigner to be judged by his own Consul. They do not,
   however, in any way exempt him from the obligation to pay town
   and other taxes, or to submit to established regulations. The
   difference between the pure Chinese open ports where there are
   no foreign concessions and places which lie in the territorial
   zone of the Chinese Eastern Railway, and are open to foreign
   trade, consists solely in the fact that in the former the
   Chinese authorities have the power to make administration
   rules at their own discretion, while in places in the
   territorial zone of the Eastern Railway the Chinese Government
   has, by the concession agreement signed on August 28, 1896,
   and the convention of May 10, 1909, transferred the rights of
   administration to the Chinese Eastern Railway Company, as a
   private concession, so that the company acts as the agent of
   the Chinese Government in supervising the administration of
   Kharbin and other places.

{102}

   "Another misunderstanding has evidently given rise to the
   statement that Kharbin has recently been converted into an
   international concession. The contracting parties never had
   any such intentions. By reason of legal acts, as well as of
   traditions and conditions of a local character, under which
   Kharbin originated, it is clear that this is a special kind of
   concession, which is distinguished from other concessions by
   its exceptionally liberal and exceedingly hospitable
   regulations in regard to foreigners."

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).
   Naval plans.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: CHINESE.

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).
   Opening of the Peking-Kalgan Line of Railway.
   A purely Chinese undertaking.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: CHINA.

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).
   Death of Chang Chih-Tung.

   Chang Chih-Tung, Grand Councillor of the Empire of China, died
   on the 4th of October, 1909, and Tai Hung-tze, President of
   the Board of Justice, was appointed his successor in office.

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October-November).
   Election and opening of Provincial Assemblies.
   Beginnings of the institution of Constitutional and
   Representative Government.

   The following, from the Peking reports to The Times,
   London, narrates the actual beginning of the series of
   proceedings planned and promised for the gradual institution
   of representative constitutional government. The first is of
   the date of October 14, 1909:

   "To-day marks an era in the establishment of constitutional
   government in China. In obedience to the Imperial decrees of
   October 19, 1907, and of July 22, 1908, ordering the
   establishment, within one year of the latter date, in each of
   the 22 provinces of China proper and in Manchuria and the New
   Dominion of provincial deliberative assemblies, elections have
   been in progress for some time past, and the assemblies meet
   in accordance with the regulations for the first time to-day,
   the first day of the ninth moon. …

   "The elections have taken place according to the regulations,
   and halls have been erected for the assemblies to sit wherever
   a Viceroy or a Governor has his seat. The number of members
   varies from 140 in Chih-li, 114 in Che-kiang, to 30 each in
   Kirin, Lchlun-chiang, and Hsin-kiang. The incomplete returns
   which have been published show nearly 1,000 voters for each
   representative.

   "For weeks past reports have been coming in from provincial
   authorities asking for instructions and information concerning
   this new departure. An edict issued last night renews the
   Imperial admonitions to members of the assemblies as to their
   deliberations, and to Viceroys and Governors as to their
   supervision of the deliberations, and exhorts all to display a
   loyal patriotism so that the country may attain strength and
   prosperity. The event may be one of great historical
   importance."

   The next was sent from Peking on the 6th of the following
   November:

   "Already, in the opening debates of these Provincial
   Assemblies, one apprehends the coming chaos, one hears the
   first whispering of the approaching storm. Peking, panoplied
   in ignorance and petrified in medieval statecraft, trifles
   with Demos at its doors, evidently hoping that the Assemblies
   will consume their own smoke, and that the Mandarin may be
   preserved by the time-honoured device of holding the balance
   between contending classes. But the spirits which the
   Vermilion Pencil has called from the Celestial deep, though
   elected with all possible precautions of ‘silkcoated’
   franchise, and under the close direction of Viceroys and
   Governors, show signs of scant respect for the Central
   Government and of little sympathy for its difficulties.
   Already, within a fortnight of their birth, many of the
   Assemblies have passed resolutions denouncing several of the
   Government’s pet proposals—e. g., the opium monopoly, the
   stamp tax, and the foreign loan for the Hankau-Canton and
   Hankau-Szechuan Railways. In the case of the stamp tax, 15
   provinces have expressed the opinion, and have induced the
   local officials in many cases to endorse it, that the proposed
   levy is impracticable, so that, in the words of the native
   Press, 'its imposition is deferred and the Ministry of Finance
   is at its wits’ end.’ Concerning the vexed question of the
   railway loan, the Hupei Assembly is reported to have endorsed,
   without a dissentient, their chairman’s declaration that the
   Government’s scheme should be resisted ‘to the death.’

   "The spirit which animates these Assemblies is evidently very
   similar to that which speaks through the vernacular Press;
   iconoclastic, patriotic—in the sense that it denounces
   everything foreign—but lacking, so far, in intelligent
   leadership and constructive policy. Their attitude towards the
   Central Government is generally one of scarcely veiled
   contempt. I cannot illustrate better its general tendency than
   in the words of a native journalist who, in a recent criticism
   of the Grand Council, congratulated these rulers of China on
   their remarkable longevity, but observed that ‘there is little
   hope of longevity for an Empire that is governed by such
   incompetent survivals.’"

   A few weeks later, after the forty days’ session of the new
   Provincial Assemblies had ended, this writer had changed his
   view. Writing on the 22d of December, he said: "A study of the
   reports of the proceedings so far available of the first
   session of the Provincial Assemblies supports the contention
   that the Throne has been justified in granting the subjects of
   the Empire a limited right of speech through their chosen
   representatives. The programmes of debate have been strictly
   in accordance with the Imperial edict, and the proceedings
   have been marked with dignity and decorum. The net result
   justifies the declaration made by a high authority, who has
   been given special opportunity of forming a judgment, that the
   ‘members have fulfilled their appointed task of working in
   harmony with the executive authorities in the interests of
   their respective provinces.’"

CHINA: A. D. 1909-1910.
   Proposal of the United States for the neutralization of
   Manchurian Railways.
   Proposed Chinchow-Aigun Railway.

   Late in December, 1909, the United States Government submitted
   to that of China, and to the interested Powers, a proposition
   which contemplated the neutralization of the railways in
   Manchuria, now partly under Russian and partly under Japanese
   control, and which looked, also, to an international
   undertaking of the construction of a Chinchow-Aigun line, to
   tap the Russian Trans-Siberian road at Tsitshar.
{103}
   In a published statement subsequently, the American Secretary
   of State, Mr. Knox, explained that his Government, during the
   recent railway loan negotiations, had pointed out to the
   interested Powers that the greatest danger to the policy of
   the open door in China and the development of her foreign
   trade arose from disagreements among the great Western
   nations, and had expressed the opinion that nothing would
   afford so impressive an object-lesson to China and the world
   as the spectacle of the four great capitalist nations—Great
   Britain, Germany, France, and the United States—standing
   together for equality of commercial opportunity. The American
   Government believed that one of the most effective steps to
   this end in order to secure for China the enjoyment of all
   political rights in Manchuria and to promote the normal
   development of the Eastern provinces was to take the
   Manchurian railroads out of Eastern politics and to place them
   under an economic and impartial administration by vesting in
   China herself the ownership of the railways. Such a policy
   would require the cooperation, not only of China, but of
   Russia and Japan, both of whom it would enable to shift their
   onerous responsibilities in connexion with those railways on
   to the shoulders of the combined Powers, including themselves,
   and would effect a complete commercial neutralization of
   Manchuria.

   The proposal of a neutralization of the existing Manchurian
   railways was not received with favor in either Japan or
   Russia, and the other Powers concerned have manifested a
   disposition to defer to the view taken by those two
   Governments, which are most immediately touched by it. The
   position of the Japanese Government on the question was stated
   publicly in an address to the Diet on the 27th of January by
   Baron Komura, Minister for Foreign Affairs, who said:

   "The United States government recently proposed a plan
   regarding the neutralization of Manchurian railways. The
   Imperial government, in view of the important Japanese
   interests involved, and considering that the proposal came
   from a friendly Power with which the empire was on terms of
   close intimacy, submitted the question to the most careful
   examination. While determined to adhere scrupulously to the
   policy of the open door and equal opportunity, it should be
   recognized that the realization of the proposed plan would
   involve radical changes in the condition of affairs in
   Manchuria which were established by the treaties of Portsmouth
   and Peking. The change must be attended by serious
   consequences. In the region affected by the South Manchurian
   Railway numerous undertakings have been promoted in the belief
   that the railway would remain in our possession. As a
   consequence, the Imperial government, with regret, was obliged
   to announce its inability to consent to the proposal. I trust
   that the United States will appreciate our position and that
   the other Powers will equally recognize the justice of Japan’s
   attitude."

   The Russian Government is understood to have taken
   substantially the same ground, on the general question of a
   neutralization of Manchurian railways. There and elsewhere,
   however, there is said to be a readiness to consider the
   incidental proposition of an internationally financed
   Chinchow-Aigun road.

   ----------CHINA: End--------

CHINA EMERGENCY APPEAL COMMITTEE.

   See (in this Volume)
   EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1909.

CHINCHOW-AIGUN RAILWAY, Proposed.

   See (in this Volume)
   CHINA: A. D. 1909-1910.

CHINESE HIGHBINDER ASSOCIATIONS:
   Their dangerous character.

      See (in this Volume)
      SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1902.

CHINESE IMMIGRATION:
   The Resistance to it in America, Australia, and South Africa.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS.

CH’ING, Prince of.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

CHOATE, Joseph H.:
   Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

CHRISTENSEN, Jens Christian.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1901, and 1905-1909.

CHRISTIAN IX., King of Denmark:
   Death.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1906.

CHRISTIAN MISSIONS.

      See (in this Volume)
      MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN.

CHUN, Prince:
   Regent of China.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   Act of Parliament authorizing change of the Formula of
   Subscription required from its ministers.

      See (in this Volume and Volume 4.)
      SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.

CHURCH, Roman Catholic.

      See (in this Volume and Volume 4.)
      PAPACY.

CHURCH AND STATE:
   The French Separation Law and its execution.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906, 1906, and 1907;
      also, PAPACY.

CHURCH AND STATE:
   Russia: Emancipation of the Church urged by M. Witte.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-AUGUST).

CHURCH SCHOOL CONTROVERSIES.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1903;
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1902, and 1906;
      CANADA: A. D. 1905.

CHURCHILL, Winston L.:
   Under Secretary for the Colonies.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

CHURCHILL, Winston L.:
   President of the Board of Trade.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (April).

CHURCHILL, Winston L.:
   To the British Suffragettes.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

CHURCHILL, Winston L.:
   On the Budget of 1909 and the House of Lords.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

CITIZENSHIP, American:
   Principles of Naturalization defined.
   The New Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      NATURALIZATION.

CITY GOVERNMENT.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

CITY PLANNING.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIAL BETTERMENT;
      also, CHICAGO: A. D. 1909.

CIVIC FEDERATION, The National.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES;
      also, NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION.

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CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: CANADA: A. D. 1908.
   Introduction of Competitive Examinations and the Merit
   System of appointment and promotion.

   An "Act to Amend the Civil Service Act," which came into force
   September 1, 1908, divides the Civil Service of the Dominion
   into the Inside Service and the Outside Service, the former
   embracing "that part of the public service in or under the
   several departments of the Executive Government of Canada and
   in the offices of the Auditor General, the Clerk of the Privy
   Council, and the Governor-General’s Secretary, employed at the
   City of Ottawa, or at the Experimental Farm Station or the
   Dominion Astronomical Observatory near Ottawa." The employés
   of this Inside Service are required to be classified according
   to their salaries, in three divisions, and all appointments to
   positions in it are (except as otherwise provided in the Act)
   to "be by competitive examination, which shall be of such a
   nature as will determine the qualifications of candidates for
   the particular positions to which they are to be appointed,
   and shall be held by the Commission from time to time in
   accordance with the regulations made by it and approved by the
   Governor in Council."

   For the administration of the Act a Civil Service Commission
   is created, consisting of two members appointed by the
   Governor in Council, who are to have no other office or
   employment, and who may employ necessary assistance for the
   examinations they conduct. The following are provisions of the
   Act:

   "No person shall be admitted to such an examination unless he
   is a natural-born or naturalized British subject, and has been
   a resident of Canada for at least three years, and is, at the
   time of the examination, of the full age of eighteen years and
   not more than thirty-five years, and presents the required
   certificates as to health, character and habits.

   "Before holding any such examination the Commission shall
   require each head of a department to furnish it with the
   number of additional permanent officers or clerks likely to be
   required in his department within the next six months.

   "On this basis, and having regard also to the requirement of
   the several departments for temporary services, a computation
   shall be made by the Commission of the number of competitors
   to be selected at the next ensuing examination.

   "If there remain from a previous examination successful
   competitors who have not received appointments, their number
   shall be deducted in making the computation, and their names,
   in the order of merit, shall be placed at [the top of the
   list] to be prepared in accordance with section 17 of this
   Act.

   "Thereupon due notice of the examination shall be given by the
   Commission, stating the character and number of the positions
   to be competed for.

   "Immediately after the examination the Commission shall make
   out a list of the successful competitors thereat for each
   position, in the order of merit, up to the number computed in
   accordance with Section 15.

   "From the said list the Commission, on the application of the
   deputy head, with the approval of the head, of any department,
   shall supply the required clerks, whether for permanent or
   temporary duty. …

   "The selections shall be, so far as practicable, in the order
   of the names on the list, but the Commission may select any
   person who in his examination shows special qualifications for
   any particular subject. …

   "The cause of the rejection shall be reported by the deputy
   head to the Commission, who shall thereupon select another
   person to take the place of the one rejected, and decide
   whether the latter shall be struck off the list or allowed a
   trial in another department.

   "After a person so selected has served a probationary term of
   six months, [he shall be deemed] to be permanently accepted
   for the service. …

   "The head of the department, on the report in writing of the
   deputy head, may, at any time after two months from the date
   of assignment, and before the expiration of six months, reject
   any person assigned to his department. …

   "Promotion, other than from the third to the second division,
   shall be made for merit by the Governor in Council upon the
   recommendation of the head of the department, based on the
   report in writing of the deputy head and accompanied by a
   certificate of qualification by the Commission to be given
   with or without examination, as is determined by the
   regulations of the Commission.

   "Except as herein otherwise provided, vacancies in the first
   division shall be filled by promotions from the second
   division."

   Regulations prepared by the Civil Service Commission appointed
   under the Act require fees, ranging from $2 to $10 to be paid
   by the candidates for examination.

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: United States: A. D. 1901-1909.
   Progress of reform under President Roosevelt.

   At the close of the administration of President Roosevelt, the
   journal published by the National Civil Service Reform League,
   entitled Good Government, bore the following testimony
   to the fidelity with which the principles of the reform had
   been upheld and promoted by the retiring executive:

   "One of the first acts of President Roosevelt was the
   reorganization of the civil service commission, which, under
   the administration of President McKinley, had become lax and
   ineffective. Since then the enforcement of the law and rules
   by the commission has been sincere, vigorous and impartial.
   Particularly strict has been the enforcement of the
   prohibition against political assessments. Twice in the midst
   of political campaigns has the President ordered the removal
   of prominent officials for levying assessments on their
   subordinates.

   "During his administration President Roosevelt has extended
   the scope of competition to many new and important offices.
   Notable among these extensions have been the restoration of
   the field service of the War Department (withdrawn by
   President McKinley) and the classification of the rural free
   delivery service (now numbering some 40,000), the forestry
   service, deputy collectors of internal revenue, deputy
   collectors of customs, deputy naval officers, and cashiers and
   finance clerks in post offices. Prevented by the civil service
   law from ‘classifying’ unskilled laborers, President
   Roosevelt, under general executive authority, has prescribed a
   system of examination for laborers in Washington and the
   principal cities. By executive order of June 27, 1906, he
   provided a system of examination and promotion for the
   consular service which has done away with the more flagrant
   evils of that service. His latest and most striking extension
   has been the classification of over 15,000 fourth-class
   postmasters, thereby taking them out of politics.

{105}

   "He has prohibited the participation of competitive officials
   in politics further than to vote as they please and to express
   privately their opinions, and has made this prohibition
   effective by incorporating it in the civil service rules, thus
   giving to the commission the power to investigate. He has by
   vetoing the Crumpacker census bill defeated the attempt by
   Congress to obtain as spoils some 4,000 clerkships for the
   next census.

   "This is a brief record of President Roosevelt’s service to
   civil service reform during his administration. In considering
   the criticisms of his course which have been made from time to
   time by the League and the press, this service should be kept
   in mind and carefully weighed. For instance, against this
   record of constant advancement, the suspension of the rules in
   individual cases—in all about 370—although in our opinion
   arbitrary and dangerous as precedents, are of comparatively
   minor importance. A few have been made for political reasons;
   the far greater number, however, were acts of charity or
   personal impulse, and President Roosevelt himself realized the
   danger in this practice and took steps to curtail it.

   "In passing on the justice of the other criticisms of
   President Roosevelt’s course regarding the civil service one
   should keep in mind the distinction which he has so sharply
   drawn between the classified and the unclassified service.
   This is clearly set forth in a reply to a letter from the
   civil service commission calling his attention to the omission
   from the postal regulations of President Cleveland’s
   ‘pernicious activity’ order, and quoting a passage from the
   11th report of the commission. President Roosevelt said:

   ‘I personally drew the paragraph which you quote. The
   paragraph was drawn with a view to making a sharp line between
   the activity allowed to public servants within the classified
   service and those without the classified service—the latter
   under our system are as a rule chosen largely with reference
   to political considerations, and as a rule are, and expect to
   be, changed with the change of parties. … It seemed to me at
   the time, and I still think, that the line thus drawn was wise
   and proper.’

   "In considering such appointments to positions in the
   unclassified service as that of James C. Clarkson as surveyor
   of the Port of New York for instance, a just analysis must
   take into account these frankly expressed views. President
   Roosevelt drew a line between the classified and unclassified
   service, and as to the latter recognized and availed himself
   to some extent of existing conditions. He believed that so
   long as positions remained in the unclassified service it was
   impractical to eliminate political considerations and that any
   attempt to do so led to hypocrisy. His remedy was to place the
   positions in the classified service, wherever practicable. And
   he has extended the line of the classified service higher than
   ever before. The League does not believe this theory is ideal,
   but in carrying it out the President has certainly not set the
   reform back. Criticism based only on the fact that one who has
   rendered great service to a cause has not accomplished all
   that its ardent supporters wish to accomplish can be properly
   set down as captious.

   "In performing its duty to the public, the League has at
   various times during his administration frankly criticised
   certain acts of President Roosevelt, which in its opinion were
   not in line with the best interests of the service. But this
   does not prevent us from recognizing that during his entire
   administration President Roosevelt has been loyal to the
   reform with which he has been so prominently identified. We do
   not believe that any act of his was intended to injure the
   reform. Wherever he has thought it practicable to extend the
   reform he has done so. A President less devoted to the reform
   would not have been criticised for what President Roosevelt
   has failed to do."

      Good Government,
      March, 1909.

   The following exhibit of the whole progress in civil service
   reform, from its beginning to the end of 1908, was made in the
   annual report of the Council of the National Civil Service
   Reform League, presented at the meeting of the League, on the
   17th of December in that year:

   "The whole United States civil service, in 1883, consisted of
   110,000 persons, and of these 14,000 were put under the civil
   service law. Now the federal civil service has grown to
   352,000 positions, and, including the last extension, those
   under the competitive system have increased from 14,000 to
   about 222,000. Not only in numbers but in proportion to the
   total has the competitive service increased from 12.7% in 1883
   to 63% now."

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1902-1903.
   Extension of classification to the Rural Free Delivery Service.
   Order concerning unclassified laborers.

   "During the year ended June 30 [1903], 25,566 persons were
   appointed through competitive examinations under the
   civil-service rules. This was 12,672 more than during the
   preceding year, and 40 per cent of those who passed the
   examinations. This abnormal growth was largely occasioned by
   the extension of classification to the rural free-delivery
   service and the appointment last year of over 9,000 rural
   carriers. A revision of the civil-service rules took effect on
   April 15 last, which has greatly improved their operation. …
   Executive orders of July 3, 1902; March 26, 1903, and July 8,
   1903, require that appointments of all unclassified laborers,
   both in the Departments at Washington and in the field
   service, shall be made with the assistance of the United
   States Civil Service Commission, under a system of
   registration to test the relative fitness of applicants for
   appointment or employment. This system is competitive, and is
   open to all citizens of the United States qualified in respect
   to age, physical ability, moral character, industry, and
   adaptability for manual labor: except that in case of veterans
   of the civil war the element of age is omitted. This system of
   appointment is distinct from the classified service and does
   not classify positions of mere laborer under the civil-service
   act and rules. Regulations in aid thereof have been put in
   operation in several of the Departments and are being
   gradually extended in other parts of the service. The results
   have been very satisfactory, as extravagance has been checked
   by decreasing the number of unnecessary positions and by
   increasing the efficiency of the employees remaining."

      President’s Message,
      December 7, 1903.

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CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1906.
   Excellent legislation in Pennsylvania.

      See (in this Volume)
      PENNSYLVANIA.

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1906-1909.
   The Reform of the Consular Service.

   A great and greatly needed reformation of the consular service
   of the United States was begun in 1906, by the passage of an
   Act of Congress, approved April 5, which provided for the
   reorganization of the service, primarily by the classifying
   and grading of the consuls-general and the consuls, and the
   fixing of salaries in each class. Consuls-general were placed
   by the Act in seven classes, with salaries as follows:

   Class one, twelve thousand dollars.
   London, Paris.

   Class two, eight thousand dollars.
   Berlin, Habana, Hongkong, Hamburg, Rio de Janeiro, Shanghai.

   Class three, six thousand dollars.
   Calcutta, Cape Town, Constantinople, Mexico City,
   Montreal, Ottawa, Vienna, Yokohama.

   Class four, five thousand five hundred dollars.
   Antwerp, Barcelona, Brussels, Canton, Frankfort, Marseilles,
   Melbourne, Panama, Saint Petersburg, Seoul, Tientsin.

   Class five, four thousand five hundred dollars.
   Auckland, Beirut, Buenos Ayres, Callao, Chefoo, Coburg,
   Dresden, Guayaquil, Halifax, Hankau, Mukden, Munich,
   Niuchwang, Rome, Rotterdam, Saint Gall, Singapore.

   Class six, three thousand five hundred dollars.
   Adis Ababa, Bogota, Budapest, Guatemala, Lisbon, Monterey,
   San Salvador, Stockholm, Tangier.

   Class seven, three thousand dollars.
   Athens, Christiania, Copenhagen.

   Consuls were divided among nine classes, receiving salaries
   that range from $8000 in the first class and $6000 in the
   second, down to $2000 in the ninth. The first and second
   classes hold but one incumbent each, at Liverpool and
   Manchester, respectively. There are eight places in the third
   class, twelve in the fourth, and then the numbers mount
   rapidly, up to the sixty-nine included in the ninth class.

   All fees allowed to be collected for services rendered in
   connection with the duties of the consular office (which the
   President may prescribe) are directed by the Act to be
   accounted for thereafter and paid into the Treasury of the
   United States. All consular officers whose salaries exceed
   $1000 are forbidden to be interested in or to transact any
   business as a merchant, factor, broker, or other trader, or a
   clerk or other agent of one, or to practice as a lawyer for
   compensation, or to be interested in the fees or compensation
   of any lawyer. The whole service is placed under inspection by
   five inspectors, to be appointed from the members of the
   consular service; and each consular office must be inspected
   at least once in every two years.

   In June following this important enactment, the Secretary of
   State, Mr. Root, submitted to President Roosevelt the draft of
   a recommended executive order, which prescribed new rules to
   be followed in filling the consular offices, as classified by
   the recent Act. In doing so, the Secretary made this
   explanation: "The main features of the order were embodied in
   the early forms of the Consular Reorganization Bill passed at
   this session of Congress, but they were dropped out, largely
   for the reason that their enactment by Congress would appear
   to be an infringement upon the President’s constitutional
   power to appoint consuls. Your adoption of these rules by
   executive order will be free from that objection, and judging
   from the very positive commendation which many members of both
   Houses have expressed for the proposed change in the method of
   appointing consuls, I do not doubt that the new system will
   receive the hearty approval of the Senate and of Congress
   whenever occasion may arise for an expression upon the
   subject."

   The recommended order was approved and issued by the
   President. "Subject to the advice and consent of the Senate,"
   it declared in substance as follows:

   (1) Vacancies in the office of Consul-General and in the
   office of Consul above class 8 (salary, $2500) shall be filled
   by promotion from the lower grades of the service, based upon
   "ability and efficiency, as shown in the service";

   (2) vacancies in the office of Consul of these two remaining
   classes, 8 and 9, are to be filled

   (a) by promotion, "on the basis of ability and efficiency, as
   shown in the service," of consular clerks, vice-consuls, and
   consular agents, and

   (b) by new appointments from candidates who have passed an
   examination;

   (3) officials in the service of the Department of State, with
   salaries of $2000 or upward, shall be eligible for promotion,
   always on the basis of ability and efficiency, as shown in the
   service, to any grade of the consular service above the eighth
   class;

   (4) the board of examiners for admission to the service shall
   consist of the Secretary of State (or such other officer of
   the department as the President shall designate), the chief of
   the Consular Bureau, and the chief examiner of the Civil
   Service Commission (or such other officer, as this commission
   shall designate);

   (5) this board of examiners shall formulate the rules for
   examinations;

   (6) among the compulsory subjects shall be at least one modern
   language other than English, the natural industrial and
   commercial resources and commerce of the United States,
   political economy, and the elements of international,
   commercial, and maritime law;

   (7) 80 per cent. shall be necessary for eligibility;

   (8) candidates must be over twenty-one and under fifty years
   of age, citizens of the United States, and of good character
   and physique. They must also have been specially designated by
   the President for examination.

   Other significant provisions of the order are to the effect
   that no promotion shall be made except for efficiency and
   conduct, that "neither in the designation for examination or
   certification or appointment will the political affiliations
   of the candidate be considered"; and that "due regard should
   be had to the rule that, as between candidates of equal merit,
   appointments should be made so as to secure in the service
   proportional representation of all the States and
   Territories."

   The first examination of candidates for appointment under this
   order was held on the 14th and 15th of March, 1907, since
   which time no one has entered the consular service of the
   United States without satisfying that test.

   In June, 1908, Secretary Root announced the promotion or
   transfer of nearly sixty consular offices, setting in motion
   the desirable advancement of these officials from post to
   post, to make the best use of their proved capacity and
   acquired experience. About a year later, Mr. Root’s successor,
   Secretary Knox, made public the promotion of twenty-seven
   incumbents of consular office, and the appointment of
   twenty-three new recruits to the service from his eligible
   list. So the long striven-for reform of the American consular
   service may safely be said to have arrived.

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   A bill introduced in the Senate, providing for a permanent
   consular service, based on competitive examinations, was
   decided by the Committee on Foreign Relations to be
   unconstitutional, for the reason that the Constitution itself
   confers the power of appointment of consular officers upon the
   President, and that Congress has no right to limit this power
   in any way. President Taft, by an executive order, has
   practically put the scope of the proposed bill into effect,
   thereby, in part, limiting the power conferred upon himself.
   This, in the opinion of the Senators, is all that can be done
   legally.

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1908.
   Extension of the Merit System to nearly one-third of the
   Fourth Class Postmasters of the country.

   In the Annual Report of the Council of the National Civil
   Service Reform League, presented at the annual meeting of the
   League in December, 1908, it was said:

   "The great event of the year, which so aptly commemorates the
   25th anniversary of the passage of the Pendleton bill, is the
   extension of the competitive system to all fourth class
   postmasters in the part of the country north of the Ohio and
   east of the Mississippi, that is, in the New England States,
   New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois,
   Wisconsin, and Michigan. This is an extension covering more
   positions than suggested by the civil service commission. It
   is an extension large enough to be of present advantage, is
   made in the more thickly settled portions of the country,
   where it is easiest to carry it out, and yet it is not on so
   large a scale as to invite mistakes or perhaps partial
   failure. This extension covers about 15,000 positions. The
   order of President Cleveland of May 26, 1896, covered about
   31,000 places; and yet, from the point of political
   significance, this present extension is the most important, we
   believe, in the history of civil service reform since January
   16, 1883, and when its purpose is fully carried out it will
   include some 53,000 places."

      See, in Volume VI. of this work,
      Civil Service Reform: United States.

   The report then reviewed the efforts that had been in progress
   since 1889, with the support of Presidents Cleveland and
   Roosevelt, to bring about the inclusion of this class of
   postmasters, at the least, under the rule of appointment
   subject to competitive examination. President Roosevelt, in
   his annual Message of 1907, had said:

   "The fourth-class postmasters’ convention has passed a very
   strong resolution in favor of placing the fourth-class
   postmasters under the civil-service law. The Administration
   has already put into effect the policy of refusing to remove
   any fourth-class postmasters save for reasons connected with
   the good of the service; and it is endeavoring so far as
   possible to remove them from the domain of partisan politics.
   It would be a most desirable thing to put the fourth-class
   postmasters in the classified service. It is possible that
   this might be done without Congressional action, but, as the
   matter is debatable, I earnestly recommend that the Congress
   enact a law providing that they be included under the
   civil-service law and put in the classified service."

   Congress refused the desired legislation. The law committee of
   the League was unanimous in the opinion that the President
   held authority already to make the change by Executive Order,
   and Mr. Roosevelt gave a hearing on the subject to Messrs.
   McIlhenny and Greene, of the National Civil Service
   Commission, and the Honorable Richard Henry Dana, Chairman of
   the Council of the League. Evidently he became persuaded that
   his authority was sufficient, and was prepared to act
   accordingly. About the middle of November, 1908, the National
   League of Postmasters of the United States, which had been
   organized in 1905, sent a Committee, with its President, Mr.
   A. K. Hoag, of Orchard Park, New York, to present to the
   authorities at Washington their claim to a footing of
   non-political appointment under civil service rules. By good
   fortune they met at Washington Mr. Dana and Mr. Goodrich, of
   the National C. S. R. League, who were visiting the Capital on
   the same errand, and the doubled appeal had quick success. In
   an interview with President Roosevelt, the Committee of the
   Postmasters’ League received assurances that he would issue an
   order on the subject, provided that the President-elect, Mr.
   Taft, would approve his taking that step. The Committee went
   at once to the Hot Springs in Virginia, where the
   President-elect was then sojourning, received his ready
   endorsement of the plan, and conveyed it to the President in
   power. A fortnight later, on the 1st day of December, the
   memorable order was proclaimed. On the 1st of the following
   February a plan of filling vacancies was put into effect.

   It was wise, no doubt, to apply the extension of the reform in
   post-office appointments to one large and important section of
   the country, and obtain a showing of practical results, before
   attempting to overturn the old system as a whole. That more
   will follow in due time is reasonably sure. Mr. Hoag, the
   President of the National League of Postmasters, in a private
   note, remarks:

   "It is already evident that the change is to redound to a
   better service. Scores of new buildings, new quarters and new
   equipments are being installed by the emancipated postmasters;
   which shows that postmasters of this class dare, for the first
   time, to invest their money in better equipment, feeling that
   they are likely to remain postmasters long enough to make the
   investment a paying one, now that their tenure of office does
   not depend upon their relations to a political faction or
   boss."

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1909.
   The Census Bill.
   Inveteracy of Spoils-seeking in Congress.
   Veto of the bill in its first form by the President.
   The Amended Bill which became law.

   The greatness of the advance of civil service reform in the
   United States, within the quarter century since its beginning,
   is one of the most hopefully inspiring facts in recent
   American history. But, by the side of it stands the warning
   and shaming fact, that it has been achieved, from first to
   last, by forces outside of Congress, and outside of all other
   legislative bodies which supposedly represent the political
   will of the people. Every measure of legislation that has
   promoted it has been wrung from unwilling majorities in those
   bodies,—yielded only when they feared to refuse. That
   Congress, in both Houses, would wreck with eagerness, to-day,
   if it dared, the bettered public service of the nation, to
   recover for its members and their party henchmen the old
   "spoils" of office and place, was shown unmistakably, within
   the last year of this record, by its action on the bill to
   provide for the taking of the Census of 1910.

{108}

   The President, and every responsible official connected with
   the Census Bureau, had borne testimony to the inefficiency and
   wasteful costliness of previous census-taking under the old
   system of appointment, and had besought Congress to provide in
   the bill for an effective test of qualification for the
   employment by competitive examination. Considerable majorities
   in both House and Senate turned an equally deaf ear to all
   considerations of public interest in the matter, and passed a
   bill which enabled Senators and Representatives to parcel out
   between themselves the large number of appointments to be
   made.

   President Roosevelt did not hesitate to veto the bill, and
   gave it a thorough dissection in the Message which explained
   his disapproval. In part, his comments on the Act offered to
   him were as follows:

   "Section 7 of the act provides in effect that appointments to
   the census shall be under the spoils system, for this is the
   real meaning of the provision that they shall be subject only
   to non-competitive examination. The proviso is added that they
   shall be selected without regard to political party
   affiliations. But there is only one way to guarantee that they
   shall be selected without regard to politics and on merit, and
   that is by choosing them after competitive examination from
   the lists of eligibles provided by the Civil Service
   Commission. The present Director of the Census in his last
   report states the exact fact about these non-competitive
   examinations when he says:

   ‘A non-competitive examination means that every one of the
   many thousands who will pass the examinations will have an
   equal right to appointment, and that personal and political
   pressure must in the end, as always before, become the
   determining factor with regard to the great body of these
   temporary employments. I cannot too earnestly urge that the
   Director of the Census be relieved from this unfortunate
   situation.’

   "To provide that the clerks and other employés shall be
   appointed after non-competitive examination, and yet to
   provide that they shall be selected without regard to
   political party affiliations, means merely that the
   appointments shall be treated as the perquisites of the
   politicians of both parties, instead of as the perquisites of
   the politicians of one party. I do not believe in the doctrine
   that to the victor belongs the spoils; but I think even less
   of the doctrine that the spoils shall be divided without a
   fight by the professional politicians on both sides; and this
   would be the result of permitting the bill in its present
   shape to become a law. Both of the last censuses, the eleventh
   and the twelfth, were taken under a provision of law excluding
   competition; that is, necessitating the appointments being
   made under the spoils system. Every man competent to speak
   with authority because of his knowledge of and familiarity
   with the work of those censuses has stated that the result was
   to produce extravagance and demoralization."

   The veto went to Congress on the 5th of February, 1909, one
   month before the expiration of President Roosevelt’s term of
   office. His successor-to-be was well known to be in sympathy
   with his views of the public service, and no attempt was made
   either to pass the bill over the veto, or to proffer its
   spoils-seeking provisions to the new occupant of the
   Presidency when he came in. Congress was compelled, in this
   case, as in many before, to surrender its cherished spoils of
   salaried public employment to civil service reform, simply
   because public interests and public sentiment are better
   represented, as a rule, in the White House than in the
   Capitol, which is not a pleasing fact.

   During the extra session that was called by President Taft, in
   March, an amended bill was passed which came near to
   satisfying the demands of reform. It kept a little opening for
   political favoritism, in a proviso, that the director of the
   Census may, "when the exigencies of the service require," make
   his selections from the list of eligibles, not by the
   candidates’ rating, but on the ground of "immediate
   availability" or previous experience in census work; but this
   was so small a loophole that the President’s signing of the
   bill was generally approved. "The act empowers the director of
   the census to appoint special agents to whom will be assigned
   principally the work of obtaining statistics from
   manufacturing establishments, mines and quarries. While no
   qualifying test is required by law for the appointment of
   these agents, Director Durand has nevertheless provided for
   their selection subject to a carefully worked out scheme of
   competitive examinations, to be conducted by the United
   States civil service commission. In rating the candidates the
   experience declaration and practical test are to be given
   equal credit. All candidates who receive a combined rating of
   70 will be placed on an eligible list, from which selection
   will be made as the needs of the service require. Eligibility,
   according to the instructions, ‘is not of itself a guarantee
   of appointment, but selection will be made solely with
   reference to equipment and availability for appointment.’"

      Good Government,
      October, 1909.

CIVIL VETO, in Papal Elections.

      See (in this Volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1904.

CIVILISTAS, The.

      See (in this Volume).
      PERU.

CLANRICARDE ESTATE, Evicted tenants of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1907.

CLARION FELLOWSHIP.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

CLARK, Edgar E.:
   On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:
   In the Sarrien-Clemenceau Ministry, and as Prime Minister.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1906, and after.

CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:
   Disclaims for France the desire to revenge the German
   conquest of Alsace.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.

CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:
   Triumph in the senatorial elections of 1909.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:
   His downfall from Premiership produced by an
   intemperate speech.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE. A. D. 1909 (JULY).

CLERICAL PARTY.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1903;
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1904;
      GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

CLEVELAND, Grover:
   Trustee of stock controlling the
   Equitable Life Assurance Society.

      See (in this Volume)
      INSURANCE, LIFE.

{109}

CLEVELAND, Ohio: A. D. 1901-1908.
   The Farm Colony Experiment.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY, PROBLEMS OF.

COAL, Wasteful mining and use of.

      See (in this Volume)
      Conservation of Natural Resources.

COAL AND COKE CARTELS.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (IN GERMANY).

COAL COMBINATION, Alleged Anthracite:
   Proceedings of Government against it.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909,
      AND RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

COAL MINES EIGHT HOURS ACT.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR: ENGLAND.

COAL MINING STRIKES.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION.

COBALT SILVER MINES.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1903, and 1906-1907.

COLLECTIVISM.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIALISM.

COLLEGES.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION.

COLOGNE:
   Insurance against unemployment.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT.

COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.
   Castro, of Venezuela, and the Liberals (Yellows) of Colombia.
   How they helped one another.

   The following passages are from an article in the American
   Review of Reviews on "South American War Issues," by Edwin
   Emerson, Jr., who spent some time with the Colombian
   insurgents in 1902 and acquired a good knowledge of the
   troubled political conditions in that republic and its near
   neighbors. It adds something to what is told in Volume VI. of
   this work concerning the revolt started in 1899 by Rafael
   Uribe-Uribe, and about its relation to the beginnings of the
   career of Cipriano Castro, in Venezuela

      See, in Volume VI,
      COLOMBIA, and VENEZUELA).

   "At the time when Spain was losing Cuba, the last Congress of
   Colombia sat in Bogota. The Liberal party had but one
   spokesman in the Congress—to wit, Rafael Uribe-Uribe. The
   government majority championed the cause of Spain. Many of the
   more ardent Liberals were fighting in the field for ‘Cuba
   Libre.’ Uribe-Uribe was the only man in the Congress who spoke
   for America as against Spain. He was hissed down. Next, the
   Panama Canal question came up. The French concession was to be
   extended for ten years. Again Uribe-Uribe spoke for America as
   against France. The project was voted down. The Congress was
   dissolved. President San Clemente, on his own motion, extended
   the French concession. For this he is said to have received one
   million dollars, cash. Then the revolution broke out, and
   Uribe-Uribe took the field, in Santander, the richest
   coffee-growing state of Colombia. He fell upon the town of
   Cúcuta and took it, only to be driven out again after a
   disastrous rout at Palo Negro. To make things worse for the
   rebels, the Bishop of Santander ordered the excommunication of
   those who would not renounce liberalism or all connection with
   Liberals. It was a crushing blow, aimed at the wives and
   daughters of the fighting insurgents.

   "While affairs were thus disturbed in Santander, Cipriano
   Castro, a Venezuelan exile living in Cúcuta, profited by the
   occasion to lead a small band of Colombian Liberals into
   Venezuela. They dashed across the border by night, and fell
   into Castro’s native town, Capachio Viejo. Castro’s father and
   five brothers, with other townsfolk, joined his standard and
   helped him win his first battle over a small detachment of
   Venezuelan government troops. Now the number of his adherents
   grew, especially as he won battle after battle or bought over
   his rival leaders. After a crushing defeat at Valencia,
   President Andrade fled the country, and Castro entered Caracas
   in triumph. His early Colombian adherents got Venezuelan
   government jobs.

   "All went well for a while, especially after the prompt
   suppression of a counter-revolution, until Castro’s sympathies
   with the Colombian Liberals in the field began to tell on his
   foreign policy. Uribe-Uribe had been badly beaten in Colombia.
   He was made welcome by Castro in Venezuela, and was intrusted
   with the command of a division on the Colombian frontier. The
   command was recruited from Colombians across the border. At
   the same time, Castro arbitrarily stopped all navigation on
   the Zulia and Catacumbo rivers, running from Colombian
   Cordillera to the Lake of Maracaibo, in Venezuela. This was a
   death-blow to the coffee industry of the Colombian state of
   Santander, which has no other outlet to the sea. Cúcuta was
   ruined. A German house failed for half a million dollars, an
   American hacienda lost $200,000, and other foreign merchants
   suffered in proportion. All commerce in Cúcuta and Maracaibo
   coffee almost came to a standstill. Then it was that the
   government forces in Santander, to bring relief to the
   stricken district, tried to open the closed rivers by a sudden
   armed invasion into that region. For the sake of appearances,
   they were led by Ranjel Garbiras, a Venezuelan revolutionist.
   They made for the prosperous town of San Cristobal, but
   Uribe-Uribe had managed to gather his corps of insurgents, and
   beat off the attack in a three days’ battle. Some two thousand
   men fell on both sides. Uribe-Uribe promptly prepared a
   counter invasion. He was aided in this by Castro, who
   practically put all Venezuelan forces in the Cordillera at his
   disposal.

   "President Castro, who was furious at so overt an act of war
   on the part of his old enemies, the Colombian Clericals,
   furthermore sent another expedition across the Goajira desert
   to aid his Colombian insurgent friends in that peninsula to
   take the Colombian port of Rio Hacha. Venezuelan gunboats
   appeared before Rio Hacha to do their part in the capture.
   Unfortunately for the Liberal cause, the Venezuelan army in
   the Goajira was taken unawares while on the march, and was all
   but annihilated. The gunboats chose to retire without firing a
   shot. Castro never recovered from this reverse. The expenses
   of his various armed expeditions ate up all his ready
   finances. When he could no longer maintain Uribe-Uribe’s
   troops, Uribe cut loose and recrossed the border, to join
   forces with other insurgent leaders in the interior of
   Colombia. Uribe’s cousin proceeded to Panama, and the civil
   war there broke out with fresh vigor. By their recent
   brilliant stroke in the harbor of Panama, the Colombian
   Liberals have won the command of the sea on the Pacific side.
   To assist them in doing the same on the Atlantic side, Castro
   has now supplied them with a torpedo-boat and a small
   gunboat."

{110}

   These last mentioned successes of Uribe-Uribe had no permanent
   effectiveness, for his surrender, with 1300 men and 10 pieces
   of artillery, was announced presently as having occurred on
   the 25th of October, 1902. It seemed unfortunate that he did
   not succeed in overthrowing the Conservatives, or "Blues," who
   held the government, since most accounts of their rule
   represented it as hopelessly bad; but a change for the better
   came without revolution after no long time.

   The state of civil war was closed by a treaty of peace, signed
   on board the United States battleship Wisconsin, November 21.

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1901-1906.
   Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
   of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1903.
   Rejection of Treaty with the United States for the
   building of the Panama Canal.
   Revolt and independence of Panama.

      See (in this Volume )
      PANAMA CANAL.

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1903-1906.
   Feeling toward the United States.

   Of the feeling in Colombia toward the United States,
   consequent on what occurred in Panama, Mr. Barrett, American
   Minister at Bogota, reported in 1906 as follows:

   "The question is continually asked me: What is the attitude of
   the Colombian Government and people toward Americans and
   American interests on account of the Panama affair? Without
   entering upon any political discussion, I wish, in answering
   this pertinent inquiry, to take advantage of the opportunity
   to pay a just and frank tribute to Colombia. Speaking in the
   first place for myself as minister, I can truthfully say that,
   ever since my arrival here seven months ago, I have been
   treated with a generous kindness and sincere hospitality that
   have made a deep impression on me and increased my respect for
   Colombians in particular and Latin Americans in general. The
   United States minister has been extended invitations official
   and personal, and the United States legation in turn has been
   continually frequented by leading men of all parties, as if
   nothing had ever happened to mar the entente cordiale
   of the two countries.

   "In the granting of concessions and in the hearing of claims
   the Government has treated Americans with as much
   consideration as Europeans. During my stay here, and up to
   this writing, there has not been one complaint lodged by
   Americans in this legation of unkind treatment by Colombians
   due to any political anti-American feeling. In my own travels
   in various parts of the country, officials and peons alike
   have everywhere accorded me polite and even gracious
   attention. To let it be known that I was United States
   minister has always led to extra courtesies rather than to any
   lack of them.

   "I could not, however, have it understood abroad that there is
   not still strong feeling against the United States. It does
   exist, but the passing of years, and generous, fair treatment
   of Colombia and Colombians by the United States and its
   citizens, in international relations and friendly social and
   commercial intercourse, can effect its gradual disappearance.
   Such feeling does not take the attitude of personal enmity
   toward Americans. The Colombians, high and low, are too polite
   and sensible for that. It is a feeling in the minds and
   hearts, based on high political and patriotic grounds, which,
   however, with commendable philosophy, recognizes the
   inevitable and now turns to the future to bring blessings that
   will counterbalance the losses and sorrows of the past. The
   very courage and nobility of this attitude of Colombia is one
   of the chief reasons why I predict for her a magnificent
   future. Already this policy—if I may call it a policy—is
   bearing fruit in the development of a greater and more
   friendly and sympathetic interest throughout the United States
   in Colombia, which is destined to lead to a mutually favorable
   understanding and settlement of all differences in the near
   future."

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1904.
   Arbitration of boundary dispute with Equador.

   A treaty for the arbitration of boundary questions with
   Equador was concluded November 4, 1904 .

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1905.
   Arbitration Treaties with Peru.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERU: A. D. 1905.

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1905-1906.
   A New Era, under President Reyes.

   "The New Era in Colombia" is the title of an article in the
   American Review of Reviews, May, 1906, by Francis P.
   Savinien, writing from the country in question.

   "By judicious, if not generous, action," says the writer,
   "President Rafael Reyes [who became President in the previous
   year] has succeeded in harmonizing nearly all elements of the
   population. His administration is neither Liberal nor
   Conservative. It is Nationalist. Placed in power by
   Conservatives and sustained by Liberals, his favors to the
   former preserve order in the center of the country, and his
   implicit trust in the latter insures peace on the frontiers.
   He has made General Uribe-Uribe minister to Chile, Argentina,
   and Brazil, and General Herrera commander along the Venezuelan
   border, thus bestowing the highest diplomatic and military
   honors on Liberals. From Conservatives he chose all his
   ministers (except Dr. Modesto Garees, of the Department of
   Public Works), the governor of the capital district, and other
   high officials for the center of government. His government is
   like that of Panama, the secession of which made a policy of
   reconciliation predominant in both countries. … The Colombian
   army has become a body of laborers. Troops are converted into
   sappers and employed in building or improving ways of
   communication. Idleness, as well as agitation, is beginning to
   receive general condemnation. It is true that there is little
   liberty. There is, however, less persecution than formerly.
   Journals are abject and individuals mute. There is no free
   speech or press. But there are few persons in prison or exile
   for political reasons. The policy of the government has become
   that of abstention rather than restraint."

   General Reyes had represented Colombia at the Pan-American
   Conference in the City of Mexico, in 1902, and had made a most
   favorable impression on the delegates from the United States.
   Referring to the occasion long afterwards, Mr. Sylvester
   Baxter said of him: "It is notable that in that Conference
   Colombia was represented by General Rafael Reyes, a high type
   of man—gentleman by birth and education, of scientific
   attainments, a natural leader, one of the strong characters of
   Spanish America; a man whose existence makes things seem
   hopeful when else they might look hopeless; a
   soldier-statesman in whom many see the potentialities of a
   second Diaz."

{111}

   A similar expression of admiration appears in an interesting
   special report, entitled "Colombia, a Land of Great
   Possibilities," made in June, 1906, by the Honorable John
   Barrett, then American Minister to Colombia, more recently the
   Director of the International Bureau of American Republics.
   "Great credit," wrote Mr. Barrett, "is due to General Rafael
   Reyes, President of this Republic, for his untiring efforts to
   restore the prosperity of his country to the position it
   occupied before the last civil war and the loss of Panama. If
   he succeeds, he will deserve a place in history like that of
   President Diaz in Mexico. He has so far effectually stopped
   revolutions, and, if his life and health are spared, Colombia
   would seem to be assured of peace at least during his
   administration."

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1905-1909.
   Troubles with Venezuela over the navigation of rivers flowing
   through both countries.

   The arbitrary action begun by the ill-tempered and arrogant
   Castro, of Venezuela, in 1902, when he stopped navigation on
   the rivers which flow from Colombia to Lake Maracaibo, in
   Venezuela, and thus open communication to the sea (see above),
   was continued or resumed in subsequent years, and was a
   distressing trouble to his Colombian neighbors.

   In July, 1905, the Colombian Government appealed to that of
   the United States for its good offices in maintaining the
   principle of free navigation on rivers that are common to
   neighboring countries. "From the time of the award which
   decided the boundary dispute between the two countries," said
   the Colombian Minister to the United States, in a
   communication to the American Secretary of State, "the policy
   of Venezuela in matters relating to the transit trade of
   Colombia and the navigation of the common rivers, has been
   marked by a conspicuous spirit of hostility. … Neither logical
   arguments nor historic precedents, such as those submitted by
   the Colombian chancellery to the Government of Venezuela for
   the recognition by the latter of the principle of free trade
   over the natural waterways placed by God at the disposal of
   all nations, have availed."

   The writer then reviewed at considerable length the arguments
   with which the Government of the United States had contended
   in the past with Spain and Great Britain for the free
   navigation of the Mississippi and the St. Lawrence, and said
   in conclusion: "It would be desirable, and I would ask that it
   be done if this note were favorably received by the Government
   of the United States, that the American minister at Caracas be
   appropriately instructed in the sense of declaring on behalf
   of the commercial interests of the citizens of the United
   States his desire that the Government of Venezuela make the
   navigation of the Zulia and Orinoco rivers free, and urging,
   by persuasion, that the principle be solemnly consecrated in
   its public treaties. My Government will join in such an
   action, which comes within its traditional policy in the
   matter, and will interpose no obstacle or delay to the meeting
   of an international mixed commission for the framing of
   regulations concerning the use of the above-named rivers
   without detriment to the legitimate interests of the countries
   through which they flow."

   To this request the then Acting Secretary of State, Mr. Adee,
   made a favorable reply, August 5, saying:

   "The principle of the free navigation of rivers has been
   advocated by the United States and maintained in its relations
   with its neighbors for many years. This government is ready,
   therefore, to use its good offices in the sense requested, and
   Mr. Russell has been instructed upon arriving at his new post
   in Venezuela to take advantage of fitting occasion to express
   to the minister for foreign affairs the great satisfaction
   with which the United States would view the adoption and
   proclamation by Venezuela of the general principle of the free
   navigation of rivers and fluvial arteries of communication
   common to neighboring countries.

   "It is of course to be understood that in touching upon this
   matter this government does not seek to intervene or mediate
   in any way in the relations between Colombia and Venezuela,
   but is merely interested in the universal recognition of a
   policy beneficial to the commerce of the world."

   In the following December, the endeavor seemed promising; for
   the American Minister to Colombia was able to report the
   signing, at Bogota, of a protocol, preparatory to a new treaty
   of amity, commerce, and navigation, to be concluded at
   Caracas. Four months later, on the 27th of April, 1906,
   Minister Russell, at Caracas, announced the arrival there of
   the Colombian plenipotentiary, General Benjamin Herrera,
   appointed for the negotiation of the treaty agreed upon, but
   reported further that the Venezuelan Government had refused to
   receive him, demanding that somebody else be sent. No
   settlement of the matter could be obtained while Castro
   controlled Venezuela. Since his elimination it has been
   reported that President Gomez, his successor, has annulled his
   decrees of hostility to Colombian commerce.

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1906-1909.
   Efficient but arbitrary Government produces discontent.
   Opposition to treaty with Panama and the United States.
   Vacation of President Reyes which ends in resignation.
   Revolt.
   Elections.

   While the Government organized under President Reyes was
   undoubtedly efficient and effective in restoring order and
   prosperity to the country, it was not satisfactory to the
   people; and perhaps it speaks well for them that they showed
   discontent. It was not a representative government, the
   existing Congress not being an elective body, but a
   provisional legislature made up by appointment. As admitted in
   the quotation above from a friendly Colombian writer, the
   citizens under it were tongue-tied subjects, having no free
   speech or Press. The political situation and the differing
   states of feeling produced by it were discussed in April,
   1909, by a special correspondent of the New York Evening Post,
   who wrote from Bogotá:

   "It seems to be confessed by the great majority of the people
   here that the country has not entered on that stage of
   political development in which the people can govern
   themselves by parliamentary methods. The history of their
   nearly one hundred years of independent national life has been
   that of almost continual civil strife, and of frequent civil
   wars, which have interrupted and almost destroyed all efforts
   at self-government; so that the present system of government
   by executive decrees, to be ratified by an appointed
   ‘Constitutional and Legislative Assembly,’ is about the only
   one that can preserve the peace and direct the country into
   the line of prosperity and progress.

{112}

   "Under this system of government the country has enjoyed
   almost perfect internal peace during the year. This is the
   political theory that is most widely accepted at the present
   time in Colombia. Of course, there are those who do not agree
   with this theory, which they consider as the natural action of
   men who are more anxious to preserve order than they are to
   establish truth and justice, and there are not lacking those
   who say that in the long run it will be found to be a foolish
   system.

   "It is pointed out that the idea that grievances can be done
   away with by forbidding men to complain, or that the
   criticisms can be met by excommunicating the critics, or that
   changes can be prevented by putting the troublers to silence,
   is contradicted by the experience of the rest of the world.
   The kind of effort that is being made in Colombia to prevent
   the liberty of the press, of public speech, and of personal
   opinion, is like the effort to prevent the escape of steam by
   the safety valve, and is very likely to result in an
   explosion."

   The state of public feeling in Colombia became further
   complicated, no doubt, when, early in January, 1909, a
   tripartite treaty was negotiated, with Panama and the United
   States, for the settlement of questions connected with the
   secession of Panama in 1903. Panama, in this treaty, agreed to
   pay Colombia the sum of $3,500,000, as her share of the
   Colombian public debt, receiving recognition of her
   independence in return. The treaty was submitted to the
   Colombian Congress by President Reyes on the 24th of February,
   with a special message of recommendation; but public feeling
   was said to be bitterly against it, for the reasons that no
   wrongfulness in the transaction was recognized and the
   indemnity was insufficient. Disturbances which broke out at
   Bogota and in the provinces about the middle of March were
   attributed mostly to this cause of discontent. For some reason
   of discouragement or disgust, the President was reported to
   have resigned his office on the 13th, but was persuaded to
   resume it next day.

   It was now decided to suspend consideration of the tripartite
   treaty, until it could be submitted to an elected National
   Congress, the election for which would be held on the 20th of
   the coming July. In June, a few weeks before the appointed
   election, President Reyes made a sudden departure for Europe.
   Rumors that he had gone because tired of political strife and
   would not return were contradicted by the Colombian Consul at
   New York, in a published note which said: "His departure, the
   causes of which are well known throughout Colombia, was due to
   the fact that after five years’ strenuous labor he desired a
   rest, and last March to the National Assembly expressed his
   desire to retire temporarily from the Presidency, but, owing
   to the opposition of public sentiment and the strong desire of
   the people to have him remain, he determined not to leave the
   Presidency until elections to the coming Congress had been
   made. To this Congress, about to be convened, and in which all
   parties are represented, President Reyes confides many of the
   cares of government, left by law under his jurisdiction until
   Congress should assemble, and withdraws, temporarily only,
   from the discharge of his Presidential duties, leaving in his
   stead General Jorge Holguin, his most intimate friend and
   former minister of war, who will continue to pursue in all
   matters the same policy as that adopted by his predecessor.
   General Reyes during his stay in Europe, whence he has gone,
   will perfect plans for developing railroad and other
   industries in Colombia. There is absolute peace and
   tranquillity in all parts of the country."

   But the "absolute peace and tranquillity" of the country was
   shaken in the first week of July by a revolutionary outbreak
   at Barranquilla, soon suppressed, and the resignation of
   President Reyes was received soon thereafter, from abroad. The
   election of his successor now devolved on the new National
   Congress, elected by the people on the 20th of July. It gave
   the office, for the remainder of the unfinished term (which
   expires August 7, 1910) to Señor Gonzales Valencia, who had
   been proclaimed by the Barranquilla revolutionists the month
   before, though he disavowed their movement.

COLONIAL CONFERENCES, British.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE.

COLONIAL DOMINION, The passing of the age of.

      See (in this Volume)
      WORLD MOVEMENTS.

COLONIZATION: The colonizable regions of Africa.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA.

COLORADOS.

      See (in this Volume)
      PARAGUAY: A. D. 1902.

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY:
   Interchange of Professors with German and Scandinavian
   universities.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

COMBES, Justin Louis Émile:
   Head of French Ministry.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (April-October;
      also 1903, and 1905-1906.

COMBES, Justin Louis Émile:
   Vindication under scandalous charges.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (JUNE-JULY).

   --------COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL: Start------

COMBINATIONS: AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
   Decision of the Federal High Court on the Anti-Trust Law.
   Prosecutions by the Government.

   "The first case brought under the Federal Anti-Trust Law ended
   in June last in a decision of the High Court to the effect
   that two important sections of the Act were ultra vires, as
   the Constitution only empowered the Commonwealth to regulate
   foreign and inter-State trade and gave it no authority to
   interfere with trade within a State. The Federal Government is
   now instituting proceedings against 27 firms which are alleged
   to belong to a coal combine trading with other countries and
   among the States of the Commonwealth. Each firm has been
   called upon to answer certain questions under the Act in
   question."

      Reuter Telegram,
      Melbourne, September 27, 1909.

{113}

COMBINATIONS: Canada: A. D. 1909.
   Merger of Dominion Iron, Steel, and Coal Companies.
   Cement Combination.

   The following is a Press despatch from Halifax, Nova Scotia,
   November 13, 1909:

   "The formation of the Canada Steel Corporation, the proposed
   $70,000,000 merger of the Dominion Iron and Steel Company and
   the Dominion Coal Company, was made possible by the agreement
   of James Ross of Montreal, president of the Dominion Coal
   Company, to transfer to a syndicate of Toronto capitalists a
   portion of his holdings of the coal company stock. Final
   arrangements regarding the stock transfer will be made here
   to-day. President Ross owns coal company stock of a par value
   of $5,000,000, and, although he does not dispose of all this,
   he is to transfer enough to give control of the coal company
   to the Toronto capitalists, who have already acquired a
   controlling interest in the steel company. The plants of the
   Dominion Iron and Steel Company and the Dominion Coal Company
   are in Cape Breton, where they give employment to thousands of
   men, and where they have caused little fishing villages to
   spring up into flourishing cities."

   Announcement of the completion of the merger was made in
   December.

COMBINATIONS: CANADA: A. D. 1910.
   Anti-Trust Bill in the Dominion Parliament.

   A strongly constructed measure for controlling and regulating
   commercial and industrial combinations, to check restraints of
   trade and undue enhancement of prices, was brought into the
   Dominion House of Commons on the 18th of January, 1910, by the
   Minister of Labor, Mr. Mackenzie King, and its passage was
   said to be assured. Mr King’s explanation of the Bill, as
   summarized for the Associated Press, was as follows:

   "The Bill, Mr. King stated, was not designed to interfere with
   trade, but to protect the public from the operation of
   monopolies. The bill provides that if six or more persons show
   prima facie evidence to a superior court judge that a combine
   exists, which has unduly enhanced the price of a manufactured
   article, unduly limited the production of any commodity, or
   unduly restricted trade in any way, the judge shall order the
   minister of labor to have an investigation made. This shall be
   done by a board of three, one member to be appointed by those
   who complain, one by those complained against, and a chairman
   by the first two, and if they fail to select the judge who has
   heard the complaint shall act.

   "This board has the full powers of a court to compel the
   attendance of witnesses and the production of evidence. The
   board must report to the minister and he must give the report
   the fullest publicity.

   "Two remedies are provided where a combination is reported to
   exist. The government may withdraw the tariff protection from
   the articles produced by the combine and bring the
   manufacturers into competition with the world.

   "The other remedy is a provision that if the combine persists
   in its course after ten days there shall be a fine of $1,000 a
   day imposed until the abuse is remedied. There is also
   provision that when a patentee makes use of the protection of
   the patent act to restrict trade or unduly enhance prices his
   patent may be revoked.

   "The act provides for its expeditious and thorough
   enforcement, and all expenses of investigation are to be borne
   by the government.

   "Where question is raised as to the scope of the
   investigation, the board shall make it as thorough and
   complete as public interest requires. Boards are to conduct
   their investigations in public and the decision of two members
   shall be the decision of the board. Whenever the minister of
   labor believes that counsel should aid the investigation, the
   board may retain the services of a lawyer upon the consent of
   the minister of justice. Witnesses are to be allowed the same
   fees and traveling expenses allowed at the present in civil
   suits. With the consent of the minister of labor a board may
   employ experts to examine books and to report upon technical
   questions."

COMBINATIONS: GERMANY:
   Corporation Reform as the Germans have handled it.

   "Thirty years ago the German people went through corporation
   experiences much like our own. There, as here, the
   corporation, as originally designed, was a mere shell. There,
   as here, under the shelter of that shell, the property of the
   country was being transferred from the German people at large,
   even the little they had, to the few. There, thirty years ago,
   as here now, great corporate scandals were exposed. And there,
   as here, the human nature that is everywhere behind
   civilization eventually began to recoil. It began there before
   it began here, only because conditions reached a climax there
   earlier than here, and because we as a people were too
   prosperous and too busy to look even a little way beneath the
   surface of things.

   "But when the work of reform did come there, it was a genuine
   reform. It did not content itself with indiscriminate
   denunciation, or with mere lawsuits. Nor did it die out,
   leaving the door still open to every character of corporation
   the cunning of men might conceive. Before a corporation can be
   organized in that country, it must prove, as in a court
   proceeding, its rightful title to a corporate existence. In
   the same way it must establish the amount and the character of
   the capitalization it is allowed to put out. When property is
   turned in, its value must be judicially ascertained. Upon
   officers and directors is not conferred supreme power; in the
   German corporation the shareholders’ meeting is the
   counterpart of our New England town meetings—a genuine
   assembly intended to do something more than pass resolutions
   of approval. And every violation of trust, not merely to the
   public, but to the shareholder as well, is quickly punished
   with punishment that smarts. There is in the German
   corporation no room for one to do, with impunity, in his
   capacity as a corporation officer or promoter, what if done
   individually would land him in the penitentiary."

      Judge Peter S. Grosscup,
      The Corporation and the People
      (The Outlook, January 12, 1907).

COMBINATIONS: The Cartels.
   Industrial combinations, quite as effective as the Trusts of
   the United States, have been created in Germany on a wholly
   different plan. The constituent organizations in them, of
   capital and industry, are simply knitted or tied together by
   hard and fast agreements, instead of being fused into huge
   corporations, as the Trusts are. For the kind of covenant
   which unites them a military term has been borrowed, and they
   are called Cartels. The difference between the Cartel and
   the Trust is described by a Scottish writer, D. H. Macgregor,
   in his work on Industrial Combinations, as follows:

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   "The Cartel is an agreement for a time, the Trust is a
   permanent structure; the former is therefore a factor in
   industry full of speculative possibilities, both as regards
   its actual operation, and because the 'residual' competition
   of parties who break away at the end of the period is
   considerably to be feared. … The principle of the pure Cartel
   is compensatory action. It is an organization in which certain
   producers deal with themselves, and exist for that purpose in
   a double relation; they are producers of goods, and purchasers
   of their own produce. What they stand to lose in one aspect
   they stand to gain in the other. …

   "The operation is broadly as follows. The members of the
   Cartel, meeting as producers in general assembly, determine a
   price for their product which covers cost of production, being
   in fact practically a competitive price. This is the base or
   normal price (Richtpreis). Thus they assure themselves, in
   this capacity, of adequate remuneration. They then sell to the
   Syndicate, that is to themselves as members of the Syndicate,
   for what is called the ‘taking over’ or ‘accounting’ price
   (Verrechnungspreis) which is usually on the average higher
   than the base price, so that they have now created for
   themselves as producers a ‘Cartel advantage.’ The Syndicate
   then resells to the consumer, for a price which will be as
   high as it can get, but which varies with the competition to
   be met in different parts of the market; this price
   (Verkaufspreis) may not in some cases be so high as the
   taking-over price, or may not exceed it by more than the
   margin necessary to cover the Syndicate’s expenses of
   management. … It is the Syndicate which figures in the public
   eye; and while it itself offers no sign of monopoly profit it
   shelters the companies which gain by its handling of their
   goods. It conceals monopoly dividends."

      D. H. Macgregor,
      Industrial Combination
      (G. Bell & Sons, London, 1906).

COMBINATIONS: The Coal and Coke Cartels.
   Their influence.

   An elaborate history and description of the "Monopolistic
   Combinations in the German Coal Industry," by Francis Walker,
   was published for the American Economic Association in 1904.
   These are treated as representative, because, says Mr. Walker,
   "the most important and fundamental of all German castellated
   industries" are those in mining and metallurgy. He traces
   their development from a beginning in 1858, when an
   association of the mining interests of the mining district of
   Dormund was founded. In part, his conclusions as to the effect
   of the coal cartels are as follows:

   "The German coal cartels have not had an injurious influence,
   in general, on the production of coal. More particularly they
   cannot be accused, justly, of unduly limiting production among
   themselves. Nor have they attempted to accomplish the same end
   by crushing outside competition, by unfair methods. It would
   be preposterous to say that they have hindered technical
   progress. The cost of production, on the other hand, probably
   has been somewhat increased by the preservation of weak and
   costly mines through participation in the cartels. In regard
   to prices, the policy of the coal cartels, on the whole, has
   been moderate, taking circumstances into consideration, while
   the policy of the coke cartel may be fairly pronounced
   extortionate. The prices of coal have been more stable than
   they would have been under free competition; during the
   hausse they were not screwed up so high as they might
   easily have been, but, on the other hand, they have not
   declined so quickly with the baisse. The like may be said of
   the coke prices, but, at the same time, they were exorbitant
   considered from the point of view of costs and profits. … The
   déroute of the iron industry was not due to the coal or
   coke cartels in any important degree, i. e., even with low
   prices, disaster to the iron industry would have been
   inevitable. No other industry was affected so much as iron,
   and it is at least very questionable whether the cartels in
   general (excluding the coal cartels in particular) are to be
   blamed for the crisis. … That they are to be blamed for the
   ill-judged over-development of certain industries, which was
   apparently the real cause of the crisis, does not seem to be a
   just conclusion. On the other hand, the cartels may be
   accused, with more probability of truth, of retarding the
   convalescence of German industry by not reducing prices, and
   if this is true, the coal and coke cartels are specially to
   blame."

      F. Walker,
      Monopolistic Combinations in the German Coal Industry
      (American Economic Association), 1904.

COMBINATIONS: Growing magnitude of companies.
   Industrial concentration.

   "The tendency to industrial concentration is shown by the
   returns of public companies, which point to the growing
   domination of large undertakings. Of 4,749 registered public
   companies in 1895, 13.6 per cent. had a share capital not
   exceeding £5,000, but in 1906, of 5,000 such companies, only
   9.6 per cent. had a capital of that amount; the companies with
   a capital of from £5,000 to £12,500 decreased from 14.0 to
   10.4 per cent., and those with a capital of from £12,500 to
   £25,000 decreased from 16.9 to 14.2 per cent. On the other
   hand the companies with a capital of from £25,000 to £50,000
   increased from 20.7 to 21.3 percent.; those with a capital of
   from £50,000 to £250,000 increased from 28.5 to 35.0 per
   cent.; those with a capital of from £250,000 to £500,000
   increased from 3.4 to 5.4 per cent., and those with a capital
   exceeding £500,000 increased from 2.9 to 4.1 per cent. In 1896
   there were only two companies with a capital exceeding five
   millions; in 1906 there were nine such companies, and their
   combined capital was over seventy millions, having been more
   than doubled since 1896. In spite of this tendency towards the
   concentration of capital and the multiplication of large
   undertakings, however, Germany is still an interesting
   illustration of an industrial country which has not yet
   entirely gone over to the factory system of production. The
   handicrafts, the characteristic feature of which is the small,
   independent master-workman, surrounded by his handful of
   journeymen and apprentices, contend tenaciously, yet
   unfortunately with only partial success, against the on-coming
   tide of ‘great capitalism’ (private joint stock, and
   cooperative), and the house industries continue to afford
   employment to a multitude of workers of both sexes, estimated
   at half a million."

      William H. Dawson,
      The Evolution of Modern Germany,
      pages 59-60 (Unwin, London; Scribner's, New York, 1909).

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   "Among the home interests of the country nothing loomed up so
   large last year [1904] as the subject of industrial
   combinations. The process of consolidating industries and
   banks into powerful organizations again made gigantic strides;
   and the public mind, dazed and disquieted, is wondering what
   will be its final outcome. All the largest steel manufacturers
   have united in an association that shall have complete control
   of the steel and iron products of the country; and it is
   already effecting agreements with manufacturers of other
   countries for parceling out the world’s markets. At the same
   time the Coal Syndicate was reorganized to include all the
   independent producers of the West; and in connection with it,
   a great shipping and selling company was formed for the
   purpose of controlling the retail trade and eliminating
   recalcitrant dealers. These steel and coal combinations are
   working in complete harmony, and no independent manufacturer
   can exist against their will.

   "In that great industrial region many large iron companies had
   come into possession of coal mines. In order to induce these
   to put their mines into the Syndicate, they were given the
   right to produce, over and above their allotments, all the
   coal that they might need for their own furnaces. A new
   impetus was thus given to the process of consolidation. Strong
   coal companies hastened to absorb iron establishments, in
   order to earn larger profits by consuming their own coal in
   indefinite quantities. Furthermore, as the allotments were
   fixed absolutely for a long period, the strongest companies
   proceeded to buy weaker, less economically worked collieries,
   in order to shut them down and produce their allotments
   elsewhere at lower cost. This movement assumed large
   proportions. Miners by the thousand had to betake themselves
   to other parts of the country, and entire communities were
   threatened with depopulation. Industrial towns held
   indignation meetings, to protest, and to demand the
   nationalization of the mines; and excited operatives are still
   holding conferences to discuss a general strike. The
   Government has sent a commission to inquire into the movement;
   and the Minister of Commerce has urged the coal magnates to
   proceed as mildly as possible.

   "This powerful concentric movement of industries has taken a
   strong hold upon the thoughts of people and Government alike.
   The public is deeply concerned at the growth of private
   monopolies, and many persons who had hitherto favored letting
   economic development take its own course now call for drastic
   measures of prevention and repression. Country squires of the
   most conservative type advocate the nationalization of all
   coal deposits; and it is already asserted that a majority of
   the Prussian Diet would vote for such a measure. This
   convergence of the views of extreme Conservatism and radical
   Socialism is certainly one of the oddest results of the
   movement under discussion,—and one of the most instructive.
   The natural trend of events is unquestionably in the direction
   of some form of socialism. The Social Democracy clearly
   perceives this, and so hails every industrial consolidation as
   but another milestone on the way to state collectivism."

      W. C. Dreher,
      Recent Events in Germany
      (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1905).

COMBINATIONS: International:
   Of Transatlantic Shipping Companies.
   Agreements with the British Government.

   Announcement was made in October, 1902, of the incorporation
   on the 1st of that month, under a New Jersey charter, of the
   International Mercantile Marine Company, with a capital of
   $120,000,000, and an issue of 4½ per cent. bonds to the amount
   of $75,000,000. The combination included the American, the Red
   Star, the White, the Atlantic Transport, the Leyland and the
   Dominion lines. Both American and British capitalists were
   represented in the board of directors, the former in the
   majority. Several partners in the firm of J. Pierpont Morgan &
   Company were included, and Mr. Morgan was understood to be the
   architect of the combination; but he did not appear personally
   in its organization.

   The first step towards such a shipping combination had been
   taken sixteen years before, when the British Inman steamship
   line was taken over by the International Navigation Company,
   made up of Americans, at the head of whom was Mr. Clement A.
   Griscom, of Philadelphia. "The British Government promptly
   withdrew the liberal subsidy which it had been paying to the
   Inman liners; but Mr. Griscom and his comrades brought the
   New York and Paris beneath the Stars and
   Stripes, built the St. Louis and St. Paul, secured a
   subsidy from the United States and gave the first-class
   British lines a most formidable competitor. Indeed, commercial
   rivalry in high grade ships on the North Atlantic soon became
   too keen to permit of reasonable dividends and Mr. Griscom
   found British ship-owners in a responsive mood when he
   broached anew the great idea of an international combination.

   "This union was made all the easier by the fact that meanwhile
   another important British steamship concern, the Leyland line,
   had been acquired by Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan in the spring of
   1901. This line, itself the fruit of several consolidations,
   controlled the largest British tonnage in the North Atlantic
   trade. It owned no fast mail ships, no greyhounds. But it did
   possess forty or fifty good, useful steamships of moderate
   speed, many of them of large tonnage, and fit for passengers
   as well as freight. The main Leyland service lay between
   Boston or New York on this side, and Liverpool or London on
   the other, and the business of the company had been so
   profitable for a long term of years that its shares were
   quoted at a handsome premium. Mr. Morgan paid a generous price
   for his maritime investment. It is said that he gave £14 10s.
   for each £10 share, or a bonus of 45 per cent. But amazement
   at Mr. Morgan’s ‘liberality’ ceased when the next stage in the
   great, far-sighted negotiation was unfolded.

   "This was the dramatic uniting of the Leyland line with the
   American and Red Star lines of the International Navigation
   Company, and the Atlantic Transport line, another British
   steam fleet owned by American capital. Later still it
   transpired that the famous White Star line of fast mail,
   passenger, and freight ships and the smaller but excellent
   Dominion line were embraced in the huge consolidation. The
   White Star was one of the two lines—the Cunard was the
   other—which performed the British mail service between
   Queenstown and New York. Its fleet included the great liners
   Oceanic and Celtic, the swift Teutonic
   and Majestic, and the favorite Britannic and
   Germanic which had held ocean records in their day,
   together with a considerable number of large and efficient
   freighters. The American purchase of the White Star line was
   long disputed, and when it was finally confirmed, something
   like consternation seized the British press and people, for
   the White Star fleet had been regarded as distinctively a
   British institution as the Bank of England. Its fast ships
   received not only the mail pay of the post-office, but the
   subventions of the Admiralty, and were enrolled on the
   ‘merchant cruiser’ list."

      Winthrop L. Marvin,
      The Great Ship "Combine"
      (American Review of Reviews, December, 1902).

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   The anxieties with which the combination was regarded at first
   in Great Britain were allayed materially by Mr. G. Balfour,
   President of the Board of Trade, who made public, in a speech
   at Sheffield, the terms of an arrangement that had been made
   by the Government with the Cunard Company, on one hand, and
   the Combination on the other. The Cunard Company, he said,
   "pledged themselves to remain in every respect a British
   company, managed by British directors—the shares not to be
   transferred to any but British subjects. Their ships were to
   be officered by British officers. They also engaged to
   construct two vessels of twenty-four to twenty-five knots
   which, as well as the entire Cunard fleet, the Admiralty would
   have the right to charter or purchase at any time on terms
   fixed in the agreement. The money for the construction of the
   fast steamers would be advanced to the company at the rate of
   2¾ per cent. interest, while in lieu of the present Admiralty
   subvention—£28,000 a year for the contingent use of three
   ships—the company would receive £150,000 a year. With Mr.
   Pierpont Morgan, the head of the Shipping Combination, who had
   shown the utmost readiness to meet the wishes of His Majesty’s
   Government, it had been agreed that the British companies in
   the Combination should remain British, not merely in name but
   in reality. The majority of their directors were to be British
   subjects. All their ships now flying the British flag were to
   continue to fly it, and at least one-half of those hereafter
   to be built for the Combination would likewise fly British
   colours, be commanded by British officers, and manned in
   reasonable proportion by British sailors. On the other hand,
   the combined companies would continue to be treated, as
   heretofore, on a footing of equality with other British
   companies in respect of any services, whether postal, or
   military, or naval, which His Majesty’s Government might
   require from the British mercantile marine. It had been
   further stipulated that in the event of the Combination
   pursuing a policy hostile to our mercantile marine or to
   British trade, the King’s Government should have the right to
   terminate the agreement."

COMBINATIONS: United States: A. D. 1900.
   Definition of the term Industrial Combination formulated
   at the Census Bureau.
   Statistics as collected in 1900.

   "The officials of the Census Office, in order to prevent
   misconceptions and insure consistency in the plan and system
   of tabulation, formulated the following definition of the term
   ‘industrial combination’:

   "‘For the purpose of the Census, the rule has been adopted to
   consider no aggregation of mills an industrial combination,
   unless it consists of a number of formerly independent mills
   which have been brought together into one company under a
   charter obtained for that purpose. We therefore exclude from
   this category many large establishments comprising a number of
   mills, which have grown up, not by combination with other
   mills, but by the erection of new plants or the purchase of
   old ones.’ …

   "So far as can be ascertained from the data in the Census
   Office, the number of these industrial consolidations is 183.
   They control 2203 separate plants, scattered throughout the
   United States, 2029 being active and 174 idle during the
   census year. For 56 of the idle plants no returns could be
   obtained, making the total number of reporting plants 2147.
   The 183 combinations extend to almost all lines of industry,
   producing articles of luxury, materials essential to the
   upbuilding and growth of the country, and even the very
   necessities of life. Fully 50 per cent. of these combinations
   were chartered just prior to or during the census year; and it
   is noteworthy that the epidemic of industrial consolidation,
   as far as the so-called monopolies are concerned, has been
   practically confined to the past four years. It is evident,
   therefore, that the disease—if it be regarded as such—has
   spread very rapidly.

   "Naturally enough, iron and steel, with 69 combinations, heads
   the list. The number of reporting plants engaged in this
   industry is 469, and the capital invested, consisting of land,
   buildings, machinery, tools and implements, and cash and
   sundries, is valued at $348,000,000."

      W. R. Merriam,
      "Trusts" in the Light of Census Returns
      (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1902).

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1901-1903.
   The question of Federal Control and Regulation.
   Urgency of President Roosevelt for effective legislation.

   In his first Message to Congress, three months after his
   succession to the Presidency, President Roosevelt expressed
   his mind frankly and clearly on the then increasing demand in
   the country for more stringent measures of government, to
   control and regulate the exercise of the power which great
   aggregations of incorporated capital have created in recent
   times. In part, he then said:

   "The tremendous and highly complex industrial development
   which went on with ever accelerated rapidity during the latter
   half of the nineteenth century brings us face to face, at the
   beginning of the twentieth, with very serious social problems.
   The old laws, and the old customs which had almost the binding
   force of law, were once quite sufficient to regulate the
   accumulation and distribution of wealth. Since the industrial
   changes which have so enormously increased the productive
   power of mankind, they are no longer sufficient. The growth of
   cities has gone on beyond comparison faster than the growth of
   the country, and the up building of the great industrial
   centers has meant a startling increase, not merely in the
   aggregate of wealth, but in the number of very large
   individual, and especially of very large corporate, fortunes.
   … The process has aroused much antagonism, a great part of
   which is wholly without warrant. It is not true that as the
   rich have grown richer the poor have grown poorer. On the
   contrary, never before has the average man, the wage-worker,
   the farmer, the small trader, been so well off as in this
   country and at the present time. There have been abuses
   connected with the accumulation of wealth; yet it remains true
   that a fortune accumulated in legitimate business can be
   accumulated by the person specially benefited only on
   condition of conferring immense incidental benefits upon
   others. …
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   The captains of industry who have driven the railway systems
   across this continent, who have built up our commerce, who
   have developed our manufactures, have on the whole done great
   good to our people. Without them the material development of
   which we are so justly proud could never have taken place. …
   It cannot too often be pointed out that to strike with
   ignorant violence at the interests of one set of men almost
   inevitably endangers the interests of all. … Much of the
   legislation directed at the trusts would have been exceedingly
   mischievous had it not also been entirely ineffective. In
   accordance with a well-known sociological law, the ignorant or
   reckless agitator has been the really effective friend of the
   evils which he has been nominally opposing.

   "All this is true; and yet it is also true that there are real
   and grave evils, one of the chief being over-capitalization
   because of its many baleful consequences; and a resolute and
   practical effort must be made to correct these evils. There is
   a widespread conviction in the minds of the American people
   that the great corporations known as trusts are in certain of
   their features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare.
   This springs from no spirit of envy or uncharitableness, nor
   lack of pride in the great industrial achievements that have
   placed this country at the head of the nations struggling for
   commercial supremacy. … It is based upon sincere conviction
   that combination and concentration should be, not prohibited,
   but supervised and within reasonable limits controlled; and in
   my judgment this conviction is right. … The first essential in
   determining how to deal with the great industrial combinations
   is knowledge of the facts—publicity. In the interests of the
   public, the Government should have the right to inspect and
   examine the workings of the great corporations engaged in
   interstate business. …

   "When the Constitution was adopted, at the end of the
   eighteenth century, no human wisdom could foretell the
   sweeping changes, alike in industrial and political
   conditions, which were to take place by the beginning of the
   twentieth century. At that time it was accepted as a matter of
   course that the several States were the proper authorities to
   regulate so far as was then necessary, the comparatively
   insignificant and strictly localized corporate bodies of the
   day. The conditions are now wholly different and wholly
   different action is called for. I believe that a law can be
   framed which will enable the National Government to exercise
   control along the lines above indicated; profiting by the
   experience gained through the passage and administration of
   the Interstate-Commerce Act. If, however, the judgment of the
   Congress is that it lacks the constitutional power to pass
   such an act, then a constitutional amendment should be
   submitted to confer the power."

      President’s Message to Congress,
      December 3, 1901.

   In the following summer, during a tour which he made through
   some of the New England States the President gave prominence
   to the same subject in his addresses, emphasizing the
   necessity of federal legislation to arm the General Government
   with more effective authority for regulating the action of
   corporations engaged in interstate trade. In speaking at
   Providence especially, his remarks caused a great stir of
   feeling in the country, and seem to have signalled the
   beginning of an open array of hostile corporate interests
   against him. On that occasion he spoke partly as follows:

   "Those great corporations containing some tendency to
   monopoly, which we have grown to speak of rather loosely as
   trusts, are the creatures of the State, and the State not only
   has the right to control them, but is in duty bound to control
   them wherever the need for such control is shown. There is
   clearly a need of supervision—need to exercise the power of
   regulation on the part of the representatives of the public,
   wherever, as in our own country at the present time, business
   corporations become so very strong, both for beneficent work
   and for work that is not always beneficent. It is idle to say
   that there is no need for such supervision. A sufficient
   warrant for it is to be found over and over again in any of the
   various evils resulting from the present system, or, rather,
   lack of system.

   "There is in our country a peculiar difficulty in the way of
   exercising such supervision and control because of the
   peculiar division of governmental power. When the industrial
   conditions were simple, very little control was needed, and no
   trouble was caused by the doubt as to where power was lodged
   under the constitution. Now the conditions are complicated,
   and we find it difficult to frame national legislation which
   shall be adequate, while as a matter of practical experience
   State action has proved entirely insufficient, and in all
   human probability cannot or will not be made sufficient, to
   meet the needs of the case. Some of our States have excellent
   laws—laws which it would be well indeed to have enacted by
   the national legislature. But the wide differences in these
   laws, even between adjacent States, and the uncertainty of the
   power of enforcement result practically in altogether
   insufficient control.

   "I believe that the nation must assume this power of control
   by legislation, and if it becomes evident that the
   constitution will not permit needed legislation, then by
   constitutional amendment. The immediate need of dealing with
   trusts is to place them under the real, not nominal, control
   of some sovereign to which, as its creature, the trusts shall
   owe allegiance, and in whose courts the sovereign’s orders may
   with certainty be enforced. That is not the case with the
   ordinary so-called 'trust’ to-day, for the trust is a large
   State corporation, generally doing business in other States
   also, and often with a tendency to monopoly. Such a trust is
   an artificial creature not wholly responsible to or
   controllable by any legislature, nor wholly subject to the
   jurisdiction of any one court. Some governmental sovereign
   must be given full power over these artificial and very
   powerful corporate beings. In my judgment this sovereign must
   be the national government. When it has been given full power,
   then this full power can be used to control any evil
   influence, exactly as the government is now using the power
   conferred upon it under the Sherman Anti-Trust law.

   "Even when the full power has been conferred it would be
   highly undesirable to attempt too much or to begin by
   stringent legislation. The mechanism of modern business is as
   delicate and complicated as it is vast, and nothing would be
   more productive of evil to all of us, and especially to those
   least well off in this world’s goods, than ignorant meddling
   with this mechanism, and, above all, if the meddling was done
   in a spirit of class or sectional rancor.
{118}
   It is desirable that this power should be possessed by the
   nation, but it is quite as desirable that the power should be
   exercised with moderation and self-restraint. The first
   exercise of that power should be the securing of publicity
   among all great corporations doing an interstate business. The
   publicity, though non-inquisitorial, should be real and
   thorough as to all important facts with which the public has
   concern. The full light of day is a great discourager of evil.
   Such publicity would by itself tend to cure the evils of which
   there is just complaint, and where the alleged evils are
   imaginary, it would tend to show that such is the case. When
   publicity is attained it would then be possible to see what
   further should be done in the way of regulation.

   "Above all, it behooves us to remember not only that we ought
   to try to do what we can, but that our success in doing it
   depends very much upon our neither attempting nor expecting
   the impossible. …

   "I see no promise of a complete solution for all the problems
   we group together when we speak of the trust question. But we
   can make a beginning in solving these problems, and a good
   beginning if only we approach the subject with a sufficiency
   of resolution, of honesty and of that hard common sense which
   is one of the most valuable, and, unfortunately, not one of
   the most common, assets in the equipment of any people. I
   think the national administration has shown its firm intention
   to enforce the laws as they now stand on the statute books
   without regard to persons, and I think that good has come from
   this enforcement. I think, furthermore, that additional
   legislation should be had, and can be had, which will enable
   us to accomplish much more than has been accomplished along
   these same lines."

      Theodore Roosevelt,
      Address at Providence, August 23, 1902
      (New York Tribune, August 24, 1902).

   In his next Message to Congress, President Roosevelt renewed
   his urgency for the needed legislation. "No more important
   subject can come before the Congress," he said, "than this of
   the regulation of interstate business. This country cannot
   afford to sit supine on the plea that under our peculiar
   system of government we are helpless in the presence of the
   new conditions, and unable to grapple with them or to cut out
   whatever of evil has arisen in connection with them. The power
   of the Congress to regulate interstate commerce is an absolute
   and unqualified grant, and without limitations other than
   those prescribed by the Constitution. The Congress has
   constitutional authority to make all laws necessary and proper
   for executing this power, and I am satisfied that this power
   has not been exhausted by any legislation now on the statute
   books."

      President’s Message to Congress,
      December 2, 1902.

   A year later, when the President addressed his Message to the
   next Congress, at the opening of its first session, he was
   able to say:

   "The country is especially to be congratulated on what has
   been accomplished in the direction of providing for the
   exercise of supervision over the great corporations and
   combinations of corporations engaged in interstate commerce.
   The Congress has created the Department of Commerce and Labor,
   including the Bureau of Corporations, with for the first time
   authority to secure proper publicity of such proceedings of
   these great corporations as the public has the right to know.
   It has provided for the expediting of suits for the
   enforcement of the Federal anti-trust law; and by another law
   it has secured equal treatment to all producers in the
   transportation of their goods, thus taking a long stride
   forward in making effective the work of the Interstate
   Commerce Commission."

      President’s Message to Congress,
      December 1, 1903.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1901-1906.
   A summary of governmental action against corporate
   wrongdoers, by Elihu Root.
   Legislation.
   Litigation.
   Court decisions.

   "The act creating the bureau of corporations, the act
   expediting the trial of trust cases, the anti-rebate act, the
   act for the regulation of railroad rates, have made possible
   redress which was impossible before. Under the direction of
   two successive Attorney Generals of the first order of
   ability, sincerity and devotion, in hundreds of courts,
   incessant warfare has been waged and is being waged under the
   federal laws against corporate wrongdoers.

   "The Northern Securities Company, which sought to combine and
   prevent competition between two great continental railroads,
   has been forced to dissolve by the judgment of the Supreme
   Court of the United States. The methods of the Beef Trust in
   combining to suppress competition in the purchase of livestock
   and the sale of meat have been tried and condemned, and the
   trust has been placed under injunction to abandon these
   practices by judgment of the Supreme Court. The combination of
   paper manufacturers in the territory from Chicago to the Rocky
   Mountains has been dissolved by the judgment of the Supreme
   Court, and the combination has been abandoned, and the price
   of white paper in that territory has gone down 30 per cent.
   The Retail Grocers’ Association in this country has been
   dissolved by decree of the court. The elevator combination in
   the West has been dissolved in like manner. The salt
   combination west of the Rocky Mountains has been dissolved by
   decree of the court. The Wholesale Grocers’ Association in the
   South, the meat combination and the lumber combination in the
   West, the combination of railroads entering the city of St.
   Louis to suppress competition between the bridges and ferries
   reaching that city; the Drug Trust, which suppresses
   competition all over the country, are being vigorously pressed
   in suits brought by the federal government for their
   dissolution. The salt combination has been indicted and
   convicted and fined for failing to obey the judgment of
   dissolution. The Beef Trust has been indicted for failing to
   obey the injunction against them, and have been saved so far
   only by a decision that they had secured temporary immunity by
   giving evidence against themselves. One branch of the Tobacco
   Trust is facing an indictment of its corporations and their
   officers in the federal court in New York, and the other
   branches are undergoing investigation. The lumber combination
   in Oklahoma is under indictment. The Fertilizer Trust, a
   combination of thirty-one corporations and twenty-five
   individuals to support and fix prices, has been indicted, the
   indictments have been sustained by the courts, and the
   combination has been dissolved. The ice combination of the
   District of Columbia is facing criminal trial. Special counsel
   are investigating the coal combination, and special counsel
   are investigating the Standard Oil combination.

{119}

   "Three of the causes won in the Supreme Court of the United
   States have furnished decisions of the utmost importance. In
   the Tobacco Trust case of Hale agt. Henkel, the Supreme Court
   denied the claim of the trust corporations to be exempt under
   the Constitution from furnishing testimony against themselves
   by the production of their books and papers before a federal
   grand jury. Thus, the protection of secrecy for corporate
   wrongdoing is beaten down. In the Northern Securities case the
   Supreme Court held that a wrong accomplished by means of
   incorporating in accordance with the express provision of the
   New Jersey statute was just as much a violation of federal law
   as if there had been no incorporation. Thus, the state rights
   defence of protection from favoring state statutes is beaten
   down. In the Beef Trust case the Supreme Court held that,
   although the business of manufacture was carried on within the
   limits of a single state, yet the purchase of the raw material
   in different states and the sale of the finished product in
   different states brought the business within the interstate
   commerce clause of the Constitution and gave the federal
   government authority over it. Thus, the defence that the state
   alone can deal with manufacturing corporations, however
   widespread their business, is beaten down.

   "The obstacles to the enforcement of the federal anti-trust
   act thus removed are obstacles which stood in the way of all
   proceedings, and they had to be cleared away before any
   proceedings of the same character against the same classes of
   corporations could be successfully maintained. They have been
   removed, not by newspaper headlines and denunciation, but by
   skill, ability, and energy of the highest order.

   "After the Elkins anti-rebate law was passed by Congress in
   1903 it was supposed, and the Interstate Commerce Commission
   reported, that the railroads had substantially abandoned
   giving rebates. Their good resolutions do not seem, however,
   to have lasted. The struggle for business enabled the shippers
   soon to secure a renewal of rebates, or, by ingenious devices
   advantages equivalent to rebates. Thereupon the Department of
   Justice began active prosecutions for the enforcement of the
   law. Fifty-three indictments have been found against hundreds
   of defendants and covering many hundreds of transactions.
   There have been fourteen criminal convictions. Fourteen
   individuals have been fined, to the gross amount of $66,125.
   Nine corporations have been fined to the amount of $253,000.
   Thirty-five indictments are ready for trial in their regular
   order upon the court calendar. The original statute provided
   only for punishment by fine. Last winter it was amended by
   providing for punishment by imprisonment, and, if the lines
   imposed under the original law shall not prove to have stopped
   the practice, we shall see whether fear of the penitentiary
   under the amendment will not do so.

   "Under this statute also it was necessary to sweep away
   defences which stood as barriers to general prosecution, and
   in the New York, New Haven & Hartford Railroad case, decided
   by the Supreme Court February 19 of this year, and the
   Milwaukee Refrigerator Transit case, decided in the Seventh
   Circuit on May 31 of this year, the courts have held that the
   substance and not the form is to control in the application of
   the statute, and that, however the transaction may be
   disguised, an unlawful discrimination can be reached and
   punished. The way is therefore cleared for all other
   prosecutions.

   "The Railroad Rates act, which was the subject of such excited
   discussion during the last session of Congress, has already
   justified itself. Since the passage of the act, less than five
   months ago, there have been more voluntary reductions of rates
   by our railroads than during the entire nineteen years of the
   previous life of the Interstate Commerce Commission. On the
   single day of the 29th of August, 1906, two days before the
   act went into force, over five thousand notices of voluntary
   reduction of rates were filed with the Interstate Commerce
   Commission by the railroads of the United States."

      Elihu Root,
      Speech at Utica, November 1, 1906
      (New York Tribune, November 2, 1906).

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1903-1906.
   The "Beef Trust" suits and investigations.
   The United States v. Swift & Co. et al.
   Commissioner Garfield’s investigation.
   Indictment of Armour & Co. and others.
   Immunity decision of Judge Humphrey.
   Fines for receiving rebates from railways.

   In the case known as that of the United States v. Swift &
   Company et al., the defendants were seven corporations, one
   copartnership, and twenty-three other persons (commonly styled
   "the Beef Trust"), charged with violations of the anti-trust
   law, by combination in restraint of the trade which they
   conducted, namely, the buying of live stock, slaughtering the
   same in different states and selling the meats thus produced.
   It was affirmed by the Government that they, together,
   controlled about sixty per cent. of the total Volume of that
   trade in the country, and that if the alleged combination
   among them did not exist they "would be and remain in
   competition with each other"; but that by such "unlawful
   combination and conspiracy" they were directing and requiring
   their agents
   (1) not to bid against one another in the live-stock markets
   of the different States;
   (2) to bid up prices for a few days so as to induce cattlemen
   to send their stock to the stock-yards;
   (3) to fix prices at which they would sell, and hence, when
   necessary, to restrict shipments of meat;
   (4) to establish a uniform rule of credit to dealers and to
   keep a blacklist;
   (5) to make uniform and improper charges for cartage; and
   (6) to obtain less than lawful rates from the railways to the
   exclusion of all competitors.

   The case, on motion for injunction, was tried first in the
   Circuit Court of the Northern District of Illinois, Judge
   Peter S. Grosscup. The Opinion of the Court, given April 18,
   1903, held that, under the definition of the term by the
   Supreme Court in the Trans-Missouri Freight Association Case
   (see, in this Volume, Railways: United States: A. D.
   1890-1902), "there can be no doubt that the agreement of the
   defendants to refrain from bidding against each other in the
   purchase of cattle is combination in restraint of trade: so
   also their agreement to bid up prices to stimulate shipments,
   intending to cease from bidding when the shipments have
   arrived.
{120}
   The same result," continued the judge, "follows when we turn
   to the combination of defendants to fix prices upon and
   restrict the quantities of meat shipped to their agents or
   their customers. Such agreements can be nothing less than
   restriction upon competition, and, therefore, combination in
   restraint of trade; and thus viewed, the petition, as an
   entirety, makes out a case under the Sherman Act. … The
   demurrer is overruled, and the motion for preliminary
   injunction granted."

   On appeal, the case went to the Supreme Court, where it was
   argued in January, 1905, and decided on the 30th of the same
   month. The Opinion of the Court, rendered by Justice Holmes,
   with no dissent, affirmed, but modified, the decree of
   injunction issued by Judge Grosscup; the aim of the
   modifications being to give more definiteness to the decree.
   "The defendants," said Justice Holmes, for example, "cannot be
   ordered to compete, but they properly can be forbidden to give
   directions or to make agreements not to compete. The
   injunction follows the charge. No objection was made on the
   ground that it is not confined to the places specified in the
   bill. It seems to us, however, that it ought to set forth more
   exactly the transactions in which such directions and
   agreements are forbidden. The trade in fresh meat referred to
   should be defined somewhat as it is in the bill, and the sales
   of stock should be confined to sales of stock at the
   stock-yards named, which stock is sent from other States to
   the stock-yards for sale or is bought at those yards for
   transport to another State."

      Federal Anti-Trust Decisions, 1900-1906,
      Volume 2, prepared and edited by James A. Finch,
      by direction of the Attorney-General
      (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1907).

COMBINATIONS:
   Investigation by the Commissioner of Corporations.

   On the 7th of March, 1904, the House of Representatives
   adopted a resolution requesting the Secretary of Commerce and
   Labor to "investigate the causes of the low prices of beef
   cattle in the United States since July 1st, 1903, and the
   unusually large margins between the prices of beef cattle and
   the selling prices of fresh beef, and whether the said
   conditions have resulted in whole or in part from any
   contract, combination, in the form of trust or otherwise, or
   conspiracy, in restraint of commerce among the several States
   and Territories or with foreign countries; also, whether said
   prices have been controlled in whole or in part by any
   corporation, joint stock company, or corporate combination
   engaged in commerce among the several States or with foreign
   nations; and, if so, to investigate the organization,
   capitalization, profits, conduct and management of the
   business of such corporations, companies, and corporate
   combinations, and to make early report of his findings
   according to law."

   In compliance with this resolution, the Commissioner of
   Corporations, Mr. James R. Garfield, went to Chicago in April
   and began the requested investigation, which was prosecuted
   throughout most of the ensuing year. "The inquiries of the
   Bureau of Corporations were naturally concerned chiefly with
   the six great concerns which, by the injunction of 1902, were
   grouped together, and which were popularly considered as the
   Beef Trust. The ‘Big Six,’ in the approximate order of their
   magnitude as indicated by the number of animals slaughtered,
   are: Swift & Company, with seven large plants; Armour &
   Company, and the Armour Packing Company, which have the same
   stockholders, and which together operate five packing-houses;
   the National Packing Company, with eight comparatively large
   plants and two or three minor ones; Morris & Company,
   operating three plants; the Cudahy Packing Company, with three
   plants in the middle West and a minor one at Los Angeles; and
   the Schwarzschild & Sulzberger Company, operating three
   plants. Nearly all of the important packing-houses of these
   six companies are situated in the eight great live-stock
   markets,—Chicago, Kansas City, South Omaha, East St. Louis,
   South St. Joseph, Fort Worth, South St. Paul, and Sioux City."

   As for the National Packing Company, it grew, apparently, out
   of an abortive scheme for the consolidation of the other five
   concerns which was rumored in 1902. "Shortly prior to the
   formation of this company the Armour interests had acquired
   control of the G. H. Hammond Company and the Omaha Packing
   Company, the Swifts had secured the Anglo-American Provision
   Company and the Fowler Packing Association, and the Morris
   family had become dominant in the United Dressed Beef Company
   of New York. The National Packing Company, organized in 1903,
   took over the control of the various corporations thus
   previously acquired by the three packing interests named, and
   has since absorbed two or three other smaller concerns. The
   directorate of the National Company consists almost wholly of
   representatives of the Armour, Swift, and Morris companies.
   Aside from this community of interest, the bureau finds that
   there is no important inter-ownership of securities among the
   six leading packing companies."

   "The ‘Big Six’ are by no means the only slaughterers of cattle
   in the United States. They, with a few minor affiliated
   concerns, killed 5,521,697 cattle in 1903, while, from the
   best available data, the Bureau of Corporations computes the
   total slaughter of the country at about 12,500,000. But the
   proportion of 45 per cent. thus indicated by no means measures
   the full economic significance of the six great packers. Their
   importance lies in the fact that they are the only concerns
   which do an extensive business in shipping dressed beef. … The
   ‘Big-Six’ kill about 98 percent, of the cattle slaughtered at
   the eight leading Western markets above named."

      Edward Dana Durand,
      The Beef Industry and the Government Investigation
      (American Review of Reviews, April, 1905).

   Early in March, 1905, just before the adjournment of Congress,
   his report of it, in part, was transmitted by the President to
   Congress. The following summary of important facts set forth
   in the extended report was published in The Outlook of
   the following week:

   "The report as sent to Congress deals with the prices of
   cattle and dressed beef, the margins between such prices, and
   the organization, conduct, and profits of the corporations
   engaged in the beef-packing business. In some respects the
   conclusions presented are distinctly favorable to the packers;
   in others, quite as unfavorable. It appears that the profits
   of the six great companies whose operations were covered by
   the investigation were very much smaller during the years 1902
   and 1903 than the public had been led to suppose,—that, in
   fact, for a part of that period the business was conducted at
   an actual loss.
{121}
   The percentage of profit on the gross Volume of business
   during the years 1902-1904 was comparatively low. That realized
   by Swift & Company is placed at two per cent. This, however,
   we repeat, is the percentage on total sales, which is a very
   different thing from profit on the investment. It is a
   well-known fact that the actual capitalization of the packing
   companies is very much less than the annual Volume of
   business. From statements made by the six companies to the
   Bureau of Corporations it appears that their gross business is
   not less than $700,000,000 per year, while their nominal
   capitalization is only $88,000,000, exclusive of $5,000,000
   bonds of Swift & Company. On the other hand, it is practically
   impossible, as the report shows, to determine accurately just
   what proportion of the total investment represents plants and
   properties concerned with the beef industry exclusively.
   Still, it is obvious that Swift & Company’s net profit of two
   per cent. on their sales would amount to very much more than
   two per cent, on their investment. The report makes an
   approximate estimate of twelve per cent.

   "On one other count the report is favorable to the companies.
   It declares that they are apparently not overcapitalized. This
   conclusion, it is true, is robbed of some of its exculpatory
   force when the private-car system is taken into consideration.
   It is shown that the companies’ profits on refrigerator cars,
   derived from mileage paid by the railroads, has ranged from 14
   to 22 per cent. The report gives clear and definite
   information as to the trust’s field of operations. It shows
   that the six companies slaughtered in 1903 only about 45 per
   cent. of all the cattle killed in that year, but that these
   companies slaughter nearly 98 per cent. of all the cattle
   killed in the leading Western packing centers, and that they
   control a large percentage of the trade in beef in many large
   cities—75 per cent. in New York, 85 per cent. in Boston, 95
   per cent. in Providence, and in a number of other important
   cities from 50 to 90 per cent. In all these centers of
   population the consumer is now paying more for meats than ever
   before, while the cattle-grower on the Western plains is
   receiving less for his beeves. These two facts are doubtless
   capable of explanation, but the published results of the
   investigation ordered by Congress throw little light on the
   matter."

COMBINATIONS:
   Case of the United States v. Armour & Company et al.

   Soon after the publication of the report of the Bureau of
   Corporations a special Federal Grand Jury at Chicago began the
   investigation of charges brought by the Attorney-General of
   the United States against five of the corporations engaged in
   the meat-packing business and seventeen of their officials. An
   indictment was returned by the Grand Jury on the 1st of July,
   1905, charging, in a number of counts, persistent violation of
   the injunction laid on these corporations and their officials
   by Judge Grosscup with affirmation by the Supreme Court, and
   continued combination in restraint of trade,—by requiring
   their purchasing agents to refrain from bidding in good faith
   against one another; by agreements that fixed the prices of
   beef; by restricting sales to maintain prices, etc. On the
   trial of the indictment, which was begun on the 29th of
   January and concluded on the 21st of March, 1906, the
   defendants claimed immunity, under that clause of the Fifth
   Amendment to the Constitution of the United States which
   reads:

   "Nor shall any person be compelled in any criminal case to be
   a witness against himself."

   Their claim for immunity under this constitutional
   prescription was founded on the fact that "upon the lawful
   requirement of the Commissioner of Corporations" they "had
   furnished evidence, documentary and otherwise, of and
   concerning the matters charged in the indictment"; and that a
   section of the Act creating the Department of Commerce and
   Labor provides that persons testifying or producing evidence
   before the Commissioner shall be entitled to the immunities
   conferred by the Act in relation to testimony before the
   Interstate Commerce Commission of February 11, 1893. Judge
   Humphrey, of the United States District Court, before whom the
   case was tried, sustained the plea in his charge to the jury,
   so far as concerned the individual defendants, saying: "Under
   the law of this case, the immunity pleas filed by the
   defendants will be sustained as to the individual defendants,
   the natural persons, and denied as to the corporations, the
   artificial persons, and your verdict will be in favor of the
   defendants as to the individuals, and in favor of the
   Government as to the corporations."

COMBINATIONS:
   Fines for accepting rebates.

   The same Federal Grand Jury at Chicago which returned the
   indictments dealt within the case mentioned above brought
   another indictment against four men in the employ of one of
   the meat-packing companies, who were accused of unlawfully
   combining and agreeing to solicit rebates for their
   corporation from the Michigan Central, the Chicago, Rock
   Island and Pacific, the Grand Trunk Western, the Lehigh
   Valley, the Boston and Maine, and the Mobile and Ohio
   railroads. It was charged that the defendants conspired with
   one another in presenting to the railroad companies pretended
   claims for damages which were in fact claims for rebates. They
   were brought for trial before Judge Humphrey in September,
   1905, and pleaded guilty. The Judge then pronounced sentence
   on them as follows:

   "Punishment for this offense as fixed by Congress has a wide
   range, giving the Court unusual latitude, ranging from a
   nominal fine without imprisonment to a heavy fine and two
   years’ imprisonment, all in the discretion of the Court. I am
   disposed to consider this case with reasonable moderation. The
   sentence of the Court in the case of the defendant Weil will
   be a fine of $10,000 and costs, and commitment to the county
   jail until the fine is paid, and in the cases of Todd,
   Skipworth, and Cusey a fine of $5,000 and costs, with the same
   provision in regard to payment."

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1904-1909.
   The Standard Oil Company.
   Federal Government investigation of its methods of business.
   Criminal prosecutions for violation of the law against
   rebates.
   The $29,000,000 fine and its annulment.
   Acquittal of the Company.

   After a dozen years or more of slight oil production in
   Kansas, that state became quite suddenly, in 1904, one of the
   important sources of petroleum supply. The Standard Oil
   Company had taken care to be prepared for whatever development
   might occur, and had organized its operations in this western
   field under the name of the Prairie Oil and Gas Company, of
   Kansas.
{122}
   Its refineries were ready to furnish a market to the Kansas
   producers of crude oil, and they had no other. Independent
   enterprises in oil refining were made quite impossible, and
   the Prairie Oil and Gas Company was complete master of the
   situation. The Kansas oil producers were soon writhing under
   its dictation of prices and rules of dealing, as the
   Pennsylvanians had been years before, and the Kansas
   Legislature came promptly to their rescue. In the winter of
   1904-1905 it passed five vigorous acts; authorizing the
   establishment of a State oil refinery; making pipe lines
   common carriers within the State; placing them under the
   jurisdiction of the State board of railroad commissioners;
   fixing maximum rates for the transportation of oil by freight
   or pipe line; and, finally, prohibiting discrimination between
   localities in the sale of any commodities. Furthermore, the
   anti-trust laws of the State were brought into action against
   the Standard Oil Company and the railroads accused of giving
   it special rates and privileges.

   At the same time, the Kansas situation was brought to the
   attention of Congress and the Federal Executive. On motion of
   a Kansas representative, the lower House of Congress, in
   February, adopted a resolution calling on the President for an
   investigation of the methods of business pursued by the
   Standard Oil Company. The desired investigation was conducted
   in the following year by Commissioner Garfield, the head of
   the Bureau of Corporations, and his report was communicated to
   Congress on the 5th of May, 1906, with an accompanying special
   message, by the President. Nothing of the detail of facts in
   the report can be given here; but the conclusions drawn from
   them by the Commissioner were summed up by him, as follows:

   "Upon the request of its attorney, all the essential facts
   discovered by this Bureau were presented to the company at the
   close of the investigation, and an exhaustive statement
   relating thereto was made by its chief traffic officer. There
   was no denial of the facts found, but explanations of
   particular situations were offered, and it was urged that the
   facts did not show any violation by the Standard of the letter
   or spirit of the interstate-commerce law. A most careful
   review of the facts and the explanations leads to the
   following conclusions:

   "The Standard Oil Company has habitually received from the
   railroads, and is now receiving, secret rates and other unjust
   and illegal discriminations.

   "During 1904 the Standard saved about three-quarters of a
   million dollars through the secret rates discovered by the
   Bureau of Corporations, and of course there may be other
   secret rates which the Bureau has not discovered. This amount
   represents the difference between the open rates and the rates
   actually paid. Many of these discriminations were clearly in
   violation of the interstate-commerce law, and others, whether
   technically illegal or not, had the same effect upon
   competitors. On some State business secret rates were applied
   by means of rebates.

   "These discriminations have been so long continued, so secret,
   so ingeniously applied to new conditions of trade, and so
   large in amount as to make it certain that they were due to
   concerted action by the Standard and the railroads.

   "The Standard Oil Company is receiving unjust discriminations
   in open rates.

   "The published rates from the leading Standard shipping points
   are relatively much lower than rates from the shipping points
   of its competitors. The advantage to the Standard over its
   competitors from such open discriminations is enormous,
   probably as important as that obtained through the secret
   rates.

   "If an unfair discrimination be obtained by one shipper
   through a device which in itself is seemingly not prohibited
   by law, that fact shows that the law is defective and should
   be strengthened; it does not show that the discrimination is
   proper or just.

   "The following are a few of the most important discriminations
   and the methods by which they were obtained:

   "(1) For about ten years the New England territory has been in
   control of the Standard Oil Company by reason of the refusal
   of the New York, New Haven and Hartford road and of the Boston
   and Maine road, on all but a few divisions, to pro-rate—i. e.,
   to join in through rates—on oil shipped from west of the
   Hudson River, and by means of the adjustment of published
   rates. …

   "(2) The Standard Oil Company has been able to absolutely
   control for many years the sale of oil in the northeastern
   part of New York and in a portion of Vermont by means of
   secret rates from its refineries at Olean and Rochester. …

   "The saving to the Standard during 1904 by the secret rate
   from Olean to Rochester alone was $115,000. This and other
   less important rates from Olean were unknown to the
   independent refiners, and were not published on the ground
   that they were wholly State rates; yet in fact they were used
   for oil consigned to points beyond the State boundary of New
   York. Furthermore, all shipments from Olean on these secret
   rates were blind-billed—i. e., the rates were not shown
   on the waybills.

   "(3) The Standard Oil Company has maintained absolute control
   of almost the whole section of the country south of the Ohio
   River and east of the Mississippi by means of secret rates and
   open discriminations in rates from Whiting, Indiana. …

   "(4) The Standard Oil Company has for at least ten years
   shipped oil from Whiting to East St. Louis, Illinois, at a
   rate of 6 or 6¼ cents on three of the five railroads running
   between those places, while the only duly published rate on
   all roads has been 18 cents during all that period! This
   discrimination saved the Standard about $240,000 in 1904. …

   "Whiting is located in Indiana, about two miles from the
   Illinois line. East St. Louis is in Illinois, just across the
   river from St. Louis. The secret low rates were given by the
   Chicago, Burlington and Quincy, Chicago and Alton, and Chicago
   and Eastern Illinois railroads. They were not published, on
   the ground that they were State rates. …

   "(5) In the Kansas-Territory field there were some unfair open
   rates. …

   "(6) In California direct rebates, as well as discriminations
   by the use of secret rates, have been given on oil. …

   "(7) Open published rates from Whiting into a large part of
   the United States have given the Standard Oil Company an
   unfair advantage of from 1 to 20 cents per hundred pounds.

{123}

   "This discrimination seriously limits independent refiners in
   some markets, and shuts them out completely from other
   markets. It is accomplished by the use of commodity rates—that
   is, rates which apply only to petroleum and its products—and
   by refusal to pro-rate."

      Report of the Commissioner of Corporations on the
      Transportation of Petroleum,
      May 2, 1906, Letter of Submittal, pages xxi-xxv.
      (59th Congress, 1st Session House Document. number 812).

   Consequent on the information secured by this investigation,
   criminal proceedings against the Standard Oil Company in its
   various State organizations were instituted in 1906-1907. The
   number and character of the indictments found in these cases
   are set forth in tabular form, in an article on "The Oil Trust
   and the Government," by Francis Walker, published in the
   Political Science Quarterly, March, 1908. The following
   statement of them is summarized from that table:

   In the Northern District of Illinois, August 27, 1906, against
   the Standard Oil Co. of Indiana, 1903 and 134 indictments on
   shipments over the Chicago and Alton Railway, from Whiting,
   Indiana, to East St. Louis, Illinois, and from Chappell,
   Illinois, to St. Louis, Missouri.

   In same District, same date, against same Company, 2124 and
   220 indictments on shipments over the Chicago, Burlington and
   Quincy Railway, from Whiting to East St. Louis and St. Louis.

   In same District, same date, against same Company, 1318 and
   597 indictments on shipments over the Chicago and Eastern
   Illinois and the Evansville and Terre Haute railways, from
   Whiting to Evansville.

   In same District, same date, against same Company, 103
   indictments, on shipments over the Chicago and Eastern
   Illinois and the Evansville and Terre Haute railways from
   Whiting, via Grand Junction, Tennessee, to various points in
   the South.

   In the Eastern Division of the Western District of Tennessee,
   October 16, 1906, against the Standard Oil Company of Indiana,
   1524 indictments, on shipments over the Illinois Central and
   Southern railways, from Evansville, via Grand Junction, to
   various points.

   In the Eastern District of Missouri, November 18, 1906,
   against the Waters-Pierce Oil Company, 76 indictments, on
   shipments over the St. Louis, Iron Mountain and Southern
   Railway, to various points.

   In the Western District of Louisiana, January 28, 1907,
   against the Waters-Pierce Oil Company, 32 indictments, on
   shipments over the St. Louis, Iron Mountain. and S. Railway,
   to various points.

   In the Western District of New York, August 10, 1907, against
   the Vacuum Oil Company, 23 indictments, on shipments from
   Olean to Vermont.

   In the Western District of New York, August 24, 1906, against
   the Standard Oil Company of New York, 23 and 123 indictments,
   on shipments from Olean to Vermont.

   In same District, August 9, 1907, against same Company, 188
   and 40 indictments, on shipments from Olean, New York, to
   Burlington, Vermont, over New York Central and Rutland and
   Vermont Central railways.

   In same District, same date, against the Vacuum Oil Company,
   188 and 40 indictments on shipments from Olean to Burlington
   and to Rutland and Burlington.

   In same District, September 6, 1907, against the Standard Oil
   Company of New York, 54 indictments, on shipments from Olean
   and Rochester to points in Vermont.

   The most notable of these criminal prosecutions has been the
   one described first in the list above. The opening chapter of
   its history is sketched as follows by Mr. Walker, in the
   article already referred to:

   "The only important case which, up to December, 1907, had come
   to trial, was the indictment against the Standard Oil Company
   of Indiana for accepting a secret rate on shipments over the
   Chicago and Alton Railway, from Whiting, Indiana, to East St.
   Louis, Illinois, and from Chappell, Illinois, to St. Louis,
   Missouri. The published rate on this traffic was eighteen
   cents per hundred pounds (as far as East St. Louis, a bridge
   toll of one and a half cents being added on shipments to St.
   Louis); while the rate paid by the Standard Oil Company of
   Indiana, during the period of about three years covered by the
   indictment and for many years before, was only six cents per
   hundred pounds. On this rate, the Standard had transported, as
   charged in the indictment, 1903 carloads of oil, each carload
   being made the subject of a distinct count and separate proof.
   The trial of this case began in Chicago, on March 4, 1907.

   "The defence not only exhausted every device of technical
   objection and obstruction but also attacked the
   constitutionality of the ‘Elkins’ law forbidding rate
   discrimination, alleging the right of the railroads and
   shippers to make private contract rates, an impudent assertion
   which the court justly characterized as an ‘abhorrent heresy.’
   The question of guilt in the matter of technical proof
   depended to a large extent on the requirements of the law that
   carriers must file rates, and the argument of the prosecution
   was that shippers must be charged with the knowledge as to
   whether such rates were lawfully filed or not. The defendant
   pretended ignorance of the fact that the six-cent rate had not
   been filed by the Alton and alleged that it was an
   unreasonable requirement to charge it with such knowledge. On
   this point the court said in rendering judgment:

   "‘The honest man who tenders a commodity for transportation by
   a railway company will not be fraudulently misled by that
   company into allowing it to haul his property for less than
   the law authorizes it to collect. For the carrier thus to
   deceive the shipper would be to deliberately incriminate
   itself, to its own pecuniary detriment, which it may safely be
   trusted not to do. The only man liable to get into trouble is
   he who, being in control of the routing of large Volumes of
   traffic, conceives a scheme for the evasion of the law, and
   connives with railway officials in its execution.’

   "The jury returned a verdict of guilty on 1462 counts, on
   April 14, 1907: a considerable number of counts, namely 441,
   were thrown out on technical grounds. In the matter of
   penalty, the Standard’s counsel argued
   (1) that there were only three offences shown, namely, one for
   each year in which the rate was in force;
   (2) that there were only 36 offences shown, namely, one for
   each monthly settlement of freight charges; and
   (3) that each train load constituted a separate offence. The
   court held, however, that the unlawful rate was made on a
   carload basis, and that each carload unlawfully transported
   constituted a distinct offence.
{124}
   In considering the amount of the fine to be levied, the court
   demanded information from the officials of the Standard Oil
   Company regarding the net earnings and dividends of the chief
   holding company of the trust—the Standard Oil Company of New
   Jersey. Their attendance and testimony were obtained only by
   writ of subpoena; and it was admitted that the net profits
   during the years 1903 to 1905 (when these rebates existed)
   amounted to $81,336,994, $61,570,110, and $57,459,356
   respectively.

   "In view of the fact that the counsel of the defendant openly
   maintained the right of the railways and shippers to make
   private contracts for rates, the court declared that it was
   ‘unable to indulge the presumption that in this case the
   defendant was convicted of its virgin offence.’ The defendant
   also claimed that, as there were no other shippers of oil over
   the Chicago and Alton Railway, no one was injured by the
   secret rate. On this matter the court said:

   "‘It is novel, indeed, for a convicted defendant to urge the
   complete triumph of a dishonest course as a reason why such a
   course should go unpunished.

   "‘Of course, there was no other shipper of oil, nor could
   there be, so long as, by secret arrangement, the property of
   the Standard Oil Company was hauled by railway common carriers
   for one-third of what anybody else would have to pay.’

   "Moved by these considerations, the court adjudged, on August
   3, 1907, that the defendant should pay the maximum penalty and
   fined the Standard Oil Company $20,000 for each offence, that
   is, for each of the 1462 counts in the indictment upon which
   conviction was obtained. The total fine, therefore, amounted
   to $29,240,000."

      Francis Walker,
      The Oil Trust and the Government
      (Political Science Quarterly, March, 1908).

   On a writ of error the case went now to the United States
   Circuit Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, where it was
   argued at the April session, 1908, and the opinion, by Judge
   Peter S. Grosscup, Circuit Judge, delivered on the 22d of the
   following July. In this opinion the District Court was held to
   have erred in deciding that each single carload of oil was to
   be dealt with as a separate offence, and that it reasoned
   erroneously in determining the fine imposed. On this latter
   point Judge Grosscup said:

   "Did the court, in the fine imposed, abuse its discretion? The
   defendant indicted, tried, and convicted, was the Standard Oil
   Company, a corporation in Indiana. The capital stock of this
   corporation is one million dollars. There is nothing in the
   record, in the way of evidence, either before conviction, or
   after conviction and before sentence, that shows that the
   assets of this corporation were in excess of one million
   dollars. There is nothing in the record, either before
   conviction, or after conviction and before sentence, that
   shows that the defendant, before the court, had ever before
   been guilty of an offence of this character. It may,
   therefore, be safely assumed, that but for the relation of the
   defendant before the court to another corporation, not before
   the court—a relation to be presently stated—the court would
   have measured out punishment on the basis of the facts just
   stated.

   "That under such circumstances the punishment would have been
   the maximum punishment, does not seem possible; for the
   maximum sentence, put into execution against the defendant
   before the court, would wipe out, many times, and for its
   first offence, all the property of the defendant. …

   "Briefly stated, the reason of the trial court for imposing
   this sentence was because, after conviction and before
   sentence, it was brought out, on an examination of some of the
   officers and stockholders of the Standard Oil Company of New
   Jersey, that the capital stock of the Standard Oil Company of
   Indiana, the defendants before the court, was principally
   owned by the New Jersey corporation, a corporation not before
   the court—the trial court adding (upon no evidence however to
   be found in the record, and upon no information specially
   referred to) that in concessions of the character for which
   the defendant before the court had been indicted, tried, and
   convicted, the New Jersey corporation was not a ‘virgin’
   offender.

   "Is a sentence such as this, based on reasoning such as that,
   sound? Passing over the fact that no word of evidence or other
   information supporting the trial court’s comment is to be
   found in the record, would the comment, if duly proven,
   justify a sentence such as this—one that otherwise would not
   have been imposed? Can a court, without abuse of judicial
   discretion, wipe out all the property of the defendant before
   the court, and all the assets to which its creditors look, in
   an effort to reach and punish a party that is not before the
   court—a party that has not been convicted, has not been tried,
   has not been indicted even? Can an American judge, without
   abuse of judicial discretion, condemn any one who has not had
   his day in court?

   " That, to our mind, is strange doctrine in Anglo-Saxon
   jurisprudence. …

   "The judgment of the District Court is reversed and the case
   remanded with instructions to grant a new trial, and proceed
   further in accordance with this opinion."

   The Government failed in attempts to secure a rehearing before
   the Appellate Court, as well as in an application for the
   reviewing of the case by the Supreme Court.

   On the new trial to which the case was remanded Judge Landis,
   whose judgment had been set aside, declined to sit, and Judge
   A. B. Anderson, of Indianapolis, was called to Chicago to
   occupy his bench. The trial was opened on the 23d of February,
   1909. On the 2d of March Judge Anderson sustained the motion
   of the defence that the government must proceed on the theory
   that there were thirty-six alleged offences—that is, that each
   settlement on which an alleged rebate was paid instead of each
   carload, constituted a separate offence. This made it
   impossible to claim a penalty beyond $720,000, being at the
   rate of $20,000 for each offence. But even that was put out of
   the question by the ultimate decision of the Judge, that the
   law, as laid down by the United States Court of Appeals,
   required him to direct the jury to find the Standard Oil
   Company not guilty on the charge of accepting rebates from the
   Chicago and Alton Railroad. This instruction he gave on the
   10th of March, thus bringing the case to an end.

{125}

   The outcome in this case was said to mean that all but two of
   the pending indictments against the Standard Oil Company of
   Indiana, as recapitulated above, are void and would be
   abandoned by the Government. The two cases not affected are
   cases involving the shipment of 1915 carloads of oil from
   Whiting, Indiana, to Evansville, Indiana, via Dolton Junction,
   over the Chicago and Eastern Illinois Railroad.

   On the 15th of March, five days after the acquittal of the
   Company in Illinois, a fine of $20,000 was imposed upon it by
   the United States District Court of the Western District of
   New York, on one of the indictments founded on shipments from
   Rochester and Olean to points in Vermont. Previously, the New
   York Central Railroad had paid a heavy fine for granting
   rebates on those shipments.

   Numerous State prosecutions, under State laws in Missouri,
   Texas, Minnesota, Ohio, and elsewhere, had been assailing the
   monopolistic corporation simultaneously with the proceedings
   of the General Government against it, and some of them with
   greater seriousness of effect than the Federal prosecutors had
   accomplished. The more important of these were in Texas,
   against the subsidiary Waters-Pierce Oil Company of Missouri,
   and in Missouri, against that Company in association with the
   Standard of Indiana, and with another of the same Trust
   family. The Texas suit, after making its slow way through the
   State courts and to the United States Supreme Court, came to
   its conclusion early in 1909, with the result of a fine of
   $1,623,500, and the exclusion of the Company from business in
   the State. The suit in Missouri, as decided at about the same
   time by the Supreme Court of the State, resulted in an order
   for the dissolution of the Waters-Pierce Company and for the
   perpetual exclusion of the other companies, chartered
   elsewhere, from operations within the State. The outcome of
   this vindication of the law of the State is understood to have
   been an arrangement under which the business of the
   Waters-Pierce Company is taken over by a new company, the
   stock of which is held by trustees approved by the Supreme
   Court of the State and acting as officers of the Court.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1905-1906.
   The Tobacco Trust Case of Hale v. Henkel.
   Denial by the Supreme Court of the claim of corporations
   to be exempt from the production of books and papers
   before a Grand Jury.

   A proceeding begun by the Government of the United States, in
   the spring of 1905, to ascertain the lawfulness or
   unlawfulness of the methods of business pursued by the
   so-called Tobacco Trust, was embarrassed by the refusal of a
   witness to give evidence for which he was summoned before the
   grand jury of the Circuit Court of the United States for the
   Southern District of New York. The case pending was between
   the United States and the American Tobacco Company and
   MacAndrews & Forbes Company. The witness, Hale, was secretary
   and treasurer of the MacAndrews & Forbes Company. He refused
   to answer any questions that were put to him concerning the
   business of that company, or to produce any of the books,
   accounts, contracts, correspondence, etc., that were demanded,
   being advised by counsel that he was under no legal obligation
   to do so, and that the evidence given or produced by him might
   tend to incriminate himself. He was held to be in contempt of
   Court and was committed to the custody of the United States
   Marshal. Being then, on a writ of habeas corpus,
   brought before another judge of the same Court, after a
   hearing, the writ was discharged and he was remanded to
   custody (June 18, 1905). An appeal to the Supreme Court
   followed, which was argued in the early days of January, 1906,
   and decided on the 12th of March following.

   The decision of the Court, rendered by Justice Brown, was on
   two issues which it found to be presented in the case: The
   first involving "the immunity of the witness from oral
   examination; the second the legality of his action in refusing
   to produce the documents called for by the subpœna duces
   tecum." The witness justified his refusal to answer questions,
   "1st upon the ground that there was no specific ‘charge’
   pending before the grand jury against any particular person;
   2d that the answers would tend to criminate him." On the first
   point the Court found it "entirely clear that under the
   practice in this country, at least, the examination of
   witnesses need not be preceded by a presentment or indictment
   formally drawn up, but that the grand jury may proceed, either
   upon their own knowledge or upon the examination of witnesses,
   to inquire for themselves whether a crime cognizable by the
   Court has been committed." As to the plea of an apprehended
   self-incrimination, the Court held that the witness was
   protected by the act which provides that no person shall be
   prosecuted on account of anything concerning which he may
   testify or produce evidence. But it was further insisted that
   while the immunity statute may protect individual witnesses it
   would not protect the corporation of which the appellant was
   the agent and representative. "This is true," says the Court,
   "but the answer is that it was not designed to do so. The
   right of a person under the Fifth Amendment to refuse to
   incriminate himself is purely a personal privilege of the
   witness. It was never intended to permit him to plead the fact
   that some third person might be incriminated by his testimony,
   even though he were the agent of such person."

   On the second issue in the case, the substance of the decision
   is in the following passages from it:

   "Having already held that, by reason of the immunity act of
   1903, the witness could not avail himself of the Fifth
   Amendment, it follows that he cannot set up that Amendment as
   against the production of the books and papers, since in
   respect to these he would also be protected by the immunity
   act. … We are of the opinion that there is a clear distinction
   in this particular between an individual and a corporation,
   and that the latter has no right to refuse to submit its books
   and papers for an examination at the suit of the State. … The
   individual may stand upon his constitutional rights as a
   citizen. He is entitled to carry on his private business in
   his own way. … Among his rights are a refusal to incriminate
   himself, and the immunity of himself and his property from
   arrest or seizure except under a warrant of the law. … Upon
   the other hand, the corporation is a creature of the State. It
   is presumed to be incorporated for the benefit of the public.
   … Its rights to act as a corporation are only preserved to it
   so long as it obeys the laws of its creation. There is a
   reserved right in the Legislature to investigate its contracts
   and to find out whether it has exceeded its powers. … The
   defense amounts to this: That an officer of a corporation,
   which is charged with a criminal violation of the statute, may
   plead the criminality of such corporation as a refusal to
   produce its books.
{126}
   To state this proposition is to answer it. While an individual
   may lawfully refuse to answer incriminating questions unless
   protected by an immunity statute, it does not follow that a
   corporation, vested with special privileges and franchises,
   may refuse to show its hand when charged with an abuse of such
   privileges."

   Taking note of the fact that the franchises of the corporation
   in this case were derived from one of the States, the Court
   proceeds to say:

   "Such franchises, so far as they involve questions of
   inter-State commerce, must also be exercised in subordination
   to the power of Congress to regulate such commerce, and in
   respect to this the General Government may also assert a
   sovereign authority to ascertain whether such franchises have
   been exercised in a lawful manner, with due regard to its own
   laws. … The powers of the General Government in this
   particular, in vindication of its own laws, are the same as if
   the corporation had been created by an act of Congress."

   Justices Harlan and McKenna dissented from some of the views
   set forth in the opinion of the majority, as declared by
   Justice Brown, but concurred in the final judgment, which
   affirmed the order of the Circuit Court, remanding the
   prisoner to the custody of the Marshal. Justice Brewer and the
   Chief Justice dissented from the conclusions relative to
   corporations, and from the judgment, holding that "the order
   of the Circuit Court should be reversed and the case remanded
   with instructions to discharge the petitioner, leaving the
   grand jury to initiate new proceedings not subject to the
   objections to this."

      Federal Anti-Trust Decisions, 1900-1906,
      prepared and edited by
      James A. Finch by direction of the Attorney-General,
      Volume 2, page 874
      (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1907).

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1906-1910.
   The Standard Oil Company.
   Suit of the Government for its dissolution.
   Decree for its dissolution by the Circuit Court.
   Appeal to the Supreme Court.

   Entirely distinct from the criminal prosecutions of the
   Standard Oil Company by the United States Government, as
   reviewed above was a suit begun in November, 1906, in the
   United States Circuit Court for the Eastern Division of
   Missouri. The former actions were to penalize the Company for
   violations of the Elkins Act, by the procuring of railway
   rebates. The later suit was to dissolve the combination in
   restraint of trade which the Company was alleged to be, and
   therefore illegally existing, in the view of the Sherman
   Anti-Trust Law. The complaint was directed against the parent
   organization, known as the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey,
   with its various subsidiary corporations. It was also directed
   against seven individuals namely, John D. Rockefeller, William
   Rockefeller, Henry M. Flagler, Henry H. Rogers (now deceased),
   John D. Archbold, Oliver H. Payne, and Charles M. Pratt. The
   main company, its branches, and these individuals were charged
   in the complaint with having entered into an agreement,
   combination, and conspiracy to restrain trade and commerce
   among the several States, to monopolize the trade in
   petroleum, both in its purchase and its shipment and
   transportation by pipe-line, steamships and by rail, also in
   the manufacture and refining of petroleum.

   One of the evidences of its monopoly adduced by the Government
   was the enormity of its earnings which were summarized thus:
   The Standard Oil Trust and the Standard Oil Company, on an
   investment of $69,024,480, had earned up to the end of 1906,
   $838,783,783. Adding the estimated profits of 1907 and 1908,
   we have substantially, the brief states, a billion dollars
   earned by this company in twenty-seven years, with an original
   investment of about $69,000,000.

   The United States asked for a perpetual injunction, and for
   the dissolution of the Standard Oil combination. Hearings were
   held in New York, Washington, Chicago, Cleveland, and St.
   Louis, about four hundred witnesses being examined. It was not
   until the 5th of April, 1909, that the case reached the stage
   of argument, before Judges Walter H. Sanborn, Willis Van
   Devanter, William C. Hook and Elmer B. Adams, constituting the
   United States Circuit Court at St. Louis. The decision of the
   Court was announced on the 20th of the following November, the
   four judges concurring in the opinion, written by Judge
   Sanborn, which held the Standard Oil Company to be an illegal
   corporation and decreed its dissolution. The character of the
   decision appears from the syllabus of Judge Sanborn’s opinion,
   which reads:

   "Congress has power under the commercial clause of the
   Constitution to regulate and restrict the use in commerce
   among the several States, and with foreign nations, of
   contracts, of the method of holding title to property and of
   every other instrumentality employed in that commerce, so far
   as it may be necessary to do so, in order to prevent the
   restraint thereof denounced by the Anti-Trust Act of July 2,
   1890 (26 Stat. 29).

   "Test of the legality of a combination under this act is its
   necessary effect upon competition in commerce among the States
   or with foreign nations. If its necessary effect is only
   incidentally or indirectly to restrict the competition, while
   its chief result is to foster the trade and increase the
   business of those who make and operate it, it does not violate
   that law. But if its necessary effect is to stifle or directly
   and substantially to restrict free competition in commerce
   among the States, or with foreign nations, it is illegal
   within the meaning of that statute.

   "The power to restrict competition in commerce among the
   several States, or with foreign nations, vested in a person or
   an association of persons by a combination, is indicative of
   the character of the combination, because it is to the
   interest of the parties that such a power should be exercised,
   and the presumption is that it will be.

   "The combination in a single corporation or person, by an
   exchange of stock, of the power of many stockholders holding
   the same proportions, respectively, of the majority of the
   stock of each of the several corporations engaged in commerce
   in the same articles among the States, or with foreign
   nations, to restrict competition therein, renders the power
   thus vested in the former greater, more easily exercised, more
   durable, and more effective than that previously held by the
   stockholders, and it is illegal.

{127}

   "In 1899 the stockholders of the Standard Oil Company of New
   Jersey owned a majority of the stock of nineteen other
   corporations in the same proportions that they owned the stock
   of the Standard Company, and those twenty corporations
   controlled by the owners of the majority of their stock or
   otherwise many other corporations. Each of these corporations
   was engaged in some part of the business of producing, buying,
   refining, transporting, and selling petroleum and its
   products, and they were conducting about 30 per cent. of the
   production of the crude oil and more than 75 per cent. of the
   business of the purchasing, refining, transporting, and
   selling petroleum and its products in this country. Many of
   them were engaged in commerce in these articles among the
   several States and with foreign nations, and were naturally
   competitive.

   "During the ten years prior to 1879 the seven individual
   defendants had acquired control of many corporations,
   partnerships, and refiners that had been competing in this
   business, had placed the majority of the stock of those
   corporations and the interests in property in business thus
   obtained in various trustees to be held and operated by them
   for the stockholders of the Standard Oil Company, one of the
   nineteen companies in which the individual defendants were
   principal stockholders, and had thereby suppressed competition
   among these corporations and partnerships.

   "In 1879, they and their associates caused all the trustees to
   convey their interests in the stock, property and business of
   these corporations to five trustees, to be held, operated and
   distributed by them for the stockholders of the Standard
   Company of Ohio. From 1879, until 1892, they prevented these
   corporations and others engaged in this business, of which
   they secured control, from competing in this commerce by
   causing the control of their operations and generally of a
   majority of their stocks, to be held in trust for the
   stockholders of the Standard Company of Ohio, and, from 1892,
   until 1899, they accomplished the same result by a similar
   stock-holding device, and by the joint equitable ownership of
   the majority of the stocks of the corporations."

   Appeal from the decree has been taken to the Supreme Court,
   where it was preceded by the appeal of the Tobacco Trust from
   a similar decree, involving substantially the same questions,
   according to what seems to be the general view of the Bar. On
   the 17th of January, 1910, the Supreme Court of the United
   States granted the motion of the Government for the
   advancement on the docket of the Standard Oil case, and set
   the hearing for March 14.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907.
   The chief existing combinations.
   Their operation through stock ownership.

   "Passing the matter of railroad combinations, as to which it
   may be said that through stock ownership the control of all
   American lines is now concentrated in seven groups of parent
   properties, we are chiefly concerned with the practical use
   that has been made of the new corporate power by the largest
   and strongest of our manufacturing and industrial enterprises.

   "The United States Steel Corporation, organized under the laws
   of New Jersey, with a capital stock of $1,100,000,000 owns a
   majority of the stock of eleven subsidiary companies, and
   controls industries scattered over the entire country under
   different styles and corporate names. This corporation owns or
   manages 213 manufacturing and transportation plants and
   forty-one mines located in eighteen different States; it has
   more than 1,000 miles of railroad tracks to ore, coke and
   manufacturing properties, and a lake fleet of 112 vessels.
   This stock ownership gives it control of hundreds of millions
   of capital that is not represented by its own billion dollars
   of stock.

   "The Amalgamated Copper Company, incorporated in New Jersey,
   has no asset whatever except the stocks of other corporations.
   It owns all the stock of four operating companies and a
   controlling interest in seven others, and has taken them over
   by an issue of $155,000,000 of its own stock.

   "The American Smelting and Refining Company, organized under
   the laws of New Jersey, controls the business of thirteen
   corporations, in which it either owns the entire stock or a
   majority interest. Associated with it are the American Linseed
   Company, the National Lead Company and the United Lead
   Company, and they together control twenty-eight concerns and
   ninety-three affiliated corporations.

   "The Standard Oil Company, incorporated in New Jersey, with a
   capital stock of $110,000,000, controls, directs and manages
   more than seventy corporations through its possession of a
   majority of their stock. Some of these companies own stock in
   still other corporations, and all together the combine
   operates more than 400 separate and distinct properties, thus
   monopolizing 90 per cent, of the export oil trade and 84 per
   cent. of the domestic trade. The market value of its
   capitalization is about $650,000,000, and all this vast
   property was brought together under one head without the
   payment of a single dollar of cash, the whole consolidation
   being effected through the issue of stock in the holding
   company in payment of stock in the companies that are held.

   "The United Gas Improvement Company, incorporated in
   Pennsylvania, own stock in thirty corporations doing the
   character of business for which it was organized, and in
   addition to this is interested in numerous street railway
   properties, including the New York City surface railways. With
   it is allied the Public Service Corporation of New Jersey and
   the Rhode Island Securities Company, which last named owns all
   the stock of the Rhode Island Company, which again has leased
   for 999 years several of the most important railroad companies
   doing business in that State. The power of this corporation,
   through this system of stock ownership, is scarcely
   calculable, and the value of properties controlled would equal
   hundreds of millions, although its own capital stock is but
   $36,000,000.

   "The American Tobacco Company, organized under the laws of New
   Jersey, with a capital stock of $40,000,000, practically
   controls the whole market through its ownership of the stock
   of innumerable other corporations.

   "The International Harvester Company, incorporated in New
   Jersey, with a capital stock of $120,000,000, while probably
   not a holding company, maintains most, if not all, the
   corporations which it has bought out, and they are operated as
   if they were distinct and competing concerns.

   "The American Sugar Refining Company, incorporated in New
   Jersey, with a common stock of $40,000,000, controls
   fifty-three other corporations.

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   "The American Telegraph and Telephone Company, incorporated in
   New York, with a capital stock of $250,000,000 controls,
   through stock ownership, thirty-five subsidiary corporations.

   "The Western Union Telegraph Company owns stock in twenty-four
   other corporations; the Distillers’ Security Company owns 90
   per cent. of the stocks of the Distilling Company of America,
   and has acquired ninety-three plants, representing 60 per
   cent. of the industry; the Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company
   owns the stock of twelve elevated and street railway
   companies; the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company owns the stock
   of seven others; the Metropolitan Securities Company of New
   York owns the stock of many traction companies, and the
   controlling interest in others; the Inter-State Railways of
   New Jersey own all the stock of the United Power and
   Transportation Company, which latter company controls the
   capital and franchises of about forty other projected
   companies in New Jersey and Pennsylvania; while the
   International Mercantile Marine Company of New Jersey owns a
   majority of the shares of many of the most important steamship
   companies whose vessels cross the Atlantic Ocean.

   "These are but a few instances of the promotion of
   combinations through stock ownership."

      Wade H. Ellis,
      Attorney-General of Ohio,
      Paper read at National Conference on Trusts and
      Combinations, Chicago, October 22, 1907.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907.
   National Conference on the Trust Question, invited
   by the National Civic Federation.

   A remarkably representative and impressive assembly at
   Chicago, of delegates from all parts of the country, and
   voicing all interests, was brought about by the invitation of
   the National Civic Federation, in October, 1907, for a
   thorough discussion of the questions which troubled the
   country and confused its attitude toward Trusts and
   Combinations, as subjects of regulation by law. There had been
   a similar conference at Chicago in 1899, at the call of the
   Civic Federation of that city; but no common ground of
   agreement could then be found. The subject, as was afterwards
   said, "was too new, too vaguely understood for men to be of
   one mind in regard to it." But eight years later, in 1907, "it
   appeared to the leaders of the National Civic Federation not
   improbable that a new conference might lead to some definite
   pronouncement of opinion. … Leaders of opinion in all walks of
   life gave the project their hearty endorsement. … The matter
   was taken up with great interest by the Governors of the
   several States and by the presidents of commercial bodies, who
   named delegates in response to the invitation of the National
   Civic Federation. A significant evidence of this greater
   interest is found in the larger number of delegations
   appointed in 1907 than in 1899. The records show the
   following:

   Delegations.             1899. 1907.

   Appointed by Governors    33    39

   Appointed by national
   and State organizations   22    33

   Appointed by
   labor organizations        7    14

   Appointed by local
   commercial bodies         33    58

   Total                     95   144

   "Furthermore, the attendance of 492 delegates in 1907 might be
   contrasted with that of 238 delegates at the earlier
   conference.

   "The conference of 1907, though larger in numbers, was much
   more of a unit in sentiment. It developed at an early stage of
   the discussion that there was no important element
   antagonizing the trust and combination as such. There were few
   speakers who failed to dwell upon the advantages which had
   accrued to the nation from some combinations, and from the
   spirit of association which, after all, cannot be separated
   from them. On the other hand, there was no lack of emphasis in
   dwelling upon the evils which had been disclosed among trusts
   and combinations.

   "The resolutions of the conference, adopted by a unanimous
   vote, reveal these tendencies. They are a call for further
   examination and more light, but a call for such examination
   along certain pretty well-defined lines. They should receive
   the attention of Congress as an expression of the popular will
   on this pressing question."

   The Conference held nine sessions, extending over four days,
   focusing the thought of the best minds of the country, and the
   counsels of the largest practical experience, on all points in
   the many-sided problem before it. On all that appear most
   important among those points it came to a full and clear
   agreement in its conclusions, as embodied in the following
   resolutions, which were adopted by unanimous vote, a committee
   being appointed to present them to Congress and to the
   President:

   "After twenty years of Federal legislation as interpreted by
   the courts, directed against the evils of trusts and
   combinations, and against railroad rebates, beginning with the
   interstate commerce act of 1887 and the anti-trust act of
   1890, a general and just conviction exists that the experience
   gained in enforcing these federal acts and others succeeding
   them demonstrates the necessity of legislation which shall
   render more secure the benefits already gained and better meet
   the changed conditions which have arisen during a long period
   of active progress, both in the enforcement of statute law and
   in the removal of grave abuses in the management of railroads
   and corporations. These changes now demanded are:

   "First—Immediate legislation is required, following the
   recommendation of President Roosevelt and the Interstate
   Commerce Commission, permitting agreements between railroad
   corporations on reasonable freight and passenger rates,
   subject in all respects to the approval, supervision, and
   action of the Interstate Commerce Commission.

   "Second—The enforcement of the Sherman act and the proceedings
   under it during the administrations of Presidents Harrison,
   Cleveland, McKinley, and Roosevelt have accomplished great
   national results in awakening the moral sense of the American
   people and in asserting the supremacy and majesty of the law,
   thus effectually refuting the impression that great wealth and
   large corporations were too powerful for the impartial
   execution of law. This great advance has rendered more secure
   all property rights, resting, as they must, under a popular
   government, on universal respect for and obedience to law. But
   now that this work is accomplished, it has revealed the
   necessity for legislation which shall maintain all that the
   Sherman act was intended to secure and safeguard interests it
   was never expected to affect.

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   "As the next step in executing the determination of the
   American people to secure in all industrial and commercial
   relations justice and equality of opportunity for all, with
   full sympathy and loyal support for every effort to enforce
   the laws in the past, we urge upon Congress without delay to
   pass legislation providing for a non-partisan commission, in
   which the interests of capital, of labor, and of the general
   public shall be represented. This commission, like a similar
   commission, which proved most successful in Germany in 1870,
   shall consider the entire subject of business and industrial
   combinations and report such proposals, as to the formation,
   capitalization, management and regulation of corporations (so
   far as the same may be subject to federal jurisdiction) as
   shall preserve individual initiative competition, and the free
   exercise of a free contract in all business and industrial
   relations. Any proposed legislation should also include
   modification of the prohibition now existing upon combinations
   on the following subjects:

   "1. National and local organizations of labor and their trade
   agreements with employers relating to wages, hours of labor,
   and conditions of employment.

   "2. Associations made up of farmers, intended to secure a
   stable and equitable market for the products of the soil free
   from fluctuations due to speculation.

   "3. Business and industrial agreements of combinations whose
   objects are in the public interest as distinguished from
   objects determined to be contrary to the public interest.

   "4. Such commission should make a thorough inquiry into the
   advisability of inaugurating a system of federal license or
   incorporation as a condition for the entrance of certain
   classes of corporations upon interstate commerce and also into
   the relation to the public interest of the purchase by one
   corporation of the franchises or corporate stock of another.

   "On no one of these subjects must what has been gained be
   sacrificed until something better appears for enactment. On
   each, this conference recognizes differences between good men.
   On all, it asks a national non-partisan commission to be
   appointed next winter to consider the question and report at
   the second session of the approaching Congress for such action
   as the national legislature, in the light of this full
   investigation, may enact.

   "Third—The examination, inspection and supervision of great
   producing and manufacturing corporations, already begun by the
   Department of Commerce and Labor and accepted by these
   corporations, should be enlarged by legislation requiring,
   through the appropriate bureaus of the Department of Commerce
   and Labor, complete publicity in the capitalization, accounts,
   operations, transportation charges paid, and selling prices of
   all such producing and manufacturing corporations whose
   operations are large enough to have a monopolistic influence.
   This should be determined and decided by some rule and
   classification to be devised by the commission already
   proposed.

   "Fourth—The conflicts between State and Federal authorities
   raised in many States over railroad rates being now under
   adjudication and under way to a final and ultimate decision by
   the Federal Supreme Court, this conference deems the
   expression of an opinion on these issues unfitting, and
   confidently leaves this great issue to a tribunal which for
   118 years has successfully preserved the balance between an
   indissoluble union and indestructible State, defining the
   supreme and national powers of the one and protecting the
   sovereign and individual powers of the other."

      Proceedings of the National Conference
      on Trusts and Combinations,
      Chicago, October 22-25, 1907
      (New York: National Civic Federation, 1908).

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Thievery of the Sugar Trust.

   In the fall of 1907 disclosures were made to the Government
   which led to an investigation of the methods whereby imports
   of raw sugar for the American Sugar Refining Company, known
   commonly as the Sugar Trust, were weighed for the payment of
   Customs duties, at the Company’s docks in Williamsburgh and
   Jersey City. The result of the investigation was to prove that
   this enormously wealthy corporation, not satisfied with
   extortions of profit from the public by its monopoly of the
   vast sugar trade of the country, had stooped to practices of
   systematic theft from the Government, by devices that would
   almost shame the professional players of a thimble rigging
   game. Several ingenious inventions of trickery with the
   weighing scales had been employed at the sugar docks prior to
   1904, but the crowning one appears to have been brought to use
   in that year. "This," said the New York Evening Post of
   April 29, 1909, in a full rehearsal of the story of the Sugar
   Trust larcenies, "consisted of a thin steel corset spring,
   which was inserted through a hole drilled in the uprights or
   stanchions supporting the scales. If inserted at a time when
   there was a load on the platform, its pressure against the
   walking beam of the scale resulted in creating a false
   balance, and in making the load appear considerably lighter
   than it really was. This little device proved to be so
   satisfactory for the purposes for which it was designed that
   it was fitted to all the seventeen government scales at the
   Havemeyer & Elder refinery. Holes were drilled in the
   stanchions of each of the scales—hence the ‘case of the
   seventeen holes’ to which Mr. Stimson called attention. So
   successful was the operation of this mechanism that it was
   used constantly down to the very day, November 20, 1907, when
   a United States Treasury agent found it in use.

   "The method of use was simple. The scales were placed with the
   stanchions in a dark corner, next to the wall, and close
   beside this stanchion sat the company’s checker, whose
   ostensible duty it was to record in a little book the weight
   of each load as it was read off to him by the government
   weigher standing at the other end of the scale. The checker’s
   really important duty seems to have been, however, to
   manipulate the steel spring through the hole in the stanchion,
   so that on each truck load, the company which employed him was
   saved the payment of duty on some fourteen pounds of sugar.

   "Evidence was adduced at the subsequent trial to show that the
   company considered this special service on the part of its
   checkers worthy of additional compensation. For although there
   were seventeen scales, all of which could be used for this
   purpose, practically all the weighing was done on six, and the
   six reliable checkers who, year in and year out, operated the
   little steel springs, all received extra pay in their weekly
   pay envelopes for this service."

{130}

   Consequent on the discovery of these facts, "several
   indictments were found against the Sugar Trust’s employees,
   and with that discovery as a basis the government began to
   work up its case. … When the government came to work up its
   case and to fix approximately the amount out of which it had
   been defrauded, it was found possible to present a piece of
   evidence which so thoroughly clinched the case that defence,
   when it came to be made, was so weak as to be negligible. This
   evidence consisted of a tabulation comparing the weights of
   sugar on which duty was paid and the weights for which the
   company paid the planters between the time the first cargo of
   sugar of December, 1901, arrived at the refinery and the
   discovery of the fraud in November, 1907.

   "It took a score or more of accountants working steadily for
   six months to complete the tabulation, but when it was
   finished the astonishing corroborative story it told made it
   well worth all the time and trouble expended. Never was there
   a better example of the deadly parallel. For every entry the
   weights on which duties were levied was set alongside of the
   weights for which the company paid the planters."

   The first result of the proceedings of the Government against
   the thievish Trust was a pecuniary settlement with it,
   concerning which the following official statement was given
   out at Washington, by Attorney-General Wickersham, on the 29th
   of April, 1909:

   "The Attorney-General, with the concurrence of the Secretary
   of the Treasury, has just approved a settlement between the
   American Sugar Refining Company and the United States
   Government of all the claims which the latter has against it
   arising out of the fraudulent weighing on the docks of its
   refineries at Brooklyn and Jersey City. In making this
   settlement the sugar company pays in full the recent judgment
   for the penalty in the amount of $134,411.03, which was
   awarded against it by the jury in the case tried in the
   federal court last March, with interest, and agrees to take no
   appeal from the judgment.

   "In addition to this, it pays into the United States treasury
   $2,000,000 more, representing the duties which have been
   unpaid during the last twelve years, owing to the fraudulent
   practices, $1,239,088.97 of this amount has already been paid
   in under protest to Collector Loeb on his reliquidation, as a
   result of the trial above mentioned, of the duties upon the
   cargoes entered at the Havemeyer & Elder refineries between
   the years 1901 and 1907, when the frauds were discovered.

   "The sugar company abandons its protests on these payments and
   gives up its right to appeal from Mr. Loeb’s reliquidation and
   in addition to this pays into the United States treasury the
   above judgment and over $760,000 more to cover the duties
   unpaid at the Havemeyer & Elder docks prior to 1901 and at the
   Jersey City refinery between 1896 and 1906.

   "This settlement with the sugar company in nowise affects the
   criminal prosecution of the individuals who are responsible
   for the perpetration of these frauds, and such prosecutions
   will be pressed to a finish by the government."

   [Soon after this settlement with the Government by the Sugar
   Trust for shortage in payment of duties, the firm of Arbuckle
   Brothers made a similar settlement, paying $695,573.19.]

   A few days after the above announcement of a pecuniary
   settlement with the American Sugar Refining Company, the Grand
   Jury of the Circuit Court in the New York District presented
   indictments against Oliver Spitzer, who was superintendent on
   the company’s docks, Thomas Kehoe, Eugene M. Voelker, Edward
   A. Boyle, J. R. Coyle, J. M. Halligan, Jr., and Patrick J.
   Hennessy.

   In November, further indictments were found against these
   employees of the company, and James F. Bendernagel, general
   superintendent of the Williamsburgh refinery for many years
   past, was arrested on an indictment found by the same grand
   jury. The trial of the accused, in the United States District
   Court, was opened on the 30th of November.

   On the 17th of January, 1910, Charles R. Heike, secretary and
   treasurer of the American Sugar Refining Company, was
   arraigned before Judge Hough in the criminal branch of the
   United States Circuit Court, charged with making false entries
   and conspiring to defraud the government.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Suit of the Government against the Tobacco Trust.
   Decree of Circuit Court restraining the combined
   companies from interstate and foreign trade.

   On the 10th of July, 1907, the Government began suit at New
   York against the so-called Tobacco Trust. The defendants in
   the case included 65 corporations and 27 individuals, the
   principals, however, being six companies, namely, the American
   Tobacco Company, the British-American Tobacco Company, the
   Imperial Tobacco Company, the American Snuff Company, the
   American Cigar Company, and the United American Cigarette
   Company. Of these the parent organization, dominating all the
   others, is the American Tobacco Company, which began the
   finally gigantic combination in a small way in 1890. The
   object sought in the Government’s suit was an injunction to
   restrain the combination as such from engaging in interstate
   and foreign trade, or for the appointment of receivers to take
   the management of the business concerned.

   The case was argued before the Second Circuit Court of the
   United States in May, 1908, and the decision of the Court was
   announced on the 7th of November following, Judges Lacombe,
   Noyes, and Coxe agreeing and Judge Ward dissenting. The Court
   found that an injunction should issue against some, but not
   all, of the principal defendants, to prevent the continuance
   of their violation of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law. It acquitted
   the Trust, however, of the charge of dishonest and oppressive
   practices, and it denied the application for receiverships.
   The final decree of the Court was filed on the 15th of
   December, 1908.

   Appeals to the Supreme Court of the United States were taken,
   both by the Government and by the defendants, and the case was
   pending in that Court at the close of the year 1909. Mean time
   the decree has been in suspense.

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COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Suit to dissolve the alleged Anthracite Coal Combination.

   The following statements were made in an Associated Press
   despatch from Philadelphia, March 8, 1909:

   "Testimony of the Government in its suit against the
   anthracite coal-carrying railroads and several coal companies,
   to dissolve a so-called Trust agreement, alleged to be
   existing among them, has been filed in the Circuit Court of
   the United States for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

   "Suit was begun here on June 12, 1907, and in the course of
   three months all the defendants made answer, denying the
   allegations of the Government. Subsequently, the court
   appointed an examiner to take testimony, and a great part of
   last year was taken up in hearing witnesses, sessions being
   held mainly in Philadelphia and New York.

   "The Government closed its case in New York several weeks ago,
   having taken more than its allotted time, and the next move
   will be for the Government to file a motion apportioning a
   certain amount of time for the defendant companies to present
   their witnesses for examination. Much of the testimony thus
   far has been documentary, and it is believed this will be the
   case with the defendants. After all the testimony is filed
   with the court for review, arguments will be had on the case.

   "It is impossible at this time to indicate when the case will
   be ended, but it seems probable that a year or more will have
   elapsed before it is legally decided whether a hard coal
   monopoly, as alleged, exists in Pennsylvania."

      See, also, proceedings under the "Commodities Clause" of
      the Hepburn Act, and decision of United States Supreme
      Court, in this Volume, under RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D.
      1906-1909.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1908.
   Declarations in Party Platforms on Trusts.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Amending the Sherman Anti-Trust Law.
   Action of the National Civic Federation.

   The resolutions adopted at the great National Conference of
   1907 on the Trust Question, as recited above, were duly
   presented to Congress at its next session, and to the
   President, with results which were stated at the annual
   meeting of the National Civic Federation in December, 1908, by
   its President, the Honorable Seth Low, as follows:

   "When these resolutions were presented to the two Houses, the
   Conference Committee was asked to submit a definite Bill in
   legislative form to carry out its proposals. The Conference
   itself had given no such authority to any Committee; but, in
   view of the situation as it had developed, the Executive
   Committee of the Federation took the matter up. The result of
   its action was the preparation of a Bill, which was submitted
   in due time to Congress, and which became the subject of
   numerous hearings before the Judiciary Committees both of the
   House and of the Senate, but especially of the House. The Bill
   of last spring was based upon the belief that at that time,
   and before the approaching Presidential election, it would be
   impossible to change the substantive law as embodied in the
   Sherman Anti-Trust Act. This being taken for granted, it
   became impossible to do more than propose a method by which,
   without changing the law, certain restraints of trade, if not
   disapproved in advance by some government authority, might be
   assured freedom from prosecution. The hearings before the
   Congressional Committees made it evident that no relief from
   the embarrassments caused by the Sherman Anti-Trust Law can be
   looked for along this line of procedure. Perhaps it ought also
   to be said that none ought to be looked for, because the
   situation really calls for a change in the substantive
   provisions of the law. Let no one imagine, however, that it is
   an easy thing to say what such changes in the law ought to be.
   Your Committee last spring began its work in the hope that it
   would be able to submit a law which would command very large
   support, not only from employers but also from organized
   labor. After working upon the subject for many weeks, the Bill
   which it actually presented commanded no large measure of
   support from either. The mercantile classes favor amendments
   to the law which, instead of forbidding all restraints of
   trade, will forbid only unreasonable restraints of trade; and
   which will provide amnesty for the past,
   (1) on the theoretical ground that what has been done has
   often been done without any realization that it was contrary
   to the law; and
   (2) on the practical ground that to attempt to rip up what has
   already been done will destroy the industry of the country. The
   representatives of organized labor, on the other hand, ask to
   be omitted altogether from the provisions of the Sherman Act.
   It is evident to your Committee that the changes desired by
   the mercantile classes are going to meet with very serious
   objection, unless they are combined with some positive
   legislation which will provide some effective method of
   assuring to the country, in the future, the power to protect
   itself in advance from new combinations in the industrial
   sphere, such as have been made in the past, and which
   originally created the sentiment which placed the Sherman
   Anti-Trust Law upon the statute books.

   "In other words, precisely as a city may desire to limit the
   height of buildings, for the future, without taking down those
   that are already erected, so many persons believe that the
   right to make commercial combinations, in the future, should
   be under some sort of governmental control, even though those
   already formed be left unmolested; and such persons, also,
   believe that there is the same inherent right in the body
   politic to do the one as the other. On the other hand, the
   demand of organized labor to be exempted altogether from the
   operations of this Act has been objected to in the past, and
   is likely to be objected to in the future, as class
   legislation of a kind that has no place on American soil,
   because organized labor is believed to be capable of
   exercising restraint of trade no less than commercial
   corporations.

   "These being the terms of the problem, it is apparent, on the
   face of things, that the effort to amend the Sherman
   Anti-Trust Law in any effective way is beset by difficulties
   at every turn. … The whole subject is made infinitely
   difficult by the Constitutional limitations upon the power of
   Congress, which have led the United States Supreme Court to
   decide, in effect, that Congress can regulate inter-State
   commerce, but cannot regulate the corporation that does it;
   because the corporation that does inter-State commerce is a
   creature of the State and not of the United States. The
   separate States, on the other hand, can regulate the
   corporations that do inter State commerce, because they create
   them; but the States cannot regulate the inter-state commerce
   that is done, because under the United States Constitution,
   inter-State commerce is under National control. It cannot be
   too clearly apprehended that the effect of this situation is,
   that neither sovereignty—neither the National sovereignty nor
   the State sovereignty—can regulate both the agent that does
   inter-State commerce and the inter-State commerce that is
   done."

{132}

   In the National Civic Federation Review of March, 1909,
   it was announced that "the Executive Council of the National
   Civic Federation has appointed a committee to draft proposed
   amendments to the Sherman Anti-Trust act. By request of the
   lawyers upon the committee Seth Low will serve as chairman.
   The other members are Frederick P. Fish, of Boston; Frederick
   N. Judson, of St. Louis; Reuben D. Silliman, of New York, and
   Henry W. Taft, of New York.

   "No attempt will be made to submit anything to the present
   session of Congress. It is proposed to draft a tentative bill
   as soon as a careful study of the problems will permit. This
   will then be submitted for examination and suggestion to
   various representative bodies in all parts of the country, and
   with the aid of the comments thus received the final draft of
   the bill to be submitted will be prepared."

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
   Report of the Commissioner of Corporations on the
   Tobacco Combination, or so-called Trust.

   Parts of an elaborate report on the organization of the
   Tobacco Combination were published in February, 1909, by the
   Commissioner of Corporations, Herbert Knox Smith. It showed
   the combination to be composed of "the American Tobacco
   Company and its three great subsidiary combinations, the
   American Snuff Company, the American Cigar Company, and the
   British-American Company, besides eighty two other subsidiary
   concerns doing business in the United States, Porto Rico, and
   Cuba. The combination represents a total net capitalization of
   over $316,000,000. A very small group of ten stockholders
   controls 60 per cent. of the outstanding voting stock of the
   American Tobacco Company, through which company the entire
   combination is controlled."

   A list of the subsidiary companies controlled, "including over
   twenty hitherto secretly controlled, so-called ‘bogus
   independent concerns,'" is given in the report. It is shown
   also that the combination is practically the only important
   exporter of tobacco manufactures from this country. In 1891
   the combination controlled 89 per cent. of the business of
   cigarette manufactures, and this proportion practically is
   maintained. In cigars its output increased from 4 per cent. of
   the business in 1897 to 14.7 per cent, in 1906; while in
   manufactured tobacco (chewing, smoking, fine-cut, and snuff)
   "the combination’s output increased from 7 per cent. of the
   total in 1891 to 77 per cent. in 1906. Finally, in 1906, the
   combination controlled of these separate products,
   respectively, plug, 82 per cent.; smoking, 71 per cent.;
   fine-cut, 81 per cent., and snuff, 96 per cent." In the year
   1906 the combination used in the manufacture of its various
   products nearly 300,000,000 pounds of leaf tobacco. The report
   adds:

   "An idea of the absorption of competing plants and of the
   changes through combination within the last decade may be had
   from the fact that in 1897 the combination had ten plants,
   each producing over 50,000 pounds of manufactured tobacco or
   snuff per year, while there were 243 independent plants of the
   same class. In 1906, on the other hand, the combination had 45
   plants of this class, and independent manufacturers 140.
   Especially conspicuous has been the absorption of the large
   plants. In 1897 the combination had eight plants, each
   producing over 1,000,000 pounds of these products per year,
   while its competitors had forty-six such plants. In 1906 the
   combination had thirty-four plants of this size, and
   independent concerns only seventeen."

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
   Merger of Telephone and Telegraph Corporations.

   Announcement of one of the most important financial mergers of
   recent years was made November 16, 1909, when the American
   Telephone and Telegraph Company disclosed its acquirement of
   control of the Western Union Telegraph Company. "The American
   Telephone and Telegraph Company has obtained the control of a
   substantial minority interest in the shares of the Western
   Union Telegraph Company," was the wording of the official
   statement, but it became known that sufficient voting rights
   of other stock had been obtained to give the telephone
   interests control of the telegraph company.

   According to a statement issued on May 1, 1909, the total
   capital and outstanding interest-bearing obligations of the
   American Telephone and Telegraph Company and allied systems
   was $592,475,400. This amount included capital stock
   aggregating $361,636,800, subdivided as follows: American
   Telephone and Telegraph Company, $208,393,500; associated
   operating companies in the United States and Canada, about
   thirty-five in number, $142,674,400; associated holding and
   manufacturing companies, $10,668,900. "The Western Union has a
   capitalization of $125,000,000 in stock and $40,000,000 in
   bonds.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
   Threatened combination to control the Water Power of the
   country.

   Speaking at the National Irrigation Congress, convened at
   Spokane, Washington, in August, 1909, the National Forester,
   Gifford Pinchot, declared that, notwithstanding the
   contradictions issued by the parties in interest, a gigantic
   combination was forming to seize the sources of the country’s
   water power, and be in a position later to dominate all
   industry.

   "There could be no better illustration," he said, "of the
   eager, rapid, unwearied absorption by capital of the rights
   which belong to all the people than the Water Power Trust, not
   yet formed, but in rapid progress of formation. This statement
   is true, but not unchallenged. We are met at every turn by the
   indignant denial of the water power interests. They tell us
   that there is no community of interest among them, and yet
   they appear year after year at these Congresses by their paid
   attorneys, asking for your influence to help them remove the
   few remaining obstacles to their perpetual and complete
   absorption of the remaining water powers. They tell us it has
   no significance that the General Electric interests are
   acquiring great groups of water powers in various parts of the
   United States, and dominating the power market in the region
   of each group. And whoever dominates power, dominates all
   industry. … The time for us to agitate this question is now,
   before the separate circles of centralized control spread into
   the uniform, unbroken, nation-wide covering of a single
   gigantic Trust. There will be little chance for mere agitation
   after that. No man at all familiar with the situation can
   doubt that the time for effective protest is very short."

{133}

   The same warning has been given by others who are in a
   position to speak with knowledge, and heed has been given to
   them by the Government. The annual report of the Secretary of
   the Interior, the Honorable Richard A. Ballinger, made public
   November 28, 1909, contained the following important
   announcement: "In anticipation of new legislation by Congress
   to prevent the acquisition of power sites on the public domain
   by private persons or corporations with the view of
   monopolizing or adversely controlling them against the public
   interest, there have been temporarily withdrawn from all forms
   of entry approximately 603,355 acres, covering all locations
   known to possess power possibilities on unappropriated lands
   outside of national forests. Without such withdrawals these
   sites would be enterable under existing laws, and their
   patenting would leave the general government powerless to
   impose any limitations as to their use.

   "If the Federal government desires to exercise control or
   supervision over water-power development on the public domain,
   it can only do so by limitations imposed upon the disposal of
   power and reservoir sites upon the public lands, the waters of
   the streams being subject to State jurisdiction in their
   appropriation and beneficial use. I would, therefore, advise
   that the Congress be asked to enact a measure that will
   authorize the classification of all lands capable of being
   used for water-power development, and to direct their
   disposal, through this department. …

   "Unreasonable or narrow restrictions beyond the necessity of
   public protection against monopoly, or extortion in charges,
   will, of course, defeat development and serve no useful
   purpose. The statute should, therefore, while giving full
   protection against the abuses of the privileges extended, so
   far as consistent, encourage investment in these projects; and
   it must always be borne in mind that excessive charges for the
   franchise will fall upon the consumer. Legislation of this
   character proceeds upon the theory that Congress can impose
   such contractual terms and conditions as it sees fit in the
   sale or use permitted of government lands so long as such
   limitations do not conflict with the powers properly exercised
   by the State wherein they may be situated."

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
   The Sugar Trust settles a conspiracy charge.

   While the American Sugar Refining Company, in the spring of
   1909, was being forced to make good to the Government its long
   cheating of the Custom House, it was being compelled, at the
   same time, to indemnify a competitor in business, whom it had
   ruined by means which the Sherman Anti-Trust Law forbade. Its
   victim was the Pennsylvania Sugar Refining Company, whose
   refinery had been established by Mr. Adolph Segal, of
   Philadelphia, in 1903. Segal became financially embarrassed,
   and was lured into taking a loan of $1,250,000, from a person
   who acted secretly in the transaction for the American Sugar
   Refining Company. The loan was made on terms which gave the
   lender control of a majority of the stock of the Pennsylvania
   Sugar Refining Company, and Mr. Segal found, when too late,
   that the real lender was the Sugar Trust. It used its power to
   shutdown the plant, which was said to be the most perfect of
   its kind, and the Pennsylvania Company was wrecked. It brought
   a suit for damages to the amount of $30,000,000, inflicted
   upon it in contravention of the Anti-Trust Law. Before the
   trial ended, the defendants found so much reason to fear its
   outcome that negotiations were opened which resulted (June 8,
   1909) in a settlement of the claim outside of court. The
   settlement was said to involve a cash payment by the American
   Company to the Pennsylvania Company of $750,000, the
   cancellation of the $1,250,000 loan made by the trust to
   Adolph Segal, of Philadelphia, and the return of the
   securities given by Segal as collateral for the loan.

   Subsequently the Government procured indictments of certain of
   the officials of the American Sugar Refining Company for their
   participation in the conspiracy; but the prosecution was
   blocked in October by a decision from Judge Holt, of the
   United States Circuit Court, that the acts charged were
   outlawed by the statute of limitations. Later, in November, it
   was reported that the Government was preparing an appeal to
   the Supreme Court.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
   Dissolution of a Paper-making Combination.

   By a decree of the United States Circuit Court, Judge Hough,
   at New York, in May, 1909, the Fiber and Manila Association, a
   combination of 25 paper manufacturers, located in many parts
   of the country, East and West, was adjudged to be an illegal
   combination in restraint of trade, and perpetually enjoined
   from further operations in such combination. The members were
   enjoined further from fixing prices or the qualities that
   shall be manufactured or to maintain any pool or fund made up
   of contributions from its members. Counsel for the Association
   announced that no appeal would be made.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
   Chartering of the United Dry Goods Companies.

   "Details of the greatest dry goods combination ever attempted
   in this country were available to-day for the first time since
   the United Dry Goods Companies took out a Delaware charter
   last Friday [April 21, 1909], The concern will control many of
   the largest dry goods stores in this city and at important
   commercial centres of the South and West, acting first as a
   holding company and later possibly as an operating concern,
   with headquarters here. John Claflin will be the head of the
   combination. The present managers of the various absorbed
   stores will be continued. J. P. Morgan & Co. are financing the
   deal, and public announcement will be made immediately.

   "The United Dry Goods Companies will have a capital of
   $51,000,000. Of this only $20,000,000 will be immediately
   issued in the form of $10,000,000 7 per cent. cumulative
   preferred stock and $10,000,000 common stock. The preferred
   stock has preference as to both assets and dividends. The new
   combination will purchase $8,650,000 of the outstanding
   $17,250,000 capital stock of the Associated Merchants’
   Company. …

   "John Claflin said this afternoon that the new company would
   not buy any mills, as it was not the purpose of the
   combination to control the sources of production. All the
   stores—there are more than forty, which the United Companies
   and its allies will own in whole or in part—will be free to
   purchase from whatever interests they wish, without being
   restricted to any one market or to the product of any special
   mills. The general business will be directed from the city,
   but resident directors at different centres will have full
   charge of the detail work."

      New York Evening Post,
      May, 25-26, 1909.

{134}

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
   The illegality of a Trust invalidates a debt to it.

   In a suit brought by the Continental Wall Paper Company to
   recover a debt, payment of which was resisted on the ground
   that the Company was an illegal combination in restraint of
   trade, the Supreme Court of the United States, on the 1st of
   February, 1909, affirmed a judgment of the Circuit Court of
   Appeals which had dismissed the suit. The case was so decided
   by a bare majority of one. The opinion of the majority,
   delivered by Justice Harlan, held that a judgment in favor of
   the Company would give effect to agreements constituting the
   illegal combination. "Upon the whole case," said Justice
   Harlan, "and without further citation of authority, we adjudge
   upon the admitted facts that the combination represented by
   the plaintiff in this case was illegal under the anti-trust
   act of 1890; is to be taken as one intended, and which would
   have the effect, directly to restrain and monopolize trade
   among the several states and with foreign states; and that the
   plaintiff cannot have a judgment for the amount of the account
   sued on because such a judgment would, in effect, be in aid of
   the execution of agreements constituting that illegal
   combination. We consequently hold that the circuit court of
   appeals properly sustained the third defense in the case and
   rightly dismissed the suit."

   In the dissenting opinion by Justice Holmes and others it was
   set forth that "whenever a party knows that he is buying from
   an illegal trust, and still more when he buys at a price that
   he thinks unreasonable, but is compelled to pay in order to
   get the goods he needs, he knows that he is doing an act in
   furtherance of the unlawful purpose of the trust, which always
   is to get the most it can for its wares. But that knowledge
   makes no difference, because the policy of not furthering the
   purposes of the trust is less important than the policy of
   preventing people from getting other people’s property for
   nothing when they purport to be buying it."

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909-1910.
   Morgan & Co. Banking Combination.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1910.
   Special Message of President Taft
   on Legislation touching "Trusts."

   An important special Message, recommendatory of legislation on
   the two subjects of interstate commerce and the combinations
   called "Trusts," was addressed to Congress by President Taft
   on the 7th of January, 1910. It had been expected that the
   Executive would advise amendments to the Sherman Anti-Trust
   Law, so-called, but he did not. On the contrary he favored the
   policy of leaving that law untouched, on the ground that its
   defects have been cured already to a great extent by judicial
   decisions, and that it is safer and better for the business
   interests of the country to trust the law to the gradual
   molding which the courts are giving it, than to undertake
   amendments which would start anew series of judicial
   interpretations. But the President’s conclusions on this point
   were supplemented by the advocacy of an enactment to provide
   for the federal chartering of corporations engaged in
   interstate commerce, as a means of substituting continuous
   regulation of such organizations for the spasmodic and
   disturbing investigations which the Government is now
   compelled frequently to institute.

   In part, the President’s discussion of these questions is as
   follows:—

   "The statute has been on the statute book now for two decades,
   and the Supreme Court in more than a dozen opinions has
   construed it in application to various phases of business
   combinations and in reference to various subjects-matter. It
   has applied it to the union under one control of two competing
   interstate railroads, to joint traffic arrangements between
   several interstate railroads, to private manufacturers engaged
   in a plain attempt to control prices and suppress competition
   in a part of the country, including a dozen States, and to
   many other combinations affecting interstate trade. The value
   of a statute which is rendered more and more certain in its
   meaning by a series of decisions of the Supreme Court
   furnishes a strong reason for leaving the act as it is, to
   accomplish its useful purpose, even though if it were being
   newly enacted useful suggestions as to change of phrase might
   be made.

   "It is the duty and the purpose of the Executive to direct an
   investigation by the Department of Justice, through the grand
   jury or otherwise, into the history, organization, and
   purposes of all the industrial companies with respect to which
   there is any reasonable ground for suspicion that they have
   been organized for a purpose, and are conducting business on a
   plan which is in violation of the Anti-Trust law. The work is
   a heavy one, but is not beyond the power of the Department of
   Justice, if sufficient funds are furnished, to carry on the
   investigations and to pay the counsel engaged in the work. But
   such an investigation and possible prosecution of corporations
   whose prosperity or destruction affects the comfort not only
   of stockholders, but of millions of wage-earners, employees,
   and associated tradesmen, must necessarily tend to disturb the
   confidence of the business community, to dry up the now
   flowing sources of capital from its places of hoarding, and
   produce a halt in our present prosperity that will cause
   suffering and strained circumstances among the innocent many
   for the faults of the guilty few. The question which I wish in
   this message to bring clearly to the consideration and
   discussion of Congress is whether in order to avoid such a
   possible business danger something cannot be done by which
   these business combinations may be offered a means, without
   great financial disturbance, of changing the character,
   organization, and extent of their business into one within the
   lines of the law under Federal control and supervision,
   securing compliance with the anti-trust statute.

   "Generally, in the industrial combinations called ‘Trusts,’
   the principal business is the sale of goods in many States and
   in foreign markets; in other words, the interstate and foreign
   business far exceeds the business done in any one State. This
   fact will justify the Federal government in granting a Federal
   charter to such a combination to make and sell in interstate
   and foreign commerce the products of useful manufacture under
   such limitations as will secure a compliance with the
   Anti-Trust law. It is possible so to frame a statute that
   while it offers protection to a Federal company against
   harmful, vexatious, and unnecessary invasion by the States, it
   shall subject it to reasonable taxation and control by the
   States, with respect to its purely local business.

{135}

   "Many people conducting great businesses have cherished a hope
   and a belief that in some way or other a line may be drawn
   between ‘good Trusts’ and ‘bad Trusts,’ and that it is
   possible, by amendment to the Anti-Trust law, to make a
   distinction under which good combinations may be permitted to
   organize, suppress competition, control prices, and do it all
   legally, if only they do not abuse the power by taking too
   great profit out of the business. … Now, the public, and
   especially the business public, ought to rid themselves of the
   idea that such a distinction is practicable or can be
   introduced into the statute. Certainly under the present
   Anti-Trust law no such distinction exists. It has been
   proposed, however, that the word ‘reasonable’ should be made a
   part of the statute, and then that it should be left to the
   court to say what is a reasonable restraint of trade, what is
   a reasonable suppression of competition, what is a reasonable
   monopoly. I venture to think that this is to put into the
   hands of the court a power impossible to exercise on any
   consistent principle which will insure the uniformity of
   decision essential to just judgment. It is to thrust upon the
   courts a burden that they have no precedents to enable them to
   carry, and to give them a power approaching the arbitrary, the
   abuse of which might involve our whole judicial system in
   disaster.

   "In considering violations of the Anti-Trust law, we ought, of
   course, not to forget that that law makes unlawful, methods of
   carrying on business which before its passage were regarded as
   evidence of business sagacity and success, and that they were
   denounced in this act, not because of their intrinsic
   immorality, but because of the dangerous results toward which
   they tended, the concentration of industrial power in the
   hands of the few, leading to oppression and injustice. In
   dealing, therefore, with many of the men who have used the
   methods condemned by the statute for the purpose of
   maintaining a profitable business, we may well facilitate a
   change by them in the method of doing business. …

   "To the suggestion that this proposal of Federal incorporation
   for industrial combinations is intended to furnish them a
   refuge in which to continue industrial abuses under Federal
   protection, it should be said that the measure contemplated
   does not repeal the Sherman Anti-Trust law, and is not to be
   framed so as to permit the doing of the wrongs which it is the
   purpose of that law to prevent, but only to foster a
   continuance and advance of the highest industrial efficiency
   without permitting industrial abuses. …

   "A Federal compulsory license law, urged as a substitute for a
   Federal incorporation law, is unnecessary except to reach that
   kind of corporation which, by virtue of the considerations
   already advanced, will take advantage voluntarily of an
   incorporation law, while the other State corporations doing an
   interstate business do not need the supervision or the
   regulation of a Federal license and would only be
   unnecessarily burdened thereby.

   "The attorney-general, at my suggestion, has drafted a Federal
   incorporation bill embodying the views I have attempted to set
   forth, and it will be at the disposition of the appropriate
   committees of Congress."

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1910.
   Renewed investigation of the Beef Trust.

   A renewed investigation of the business methods of the great
   meat-packing concerns at Chicago, by the grand jury of the
   United States District Court, Judge K. M. Landis, was begun on
   the 24th of January, 1910. It is understood to have special
   reference to the causes of the rising prices of meats. The
   firms against which the Government is thus preparing to
   proceed are: Swift & Co., Armour & Co., and Morris & Co., who,
   it is alleged, control the National Packing Company, for their
   common benefit.

   ----------COMBINATIONS: End--------

COMMERCE AND LABOR, The United States Department of.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903 (FEBRUARY).

COMMERCIAL UNIVERSITIES, in Germany:
   Their recent rise.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1898-1904.

"COMMISSION PLAN," of City Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

COMMITTEE OF ONE HUNDRED.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

COMMITTEE OF UNION AND PROGRESS.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

COMMODITIES CLAUSE, of the Hepburn Act:
   Supreme Court decision on.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

COMMUNAL SYSTEM, Russian:
   Its modification.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 AND 1909 (APRIL).

CONCENTRATION CAMPS.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

CONCILIATION BOARDS, Canadian.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907-1908.

CONCILIATION COMMITTEE, of National Civic Federation.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.

CONCORDAT OF 1802, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

CONFÉDÉRATION GÉNÉRALE DU TRAVAIL.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.

CONFERENCE OF STATE GOVERNORS.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

CONFERENCES FOR EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH, Annual.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1898-1909.

CONGER, Edwin H.: U. S. Minister to China.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

CONGESTED ESTATES.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1909.

{136}

   ----------CONGO STATE: Start--------

CONGO STATE:
   How the natives have been enslaved and oppressed.
   The "Domaine Privé."

   "The Berlin Conference laid it down that no import dues should
   be established in the mouth of the Congo for twenty years. But
   in 1890 King Leopold, alleging the heavy expenses to which he
   had been put by the campaign against the Arabs in the Upper
   Congo, applied for permission to levy import duties. It was
   the first disillusionment; and the British Chambers of
   Commerce began to wonder whether their opposition to the
   Anglo-Portuguese Convention had not been mistaken. The King’s
   request was granted (the Powers merely reserving to themselves
   the right to revert to the original arrangement in fifteen
   years), but not without the bitter opposition of the Dutch,
   who had very important commercial interests in the Congo,
   backed by the British Chambers of Commerce and all the traders
   in the Congo, irrespective of nationality. A representative
   gathering was held in London on November 4th, 1900, presided
   over by Sir Albert Rollit, to protest against the imposition
   of import duties and to denounce the hypocrisy which
   attributed to philanthropic motives the desire on the part of
   the Congo State so to impose upon them. …

   "They were able to show that … King Leopold, notwithstanding
   his formal assurances to the commercial world that the Congo
   State would never directly or indirectly itself trade within
   its dominions, was buying, or rather stealing, ivory from the
   natives in the Upper Congo and retaining the proceeds of the
   sale on the European market. They proved that, profiting by
   the silence of the Berlin Treaty on the subject of export
   duties, the Congo State had already imposed taxes amounting to
   17½ per cent. on ivory, 13 per cent, on rubber and 5 per cent.
   on palm kernels, palm-oil and ground-nuts, the total taxation
   amounting to no less than 33 per cent. of the value of the
   whole of the trade. Finally they had no difficulty in
   demonstrating that, with all his professed wish to stamp out
   the slave-raiding carried on by the half-caste Arabs in the
   Upper Congo, His Majesty was himself tacitly encouraging the
   slave trade by receiving tribute from conquered Chiefs in the
   shape of slaves, who were promptly enrolled as soldiers in the
   State army. …

   "Five months after the termination of the Berlin Conference
   King Leopold issued a decree (July, 1885) whereby the State
   asserted rights of proprietorship over all vacant lands
   throughout the Congo territory. It was intended that the term
   vacant lands should apply in the broadest sense to lands not
   actually occupied by the natives at the time the decree
   was issued. By successive decrees, promulgated in 1886, 1887
   and 1888, the King reduced the rights of the natives in their
   land to the narrowest limits, with the result that the whole
   of the odd 1,000,000 square miles assigned to the Congo State,
   except such infinitesimal proportions thereof as were covered
   by native villages or native farms, became ‘terres
   domaniales.' On October 17th, 1889, the King also issued a
   decree ordering merchants to limit their commercial operations
   in rubber to bartering with the natives. This decree was
   interesting merely as a forewarning of what came later,
   because at that time the rubber trade was very small. In July,
   1890, the same year as the Brussels Conference, the Congo
   State went a step further. A decree issued in that month
   confirmed all that was advanced in November of the same year
   by the speakers at the London Conference held to protest
   against the imposition of import duties by the State. By its
   terms King Leopold asserted that the State was entitled to
   trade on its own account in ivory—the first open violation of
   his pledges. Moreover the decree imposed sundry extra taxes
   upon all ivory bought by merchants from the natives, which,
   since the State had become itself a trading concern,
   constituted an equally direct violation of the Berlin Act, by
   establishing differential treatment in matters of trade. Such
   were the plans King Leopold made, preparatory to obtaining
   from the Powers the power to impose import duties. Everything
   was ready for the great coup, which should also
   inaugurate the Fifth Stage of His Majesty’s African policy.

   "The Brussels Conference met. The Powers with inconceivable
   fatuity allowed themselves to be completely hoodwinked, and
   within a year the greatest injury perpetrated upon the
   unfortunate natives of Africa since the Portuguese in the XVth
   century conceived the idea of expatriating them for labour
   purposes had been committed, and committed too by a Monarch
   who had not ceased for fifteen years to pose as their
   self-appointed regenerator. On September 21st, 1891, King
   Leopold drafted, in secret, a decree which he caused to be
   forwarded to the Commissioners of the State in the
   Uban-ghi-Welle and Aruwimi-Welle districts, and to the Chiefs
   of the military expeditions operating in the Upper Ubanghi
   district. This decree never having been published in the
   official Bulletin of the State, its exact terms can only be a
   matter of conjecture, but we know that it instructed the
   officials to whom it was addressed ‘to take urgent and
   necessary measures to preserve the fruits of the domain to the
   State, especially ivory and rubber.’ By ‘fruits of the domain’
   King Leopold meant the products of the soil throughout the
   ‘vacant lands’ which he had attributed to himself, as already
   explained, by the decree of 1885. The King’s instructions were
   immediately followed, and three circulars, dated respectively
   Bangala, 15th December, 1891, Basankusu, 8th May, 1892, and
   Yokoma, 14th February, 1892, were issued by the officials in
   question. Circular Number 1 forbade the natives to hunt
   elephants unless they brought the tusks to the State’s
   officers. Circular Number 2 forbade the natives to collect
   rubber unless they brought it to the State’s officers.
   Circular Number 3 forbade the natives to collect either ivory
   or rubber unless they brought the articles to the State’s
   officers, and added that ‘merchants purchasing such articles
   from the natives, whose right to collect them the State only
   recognised provided that they were brought to it, would be
   looked upon as receivers of stolen goods and denounced to the
   judicial authorities.’ Thus did the Sovereign of the Congo
   State avail himself of the additional prestige conferred upon
   him by the Brussels Conference. …

{137}

   "In theory, then, the decrees of September, 1891, and October,
   1892, made of the native throughout the Domaine Privé a
   serf. In theory a serf he remained, for a little while. But as
   the grip of Africa’s regenerator tightened upon the Domaine
   Privé, as the drilled and officered cannibal army, armed
   with repeating rifles, gradually grew and grew until it was
   larger than the native forces kept up by any of the great
   Powers of Europe on African soil, as the radius of the rubber
   taxes was extended, as portions of the country began to be
   farmed out to so-called 'Companies' whose agents were also
   officials of the King, the native of the Domaine Privé
   became a serf not in theory only but in fact, ground down,
   exploited, forced to collect rubber at the bayonet’s point,
   compelled to pay onerous tribute to men whose salaries depend
   upon the produce returns from their respective stations—the
   punishment for disobedience, slothfulness or inability to
   comply with demands ever growing in extortion, being anything
   from mutilation to death, accompanied by the destruction of
   villages and crops."

      E. D. Morel,
      The Belgian Curse in Africa
      (Contemporary Review, March, 1902).

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.
   The alleged oppressiveness, barbarity, and rapacity of its
   administration under King Leopold.
   Observations of Lord Cromer on the Nile border.
   Reports of a British Consular Officer, and of King Leopold’s
   Belgian Commission.
   Action of the British Government.

   Serious accusations of oppression and barbarity in the
   exploiting of the natural wealth of the so-called Independent
   Congo State, under the administration of its royal proprietor,
   King Leopold, of Belgium, were beginning to be made a dozen
   years ago, as will be seen by reference to the subject in
   Volume VI. of this work. The King and the companies which
   operated in the region under his grants were reputed to be
   taking enormous profits from it. Of one of those
   concessionaire companies, sometimes referred to as the A. B.
   I. R. Co. and sometimes as "the Abir," it was stated in 1901
   that its £40,000 of shares could have been sold for
   £2,160,000, and that half of its profits went to Leopold. But,
   as was said later by a member of the British Parliament, who
   wrote on the subject in one of the reviews, "meanwhile Europe
   was becoming aware of the price that was being paid in Africa
   for these profits in Belgium. Travellers, missionaries of
   various nationalities, administrators in the neighbouring
   territories belonging to England and France, sent home graphic
   reports of the cruel oppression that was being practised on
   the helpless population. In England especially, through the
   efforts of Sir Charles Dilke, of Mr. Fox-Bourne, the secretary
   of the Aborigines Protection Society, of Mr. E. D. Morel and
   of other disinterested men, public opinion was informed of the
   truth. In May, 1903, a resolution, which I had the honor of
   moving in the House of Commons, calling upon the Government to
   take action with a view to the abatement of the evils
   prevalent in the Congo Free State, was accepted by Mr. Balfour
   and unanimously passed. A diplomatic correspondence ensued
   between the two governments. The British Consul in the Lower
   Congo, Mr. Roger Casement, was sent on a tour of inquiry into
   the interior, and his lengthy and detailed report fully
   confirmed—in some respect extending—the indictment that had
   been drawn. A Congo Reform Association was founded, and
   immediately secured influential support. … At last King
   Leopold, pressed by the despatches of the British Government
   and bowing to the storm of public opinion, yielded so far as
   to authorise further inquiry into the charges that had been
   made. The investigation by an International Commission, which
   had been proposed, he rejected. He nominated three
   Commissioners of his selection, one a legal officer in the
   service of the Belgian Government, one a judge in the service
   of the Congo State, and the third a Swiss jurist of repute. In
   October, 1904, the Commission reached the Congo. It stayed for
   five months and made an extended journey into the interior.
   After an unexplained delay of eight months its report was
   published on the 6th of November of this year [1905]. …

   "Had the report embodied an acquittal of the Congo State it
   would not, under the circumstances, have been surprising. The
   Commissioners, however, have to a great degree risen superior
   to their natural prepossessions. … It is most regrettable …
   that they present no minutes of the evidence taken before
   them—a circumstance which deprives the report of actuality
   and force, and prevents outside observers from drawing their
   own conclusions from the facts which had been ascertained. But
   the inquiry was painstaking. The case was fairly tried. The
   judgment is an honest judgment.

   "Being honest, it is necessarily a condemnation. The Belgian
   defenders of the Congo Government, who were led by a
   conception of patriotic duty as profoundly false as that of
   the anti-Dreyfusards in France to deny everything and to meet
   the critics merely with unceasing torrents of abuse, now have
   their answer. A tribunal, not of our choosing, selected by the
   defendant in their cause, has shown that those who denounced
   Congo misrule were in the right, that the atrocities were not
   imaginary, that a cruel oppression of the natives has been
   proceeding unchecked for years."

      Herbert Samuel,
      The Congo State
      (Contemporary Review, December, 1905).

   Before this report appeared many witnesses had testified for
   and against the impeached Government and its commercial
   monopoly of the Congo State. Atrocities of slaughter,
   mutilation and flogging, committed by the soldiery, the
   sentries and other extortioners of a labor tax from the
   helpless natives, were asserted and denied. It is best,
   perhaps, to drop these blackest counts from the Congo
   indictment, because of the controversy over them; and enough
   remains in the Report of the King’s own Commission of Inquiry,
   and in general conditions which are flagrantly in evidence, to
   convict King Leopold and his agents of soulless rapacity, in
   their treatment of the vast African country that was entrusted
   to him by the Conference of Powers assembled at Berlin in
   1884-1885.

   There is great weight of meaning, for example, in a few words
   that were written, in January, 1903, by Lord Cromer, while
   returning from a long trip up the Nile, in which his steamer
   passed along about eighty miles of Congolese shore. Before
   reaching that border of Leopold’s domain he had traversed 1100
   miles of the country lately wrested by the British from
   dervishes and slave dealers, where, he remarks, "it might well
   have been expected that much time would be required to inspire
   confidence in the intentions of the new Government." But,
   "except in the uninhabitable ‘Sudd’ region," he wrote,
   "numerous villages are dotted along the banks of the river.
{138}
   The people, far from flying at the approach of white men, as
   was formerly the case, run along the banks, making signs for
   the steamer to stop. It is clear that the Baris, Shilluks, and
   Dinkas place the utmost trust and confidence in the British
   officers with whom they are brought in contact. …

   "The contrast when once Congolese territory is entered is
   remarkable. From the frontier to Gondokoro is about 80 miles.
   The proper left, or western, bank of the river is Belgian. The
   opposite bank is either under the Soudanese or the Uganda
   Government. There are numerous islands, and as all these are
   under British rule—for the thalweg which, under Treaty, is the
   Belgian frontier, skirts the western bank of the river—I
   cannot say that I had an opportunity of seeing a full 80 miles
   of Belgian territory. At the same time, I saw a good deal, and
   I noticed that, whereas there were numerous villages and huts
   on the eastern bank and on the islands, on the Belgian side
   not a sign of a village existed. Indeed, I do not think that
   any one of our party saw a single human being in Belgian
   territory, except the Belgian officers and men and the wives
   and children of the latter. Moreover not a single native was
   to be seen either at Kiro or Lado. I asked the Swedish officer
   at Kiro whether he saw much of the natives. He replied in the
   negative, adding that the nearest Bari village was situated at
   some distance in the interior. The Italian officer at Lado, in
   reply to the same question, stated that the nearest native
   village was seven hours distant. The reason of all this is
   obvious enough. The Belgians are disliked. The people fly from
   them, and it is no wonder they should do so, for I am informed
   that the soldiers are allowed full liberty to plunder, and
   that payments are rarely made for supplies. The British
   officers wander, practically alone, over most parts of the
   country, either on tours of inspection or on shooting
   expeditions. I understand that no Belgian officer can move
   outside the settlements without a strong guard."

   This is in line with some parts of the experience of Mr.
   Casement, the British Consular Officer referred to in the
   article quoted above, who travelled for about ten weeks on the
   Upper Congo in 1903, and whose report of what he saw includes
   such accounts as the following, of conditions around Lake
   Matumba:

   "Each village I visited around the lake, save that of Q. and
   one other, had been abandoned by its inhabitants. To some of
   these villages the people have only just returned; to others
   they are only now returning, In one I found the bare and burnt
   poles of what had been dwellings left standing, and at another
   —that of R—the people had fled at the approach of my steamer,
   and despite the loud cries of my native guides on board,
   nothing could induce them to return, and it was impossible to
   hold any intercourse with them. At the three succeeding
   villages I visited beyond R., in traversing the lake towards
   the south, the inhabitants all fled at the approach of the
   steamer, and it was only when they found whose the vessel was
   that they could be induced to return."

   An incident related by Mr. Casement is this:

   "Steaming up a small tributary of the Lulongo, I arrived,
   unpreceded by any rumour of my coming, at the village of A. In
   an open shed I found two sentries of the La Lulanga Company
   guarding fifteen native women, five of whom had infants at the
   breast, and three of whom were about to become mothers. The
   chief of these sentries, a man called S—who was bearing a
   double-barrelled shot-gun, for which he had a belt of
   cartridges—at once volunteered an explanation of the reason
   for these women’s detention. Four of them, he said, were
   hostages who were being held to insure the peaceful settlement
   of a dispute between two neighbouring towns, which had already
   cost the life of a man. … The remaining eleven women, whom he
   indicated, he said he had caught and was detaining as
   prisoners to compel their husbands to bring in the right
   amount of india-rubber required of them on next market day.
   When I asked if it was a woman’s work to collect india-rubber,
   he said, ‘No; that, of course, it was man’s work.’ ‘Then why
   do you catch the women and not the men?’ I asked. ‘Don’t you
   see,’ was the answer, ‘if I caught and kept the men, who would
   work the rubber? But if I catch their wives, the husbands are
   anxious to have them home again, and so the rubber is brought
   in quickly and quite up to the mark.’ When I asked what would
   become of these women if their husbands failed to bring in the
   right quantity of rubber on the next market day, he said at
   once that then they would be kept there until their husbands
   had redeemed them."

      Parliamentary Papers, Africa,
      Number 1 (1904), Cd. 1933.

   But the facts which condemn the Congo administration most
   conclusively are found in the report of the Commission of
   Inquiry appointed by King Leopold himself,—especially in what
   it represents of the heartless oppression of the labor tax, or
   labor imposed on the natives, in their compulsory carrying of
   goods or collection of rubber, food and wood, for the State
   and for the companies that operate under the King’s grants. As
   to the labor tax exacted in food, for example, the Commission
   expresses itself as follows:

   "The decree fixes at forty hours per month the work which each
   native owes to the State. This time, considered as a maximum,
   is certainly not excessive, especially if one takes account of
   the fact that the work ought to be remunerated; but as in the
   immense majority of cases … it is not precisely the work which
   is demanded of the native, but rather a quantity of products
   equivalent to forty hours of work, the criterion of time
   disappears in reality and is replaced by an equivalent
   established by the Commissioner of the district after diverse
   methods. …

   "Chikwangue (kwanga)is nothing but manioc bread. … The
   preparation of this food requires many operations: the
   clearing of the forest, the planting of manioc, the digging up
   of the root and its transformation into chikwangue,
   which comprises the operations of separating the fibers and
   stripping the bark, pulverizing, washing, making it into
   bundles, and cooking it. All these operations, except clearing
   the land, fall to the women. The chikwangues so
   prepared are carried by the natives to the neighboring post
   and served for the food supply of the personnel of the
   State—soldiers and laborers. … As the chikwangue keeps
   only a few days, the native, even by redoubling his activity,
   cannot succeed in freeing himself from his obligations for any
   length of time.
{139}
   The requirement, even if it does not take all his time,
   oppresses him continually by the weight of its recurrent
   demands, which deprive the tax of its true character and
   transform it into an incessant corvée. … Doubtless the
   adage, ‘time is money,’ cannot be applied to the natives of the
   Congo; it is none the less inadmissible that a taxpayer should
   be obliged to travel over ninety-three miles to carry to the
   place of collection a tax which represents about the value of
   twenty-nine cents. …

   "Natives inhabiting the environs of Lulonga were forced to
   journey in canoes to Nouvelle-Anvers, which represents a
   distance of forty to fifty miles, every two weeks, to carry
   their fish; and taxpayers have been seen to submit to
   imprisonment for delays which were perhaps not chargeable to
   them, if we take into account the considerable distances to be
   covered periodically to satisfy the requirements of the tax."

   As applied to the collection of rubber, the so-called labor
   tax was found by the commission to consume so much of the time
   of the natives subjected to it that it practically made slaves
   of them, and nothing less.

   When the abused native is pretendedly paid for his labor or
   its product, it is by some trifle in metal or flimsy woven
   stuff, which costs the State and its tributary companies next
   to nothing and is next to worthless to the recipient.

   And not only does the State exercise over the unfortunate
   subjects that were delivered to it an authority of Government
   which appears to be little else than a power of extortion, but
   it has taken all their lands from them, substantially, and
   left them next to nothing on which to perform any labor for
   themselves. It has decreed to itself the ownership of all land
   not included in the native villages or not under cultivation.
   Concerning which decree the Commission remarks:

   "As the greater part of the land in the Congo has never been
   under cultivation, this interpretation gives to the State a
   proprietary right, absolute and exclusive, to almost all the
   land, and as a consequence it can grant to itself all the
   product of the soil and prosecute as robbers those who gather
   the smallest fruit and as accomplices those who buy the same.
   … It thus happens sometimes that not only have the natives
   been prohibited from moving their villages, but they have been
   refused permission to go, even for a time, to a neighboring
   village without a special permit."

   In the summer of 1903 the British Government was moved to
   address a formal communication to all the Powers which had
   been parties to the Act of the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885,
   whereby the Congo State was created and entrusted to King
   Leopold, asking them to consider whether the system of
   government and of trade monopoly established in that State was
   in conformity with the provisions of the Act. The British
   Foreign Secretary, Lord Lansdowne, in his despatch (August 8,
   1903), rehearsed at length the charges that were brought
   against the Congo administration, concerning its extortion of
   labor from the natives by a method "but little different from
   that formerly employed to obtain slaves," saying: "His
   Majesty’s Government do not know precisely to what extent
   these accusations may be true; but they have been so
   repeatedly made, and have received such wide credence, that it
   is no longer possible to ignore them, and the question has now
   arisen, whether the Congo State can be considered to have
   fulfilled the special pledges, given under the Berlin Act, to
   watch over the preservation of the native tribes, and to care
   for their moral and material advancement."

   At the same time, the dispatch called the attention of the
   Powers to the question of rights of trade in the Congo,
   saying: "Article I of the Berlin Act provides that the trade
   of all nations shall enjoy complete freedom in the basin of
   the Congo; and Article V provides that no Power which
   exercises sovereign rights in the basin shall be allowed to
   grant therein a monopoly or favour of any kind in matters of
   trade. In the opinion of His Majesty’s Government, the system
   of trade now existing in the Independent State of the Congo is
   not in harmony with these provisions. … In these
   circumstances, His Majesty’s Government consider that the time
   has come when the Powers parties to the Berlin Act should
   consider whether the system of trade now prevailing in the
   Independent State is in harmony with the provisions of the
   Act; and, in particular, whether the system of making grants
   of vast areas of territory is permissible under the Act if the
   effect of such grants is in practice to create a monopoly of
   trade."

      Parliamentary Papers, Africa,
      Number 14 (1903), Cd. 1809.

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1904.
   Feeling in Belgium concerning the charges of oppression and
   inhumanity to the natives.

      See (in this Volume)
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1904.

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.
   Reform Decrees and their small effect.
   Continued reports of rapacious exploitation.
   Concession secured by American capitalists.
   Annexation of the State by Belgium.
   Recognition of the annexation withheld by
   Great Britain and the United States.

   Apparently the endeavor of the British Government to set in
   motion some action of the Powers which had been parties to the
   creation of the Congo State, for the purpose of ascertaining
   whether the provisions of the Berlin Act were being complied
   with in the administration of that great trust, had no
   practical result. During the next two years the Congo
   Government was persistent in denying and attempting to refute
   some parts of the reports sent home by British consular
   officers in the Congo; but after the publication of the report
   of its own investigating Commission, in 1905, there seems to
   have been more reticence observed. In June, 1906, a series of
   new decrees, supposed to embody the recommendations of the
   Reforms Commission, was sanctioned by the King. But the
   Consuls who reported to London from the Congo country do not
   seem to have found the wretched natives much relieved by these
   decrees. Vice-Consul Armstrong, writing from Boma December,
   1907, after a prolonged journey through rubber-collecting
   regions, declared his conviction that "the people worked from
   twenty to twenty-five days a month" to satisfy their labor
   tax. He added:

   "The improvement that has been made by the application of the
   Reform Decrees of June 1906 is solely in the withdrawal of
   armed sentries, a reform which the serious decimation of the
   population by the sentries demanded. … I saw nothing which led
   me to view the occupation of this country in the light of an
   Administration.
{140}
   The undertakings of the Government are solely commercial, with
   a sufficient administrative power to insure the safety of its
   personnel and the success of its enterprise. … The
   following is an estimate of the profits of the State on their
   rubber tax. I take the village of N’gongo as being a large
   one, and one of the few villages that supply the amount
   actually assessed:—

Amount assessed yearly. 1,440 kilograms of rubber.
                                               £    s.  d.
1,440 kilograms of rubber at 10 fr.           576   0   0
Amount paid to natives at 50 c. per kilogram   28  16   0

   "I calculate the rubber at 10 fr. per kilogram, the value
   placed upon it by the State in the Commercial Report issued
   this year. The market value in Antwerp is from 12 fr. to 13
   fr. per kilogram. From this amount of 576£. must be deducted
   the cost of transport, which cannot be more than 2 fr. per
   kilogram rendered at Antwerp, so that the net profits derived
   from this one village would be a little more than 456£. per
   annum. One hundred and twenty natives, together with their
   wives and children, which would bring the population of the
   town to about 400 souls, share this amount of 28£ 16s., and as
   this is paid in cloth at 7½d. per yard and salt at 1s. 7½d.
   per kilogram, it is evident that they cannot receive very much
   each, and that they complain of their remuneration."

   These were not the only official witnesses now testifying to
   the barbarities of commercial exploitation that were
   perpetrated in the Congo country under pretences of
   administering the Government of a State. Reports to the same
   effect were coming to the Government of the United States from
   its Consuls in the Congo. Consul-General C. R. Slocum wrote on
   the 1st of December, 1906, to the Department of State at
   Washington:

   "I have the honour to report that I find the Congo Free State,
   under the present regime, to be nothing but a vast commercial
   enterprise for the exploitation of the products of the
   country, particularly that of ivory and rubber. Admitted by
   Belgian officials and other foreigners here, the State, as I
   find it, is not open to trade in the intended sense of article
   5 of the Berlin Act under which the State was formed."

   A year later, the succeeding Consul-General of the United
   States in the Congo State, Mr. James A. Smith, made a similar
   report:

   "In excluding the native," he wrote, "from any proprietary
   right in the only commodities he possessed which would serve
   as a trade medium—that is, the products of the soil—and in
   claiming for itself and granting to a few concessionary
   companies in which it holds an interest exclusive ownership of
   these products, the Administration, in its commercial
   capacity, has effectively shut the door to free trade and
   created a vast monopoly in all articles the freedom of buying
   and selling which alone could form a proper basis for
   legitimate trade transactions between the native and
   independent purchasers. Competition, by which alone can a
   healthy condition of trade be maintained, has been entirely
   eliminated. The Government is but one tremendous commercial
   organization; its administrative machinery is worked to bar
   out all outside trade and to absolutely control for its own
   benefit and the concessionary companies the natural resources
   of the country."

   In the same report Mr. Smith gave details of an experiment he
   had made, in conjunction with the chef de secteur at
   Yambata, to test the truth of the assertions made by the
   natives as to the length of time necessary to gather the
   rubber which they are compelled to furnish. The place for the
   experiment was selected by the chef de secteur, and he
   chose the five natives who were employed in the experiment,
   and who were promised rewards as an incentive to do their
   best. The men worked for four hours, and although Mr. Smith
   vouches for the fact that they did not lose a minute, they
   only succeeded in gathering 650 grammes. From this, as Mr.
   Smith argues, the amount of time they would have to spend in
   collecting the rubber tax works out at 93 hours a month, or,
   counting eight hours a day, at 140 days a year. This did not
   include the time spent in travelling to and from the
   rubber-bearing districts.

   Before this time, American interest in the Congo State had
   become more than humanitarian, and more than a commercial
   interest in the general opportunities of trade; for heavy
   American capitalists had secured concessions from King Leopold
   in a large territory for the development of railways, rubber
   production and mines. The fact was announced in the fall of
   1906, and the names of John D. Rockefeller, Jr., Thomas F.
   Ryan, Harry Payne Whitney, Edward B. Aldrich and the Messrs.
   Guggenheim were mentioned as prominent in the group to which
   the grant was made.

   Under the Convention of 1890 between King Leopold and the
   Congo State, as one party, and the Kingdom of Belgium as the
   other, it became the right of the latter, on the expiration of
   ten years, in 1900, to annex the Congo State to itself.

      See, in Volume VI. of this work,
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1900.

   The right was not then exercised; but the question of taking
   over the sovereignty of that great African domain came under
   warm discussion in Belgium before many years, and, finally, in
   1908, it reached the point of a keen negotiation of terms with
   the King, attended by lively conflicts in the Belgian
   Chambers. While the question was thus pending in Belgium, the
   British Government took occasion to express its views to the
   Belgian Government, as to the obligations which such an
   annexation would involve. This was done on the 27th of March,
   1908, in a despatch from the Foreign Minister, Sir Edward
   Grey, communicating an extended "Memorandum respecting
   Taxation and Currency in the Congo Free State." The language
   of the despatch, in part, was as follows:

   "His Majesty’s Government fully recognize that the choice of
   the means by which the administration of the Congo may be
   brought into line by the Berlin Act rests exclusively with
   Belgium. Nevertheless, while disclaiming all idea of
   interference, His Majesty’s Government feel that in fairness
   they should leave the Belgian Government in no doubt that in
   their opinion the existing administration of the Congo State
   has not fulfilled the objects for which the State was
   originally recognized, or the conditions of Treaties, and that
   changes are therefore required, which should effect the
   following objects:
   1. Relief of the natives from excessive taxation.
   2. The grant to the natives of sufficient land to ensure their
   ability to obtain not only the food they require, but also
   sufficient produce of the soil to enable them to buy and sell
   as in other European Colonies.
   3. The possibility for traders whatever their nationality may
   be to acquire plots of land of reasonable dimensions in any
   part of the Congo for the erection of factories so as to
   enable them to establish direct trade relations with the
   natives. …

{141}

   "Taking the three points enumerated above in order, it appears
   to His Majesty’s Government that—

   "1. As regards the question of taxation in labour, the abuses
   to which the system has given rise have only been rendered
   possible by the absence of a proper standard of value. They
   believe, therefore, that the only sure and efficacious means
   of precluding the existence of such abuses in the future is
   the introduction of currency throughout the State at the
   earliest possible date. Both the Reports of the Commission of
   Inquiry and the experience of His Majesty’s Consular officers
   agree in the conclusion that the native has learnt the use of
   money, and that currency would be welcomed by all classes,
   native and European alike.

   "2. The natives in the concessionary areas should not be
   compelled, by either direct or indirect means, to render their
   labour to the Companies without remuneration. The introduction
   of currency should contribute greatly to the protection of the
   native against the illicit and excessive exactions on the part
   of private individuals. Such protection, however, cannot be
   adequately secured unless the latter be compelled to pay the
   native in specie at a fair rate to be fixed by law.

   "3. They would urge that a large increase should be made in
   the land allotted to the natives."

   The exceptional failure of the Congo State, among African
   colonies, to introduce the use of currency in transactions
   with the natives, and the connection of this failure with the
   state of things existing there, is discussed at length in the
   Memorandum, with a practical summing up in these sentences:

   "The Secretaries-General said the native in the Congo had no
   specie. True, but why has he no specie? Because, as already
   explained, during the twenty-three years that the Congo State
   has been in existence no serious attempt, in spite of all
   assertions to the contrary, has ever been made by the State to
   introduce currency on a sufficiently large scale. In every
   other European Colony in Africa has the native come to learn
   the practical value of a medium of exchange. What are the
   reasons that the Congo State should stand in an exceptional
   position in this respect? They are unfortunately obvious
   enough. The truth is that it is precisely owing to the absence
   of a proper standard of value that the Congo Government and
   the Concessionary Companies have been able to abuse the system
   of taxation in labour, and realize enormous profits out of the
   incessant labour wrung from the population in the guise of
   taxation."

   This communication from Great Britain to the Belgian
   Government was followed soon (in April) by memoranda from the
   Government of the United States, setting forth the hopes and
   expectations of administrative reform with which it
   contemplated the proposed annexation of the Congo State.

   A few months later the treaty of annexation was agreed upon,
   and the annexation consummated by an Act of the Belgian
   Parliament, promulgated on the 20th of October, 1908. To an
   announcement of the fact by the Belgian Minister at
   Washington, Secretary Root replied at considerable length, in
   a communication which bears the date of June 11, 1909: "The
   Government of the United States," said the Secretary, "has
   observed with much interest the progress of the negotiations
   looking to such a transfer, in the expectation that under the
   control of Belgium the condition of the natives might be
   beneficially improved and the engagements of the treaties to
   which the United States is a party, as well as the high aims
   set forth in the American memoranda of April 7 and 16, 1908,
   and declared in the Belgium replies thereto, might be fully
   realized.

   "The United States would also be gratified by the assurance
   that the Belgian Government will consider itself specifically
   bound to discharge the obligations assumed by the Independent
   State of the Congo in the Brussels Convention of July 2, 1890,
   an assurance which the expressions already made by the
   Government of Belgium in regard to its own course as a party
   to that convention leave no doubt is in entire accordance with
   the sentiments of that Government. Among the particular
   clauses of the Brussels Convention which seem to the United
   States to be specially relevant to existing conditions in the
   Congo region are the clauses of Article II., which include
   among the objects of the convention:

   "‘To diminish intestine wars between tribes by means of
   arbitration; to initiate them in agricultural labour and in
   the industrial arts so as to increase their welfare; to raise
   them to civilization and bring about the extinction of
   barbarous customs. …

   "‘To give aid and protection to commercial enterprises; to
   watch over their legality by especially controlling contracts
   for service with natives; and to prepare the way for the
   foundation of permanent centres of cultivation and of
   commercial settlements.’

   "The United States has been forced to the conclusion that in
   several respects the system inaugurated by the Independent
   State of the Congo has, in its practical operation, worked out
   results inconsistent with these conventional obligations and
   calling for very substantial and even radical changes in order
   to attain conformity therewith." Moreover, it renders nugatory
   the provisions of the successive declarations and conventions,
   cited by the Secretary, which have given such rights in the
   Congo State to citizens of the United States and others as
   must be maintained.

   "It should always be remembered," wrote Mr. Root, "that the
   basis of the sovereignty of the Independent State of the Congo
   over all its territory was in the treaties made by the native
   Sovereigns who ceded the territory for the use and benefit of
   free States established and being established there under the
   care and supervision of the International Association, so that
   the very nature of the title forbids the destruction of the
   tribal rights upon which it rests without securing to the
   natives an enjoyment of their land which shall be a full and
   adequate equivalent for the tribal rights destroyed."

   Referring to a statement made in the Belgian reply given to
   his memorandum of April 16, which he quotes as in these
   words:—

{142}

   "When it annexes the possessions of the Independent State
   Belgium will inherit its obligations as well as its rights; it
   will be able to fulfil all the engagements made with the
   United States by the declarations of April 22, 1884"—Mr. Root
   closes his letter with these remarks:

   "It would be gratifying to the United States to know that the
   last clause of the statement just quoted is not intended to
   confine the rights of the United States in the Independent
   State to the declarations of the Commercial Association which
   preceded the creation of the Congo State as a sovereign power,
   but includes the conventional rights conferred upon the United
   States by the treaty concluded with the Independent State
   immediately after its recognition.

   "In the absence of a fuller understanding on all these points,
   I confine myself for the present to acknowledging your note of
   November 4 last and taking note of the announcement therein
   made."

   Thus no recognition was given to the Belgian annexation.
   Recognition was held in abeyance, awaiting further information
   and evidence of reform in the administration of the Congo
   State. And this is the attitude assumed by the British
   Government, which waited long and with growing impatience for
   assurances from Belgium, with proceedings that would give sign
   of making them good. On the 24th of February, 1909, the
   subject came up in Parliament, with assertions that
   "oppression of the natives was still going on just as before
   the annexation," and that "Great Britain had waited for months
   while the cruelties against which she had protested still
   continued." In the debate, Sir Charles Dilke referred to the
   harmony of action in the matter by the United States and Great
   Britain, and expressed his conviction that "the cooperation of
   two such powerful Governments in the cause of humanity would
   be irresistible." Sir Edward Grey, speaking for the Ministry,
   said:

   "I am glad that in the course of the debate it has been
   emphasized that this attitude is not ours alone, but that the
   United States has spoken with equal emphasis and taken up the
   same position. I am sorry that no other Power has taken up the
   same position so strongly; but as there is only one Power
   which has declared itself so definitely on the question as
   ourselves, I should like to say that I am glad it is the
   United States."

   Alluding to a remark made by one of the speakers in the
   debate, that the Government might have prevented the
   annexation of the State by Belgium, Sir Edward said:

   "I do not think we should have prevented the annexation, but
   in any case I should not have tried to prevent the annexation.
   And for this reason among others—that if Belgium was not going
   to take the Congo State in hand and put it right, who was? I
   have never been able to answer that question. Certainly not
   ourselves, because we have always denied the intention of
   assuming any responsibility over an enormous tract of land
   where we have sufficient responsibility already."

   The Foreign Secretary concluded his speech by saying:

   "If Belgium makes the administration of the Congo humane and
   brings it into accord, in practice and spirit, with the
   administration which exists in our own and neighbouring
   African colonies, no country will more cordially welcome that
   state of things than this or more warmly congratulate Belgium.
   But we cannot commit ourselves to countersign, so to say, by
   recognition a second time, the system of administration which
   has existed under the old regime."

   Again, in May, the question came up in Parliament, with
   impatient criticism of the Government for not taking
   peremptory measures to compel a reformation of Belgian rule in
   the Congo State, one speaker suggesting a "peaceful blockade"
   of the mouth of the Congo. Sir Edward Grey replied:

   "If this question were rashly managed it might make a European
   question compared to which those which we have had to deal
   with in the last few months might be child’s play. Take, for
   instance, the question of peaceful blockade. It is no good
   talking of peaceful blockade. Blockade is blockade. It is the
   use of force. If you are to have blockade you must be prepared
   to go to war, and a blockade of the mouth of the Congo means
   blockading a river which is not the property of the Congo or
   Belgian Government. They have one bank of the river. It is a
   river which by international treaty must be opened to
   navigation, and if you are to blockade to any effect you must
   be prepared to stop every ship going in or out of the Congo,
   whether under the French, Belgian, German, or whatever flag it
   is. Surely if you are going to pledge yourself to take steps
   of that kind, and to accept the responsibility for them, it is
   not too much to say that you must be prepared to raise a
   European question which would be of the gravest kind. I do not
   say there are not circumstances which might justify a question
   of that kind, but do not let the House think that by smooth
   words, such as by applying the adjective ‘peaceful’ to
   blockade, you are going to minimize what will be the ultimate
   consequences of the step you are taking."

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1909 (October).
   Programme of reforms promised by the Belgian Government.

   The programme of long promised reforms to be instituted by the
   Belgian Government in its administration of the now annexed
   Congo State was announced in the Belgian Chamber on the 28th
   of October, 1909, by the Minister for the Colonies, M. Renkin.
   "He repeated his solemn assurance that the charges of cruelty
   or oppression made against the Belgian Colonial Administration
   were false. He had questioned missionaries, officials, chiefs,
   and other natives during his visit, and heard nothing to
   justify the accusation. Individual breaches of the law might
   possibly have occurred, but every abuse brought to the notice
   of the authorities was immediately made the object of inquiry.

   "It was useless, he said, to refer to the past; the situation
   had been radically altered by the annexation. As regards the
   land system, the assignment of vacant lands to the State was
   juridically unassailable, but they must also have regard to
   the development of the natives. The natives would therefore be
   granted the right to take the produce of the soil in the
   Domain. This would be accomplished in three stages. On July 1,
   1910, the Lower Congo, Stanley Pool, Ubangi, Bangala, Kwango,
   Kasai, Katanga, the southern portion of the Eastern Province,
   Aruwimi, and the banks of the river as far as Stanleyville
   would be opened to freedom of trade. On July 1, 1911, the
   Domain of the Crown, and on July 1, 1912, the Welle district
   would also be thrown open. Furthermore, the Government would
   levy taxes in money, and the system of the provisioning of the
   agents would be abolished."

{143}

   M. Renkin said furthermore that in regard to the territories
   held by concessionnaires in the Congo the Government
   would make an investigation with a view to ascertaining
   whether it would not be advisable to make fresh arrangements
   in agreement with the persons interested.

   Writing from Brussels a mouth later, an English correspondent
   represents the Belgian Reformers, who had most bitterly
   denounced the atrocities of the Leopold regime in the Congo
   State, as believing that M. Renkin's scheme is on the whole a
   reasonable and satisfactory scheme, and above all a practical
   scheme, that the Belgian Government are sincerely determined
   to carry it through, and that, even if there were any
   sufficient reason for doubting their sincerity, the Belgian
   nation is in earnest and has the means of enforcing the
   execution of the reforms by the exercise of the Parliamentary
   control with which it is now for the first time invested over
   the affairs of the Congo as a consequence of annexation.

   On the other hand, English opinion, which had been roused to
   much heat on the Congo question, is far from satisfied with
   the Belgian proposals, and criticises them with a sharpness
   which the Belgians resent.

   ----------CONGO STATE: End--------

   ----------CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Start--------


CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Australia:
   Undertakings of Irrigation and Forestry.

   During a brief visit to the United States in 1902, Sir Edmund
   Barton, then Premier of the Commonwealth of Australia,
   contributed to The Independent an article on "Australia
   and her Problems," in which he wrote:

   "Another great problem with which we are struggling is that of
   irrigation, and a joint irrigation scheme is afoot for using
   the waters of the Murray, our greatest river, to fertilize
   lands in New South Wales and Victoria. The Murray forms the
   boundary of those two States and afterward flows through South
   Australia. It is to the interest of New South Wales and
   Victoria to use the waters of the Murray for irrigation
   purposes, and it is to the interest of South Australia to use
   the Murray for navigation. We hope to harmonize those
   interests and are working to that end.

   "Just before I left Australia I attended a conference, held on
   the border, between representatives of the various States as a
   result of which each has appointed a hydraulic engineer to a
   joint commission on irrigation. These will make an
   investigation and report their opinion in regard to the best
   practicable system for conserving, storing and distributing
   the Murray’s waters without interfering with its navigation.
   We have good reason to believe that by means of a system of
   locks and weirs it is quite possible to irrigate a very large
   extent of dry country by means of the Murray without injuring
   its navigability. Later we will take up the problem of using
   the waters of the Darling in a similar way. It is a very long
   river, which during the rainy season sends an immense Volume
   of water into the Murray.

   "Another of our problems is in regard to forestry. We have
   planted some trees but not nearly enough of them, and cannot
   yet tell anything about results. Along with this tree
   planting, also, denudation of our timber has been going on,
   for Australian hard woods, being impervious to water, are now
   used all over the world for street paving purposes. Great harm
   has been done, and the waste is still going on, for our
   national Government cannot interfere in the matter, and the
   land owners are in many instances reckless. The remedy must
   come from the common sense of the people."

   Since the above was written, progress has been made in
   carrying out the projects of irrigation, as was stated in a
   speech by Lord Northcote after his return to England, in the
   autumn of 1909, from five years of service as Governor-General
   of Australia. "Both in New South Wales and Victoria," he said,
   "very large irrigation works are in progress, and will be
   completed in a very short time, adding enormously to the
   acreage of land fit for cultivation."

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Canada:
   The Dominion Forest Reserves Act.
   Irrigation in the Northwest.

   A Dominion Act of 1906, thus short-titled, provides as
   follows:

   "All Dominion lands within the respective boundaries of the
   reserves mentioned in the schedule to this Act are hereby
   withdrawn from sale, settlement and occupancy under the
   provisions of the Dominion Lands Act, or of any other Act, or
   of any regulations made under the said Act or any such Act,
   with respect to mines or mining or timber or timber licenses
   or leases or any other matter whatsoever; and after the
   passing of this Act no Dominion lands within the boundaries of
   the said reserves shall be sold, leased or otherwise disposed
   of, or be located or settled upon, and no person shall use or
   occupy any part of such lands, except under the provisions of
   this Act or of regulations made thereunder."

   The schedule referred to lists 21 Forest Reserves in British
   Columbia, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta. They are placed
   under the management of the Superintendent of Forestry, for
   the maintenance and protection of the growing timber, the
   animals and birds in them, the fish in their waters and their
   water supply, the Governor in Council to make the needed
   regulations.

   In a paper read before the Royal Colonial Institute at London,
   England, in January, 1910, Mr. C. W. Peterson, Manager of the
   Canadian Pacific Irrigation Colonization Company, gave the
   following account of what is being done in the Arid Belt, so
   called, near Calgary, in the Canadian Northwest:

   "The irrigated land in Alberta and Saskatchewan nearly
   equalled half of the total irrigated area of the United
   States. In the year 1894 the Dominion Government withdrew from
   sale and homestead entry a tract of land containing some
   millions of acres located east of the city of Calgary, along
   the main line of the Canadian Pacific Railway. The object of
   that reservation was to provide for the construction,
   ultimately, of an irrigation scheme to cover the fertile Bow
   River Valley. The Canadian Pacific Railway Company undertook
   to construct the gigantic irrigation system in question, and
   selected as part of its land grant a block comprising three
   million acres of the best agricultural lands. It had now been
   opened for colonization, and this project—the greatest of the
   kind on the American continent—was being pushed to its
   completion. The tract had an average width of forty miles from
   north to south, and extended eastwards from Calgary 150 miles."

{144}

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Egypt: A. D. 1909.
   Completion of the Esneh Barrage.

   An important addition to the irrigation works in Egypt,
   supplementing the great dam at Assouan and the Assiout
   barrage, was completed in February, 1909, when the Esneh
   barrage was formally opened, on the 9th of that month. Esneh
   is a town of some 25,000 inhabitants, situated in Upper Egypt,
   on the west bank of the Nile, and the work now completed will,
   even in the lowest of floods, ensure a plentiful supply of
   water to a great tract of land in the Nile valley from Esneh
   northwards. In deciding to undertake the construction of this
   latest barrage, at a point about 100 miles north of the
   Assouan reservoir, the Government were influenced by the great
   success of the Assiout barrage, but that work differs from the
   new barrage in being designed as a low-water summer regulator,
   whereas the function of the Esneh barrage is to hold up the
   water in low floods.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Germany:
   The work begun a century ago, and its result.

   "Germany, a century ago, faced just such a situation as now
   confronts us [the United States]. Then there began the work
   which we must now undertake. New forests were planted,
   wherever the land was unsuitable for other purposes. This
   planting was done year after year, so that each year a new
   tract would come to maturity. Forest wardens watched for
   fires, and laws forbade careless hunters setting fires in the
   woods. Timbermen were forced to gather and burn what twigs
   from the slashings could not be used in the still or burned
   for charcoal, and broad lanes were left through the forests as
   stops for fires. In this way there arose those magnificent
   German forests which now return the empire an average net
   annual profit of two dollars and a half for each acre, on land
   which is otherwise unusable; and, besides, give their services
   free for the storage of water and for the retention of the
   soil.

   "In our own land something of this sort has already been done.
   New York has nearly two million acres of land in forest
   reserves which are being carefully tended. Pennsylvania has
   half as much. Minnesota is already securing considerable
   profit from the management of its white pine reserves and is
   seeding down large areas; and the other lake states are also
   moving, but all this is being done slowly, and lacks much of
   the energy and cooperation which should accompany it."

      J. L. Mathews,
      The Conservation of our National Resources
      (Atlantic Monthly, May, 1908).

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Great Britain:
   Outline of undertakings by the Government in 1909.
   Development and Road Improvement Act.

   In his Budget speech to the House of Commons April 29, 1909,
   the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. David Lloyd-George, gave
   a broad indication of undertakings contemplated by the
   Government, in forestry work (afforestation, or
   reafforestation) and on other lines directed toward a more
   effective preservation and development of the natural
   resources of the country. In the afforestation of the waste
   lands of the country, he said, "We are far behind every other
   civilized country in the world. I have figures which are very
   interesting on this point. In Germany, for instance, out of a
   total area of 133 million acres, 34 millions, or nearly 26 per
   cent., are wooded; in France, out of 130 million acres, 17 per
   cent.; even in a small and densely-populated country such as
   Belgium, 1,260,000 acres are wooded, or 17 per cent. In the
   United Kingdom, on the other hand, out of 77 million acres,
   only 3 millions, or 4 per cent., are under wood. Sir Herbert
   Maxwell, who has made a study of this question for a good many
   years, and whose moderation of statement is beyond challenge,
   estimates that, in 1906, ‘eight millions were paid annually in
   salaries for the administration, formation, and preservation
   of German forests, representing the maintenance of about
   200,000 families, or about 1,000,000 souls; and that in
   working up the raw material yielded by the forests wages were
   earned annually to the amount of 30 millions sterling,
   maintaining about 600,000 families, or 3,000,000 souls.’ The
   Committee will there perceive what an important element this
   is in the labour and employment of a country. Any one who will
   take the trouble to search out the census returns will find
   that the number of people directly employed in forest work in
   this country is only 16,000. And yet the soil and the climate
   of this country are just as well adapted for the growth of
   marketable trees as that of the States of Germany. Recently we
   have been favoured with a striking report of a Royal
   Commission, very ably presided over by my honourable friend
   the member for Cardiff. A perusal of the names attached to
   that report will secure for it respectful and favourable
   consideration. It outlines a very comprehensive and
   far-reaching scheme for planting the wastes of this country.
   The systematic operation which the Commission recommend is a
   gigantic one, and, before the Government can commit themselves
   to it in all its details, it will require very careful
   consideration by a body of experts skilled in forestry. I am
   informed by men whom I have consulted, and whose opinion on
   this subject I highly value, that there is a good deal of
   preliminary work which ought to be undertaken in this country
   before the Government could safely begin planting on the large
   scale indicated in that report. … I am also told that we
   cannot command the services in this country of a sufficient
   number of skilled foresters to direct planting. …

   "I doubt whether there is a great industrial country in the
   world which spends less money directly on work connected with
   the development of its resources than we do. Take the case of
   agriculture alone. Examine the Budgets of foreign countries—I
   have done it with great advantage in other directions—examine
   them from this particular point of view, and honourable
   members, I think, will be rather ashamed at the contrast
   between the wise and lavish generosity of countries much
   poorer than ours and the short-sighted and niggardly parsimony
   with which we dole out small sums of money for the
   encouragement of agriculture in our country. …

   "I will tell the House what we propose. There is a certain
   amount of money, not very much, spent in this country in a
   spasmodic kind of way on what I will call the work of national
   development—in light railways, in harbours, in indirect but
   very meagre assistance to agriculture.
{145}
   I propose to gather all these grants together into one grant
   that I propose to call a development grant, and this year to
   add a sum of £200,000 to that grant for these purposes. … The
   grant will be utilized in the promotion of schemes which have
   for their purpose the development of the resources of the
   country, and will include such objects as the institution of
   schools of forestry, the purchase and preparation of land for
   afforestation, the setting up of a number of experimental
   forests on a large scale, expenditure upon scientific research
   in the interests of agriculture, experimental farms, the
   improvement of stock—in respect of which I have had a good
   many representations from the agricultural community—the
   equipment of agencies for disseminating agricultural
   instruction, the encouragement and promotion of co-operation,
   the improvement of rural transport so as to make markets more
   accessible, the facilitation of all well-considered schemes
   and measures for attracting labour back to the land by small
   holdings or reclamation of wastes."

   In realization of this programme an important "Development and
   Road Improvement Funds Act" was introduced by Mr. Lloyd-George
   in August, and passed, after considerable amendment of its
   administrative details in Committee of the Commons and in the
   House of Lords. It is divided into two parts, the first
   dealing with development, or the aiding and encouraging of
   agriculture and other rural industries, inclusive of forestry,
   reclamation and drainage of land, improvement of rural
   transport, construction and improvement of inland navigation
   and harbors, and the development and improvement of fisheries.
   The Act enables the Treasury to make free grants and loans,
   from a Development Fund fed by an annual Parliamentary vote
   and by a charge on the Consolidated Fund. An independent
   Development Commission is to be appointed by the Treasury,
   consisting of five members appointed for ten years, whose
   recommendation for the rejection of applications shall be
   final, though not that for their acceptance. The second part
   of the Act sets up a Road Board to carry out schemes of road
   improvement, either under its own direct control or through
   the existing highway authorities.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: North America:
   International Conference of Delegates from Canada, Mexico,
   and the United States.

   The movement instituted in the United States for a better
   conservation of the natural resources of the country was
   broadened, early in 1909, into a continental and international
   movement, by an invitation from President Roosevelt to the
   Governments of Canada and Mexico to send delegates to a
   general conference on the subject at Washington, for the
   purpose of arranging some cooperative and harmonious plans of
   action in the three countries. The invitation was cordially
   accepted in both of the neighboring countries, and the
   delegates sent were met, on the 18th of February, by many of
   the leaders of the conservation movement in the United States,
   including the National Conservation Commission. After being
   received and addressed by the President at the White House, a
   two days session of the Conference was held in the diplomatic
   room of the State Department, with good results.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Turkey: A. D. 1909.
   Reclamation projects in the Tigris-Euphrates Delta.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: United States:
   The Great Movement for an Arresting of Waste.
   An organized National care-taking of Forests, Waters, Lands,
   and Minerals.
   Forest Service, Irrigation, Development of Waterways.

   It is more than possible that the administration of Government
   in the United States under President Roosevelt will be
   distinguished, in the judgment of coming generations, most
   highly by the impulse and the organization it gave to measures
   for conserving the natural resources of the country, in woods,
   water sources, mineral deposits and fertile or fertilizable
   soils,—rescuing them from a hitherto unrestrained recklessness
   of waste. The key-note of a new determination in governmental
   policy, pointed to this end, was sounded by the President in
   his first Message to Congress, on the 3d of December, 1901,
   when he opened the subject largely and earnestly, saying,
   among other things, this:

   "The preservation of our forests is an imperative business
   necessity. We have come to see clearly that whatever destroys
   the forest, except to make way for agriculture, threatens our
   well-being. At present the protection of the forest reserves
   rests with the General Land Office, the mapping and
   description of their timber with the United States Geological
   Survey, and the preparation of plans for their conservative
   use with the Bureau of Forestry, which is also charged with
   the general advancement of practical forestry in the United
   States. These various functions should be united in the Bureau
   of Forestry, to which they properly belong. The present
   diffusion of responsibility is bad from every standpoint. It
   prevents that effective cooperation between the Government and
   the men who utilize the resources of the reserves, without
   which the interests of both must suffer. The scientific
   bureaus generally should be put under the Department of
   Agriculture. The President should have by law the power of
   transferring lands for use as forest reserves to the
   Department of Agriculture. He already has such power in the
   case of lands needed by the Departments of War and the Navy. …

   "The wise administration of the forest reserves will be not
   less helpful to the interests which depend on water than to
   those which depend on wood and grass. The water supply itself
   depends upon the forest. In the arid region it is water, not
   land, which measures production. The western half of the
   United States would sustain a population greater than that of
   our whole country to-day if the waters that now run to waste
   were saved and used for irrigation. The forest and water
   problems are perhaps the most vital internal questions of the
   United States. …

   "The forests alone cannot, however, fully regulate and
   conserve the waters of the arid region. Great storage works
   are necessary to equalize the flow of streams and to save the
   flood waters. Their construction has been conclusively shown
   to be an undertaking too vast for private effort. Nor can it
   be best accomplished by the individual States acting alone.
   Far-reaching interstate problems are involved; and the
   resources of single States would often be inadequate. It is
   properly a national function. at least in some of its
   features. …

{146}

   "The reclamation of the unsettled arid public lands presents a
   different problem. Here it is not enough to regulate the flow
   of streams. The object of the Government is to dispose of the
   land to settlers who will build homes upon it. To accomplish
   this object water must be brought within their reach. …
   Whatever the Nation does for the extension of irrigation
   should harmonize with, and tend to improve, the condition of
   those now living on irrigated land. We are not at the
   starting-point of this development. Over two hundred millions
   of private capital have already been expended in the
   construction of irrigation works, and many million acres of
   arid land reclaimed. A high degree of enterprise and ability
   has been shown in the work itself; but as much cannot be said
   in reference to the laws relating thereto. The security and
   value of the homes created depend largely on the stability of
   titles to water; but the majority of these rest on the
   uncertain foundation of court decisions rendered in ordinary
   suits at law. With a few creditable exceptions, the arid
   States have failed to provide for the certain and just
   division of streams in times of scarcity. Lax and uncertain
   laws have made it possible to establish rights to water in
   excess of actual uses or necessities, and many streams have
   already passed into private ownership, or a control equivalent
   to ownership."

      President's Message to Congress,
      December 3, 1901.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   The Nationalizing of Irrigation Works.

   The highest quality of statesmanship is represented by such
   recommendations as these. So far as concerned the proposed
   nationalization of irrigation works, to reclaim the arid lands
   of the West, they bore fruit within a year, in the passage by
   Congress of the Reclamation Act of June 17, 1902. It devoted
   most of the proceeds of the sale of public lauds, in Arizona,
   California, Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Montana, Nevada, New
   Mexico, North and South Dakota, Oklahoma, Utah, Washington,
   and Wyoming, to a special Reclamation Fund in the Treasury,
   for the creation and maintenance of irrigation works. This was
   a measure for which the late Major John W. Powell, Director of
   the United States Geological Survey, had labored incessantly
   for many years. In his book on "The Lands of the Arid Regions"
   he was the first to show the possibility of redemption for
   most of the wide spaces of land then supposed to be hopeless
   desert, and he pleaded with Congress, session after session,
   for some national undertaking to store and distribute the
   waters from the mountains that would give life to their soil.
   In 1888 he succeeded so far as to win authority and means for
   investigating the water supply for the region, and from that
   time he had kept an efficient small corps of engineers at work
   in the survey and measurement of streams, accumulating
   information that was ready for immediate use when actual
   constructive work was taken in hand. At once, on the passage
   of the Reclamation Act, the Director of the Geological Survey,
   acting under the Secretary of the Interior, began the
   execution of plans already well matured, for irrigation in
   Arizona and Nevada; and was able three years later to report
   similar undertakings in progress within three of the ten
   Territories and thirteen States.

   In May, 1908, the following statement of the reclamation work
   then in progress appeared in The Outlook: "The work as
   a whole rivals the Panama Canal in the labor and expense
   involved. The employment of 16,000 men and the expenditure of
   $1,250,000 every month are but incidents in the service.
   Already the canals completed reach a total of 1,815 miles—as
   far as from New York to Denver. Homes have been made for ten
   thousand families where before was desert. In the past five
   years $33,000,000 has been spent, and the enterprises already
   planned will add more than a hundred millions to this sum. Nor
   is this money spent in one locality. In New Mexico one of the
   largest dams in the world is being constructed. In California
   and Nevada great reservoirs and irrigation plants are being
   built. In western Kansas the beet-sugar raisers are to have a
   $250,000 plant for pumping the ‘underflow,’ or the sheet water
   found a few feet beneath the top-soil, of the Arkansas River
   Valley to the surface, that ditches may be filled and crops
   made certain. On seven great projects, involving the
   expenditure of $51,000,000 and the reclamation of over a
   million acres, the benefit is directly to the Northwest. These
   projects lie in North and South Dakota, Montana, and
   Washington. In these States lands that have been considered as
   worthless except for the coarsest kind of grazing are being
   transformed into productive farms. In South Dakota the largest
   earth dam in the world is being constructed, that ninety
   thousand acres of land may be made fertile; while just east of
   the Yellowstone Park is being built a solid wall of masonry
   310 feet high to hold back the waters of the Shoshone River
   until a reservoir of ten square miles, capable of irrigating a
   hundred thousand acres, is formed. The production of these
   irrigated lands is marvelous."

   The latest official statistics that are available represent
   the total of acres irrigated at the end of the year 1907 as
   being 11,000,000, in 167,200 farms, at an average cost (of
   constructive work) of $13.46 per acre.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   A National Forest Policy.

   Less promptitude of action followed the President's urging of
   measures for forest preservation, and his warnings to Congress
   and the country, against the consequences of this inaction,
   were repeated from year to year. His Message of December,
   1904, carried a specially urgent plea for legislation to unify
   the national forest work.

   "I have repeatedly," he said, "called attention to the
   confusion which exists in Government forest matters because
   the work is scattered among three independent organizations.
   The United States is the only one of the great nations in
   which the forest work of the Government is not concentrated
   under one department, in consonance with the plainest dictates
   of good administration and common sense. The present
   arrangement is bad from every point of view. Merely to mention
   it is to prove that it should be terminated at once. As I have
   repeatedly recommended, all the forest work of the Government
   should be concentrated in the Department of Agriculture, where
   the larger part of that work is already done, where
   practically all of the trained foresters of the Government are
   employed, where chiefly in Washington there is comprehensive
   first-hand knowledge of the problems of the reserves acquired
   on the ground, where all problems relating to growth from the
   soil are already gathered, and where all the sciences
   auxiliary to forestry are at hand for prompt and effective
   coöperation."

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   During its following session Congress took the desired action,
   and the whole forest service was transferred to the Department
   of Agriculture in February, 1905.

   Early in June of that year the efforts of the President to
   waken attention to the seriousness of the forest destruction
   in the country were greatly helped by a notable convention at
   Washington of about twelve hundred men, having both interest
   and knowledge in the matter, who came together to discuss the
   problems involved. They were mostly practical foresters,
   intelligent lumbermen, railway men, ranch-owners, engineers
   and miners, and their urgency of a systematic conservative
   treatment of the surviving forest wealth of the country
   carried great weight. The convention was under the direction
   of the Secretary of Agriculture, and was addressed by the
   President.

   During a journey through parts of the Southern States, in
   October, 1905, the President took occasion, in some of his
   speeches, to urge that a large part, at least, of the rapidly
   disappearing forests on the Atlantic side of the country
   should be nationalized, for preservation in the manner of the
   forest reserves of the Far West. In his Message of 1906 he
   submitted this to Congress, as a specific recommendation,
   saying that the forests of the White Mountains and the
   Southern Appalachian regions need to be preserved, and "cannot
   be unless the people of the States in which they lie, through
   their representatives in the Congress, secure vigorous action
   by the National Government." This proposal encountered strong
   opposition from selfish interests, and Congress was prevailed
   upon with difficulty to authorize a survey of the forests of
   the White Mountains and the Southern Appalachians, which
   resulted in a recommendation by the Secretary of Agriculture
   that 600,000 acres in the former region and 5,000,000 in the
   latter be purchased for a National Reserve. A bill responsive
   to this recommendation was passed by the Senate, but rejected
   by the House, which appointed a commission, instead, to make
   further investigations in the matter. Meantime, in the White
   Mountains alone, busy slaughterers of the forests were said to
   be stripping three hundred acres per day.

   On the eve of the adjournment of Congress in March, 1907, the
   President issued a proclamation adding some seventeen millions
   of acres of forest lands to the National Forest Reserves
   already established. This was just before he signed an Act of
   Congress which abridged his authority to create reserves in
   Colorado, Wyoming, Montana, Idaho, Oregon, and Washington. It
   was a characteristic proceeding, for which the President had
   ample power under a statute of 1891, and it simply held the
   forests designated in safety from destruction until the
   question of their treatment was more carefully considered. The
   next Congress, or the next President, could give them up to
   private ownership, in whole or in part, if the one or the
   other found reason for doing so. Meantime they were sheltered
   from the axeman, while undergoing study. As a matter of fact,
   Mr. Roosevelt’s successor, President Taft, did conclude that
   some of the lands reserved should be released for sale, and so
   ordered soon after he entered the executive office.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   The Inland Waterways Commission.

   In his annual Message of December, 1907, the President
   enlarged the range of considerations that connect themselves
   with the question of economic forestry, by directing attention
   to the importance of the waterways of the country and their
   claim to a more systematic development. "For the last few
   years," he said, "through several agencies, the Government has
   been endeavoring to get our people to look ahead, and to
   substitute a planned and orderly development of our resources
   in place of a haphazard striving for immediate profit. Our
   great river systems should be developed as National water
   highways; the Mississippi, with its tributaries, standing
   first in importance, and the Columbia second, although there
   are many others of importance on the Pacific, the Atlantic and
   the Gulf slopes. The National Government should undertake this
   work, and I hope a beginning will be made in the present
   Congress; and the greatest of all our rivers, the Mississippi,
   should receive especial attention. From the Great Lakes to the
   mouth of the Mississippi there should be a deep waterway, with
   deep waterways leading from it to the East and the West. Such
   a waterway would practically mean the extension of our coast
   line into the very heart of our country. It would be of
   incalculable benefit to our people. If begun at once it can be
   carried through in time appreciably to relieve the congestion
   of our great freight-carrying lines of railroads. …

   "The inland waterways which lie just back of the whole eastern
   and southern coasts should likewise be developed. Moreover,
   the development of our waterways involves many other important
   water problems, all of which should be considered as part of
   the same general scheme. The Government dams should be used to
   produce hundreds of thousands of horsepower as an incident to
   improving navigation; for the annual value of the unused
   water-power of the United States perhaps exceeds the annual
   value of the products of all our mines. As an incident to
   creating the deep waterway down the Mississippi, the
   Government should build along its whole lower length levees
   which taken together with the control of the headwaters, will
   at once and forever put a complete stop to all threat of
   floods in the immensely fertile Delta region. The territory
   lying adjacent to the Mississippi along its lower course will
   thereby become one of the most prosperous and populous, as it
   already is one of the most fertile, farming regions in all the
   world. I have appointed an Inland Waterways Commission to
   study and outline a comprehensive scheme of development along
   all the lines indicated. Later I shall lay its report before
   the Congress."

   The Inland Waterways Commission thus appointed by the
   President in March, 1907, gave its attention first to the
   project of a "Lakes-to-the-Gulf Deep Water Way," which had
   been commanding wide interest in the Mississippi Valley for
   some years. What the project, in its full magnitude,
   contemplated, was stated as follows in the resolutions of a
   great convention, of 4000 delegates, from 44 States, assembled
   at Chicago in October, 1908:

   "Any plan for the inland waterway development so imperatively
   necessary to the material welfare of the valley should
   comprise a main trunk line in the form of a strait connecting
   Lake Michigan with the Gulf of Mexico by way of the Illinois
   and Mississippi rivers.
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   The development of this trunk line should begin at once. The
   improvement of the branches of this main line, such as the
   upper Mississippi, with its tributaries; the Ohio, with its
   leading tributaries, including the Tennessee and Cumberland;
   the Missouri, the Arkansas, the Red, the White, and other
   rivers, and the interstate inland waterway of Louisiana and
   Texas, should proceed simultaneously with the development of
   the principal line.

   "The deep waterway is practically complete from Chicago to
   Joliet through the courage and enterprise of the single city
   of Chicago, which has by the expenditure of $55,000,000
   created a deep waterway across the main divide between the
   waters of Lake Michigan and those of the Mississippi. A
   special board of survey, composed of United States engineers,
   reported to Congress in 1905 that the continuation of the deep
   waterway from Joliet to St. Louis was feasible and would cost
   only $31,000,000. The State of Illinois, assuming that the
   Federal Government will take the responsibility of completing
   the waterway to the Gulf, is about to cooperate to the extent
   of $20,000,000."

   The waterway here mentioned as being "practically complete from
   Chicago to Joliet" is that known as the Chicago Drainage
   Canal. The $20,000,000 with which the State of Illinois would
   cooperate in carrying out the whole project was voted by that
   State in November, 1908, for building an extension of the
   Drainage Canal from Joliet to Utica, Illinois, sixty-one
   miles, for a development of water power. The depth of these
   channels is and is to be twenty-four feet, and the project of
   the Lakes-to-the-Gulf Deep Waterway contemplated that depth
   throughout. The Board of Engineers to which the project was
   referred reported, however, in June, 1909, against the
   desirability of a waterway of such depth. Its cost from St.
   Louis to the Gulf is estimated to be $128,000,000 for
   construction, and $6,000,000 yearly for maintenance. In the
   judgment of the board, the present demands of commerce between
   St. Louis and the Gulf will be adequately met by an eight-foot
   channel from St. Louis to the mouth of the Ohio and a channel
   of not less than nine feet in depth below the mouth of the
   Ohio. The board’s belief is that an eight-foot channel from
   Chicago to St. Louis corresponding with the eight-foot project
   from St. Louis to Cairo is the least that would adequately
   meet the demands of commerce. It adds that such a waterway
   would be desirable, provided its cost is reasonable. Present
   and prospective demands of commerce between Chicago and the
   Gulf would be adequately served, the board reports, by a
   through nine-foot channel to the Gulf.

   In the States bordering on the Atlantic a "Deeper Waterways
   Association" is pressing long-mooted plans for uniting the
   bays, sounds, and navigable rivers along the Atlantic coast by
   canals, thus affording safe deep-water communication from
   Boston on the east to Florida at the far south.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   Conference of Governors at Washington.

   In all his endeavors to establish a national policy directed,
   systematically and scientifically, to the arresting of waste
   in the use and treatment of the natural resources of the
   country, President Roosevelt was assisted very greatly by the
   knowledge and the energetic public spirit of the chief of the
   National Forest Service, Mr. Gifford Pinchot. It is understood
   to have been on the initiative of Mr. Pinchot that the
   crowning expedient for stirring and determining public feeling
   on the subject was planned, early in the winter of 1908, when
   the President invited the Governors of all the States and
   Territories to a Conference in Washington, for considering the
   whole question of an economic conservation of natural
   resources and concerting measures to that end. It was said,
   indeed, by the President, in addressing the meeting of
   Governors, that if it had not been for Mr. Pinchot "this
   convention neither would nor could have been called." The
   invitation went to others than Governors,—to men of national
   prominence in public life, in scientific pursuits, in business
   experience, and to heads of great associations. The resulting
   assembly at the White House, on the 13th, 14th, and 15th of
   May, 1908, marked an epoch in American history. There were
   Governors from forty of the forty-six States of the Union,
   with the President and members of his Cabinet, the Justices of
   the Supreme Court, many Senators and Representatives from the
   Congress, and a distinguished gathering of such citizens as
   William Jennings Bryan, Seth Low, James J. Hill, Andrew
   Carnegie, John Mitchell and Samuel Gompers. All sides of the
   national thriftlessness that needed correction were discussed
   by men who could best describe the evils produced and best
   indicate the methods of remedy. Before adjourning their
   meeting the Governors present adopted with unanimity a
   declaration in which they say:

   "We agree that our country’s future is involved in this: that
   the great natural resources supply the material basis upon
   which our civilization must continue to depend, and upon which
   the perpetuity of the nation itself rests. We agree, in the
   light of the facts brought to our knowledge and from the
   information received from sources which we cannot doubt, that
   this material basis is threatened with exhaustion. …

   "We declare our firm conviction that this conservation of our
   natural resources is a subject of transcendent importance
   which should engage unremittingly the attention of the nation,
   the States, and the people in earnest cooperation. These
   natural resources include the land on which we live and which
   yields our food; the living waters which fertilize the soil,
   supply power, and form great avenues of commerce; the forests
   which yield the materials for our homes, prevent erosion of
   the soil, and conserve the navigation and other uses of the
   streams; and the minerals which form the basis of our
   industrial life, and supply us with heat, light, and power. …

   "We commend the wise forethought of the President in sounding
   the note of warning as to the waste and exhaustion of the
   natural resources of the country, and signify our high
   appreciation of his action in calling this Conference to
   consider the same and to seek remedies therefor through
   cooperation of the nation and the States. …

   "We agree in the wisdom of future conferences between the
   President, Members of Congress, and the governors of States on
   the conservation of our natural resources with a view of
   continued coöperation and action on the lines suggested; and
   to this end we advise that from time to time, as in his
   judgment may seem wise, the President call the governors of
   States and Members of Congress and others into conference.

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   "We agree that further action is advisable to ascertain the
   present condition of our natural resources and to promote the
   conservation of the same; and to that end we recommend the
   appointment by each State of a commission on the conservation
   of natural resources, to coöperate with each other and with
   any similar commission of the Federal Government."

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   The National Conservation Commission and its Report.

   The President acted with promptitude on the suggestion of a
   National Commission on the Conservation of Natural Resources,
   to coöperate with kindred State Commissions. Within a month he
   announced the appointment of such a Commission, composed of
   nearly fifty men of special qualification for the inquiries to
   be pursued, the recommendations to be made, and the action to
   be taken. All sections of the country are represented on the
   Commission, including such authorities on waters as Professor
   Swain, of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology; on
   forests, as Professor Graves, of the Yale Forestry School, and
   Mr. Charles Lathrop Pack, of New Jersey; on lands, as
   Ex-Governor Pardee, of California, and Mr. James J. Hill, the
   eminent railway president; on minerals, as Messrs. Andrew
   Carnegie, of New York, John Hays Hammond, of Massachusetts,
   and John Mitchell, of Illinois.

   The Commission is divided into four sections, one to consider
   forests, another waters, a third minerals, and the fourth
   lands. Over these divisions is an executive committee, of which
   Mr. Gifford Pinchot is chairman. In each section there are
   representatives from the Senate and House of Representatives,
   and officials of Government from the Department which has to
   do with the subject referred to it.

   State action on the lines commended by the Conference of
   Governors had already been instituted in a number of States,
   and in many others it was promptly set on foot; so that the
   desired coöperative organization of effort was soon well under
   way, and contributing to the first undertaking planned by the
   Executive Committee of the National Commission, which was the
   making of an inventory of the natural resources of the United
   States. So effective was the work done in the summer and fall
   of 1908 that a Second Conference of State Governors, jointly
   with the State and National Commissions, was found desirable,
   for consideration of the mass of facts collected as a basis
   for definite plans. The Second Conference, like the First, was
   in Washington, and it was opened on the 8th of December, under
   the chairmanship of the then President-elect of the United
   States, the Honorable William H. Taft. The draft of a report
   prepared to be made by the National Conservation Commission to
   the President of the United States was submitted
   confidentially to this Conference, and was sent to Congress a
   little later with its approval, as well as with that of the
   President. The Conference adopted, furthermore, two important
   resolutions, as follows:

   "Resolved, That a joint committee be appointed by the
   chairman, to consist of six members of state conservation
   commissions and three members of the National Conservation
   Commission, whose duty it shall be to prepare and present to
   the state and national commissions, and through them to the
   governors and the President, a plan for united action by all
   organizations concerned with the conservation of natural
   resources. (On motion of Governor Noel, of Mississippi, the
   chairman and secretary of the conference were added to and
   constituted a part of this committee.) "

   "We also especially urge on the Congress of the United States
   the high desirability of maintaining a National Commission on
   the Conservation of the Resources of the Country, empowered to
   coöperate with State Commissions, to the end that every
   sovereign commonwealth and every section of the country may
   attain the high degree of prosperity and the sureness of
   perpetuity naturally arising in the abundant resources and the
   vigor, intelligence and patriotism of our people."

   In subsequently communicating to Congress, on the 22d of
   January, 1909, the report of the National Conservation
   Commission, the President said:

   "With the statements and conclusions of this report I heartily
   concur, and I commend it to the thoughtful consideration both
   of the Congress and of our people generally. It is one of the
   most fundamentally important documents ever laid before the
   American people. It contains the first inventory of its
   natural resources ever made by any nation."

   The report of the Commission was prefaced by a brief
   explanatory statement from the Chairman of its Executive
   Committee, partly as follows:

   "The executive committee designated in your letter creating
   the commission organized on June 19 and outlined a plan for
   making an inventory of the natural resources of the United
   States. On July 1 work was undertaken, accordingly, with the
   coöperation of the bureaus of the federal departments,
   authorities of the different States, and representative bodies
   of the national industries. The results of this coöperative
   work are herewith submitted as appendices of the commission’s
   report. … In its coöperation ‘with other bodies created for
   similar purposes by States,’ the National Conservation
   Commission has had most valuable assistance. Within the first
   month after the creation of the commission, the governors of 5
   States had appointed conservation commissions, and an equal
   number of organizations of national scope had named
   conservation committees. At the time of the recent joint
   conservation conference 33 States and Territories had formed
   conservation commissions. The number has now increased to 36,
   with indications that nearly all of the remaining States will
   soon take similar action. The number of national organizations
   which have appointed conservation committees is 41."

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   An Inventory of Natural Resources.

   From the report itself it is only possible, in this place, to
   glean a few of its most impressive and significant disclosures
   of fact. For example:

   CONCERNING FORESTS.

   "Forests privately owned cover three-fourths of the total
   forest area and contain four-fifths of the standing timber.
   The timber privately owned is not only four times that
   publicly owned, but is generally more valuable. Forestry is
   now practiced on 70 per cent. of the forests publicly owned,
   and on less than 1 per cent. of the forests privately owned,
   or on only 18 per cent. of the total area of forests.

   "The yearly growth of wood in our forests does not average
   more than 12 cubic feet per acre. This gives a total yearly
   growth of less than 7,000,000,000 cubic feet.

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   "We have 200,000,000 acres of mature forests, in which yearly
   growth is balanced by decay; 250,000,000 acres partly cut over
   or burned over, but restocking naturally with enough young
   growth to produce a merchantable crop, and 100,000,000 acres
   cut over and burned over, upon which young growth is lacking
   or too scanty to make merchantable timber.

   "We take from our forests yearly, including waste in logging
   and in manufacture, 23,000,000,000 cubic feet of wood. We use
   each year 100,000,000 cords of firewood; 40,000,000,000 feet
   of lumber; more than 1,000,000,000 posts, poles, and fence
   rails; 118,000,000 hewn ties; 1,500,000,000 staves; over
   133,000,000 sets of heading; nearly 500,000,000 barrel hoops;
   3,000,000 cords of native pulp wood; 165,000,000 cubic feet of
   round mine timbers, and 1,250,000 cords of wood for
   distillation.

   "Since 1870 forest fires have destroyed a yearly average of 50
   lives and $50,000,000 worth of timber. Not less than
   50,000,000 acres of forest is burned over yearly. The young
   growth destroyed by fire is worth far more than the
   merchantable timber burned.

   "One-fourth of the standing timber is lost in logging. The
   boxing of long-leaf pine for turpentine has destroyed
   one-fifth of the forests worked. The loss in the mill is from
   one-third to two-thirds of the timber sawed. The loss of mill
   product in seasoning and fitting for use is from one-seventh
   to one fourth. Of each 1000 feet, which stood in the forest,
   an average of only 320 feet of lumber is used.

   "We take from our forests each year, not counting the loss by
   fire, three and a half times their yearly growth. We take 40
   cubic feet per acre for each 12 cubic feet grown; we take 260
   cubic feet per capita, while Germany uses 37 and France 25
   cubic feet.

   "We tax our forests under the general property tax, a method
   abandoned long ago by every other great nation. Present tax
   laws prevent reforestation of cut-over land and the
   perpetuation of existing forests by use.

   "Great damage is done to standing timber by injurious forest
   insects. Much of this damage can be prevented at small
   expense.

   "To protect our farms from wind and to reforest land best
   suited for forest growth will require tree planting on an area
   larger than Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia combined.
   Lands so far successfully planted make a total area smaller
   than Rhode Island; and year by year, through careless cutting
   and fires, we lower the capacity of existing forests to
   produce their like again, or else totally destroy them. …

   "By reasonable thrift we can produce a constant timber supply
   beyond our present need, and with it conserve the usefulness
   of our streams for irrigation, water supply, navigation and
   power. Under right management, our forests will yield over
   four times as much as now. We can reduce waste in the woods
   and in the mill at least one third, with present as well as
   future profit. … We can practically stop forest fires at a
   cost yearly of one fifth of the value of the merchantable
   timber burned.

   "We shall suffer for timber to meet our needs until our
   forests have had time to grow again. But if we act vigorously
   and at once, we shall escape permanent timber scarcity." The
   report adds much of interest on this subject.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   CONCERNING WATERS.

   "Our mean annual rainfall is about 30 inches; the quantity
   about 215,000,000,000,000 cubic feet per year, equivalent to
   ten Mississippi rivers. Of the total rainfall over half is
   evaporated; about a third flows into the sea, the remaining
   sixth is either consumed or absorbed. These portions are
   sometimes called, respectively, the fly-off, the run-off and
   the cut-off. They are partly interchangeable. About a third of
   the run-off, or a tenth of the entire rainfall, passes through
   the Mississippi. The run-off is increasing with deforestation
   and cultivation.

   "Of the 70,000,000,000,000 cubic feet annually flowing into
   the sea, less than 1 per cent. is restrained and utilized for
   municipal and community supply; less than 2 per cent. (or some
   10 per cent. of that in the arid and semi-arid regions) is
   used for irrigation; perhaps 5 per cent, is used for
   navigation, and less than 5 per cent, for power. …

   "For irrigation it is estimated that there are $200,000,000
   invested in dams, ditches, reservoirs, and other works for the
   partial control of the waters; and that 1,500,000,000,000
   cubic feet are annually diverted to irrigable lands,
   aggregating some 20,000 square miles. Except in some cases
   through forestry, few catchment areas are controlled, and few
   reservoirs are large enough to hold the storm waters. The
   waste in the public and private projects exceeds 60 per cent.
   while no more than 25 per cent. of the water actually
   available for irrigation of the arid lands is restrained and
   diverted.

   "There are in continental United States 282 streams navigated
   for an aggregate of 26,115 miles, and as much more navigable
   if improved. There are 45 canals, aggregating 2,189 miles,
   besides numerous abandoned canals. Except through forestry in
   recent years, together with a few reservoirs and canal locks
   and movable dams, there has been little effort to control
   headwaters or catchment areas in the interests of navigation,
   and none of our rivers are navigated to more than a small
   fraction even of their effective low-water capacity.

   "The water power now in use is 5,250,000 horse power; the
   amount running over government dams and not used is about
   1,400,000 horse-power; the amount reasonably available equals
   or exceeds the entire mechanical power now in use, or enough
   to operate every mill, drive every spindle, propel every train
   and boat, and light every city, town, and village in the
   country. … Nearly all the freshet and flood water runs to
   waste, and the low waters which limit the efficiency of power
   plants are increasing in frequency and duration with the
   increasing flood run-off. … The direct yearly damage by floods
   since 1900 has increased steadily from $45,000,000 to over
   $238,000,000. …

   "A large part of that half of the annual rainfall not
   evaporated lodges temporarily in the soil and earth. It is
   estimated that the ground water to the depth of 100 feet
   averages 16 2/3 percent, of the earth-Volume, or over
   1,400,000,000,000,000 cubic feet, equivalent to seven years'
   rainfall or twenty years’ run-off. This subsurface reservoir
   is the essential basis of agriculture and other industries and
   is the chief natural resource of the country. It sustains
   forests and all other crops and supplies the perennial springs
   and streams and wells used by four-fifths of our population
   and nearly all our domestic animals. Its quantity is
   diminished by the increased run-off due to deforestation and
   injudicious farming."

{151}

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   CONCERNING LANDS.

   "The total land area of continental United States is
   1,900,000,000 acres. Of this but little more than two-fifths
   is in farms, and less than one-half of the farm area is
   improved and made a source of crop production. We have nearly
   6,000,000 farms; they average 146 acres each. The value of the
   farms is nearly one-fourth the wealth of the United States.
   There are more than 300,000,000 acres of public grazing land.
   The number of persons engaged in agricultural pursuits is more
   than 10,000,000. …

   "There has been a slight increase in the average yield of our
   great staple farm products, but neither the increase in
   acreage nor the yield per acre has kept pace with our increase
   in population. Within a century we shall probably have to feed
   three times as many people as now; and the main bulk of our
   food supply must be grown on our own soil.

   "The area of cultivated land may possibly be doubled. In
   addition to the land awaiting the plow, 75,000,000 acres of
   swamp land can be reclaimed, 40,000,000 acres of desert land
   irrigated, and millions of acres of brush and wooded land
   cleared. Our population will increase continuously, but there
   is a definite limit to the increase of our cultivated acreage.
   Hence we must greatly increase the yield per acre. The average
   yield of wheat in the United States is less than 14 bushels
   per acre, in Germany 28 bushels, and in England 32 bushels. We
   get 30 bushels of oats per acre, England nearly 45, and
   Germany more than 47. Our soils are fertile, but our mode of
   farming neither conserves the soil nor secures full crop
   returns. The greatest unnecessary loss of our soil is
   preventable erosion. Second only to this is the waste, nonuse,
   and misuse of fertilizer derived from animals and men."

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   CONCERNING MINERALS.

   "The available and easily accessible supplies of coal in the
   United States aggregate approximately 1,400,000,000,000 tons.
   At the present increasing rate of production this supply will
   be so depleted as to approach exhaustion before the middle of
   the next century.

   "The known supply of high-grade iron ores in the United States
   approximates 3,840,000,000 tons, which at the present
   increasing rate of consumption can not be expected to last
   beyond the middle of the present century. In addition to this,
   there are assumed to be 59,000,000,000 tons of lower grade
   iron ores which are not available for use under existing
   conditions.

   "The supply of stone, clay, cement, lime, sand, and salt is
   ample, while the stock of the precious metals and of copper,
   lead, zinc, sulphur, asphalt, graphite, quicksilver, mica, and
   the rare metals can not well be estimated, but is clearly
   exhaustible within one to three centuries unless unexpected
   deposits be found.

   "The known supply of petroleum is estimated at 15,000,000,000
   to 20,000,000,000 barrels, distributed through six separate
   fields having an aggregate area of 8,900 square miles. The
   production is rapidly increasing, while the wastes and the
   loss through misuse are enormous. The supply can not be
   expected to last beyond the middle of the present century.

   "The known natural-gas fields aggregate an area of 9,000
   square miles, distributed through 22 States. Of the total
   yield from these fields during 1907, 400,000,000,000 cubic
   feet, valued at $62,000,000, were utilized, while an equal
   quantity was allowed to escape into the air. The daily waste
   of natural gas—the most perfect known fuel—is over
   1,000,000,000 cubic feet, or enough to supply every city in
   the United States of over 100,000 population.

   "Phosphate rock, used for fertilizer, represents the slow
   accumulation of organic matter during past ages. In most
   countries it is scrupulously preserved; in this country it is
   extensively exported, and largely for this reason its
   production is increasing rapidly. The original supply can not
   long withstand the increasing demand. …

   "The National Government should exercise such control of the
   mineral fuels and phosphate rocks now in its possession as to
   check waste and prolong our supply."

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   CONCERNING LIFE AND HEALTH

   "Since the greatest of our national assets is the health and
   vigor of the American people, our efficiency must depend on
   national vitality even more than on the resources of the
   minerals, lands, forests, and waters. …

   "Our annual mortality from tuberculosis is about 150,000.
   Stopping three-fourths of the loss of life from this cause,
   and from typhoid and other prevalent and preventable diseases,
   would increase our average length of life over fifteen years.
   There are constantly about 3,000,000 persons seriously ill in
   the United States, of whom 500,000 are consumptives. More than
   half this illness is preventable. …

   "The National Government has now several agencies exercising
   health functions which only need to be concentrated to become
   coordinated parts of a greater health service worthy of the
   nation."

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   FINAL WORDS.

   "The inventory of our natural resources made by your
   commission, with the vigorous aid of all federal agencies
   concerned, of many States, and of a great number of associated
   and individual cooperators, furnishes a safe basis for general
   conclusions as to what we have, what we use and waste, and
   what may be the possible saving. But for none of the great
   resources of the farm, the mine, the forest, and the stream do
   we yet possess knowledge definite or wide enough to insure
   methods of use which will best conserve them. … The pressing
   need is for a general plan under which citizens, States and
   Nation may unite in an effort to achieve this great end. The
   lack of cooperation between the States and the Nation, and
   between the agencies of the National Government, is a potent
   cause of the neglect of conservation among the people. An
   organization through which all agencies, state, national,
   municipal, associate, and individual, may unite in a common
   effort to conserve the foundations of our prosperity is
   indispensable to the welfare and progress of the nation. To
   that end the immediate creation of a national agency is
   essential."

{152}

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   Beginnings of a General Organization of all
   Conservation Agencies.

   The Joint Committee which the Chairman of the Second
   Conference of Governors was instructed to appoint, for the
   preparation of "a plan for united action by all organizations
   concerned with the conservation of natural resources," met at
   Washington on the 5th of March, 1909, for its first
   consultation. The Committee, of eleven members, consists of
   six chairmen of State Conservation Commissions, and five who
   are members of the National Conservation Commission. In
   preparation for the meeting the various conservation bodies
   which have been actively at work for several months are
   sending in suggestions based on their own experience.

   Action for the preservation and increase of forests has been
   stimulated in many if not all of the States of the Union by
   the national agitation of the subject in these late years.
   Nowhere has the influence been more effective than in New
   York, which has not only greatly enlarged its control and
   improved its care and treatment of the extensive forest tracts
   in the Adirondack region, but has done even more important
   reforesting work in other parts of its territory. "James S.
   Whipple, forest, fish and game commissioner, has not only
   planted more trees in this State than have been planted in any
   other State, or even by the national government, but this year
   he has made another great advance in the reforesting movement.
   The commission has sold to private land owners at cost
   1,034,050 pine and spruce trees for reforesting land within
   the State."

      New York Evening Post,
      April 24, 1909.

   These trees went to every county of the State, in numbers
   ranging from 50 to 200,000.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   Threatened Monopoly of Water Power.

      See (in this Volume)
      Combinations, Industrial, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   Withdrawal of Water Power Sites from Land Office Entry.

   What is said to be the largest number of acres of land
   withdrawn for temporary water power sites in the history of
   the Interior Department was made August 13, 1909, when Acting
   Secretary Wilson withdrew 87,360 acres along the Colorado
   River, in Utah. The land in question was withdrawn to prevent
   "monopolies," and with a view to procure legislation from
   Congress to preserve them to the Government.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   The National Conservation Association.

   "Great significance," said a Press despatch from Washington,
   September 16, 1906, "is attached here to-day to the
   announcement from Chicago of the formation of the National
   Conservation Association, with Charles W. Eliot, ex-president
   of Harvard University, as president. Friends of conservation
   interpret the launching of the new organization to mean that a
   national organization of the widest possible membership and
   the greatest possible scope is to supplant the American
   Forestry Association in administration favor as the
   educational branch of the conservation movement."

   Not long after its formation the Association issued an earnest
   appeal to the country to bring the pressure of its opinion on
   Congress for needed legislation. The special subject of this
   appeal was the vast coal field in Alaska, which can only be
   saved from monopoly by speedy amendment of existing laws. "We,
   therefore," said the Association, "appeal to the American
   people to bring the urgent needs of the situation to the
   attention of their representatives in Congress, in order that
   comprehensive legislation upon this vital matter may be
   enacted at the next session of Congress. To this end, every
   individual citizen is urged to do his part, and to act at
   once."

   On the request of Dr. Eliot, Mr. Gifford Pinchot, after the
   withdrawal of the latter from the office of Chief Forester of
   the United States, was made President of the Association, in
   January, 1910, but Dr. Eliot was named Honorary President.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
   Legislation recommended by President Taft.

   Earnestly upholding the Conservation policy instituted by his
   predecessor, President Taft, in a Special Message to Congress,
   January 14, 1910, recommended several measures of legislation,
   for which suggested bills had been drafted by the Secretary of
   the Interior.

   "One of the most pressing needs," said the Message, "in the
   matter of public-land reform is that lands should be
   classified according to their principal value or use. …

   "It is now proposed to dispose of agricultural lands as such,
   and at the same time to reserve for other disposition the
   treasure of coal, oil, asphaltum, natural gas, and phosphate
   contained therein. This may be best accomplished by separating
   the right to mine from the title to the surface, giving the
   necessary use of so much of the latter as may be required for
   the extraction of the deposits. The surface might be disposed
   of as agricultural land under the general agricultural
   statutes, while the coal or other mineral could be disposed of
   by lease on a royalty basis."

   The importance of an enlargement of the undertakings of the
   Government in the line of irrigation works, for reclaiming
   arid lands, is urged by the President with great force, and he
   recommends "that authority be given to issue not exceeding
   $30,000,000 of bonds from time to time, as the secretary of
   the interior shall find it necessary, the proceeds to be
   applied to the completion of the projects already begun and
   their proper extension, and the bonds running ten years or
   more to be taken up by the proceeds of returns to the
   reclamation fund, which returns, as the years go on, will
   increase rapidly in amount."

   The Message gives approval to a Bill which passed the lower
   House of the late Congress, directing that "the national
   government appropriate a certain amount each year out of the
   receipts from the forestry business of the government to
   institute reforestation at the sources of certain navigable
   streams to be selected by the Geological Survey with a view to
   determining the practicability of thus improving and
   protecting the streams for Federal purposes."

   Finally, on the subject of waterway improvement, the Message
   recommends the project of dams in the Ohio River from
   Pittsburg to Cairo, and in the Upper Mississippi from St. Paul
   to St. Louis.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: A. D. 1910.
   Removal from office of Chief Forester Pinchot.
   Investigation of charges against Secretary Ballinger.

   Unfortunate differences between the Secretary of the Interior,
   Mr. Ballinger, and the head of the Bureau of Forestry, Mr.
   Pinchot, led to the removal of the latter from office early in
   January, 1910. As a further result, formal charges of
   unfaithfulness to public interests, in conducting national
   measures of conservation, were brought against Secretary
   Ballinger, and are undergoing investigation by a Congressional
   Committee at the time of the passing of this matter to the
   printers (March, 1910).

   ----------CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: End--------

{153}

CONSERVATIVE-UNIONIST PARTY:
   Surrender of the Government in Great Britain.
   Defeat in the Elections.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

CONSPIRACY LAW, British, as affecting Trades Unions.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND A. D. 1906 (MARCH).

CONSTABULARY, The Philippine.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.

CONSTANTINOPLE: A. D. 1901.
   Loss of political importance.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: THE ASIATIC FUTURE.

CONSTANTINOPLE: A. D. 1908-1909.
   The Turkish Revolution.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA:
   Proposed Amendments.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 and 1910.

CONSTITUTION OF BRITISH INDIAN GOVERNMENT:
   The Indian Councils Act.

      See (in this Volume )
      INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

CONSTITUTION FOR CHINA:
   Nine years of approach to it.
   Promised for 1907.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908, 1908 (December),
      and 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

CONSTITUTION OF ENGLAND:
   Resolution of the Commons contemplating a change affecting
   the Legislative Power of the House of Lords.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (APRIL-DECEMBER), and 1910.

CONSTITUTION OF GEORGIA:
   Suffrage Amendment.

      See (in this Volume)
      GEORGIA: A. D. 1908.

CONSTITUTION OF MONTENEGRO.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

CONSTITUTION OF OKLAHOMA.

   Some of the more radical features of the Constitution under
   which Oklahoma was admitted to the American Union are
   summarized in the following:

   "Legislative authority is vested in a legislature, but the
   people reserve to themselves the power to propose laws and
   amendments to the constitution and to enact or reject the same
   at the polls independent of the legislature, and also reserve
   power at their own option to approve or reject at the polls
   any act of the legislature.

   "Eight per cent of the legal voters have the right to propose
   any legislative measure and 15 percent of the legal voters
   have the right to propose amendments to the constitution by
   petition. A referendum may be ordered, except as to laws
   necessary for the immediate preservation of the public peace,
   health or safety, either by petition signed by 5 per cent of
   the legal voters or by the legislature as other bills are
   enacted. The veto power of the governor does not extend to
   measures voted on by the people. The powers of the initiative
   and referendum are also reserved to the legal voters of every
   county and district as to local legislation or action.

   "Every railroad, car or express company is required to receive
   and transport without delay or discrimination each other’s
   cars, loaded or empty, and passengers under such regulations
   as shall be prescribed by law or any commission created for
   that purpose. All oil-pipe companies are made subject to the
   reasonable control and regulation of the corporation
   commission, to which telephone and telegraph lines are also
   subject in the same manner. No public-service corporation may
   consolidate with any other like corporation having under its
   control a parallel or competing line except by enactment of
   the legislature upon the recommendation of the corporation
   commission. The legislature, however, shall never enact any
   law permitting any public-service corporation to consolidate
   with any other public-service corporation organized under the
   laws of any other state or of the United States owning or
   controlling a parallel or competing line in the state. The
   giving of passes by railroad or transportation companies is
   forbidden except in the case of employés and other specified
   persons.

   "A corporation commission is created, to be composed of three
   persons, elected by the people for terms of six years. The
   commission shall have power to supervise and control all
   transportation and transmission companies in the state in all
   matters relating to the performance of their public duties and
   their charges therefor and of correcting abuses and preventing
   unjust discrimination and extortion by such companies; and to
   that end the commission shall from time to time prescribe and
   enforce such rates, charges, classification of charges and
   rules and regulations and shall require the companies to
   establish and maintain until amended all such public service,
   facilities and conveniences as may be reasonable and just.

   "Railroads, other than street or electric roads, are forbidden
   to charge more than 2 cents a mile for the transportation of
   passengers. The corporation commission may, however exempt
   those roads which submit proof that they cannot earn a just
   compensation for the services rendered by them to the public
   if not permitted to charge more than 2 cents a mile.

   "No corporation may issue stock except for money, labor done
   or property actually received to the amount of the par value
   thereof and all fictitious increase of stock or indebtedness
   shall be void.

   "No corporation doing business in the state may be permitted
   to influence elections or official duty by contributions of
   money or anything of value.

   "Every license issued or charter granted to a mining or public
   service corporation, foreign or domestic, must contain a
   stipulation that such corporation will submit any difference
   it may have with employés in reference to labor to
   arbitration.

   "The selling by firms or corporations of commodities at a
   lower rate in one locality than in another for the purpose of
   creating a monopoly or for destroying competition is
   prohibited.

   "Municipal corporations may not be created by special but by
   general laws, and every corporation now existing shall
   continue with its present rights and powers until otherwise
   provided by law. The powers of the initiative and referendum
   are reserved to the people of every municipal corporation. No
   municipal corporation may ever grant, extend or renew a
   franchise without the approval of a majority of the qualified
   electors residing within its limits, and no franchise may be
   granted, extended or renewed for more than twenty-five years.

   Women are qualified to vote at school-district elections only.

{154}

   ----------CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA: Start--------

   A Constitution for Persia was signed by the Shah,
   Muzaffer-ed-Deen, December 30, 1906, of which the following
   is, in part, the text:

   In the name of God the all Merciful! Whereas by our Firman of
   the 5th August, 1906, we commanded the constitution of a
   National Assembly [Medjliss] for the progress and welfare of
   the State and nation, the strengthening of the foundations of
   the kingdom, and the carrying out of the laws of Islam; and
   whereas, in accordance with the clause by which it is provided
   that, as each individual member of the State has a right to
   take part in the superintendence and decision of public
   affairs, we therefore have permitted the election and
   appointment of Deputies on behalf of the nation; and whereas
   the National Assembly has been opened through our gracious
   benevolence, we have decreed the following Articles of
   constitutional Regulations for the National Assembly,
   including the duties and business of the Assembly and its
   limitations and relations toward Government Departments:

THE INSTITUTION OF THE ASSEMBLY.

   [Articles 1-14 declare the National Assembly to be "composed
   of members elected at Tehran and in the provinces"; their
   place of meeting to be at Tehran; their number 160, but may if
   necessary be increased to 200; their term of service two
   years: they are "representative of the whole Persian nation";
   the Tehran deputies to have "the option of instituting the
   Assembly and starting discussion and debates," and "their
   decisions by majority during the absence of the provincial
   deputies will be valid and are to be carried out." The
   Assembly itself is given the right to fix the time of its
   recess and its sitting; its members cannot be proceeded
   against by any person; its proceedings must be public and open
   to newspaper reporting, but false reporting shall be
   punished.]

THE DUTIES OF THE ASSEMBLY, ITS LIMITATIONS AND RIGHTS.

   Article 15.
   The National Assembly has the right to discuss truthfully and
   sincerely all matters it considers to be desirable in the
   interests of the State and nation to investigate; and, subject
   to the approval of a majority, to submit them, in the
   enjoyment of the utmost safety and confidence, with the
   approval of the Senate, to His Imperial Majesty the Shah,
   through the first person of the Government, for His Majesty’s
   signature, and to be then put into execution.

   Article 16.
   In general, all laws necessary for the strengthening of the
   Government and kingdom, and the regulation of State affairs,
   and for the Constitution of Ministries, must receive the
   sanction of the National Assembly.

   Article 17.
   The necessary Bills for making new laws, or for the
   alteration, amplification, or cancellation of existing laws,
   will, when desirable, be prepared by the National Assembly to
   be submitted to His Imperial Majesty the Shah for signature
   with the approval of the Senate, and to be then put into
   execution.

   Article 18.
   The regulation of financial matters, the modification of the
   Budget, the alteration of the arrangement of taxation, the
   refusal or acceptance of impositions, as well as the
   inspections which will be undertaken by the Government, will
   be done with the approval of the Assembly.

   Article 19.
   The Assembly will have the right, for the purpose of reforming
   financial matters and facilitating the relations of the
   Governors and the apportioning of the provinces of Persia, and
   the reappointment of Governors, after the Senate has given its
   approval, to demand from the Government authorities that the
   decision arrived at should be carried out.

   Article 20.
   The Budget of each Ministry must be finished for the
   succeeding year in the last half of each year, and must be
   ready fifteen days before the 20th March.

   Article 21.
   Should it be necessary with regard to the constitutional laws
   of the Ministries to make a new law, or to alter or cancel
   existing laws, it will be done with the consent of the
   National Assembly, whether its necessity be first pointed out
   by the Assembly or by the responsible Minister.

   Article 22.
   Whenever a part of the revenue or property of the Government
   or State is to be sold, or a change of frontier or border
   becomes necessary, it will be done with the approval of the
   National Assembly.

   Article 23.
   Without the approval of the National Assembly no concession
   whatever for the formation of Companies or Associations shall
   be granted by the Government.

   Article 24.
   Treaties, Conventions, the granting of concessions,
   monopolies, either commercial, industrial, or agricultural,
   whether the other party be a native or a foreigner, can only
   be done with the approval of the National Assembly. Treaties
   which it may be in the interests of the Government or nation
   to keep secret are excepted.

   Article 25.
   All Government loans of any nature whatsoever, whether
   internal or foreign, will be made with the knowledge and
   approval of the National Assembly.

   Article 26.
   The construction of railways or roads, whether the cost be
   defrayed by the Government, by Associations or Companies,
   whether native or foreign, can only be undertaken with the
   approval of the National Assembly.

   Article 27.
   Should the Assembly find in any place a fault, in the laws or
   an irregularity in their fulfilment, it will draw the
   attention of the responsible Minister to the same, and he will
   have to give the necessary explanations.

   Article 28.
   Should a Minister, in contravention of one of the laws which
   have received the Imperial sanction, by misrepresentations
   obtain the issue of a written or verbal order from His
   Imperial Majesty the Shah, and excuse himself thereby for his
   delay and negligence, he will by law be responsible to His
   Imperial Majesty the Shah.

{155}

   Article 29.
   Whichever Minister who in a matter or matters should not be
   able to answer for his actions in accordance with the laws
   approved by His Imperial Majesty, and if it should be apparent
   that he has broken the law and transgressed the stipulated
   limitations, the Assembly will petition His Imperial Majesty
   for his dismissal, and when his fault has been determined by
   the Courts of Justice he will not again be allowed to serve
   the Government.

   Article 30.
   The National Assembly has the right whenever it considers it
   desirable to make petitions direct to His Imperial Majesty by
   the means of a body composed of the President and six Members
   elected by the six classes. The time for the audience must be
   arranged for through the Minister of Court.

   Article 81.
   The Ministers have the right to be present at the sittings of
   the National Assembly, and to sit in the place set apart for
   them, and to hear the debates of the Assembly; and should they
   think it necessary, they may ask the President for permission
   to speak and give the necessary explanations for the
   discussion and investigation of affairs.

   Article 32.
   Any individual member of the public may make a statement of
   his case, or complaints or criticisms, to the office of the
   Assembly, and, if the matter concerns the Assembly itself, a
   satisfying answer will be given to him; but should the matter
   concern one of the Ministries, it will be sent to that
   Ministry for investigation, and in order that a satisfying
   answer be given.

   Article 33.
   New laws which are necessary will be prepared at the
   responsible Ministries, and will be given to the National
   Assembly by the responsible Minister or by the Sadr Azam, and
   after receiving the approval of the Assembly will receive His
   Imperial Majesty’s sign-manual and be put into execution.

   Article 34.
   The President of the Assembly can, if necessary, of his own
   initiative or by the desire of ten Members of the Assembly or
   of a Minister, form a Secret Committee, without the presence
   of newspaper reporters or spectators, composed of a number of
   persons chosen from among the Members of the Assembly, at
   which the other Members of the Assembly will not have the
   right to attend. The result of the deliberations of the Secret
   Committee can, however, only be put into execution when the
   Secret Committee in the presence of three quarters of the
   persons elected accept the point at issue by a majority of
   votes, and if the matter be not passed by the Secret
   Committee, it will not be stated in the Assembly and will
   remain secret.

   Article 35.
   Should the Secret Committee be instituted by the President of
   the Assembly, he has the right to inform the public of any
   part of it he thinks fit; but if the Secret Committee is
   instituted by a Minister, the publication of the debate can
   only be subject to that Minister’s permission.

   [Articles 36-42 are regulative of the transaction of business
   between the Assembly and the Ministries of the Government in
   matters of debate, inquiry, action on bills, etc.]


THE INSTITUTION OF THE SENATE.

   Article 43.
   Another Assembly, called the Senate, will be constituted,
   composed of sixty Members, whose sittings will coincide, after
   its constitution, with those of the National Assembly.

   Article 44.
   The Regulations of the Senate must receive the approval of the
   National Assembly.

   Article 45.
   The Members of the Assembly will be chosen from among the
   enlightened, intelligent, orthodox, and respectable persons of
   the State, thirty persons on behalf of His Imperial Majesty,
   of whom fifteen from among the inhabitants of Tehran and
   fifteen from the inhabitants of the provinces, and thirty
   persons on behalf of the nation, of whom fifteen persons
   elected by the people of Tehran and fifteen persons elected by
   the people of the provinces.

   Article 46.
   After the constitution of the Senate all affairs must receive
   the approval of both Assemblies. If those affairs are
   initiated by the Senate or by the body of Ministers, they must
   first be determined in the Senate and passed by a majority,
   and then be sent to the National Assembly for approval; but
   affairs initiated in the National Assembly will, on the
   contrary, pass from that Assembly to the Senate, with the
   exception of financial matters, which will be the prerogative
   of the National Assembly, and the Senate will be informed of
   the arrangements made by the Assembly regarding these affairs
   in order that the Senate should make its observations on the
   same to the National Assembly, which is, however, at liberty,
   after the necessary investigations, either to accept or to
   refuse the proposals of the Senate.

   Article 47.
   So long as the Senate is not constituted affairs will require
   only the approval of the National Assembly and the sign-manual
   of His Imperial Majesty to be put into execution.

   [Article 48 provides for the constituting of a "third
   assembly," composed of an equal number of members from the
   National Assembly and the Senate, to deal with cases in which
   those two bodies are in disagreement, and for the ultimate
   dissolution of the National Assembly, preparatory to the
   election of a new one, in case no settlement of the
   disagreement is reached.

   Article 49 allows the new Tehran deputies then elected to
   begin their labors, outside of the points at issue, as soon as
   they are ready.]

   The conclusion of the Constitution is as follows:

   Article 50.
   During each term of election—that is to say, during two
   years—a general election will not be called more than once.

   Article 51.
   It is decreed that the Sovereign who succeeds us should
   protect these limitations and Articles, which aim at the
   strengthening of the State and of the foundations of the
   kingdom, and the protection of justice and contentment of the
   nation, which we have decreed and put into execution, and
   which they must look upon as their duty to fulfil.

   In the month of Zilkade the Unclean, 1324.
      O God the Almighty!

   The Constitutional Laws of the National Assembly and the
   Senate, containing fifty one Articles, are correct.

   14th of the month of Zilkade, 1324
   (30th December, 1906).

   In the handwriting of Muzaffer-ed-Deen Shah;

      It is correct.

   (Sealed) Valiahd (Mohammed Ali Shah).
   (Sealed) Mushir-ed-Dowleh (the Grand Vizier).

{156}

CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA:
   The Constitutional Law, as passed by the National Assembly
   and signed by the Shah on October 8, 1907.

   One hundred and seven articles "to complete the fundamental
   laws of the Constitution of Persia" were "added to the
   Constitutional law "by the signature of the Shah on the 30th
   of December, 1906. The first two are as follows:

   Article 1.
   The official religion of Persia is the branch of the Twelve
   Imams of the Shia Sect of Islam. The Sovereign of Persia must
   be of, and contribute to the spread of, this religion.

   Article 2.
   The National Assembly has been founded by the help of the
   Twelfth Imam, the bounty of His Islamic Majesty, the
   watchfulness of the Mujteheds and the common people. The laws
   passed by it must never to all ages be contrary to the sacred
   precepts of Islam, and the laws laid down by the Prophet. It
   is obvious that the decision as to whether the laws passed by
   the Assembly are in opposition to the precepts of Islam rests
   with the Ulema. It is therefore officially decreed that for
   all ages a Committee composed of five persons, who shall be
   Mujteheds and religious doctors, and who also must be
   acquainted with the requirements of the times, shall be
   elected in the following manner: The Ulema and doctors of
   Islam who are recognized by the Shias as the centre of
   imitation shall make known to the National Assembly the names
   of twenty of the Ulema possessing the above-mentioned
   qualities. The National Assembly shall, by agreement on
   casting of lots, elect five of them or more, according to the
   requirements of the age, and admit them as members. This
   Committee shall discuss and thoroughly investigate the Bills
   brought in by the National Assembly, and reject every one of
   these Bills which is contrary to the sacred precepts of Islam,
   in order that it may not become law. The decision of this
   Committee is final. This Article will not be liable to change
   until the advent of the Twelfth Imam.

   [Articles 3-7 relate to boundaries of the Kingdom, its
   capital, its flag, protection of the lives and property of
   foreigners, and the integrity of the Constitution.

   Articles 8-25 are in the nature of a "bill of rights,"
   affirming equality of rights to all; immunity from arbitrary
   arrest, punishment, exile or sequestration of property;
   freedom of "the study of teaching of arts, letters and
   sciences" "except in so far as they are forbidden by the
   Sheri"; freedom of publication for all "except heretical
   works"; freedom of "societies and associations which do not
   provoke religious or civil strife"; inviolability of postal
   and telegraphic communications, except under authority of law.
   All primary and secondary schools are placed under the
   direction and surveillance of the Ministry of Education.

   Articles 26-29 define, as follows:

THE POWERS OF THE REALM.

   Article 26.
   The powers of the realm spring from the people. The
   Constitutional Law defines the method of using those powers.

   Article 27.
   The powers of the realm are divided into three parts:—

   Firstly, legislative power, whose province it is to make and
   amend laws. This power emanates from His Imperial Majesty the
   Shah, the National Assembly, and the Senate. Each one of these
   three sources possesses the right of originating laws; but
   their passing is conditional to their not being contrary to
   the laws of the Sheri, and to the approval of the two
   Assemblies, and to their receiving the Imperial signature. But
   the making and approval of laws relating to the revenue and
   expenditure of the realm belong to the National Assembly
   alone. The interpretation and commentary of laws is the
   peculiar duty of the National Assembly.

   Secondly, the judicial power, which consists in the
   distinguishing of rights. This power belongs to the Sheri
   Tribunals in matters appertaining to the Sheri, and to the
   Courts of Justice in matters appertaining to the civil law
   ("urf").

   Thirdly, the executive power, which rests with the Sovereign.
   That is to say, the Laws and Decrees will be executed by the
   Ministers and Government officials in the name of His Imperial
   Majesty in the manner defined by law.

   Article 28.
   The three above-mentioned powers shall always be
   differentiated and separated from one another.

   Article 29.
   The particular revenues of each province, department, and
   commune shall be regulated by the Provincial and Departmental
   Assemblies in accordance with their own particular laws.

   [Articles 30-34 define the status of the members of the
   National Assembly.]

RIGHTS AND POWERS OF THE CROWN.

   [Articles 35-57 set forth the rights and powers of the Crown.
   The sovereignty of Persia is declared to be "a trust which, by
   the grace of God, has been conferred on the person of the
   Sovereign by the people." The succession is vested in Muhammed
   Ali Shah Kajar and his descendants; the Crown Prince to be
   "the eldest son of the Sovereign whose mother is a Persian and
   a princess." Provision is made for the election by a joint
   committee of the Senate and the National Assembly on the
   succession of a minor, who cannot govern personally till his
   age is eighteen. The powers of the sovereign are thus
   defined:]

   Article 43.
   The Sovereign cannot, without the approval and sanction of the
   National Assembly and the Senate, interfere in the affairs of
   another country.

   Article 44.
   The Sovereign is absolved from all responsibility. The
   Ministers of State are responsible in all matters.

   Article 45.
   All the Decrees and Rescripts of the Sovereign shall only be
   put into execution when they have been signed by the
   responsible Minister, who is responsible for the accuracy of
   the contents of that Firman or Rescript.

   Article 46.
   The dismissal and appointment of Ministers are by order of the
   Sovereign.

   Article 47.
   The conferring of commissions in the army and orders and
   honorary distinctions, with due observance of law, is vested
   in the person of the Sovereign.

   Article 48.
   The Sovereign has the right, with the approval of the
   responsible Minister, to choose the important officials of the
   Government Departments, either at home or abroad, except in
   cases excepted by law. But the appointment of the other
   officials does not concern the Sovereign, except in cases
   defined by law.

   Article 49.
   The issuing of Firmans for the execution of laws is one of the
   rights of the Sovereign, but he may not delay or suspend the
   execution of those laws.

   Article 50.
   The supreme command of the military and naval forces is vested
   in the person of the Sovereign.

   Article 51.
   The declaration of war and the conclusion of peace rest with
   the Sovereign.

{157}

   Article 52.
   Treaties which, in accordance with Article 24 of the
   Constitutional Law of the 14th Zilaadeh, 1325 (30th December,
   1906), must be kept secret, must, on the removal of this
   necessity, and provided that the interests and security of the
   country demand it, be communicated by the Sovereign to the
   National Assembly and the Senate, with the necessary
   explanations.

   Article 58.
   The secret clauses of any Treaty cannot annul the public
   clauses of that Treaty.

   Article 54.
   The Sovereign can summon the National Assembly and the Senate
   to an extraordinary Session.

   Article 55.
   Coins shall be struck, according to law, in the name of the
   Sovereign.

   Article 56.
   The expenses of the Imperial household must be defined by law.

   Article 57.
   The powers and prerogatives of the Sovereign are only such as
   have been defined by the existing constitutional laws.

   [Articles 58-70 relate to the Ministers, who must be
   Mussulmans and native Persian subjects, princes of the first
   rank not eligible. They are severally and jointly responsible
   to both Assemblies. Commands of the sovereign cannot divest
   them of responsibility, which is to be defined by law. The
   Assembly or the Senate can accuse and prosecute them for
   offenses before the High Court of Appeal.]

JUDICIAL TRIBUNALS.

   [The Judicial Tribunals of the Kingdom are the subject of
   Articles 71-89. "The Supreme Court of Justice and the
   subsidiary Courts" are declared to be "the official centres to
   which all suits must be referred, and judgment in matters
   appertaining to the Sheri rests with the fully qualified
   Mujteheds." Suits relating to political rights concern the
   Courts of Justice, excepting those which are excepted by law.
   No Court of Law can be instituted except by law. One Court of
   Appeal for the whole Kingdom is to be instituted at the
   Capital. The sittings of all tribunals shall be public, except
   in cases when the tribunal judges that this would be
   prejudicial to order or decency. "The Presidents and the
   members of the Courts of Justice will be chosen in the manner
   decreed by the law of the Ministry of Justice, and will be
   appointed by virtue of a royal Firman." No judge may be
   suspended, temporarily, or permanently, without a trial or
   proof of offence. Military tribunals will be instituted
   according to a special law.]

MISCELLANEOUS.

   [Provincial Assemblies of elected representatives are
   provided for in Articles 90-93.

   Articles 94-103 have relation to finances. They declare that
   no taxes may be levied or exemptions from them allowed except
   by law; that no favor to individuals shall be shown in
   taxation; that nothing shall, on any pretext, be demanded from
   the people, otherwise than by law; and provision is made for
   the creation of a State Accounts Department, to be chosen by
   the National Assembly.

   The last four articles relate to the Army, which is required
   to be in all particulars under regulation of law. "The army
   vote must pass the National Assembly every year."]

   ----------CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA: End--------

CONSTITUTION OF RUSSIA, The so-called.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA, A. D. 1904-1905.

   ----------CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA: Start--------

   Omitting the preamble, which sets forth the desirability and
   expediency, "for the welfare and future progress of South
   Africa, that the several British Colonies therein shall be
   united under one Government in a legislative union under the
   Crown of Great Britain and Ireland," the provisions of the
   enactment for that purpose by the Parliament of the United
   Kingdom, approved September 20, 1909, are as follows:

I.—PRELIMINARY.

   1. This Act may be cited as the South Africa Act, 1909.

   2. In this Act, unless it is otherwise expressed or implied,
   the words "the Union" shall be taken to mean the Union of
   South Africa as constituted under this Act, and the words
   "Houses of Parliament," "House of Parliament," or
   "Parliament," shall be taken to mean the Parliament of the
   Union.

   3. The provisions of this Act referring to the King shall
   extend to His Majesty’s heirs and successors in the
   sovereignty of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
   Ireland.

II.—THE UNION.

   4. It shall be lawful for the King, with the advice of the
   Privy Council, to declare by proclamation that, on and after a
   day therein appointed, not being later than one year after the
   passing of this Act, the Colonies of the Cape of Good Hope,
   Natal, the Transvaal, and the Orange River Colony, hereinafter
   called the Colonies shall be united in a Legislative Union
   under one Government under the name of the Union of South
   Africa. On and after the day appointed by such proclamation
   the Government and Parliament of the Union shall have full
   power and authority within the limits of the Colonies, but the
   King may at any time after the proclamation appoint a
   governor-general for the Union.

   5. The provisions of this Act shall, unless it is otherwise
   expressed or implied, take effect on and after the day so
   appointed.

   6. The colonies mentioned in section four shall become
   original provinces of the Union under the names of Cape of
   Good Hope, Natal, Transvaal, and Orange Free State, as the
   case maybe. The original provinces shall have the same limits
   as the respective colonies at the establishment of the Union.

   7. Upon any colony entering the Union, the Colonial Boundaries
   Act, 1895, and every other Act applying to any of the Colonies
   as being self-governing colonies or colonies with responsible
   government, shall cease to apply to that colony, but as from
   the date when this Act takes effect every such Act of
   Parliament shall apply to the Union.

III.—EXECUTIVE GOVERNMENT.

   8. The Executive Government of the Union is vested in the
   King, and shall be administered by His Majesty in person or by
   a governor-general as His representative.

{158}

   9. The Governor-General shall be appointed by the King, and
   shall have and may exercise in the Union during the King’s
   pleasure, but subject to this Act, such powers and functions
   of the King as His Majesty may be pleased to assign to him.

   10. There shall be payable to the King out of the Consolidated
   Revenue Fund of the Union for the salary of the
   Governor-General an annual sum of ten thousand pounds. The
   salary of the Governor-General shall not be altered during his
   continuance in office.

   11. The provisions of this Act relating to the
   Governor-General extend and apply to the Governor-General for
   the time being or such person as the King may appoint to
   administer the government of the Union. The King may authorise
   the Governor-General to appoint any person to be his deputy
   within the Union during his temporary absence, and in that
   capacity to exercise for and on behalf of the Governor-General
   during such absence all such powers and authorities vested in
   the Governor-General as the Governor-General may assign to
   him, subject to any limitations expressed or directions given
   by the King; but the appointment of such deputy shall not
   affect the exercise by the Governor-General himself of any
   power or function.

   12. There shall be an Executive Council to advise the
   Governor-General in the government of the Union, and the
   members of the council shall be chosen and summoned by the
   Governor-General and sworn as executive councillors, and shall
   hold office during his pleasure.

   13. The provisions of this Act referring to the
   Governor-General in Council shall be construed as referring to
   the Governor-General acting with the advice of the Executive
   Council.

   14. The Governor-General may appoint officers not exceeding
   ten in number to administer such departments of State of the
   Union as the Governor-General in Council may establish; such
   officers shall hold office during the pleasure of the
   Governor-General. They shall be members of the Executive
   Council and shall be the King’s ministers of State for the
   Union. After the first general election of members of the
   House of Assembly, as hereinafter provided, no minister shall
   hold office for a longer period than three months unless he is
   or becomes a member of either House of Parliament.

   15. The appointment and removal of all officers of the public
   service of the Union shall be vested in the Governor-General
   in Council, unless the appointment is delegated by the
   Governor-General in Council or by this Act or by a law of
   Parliament to some other authority.

   16. All powers, authorities, and functions which at the
   establishment of the Union are in any of the Colonies vested
   in the Governor or in the Governor in Council, or in any
   authority of the Colony, shall, as far as the same continue in
   existence and are capable of being exercised after the
   establishment of the Union, be vested in the Governor-General
   or in the Governor-General in Council, or in the authority
   exercising similar powers under the Union, as the case may be,
   except such powers and functions as are by this Act or may by
   a law of Parliament be vested in some other authority.

   17. The command in chief of the naval and military forces
   within the Union is vested in the King or in the
   Governor-General as His representative.

   18. Save as in section twenty-three excepted, Pretoria shall
   be the seat of Government of the Union.

IV.—PARLIAMENT.

   19. The legislative power of the Union shall be vested in the
   Parliament of the Union, herein called Parliament, which shall
   consist of the King, a Senate, and a House of Assembly.

   20. The Governor-General may appoint such times for holding
   the sessions of Parliament as he thinks fit, and may also from
   time to time, by proclamation or otherwise, prorogue
   Parliament, and may in like manner dissolve the Senate and the
   House of Assembly simultaneously, or the House of Assembly
   alone: provided that the Senate shall not be dissolved within
   a period of ten years after the establishment of the Union,
   and provided further that the dissolution of the Senate shall
   not affect any senators nominated by the Governor-General in
   Council.

   21. Parliament shall be summoned to meet not later than six
   months after the establishment of the Union.

   22. There shall be a session of Parliament once at least in
   every year, so that a period of twelve months shall not
   intervene between the last sitting of Parliament in one
   session and its first sitting in the next session.

   23. Cape Town shall be the seat of the Legislature of the
   Union.

SENATE.

   24. For ten years after the establishment of the Union the
   constitution of the Senate shall, in respect of the original
   provinces, be as follows:

   (i) Eight senators shall be nominated by the Governor-General
   in Council, and for each original province eight senators
   shall be elected in the manner hereinafter provided:

   (ii) The senators to be nominated by the Governor-General in
   Council shall hold their seats for ten years. One-half of
   their number shall be selected on the ground mainly of their
   thorough acquaintance, by reason of their official experience
   or otherwise, with the reasonable wants and wishes of the
   coloured races in South Africa. If the seat of a senator so
   nominated shall become vacant, the Governor-General in Council
   shall nominate another person to be a senator, who shall hold
   his seat for ten years:

   (iii) After the passing of this Act, and before the day
   appointed for the establishment of the Union, the Governor of
   each of the Colonies shall summon a special sitting of both
   Houses of the Legislature, and the two Houses sitting together
   as one body and presided over by the Speaker of the
   Legislative Assembly shall elect eight persons to be senators
   for the province. Such senators shall hold their seats for ten
   years. If the seat of a senator so elected shall become
   vacant, the provincial council of the province for which such
   senator has been elected shall choose a person to hold the
   seat until the completion of the period for which the person
   in whose stead he is elected would have held his seat.

{159}

   25. Parliament may provide for the manner in which the Senate
   shall be constituted after the expiration of ten years, and
   unless and until such provision shall have been made—

   (i) the provisions of the last preceding section with regard
   to nominated senators shall continue to have effect;

   (ii) eight senators for each province shall be elected by the
   members of the provincial council of such province together
   with the members of the House of Assembly elected for such
   province. Such senators shall hold their seats for ten years
   unless the Senate be sooner dissolved. If the seat of an
   elected senator shall become vacant, the members of the
   provincial council of the province, together with the members
   of the House of Assembly elected for such province, shall
   choose a person to hold the seat until the completion of the
   period for which the person in whose stead he is elected would
   have held his seat. The Governor-General in Council shall make
   regulations for the joint election of senators prescribed in
   this section.

   26. The qualifications of a senator shall be as follows:
   —He must—
   (a) be not less than thirty years of age;
   (b) be qualified to be registered as a voter for the election
   of members of the House of Assembly in one of the provinces;
   (c) have resided for five years within the limits of the Union
   as existing at the time when he is elected or nominated, as
   the case may be;
   (d) be a British subject of European descent;
   (e) in the case of an elected senator, be the registered owner
   of immovable property within the Union of the value of not
   less than five hundred pounds over and above any special
   mortgages thereon. For the purposes of this section, residence
   in, and property situated within, a colony before its
   incorporation in the Union shall be treated as residence in
   and property situated within the Union.

   27. The Senate shall, before proceeding to the dispatch of any
   other business, choose a senator to be the President of the
   Senate, and as often as the office of President becomes vacant
   the Senate shall again choose a senator to be the President.
   The President shall cease to hold office if he ceases to be a
   senator. He may be removed from office by a vote of the
   Senate, or he may resign his office by writing under his hand
   addressed to the Governor-General.

   28. Prior to or during any absence of the President the Senate
   may choose a senator to perform his duties in his absence.

   29. A senator may, by writing under his hand addressed to the
   Governor-General, resign his seat, which thereupon shall
   become vacant. The Governor-General shall as soon as
   practicable cause steps to be taken to have the vacancy
   filled.

   30. The presence of at least twelve senators shall be
   necessary to constitute a meeting of the Senate for the
   exercise of its powers.

   31. All questions in the Senate shall be determined by a
   majority of votes of senators present other than the President
   or the presiding senator, who shall, however, have and
   exercise a casting vote in the case of an equality of votes.

HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.

   32. The House of Assembly shall be composed of members
   directly chosen by the voters of the Union in electoral
   divisions delimited as hereinafter provided.

   33. The number of members to be elected in the original
   provinces at the first election and until the number is
   altered in accordance with the provisions of this Act shall be
   as follows: Cape of Good Hope, fifty-one; Natal, seventeen;
   Transvaal, thirty-six; Orange Free State, seventeen. These
   numbers may be increased as provided in the next succeeding
   section, but shall not, in the case of any original province,
   be diminished until the total number of members of the House
   of Assembly in respect of the provinces herein provided for
   reaches one hundred and fifty, or until a period of ten years
   has elapsed after the establishment of the Union, whichever is
   the longer period.

   34. The number of members to be elected in each province, as
   provided in section thirty-three, shall be increased from time
   to time as may be necessary in accordance with the following
   provisions:

   (i) The quota of the Union shall be obtained by dividing the
   total number of European male adults in the Union, as
   ascertained at the census of nineteen hundred and four, by the
   total number of members of the House of Assembly as
   constituted at the establishment of the Union:

   (ii) In nineteen hundred and eleven, and every five years
   thereafter, a census of the European population of the Union
   shall be taken for the purposes of this Act:

   (iii) After any such census the number of European male adults
   in each province shall be compared with the number of European
   male adults as ascertained at the census of nineteen hundred
   and four, and, in the case of any province where an increase
   is shown, as compared with the census of nineteen hundred and
   four, equal to the quota of the Union or any multiple thereof,
   the number of members allotted to such province in the last
   preceding section shall be increased by an additional member
   or an additional number of members equal to such multiple, as
   the case may be:

   (iv) Notwithstanding anything herein contained, no additional
   member shall be allotted to any province until the total
   number of European male adults in such province exceeds the
   quota of the Union multiplied by the number of members
   allotted to such province for the time being, and thereupon
   additional members shall be allotted to such province in
   respect only of such excess:

   (v) As soon as the number of members of the House of Assembly
   to be elected in the original provinces in accordance with the
   preceding subsections reaches the total of one hundred and
   fifty, such total shall not be further increased unless and
   until Parliament otherwise provides; and subject to the
   provisions of the last preceding section the distribution of
   members among the provinces shall be such that the proportion
   between the number of members to be elected at any time in
   each province and the number of European male adults in such
   province, as ascertained at the last preceding census, shall
   as far as possible be identical throughout the Union:

   (vi) "Male adults" in this Act shall be taken to mean males of
   twenty-one years of age or upwards not being members of His
   Majesty’s regular forces on full pay:

   (vii) For the purposes of this Act the number of European male
   adults, as ascertained at the census of nineteen hundred and
   four, shall be taken to be—

   For the Cape of Good Hope, 167,546;
   for Natal,                  34,784;
   for the Transvaal,         106,493;
   For the Orange Free State,  41,014.

{160}

   35.
   (1) Parliament may by law prescribe the qualifications which
   shall be necessary to entitle persons to vote at the election
   of members of the House of Assembly, but no such law shall
   disqualify any person in the province of the Cape of Good Hope
   who, under the laws existing in the Colony of the Cape of Good
   Hope at the establishment of the Union, is or may become
   capable of being registered as a voter from being so
   registered in the province of the Cape of Good Hope by reason
   of his race or colour only, unless the Bill be passed by both
   Houses of Parliament sitting together, and at the third
   reading be agreed to by not less than two-thirds of the total
   number of members of both Houses. A Bill so passed at such
   joint sitting shall be taken to have been duly passed by both
   Houses of Parliament.

   (2) No person who at the passing of any such law is registered
   as a voter in any province shall be removed from the register
   by reason only of any disqualification based on race or
   colour.

   36. Subject to the provisions of the last preceding section,
   the qualifications of parliamentary voters, as existing in the
   several Colonies at the establishment of the Union, shall be
   the qualifications necessary to entitle persons in the
   corresponding provinces to vote for the election of members of
   the House of Assembly: Provided that no member of His
   Majesty’s regular forces on full pay shall be entitled to be
   registered as a voter.

   [Section 37 of the Act applies to the elections of members of
   the House of Assembly all existing election laws in the
   respective provinces relating to the elections for their more
   numerous Houses of Parliament, excepting that it requires all
   polls to be taken on one and the same day throughout the
   Union.

   Sections 38 to 43 inclusive provide for the creation of a
   joint commission to determine the first division of the
   provinces into equalized electoral divisions, and for
   subsequent commissions of three judges of the Supreme Court of
   South Africa for re-divisions, as they may become necessary.]

   44. The qualifications of a member of the House of Assembly
   shall be as follows:—He must—
   (a) be qualified to be registered as a voter for the election
   of members of the House of Assembly in one of the provinces;
   (b) have resided for five years within the limits of the
   Union as existing at the time when he is elected;
   (c) be a British subject of European descent.

   For the purposes of this section, residence in a colony before
   its incorporation in the Union shall be treated as residence
   in the Union.

   45. Every House of Assembly shall continue for five years from
   the first meeting thereof, and no longer, but may be sooner
   dissolved by the Governor-General.

   46. The House of Assembly shall, before proceeding to the
   despatch of any other business, choose a member to be the
   Speaker of the House, and, as often as the office of Speaker
   becomes vacant, the House shall again choose a member to be
   the Speaker. The Speaker shall cease to hold his office if he
   ceases to be a member. He may be removed from office by a vote
   of the House, or he may resign his office or his seat by
   writing under his hand addressed to the Governor-General.

   47. Prior to or during the absence of the Speaker, the House
   of Assembly may choose a member to perform his duties in his
   absence.

   48. A member may, by writing under his hand addressed to the
   Speaker, or, if there is no Speaker, or if the Speaker is
   absent from the Union, to the Governor-General, resign his
   seat, which shall thereupon become vacant.

   49. The presence of at least thirty members of the House of
   Assembly shall be necessary to constitute a meeting of the
   House for the exercise of its powers.

   50. All questions in the House of Assembly shall be determined
   by a majority of votes of members present other than the
   Speaker or the presiding member, who shall, however, have and
   exercise a casting vote in the case of an equality of votes.

BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT.

   [Section 51 prescribes the oath or affirmation of allegiance
   to the British Sovereign which each senator and member of the
   House of Assembly must subscribe to before taking his seat.]

   52. A member of either House of Parliament shall be incapable
   of being chosen or of sitting as a member of the other House:
   Provided that every minister of State who is a member of
   either House of Parliament shall have the right to sit and
   speak in the Senate and the House of Assembly, but shall vote
   only in the House of which he is a member.

   53. No person shall be capable of being chosen or of sitting
   as a senator or as a member of the House of Assembly who—

   (a) has been at any time convicted of any crime or offence for
   which he shall have been sentenced to imprisonment without the
   option of a fine for a term of not less than twelve months,
   unless he shall have received a grant of amnesty or a free
   pardon, or unless such imprisonment shall have expired at
   least five years before the date of his election; or

   (b) is an unrehabilitated insolvent; or

   (c) is of unsound mind, and has been so declared by a
   competent court; or

   (d) holds any office of profit under the Crown within the
   Union:

   Provided that the following persons shall not be deemed to
   hold an office of profit under the Crown for the purposes of
   this subsection:

   (1) a minister of State for the Union;

   (2) a person in receipt of a pension from the Crown;

   (3) an officer or member of His Majesty’s naval or military
   forces on retired or half pay, or an officer or member of the
   naval or military forces of the Union whose services are not
   wholly employed by the Union.

   54. If a senator or member of the House of Assembly—

   (a) becomes subject to any of the disabilities mentioned in
   the last preceding section; or

   (b) ceases to be qualified as required by law; or

   (c) fails for a whole ordinary session to attend without the
   special leave of the Senate or the House of Assembly, as the
   case may be; his seat shall thereupon become vacant.

   [Section 55 imposes a penalty of £100 for each day on which
   any disqualified person may knowingly sit in Parliament.]

   56. Each senator and each member of the House of Assembly
   shall, under such rules as shall be framed by Parliament,
   receive an allowance of four hundred pounds a year, to be
   reckoned from the date on which he takes his seat: Provided
   that for every day of the session on which he is absent there
   shall be deducted from such allowance the sum of three pounds:
   Provided further that no such allowance shall be paid to a
   Minister receiving a salary under the Crown or to the
   President of the Senate or the Speaker of the House of
   Assembly. A day of the session shall mean in respect of a
   member any day during a session on which the House of which he
   is a member or any committee of which he is a member meets.

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   [Sections 57-58 relate to the privileges of each House of
   Parliament and its right to make rules and orders of procedure
   for the conduct of its business.]

POWERS OF PARLIAMENT.

   59. Parliament shall have full power to make laws for the
   peace, order, and good government of the Union.

   60.—
   (1) Bills appropriating revenue or moneys or imposing taxation
   shall originate only in the House of Assembly. But a Bill
   shall not be taken to appropriate revenue or moneys or to
   impose taxation by reason only of its containing provisions
   for the imposition or appropriation of fines or other
   pecuniary penalties.

   (2) The Senate may not amend any Bills so far as they impose
   taxation or appropriate revenue or moneys for the services of
   the Government.

   (3) The Senate may not amend any Bill so as to increase any
   proposed charges or burden on the people.

   61. Any Bill which appropriates revenue or moneys for the
   ordinary annual services of the Government shall deal only
   with such appropriation.

   62. The House of Assembly shall not originate or pass any
   vote, resolution, address, or Bill for the appropriation of
   any part of the public revenue or of any tax or impost to any
   purpose unless such appropriation has been recommended by
   message from the Governor-General during the Session in which
   such vote, resolution, address, or Bill is proposed.

   63. If the House of Assembly passes any Bill and the Senate
   rejects or fails to pass it or passes it with amendments to
   which the House of Assembly will not agree, and if the House
   of Assembly in the next session again passes the Bill with or
   without any amendments which have been made or agreed to by
   the Senate and the Senate rejects or fails to pass it or
   passes it with amendments to which the House of Assembly will
   not agree, the Governor-General may during that session
   convene a joint sitting of the members of the Senate and House
   of Assembly. The members present at any such joint sitting may
   deliberate and shall vote together upon the Bill as last
   proposed by the House of Assembly and upon amendments, if any,
   which have been made therein by one House of Parliament and
   not agreed to by the other; and any such amendments which are
   affirmed by a majority of the total number of members of the
   Senate and House of Assembly present at such sitting shall be
   taken to have been carried, and if the Bill with the
   amendments, if any, is affirmed by a majority of the members
   of the Senate and House of Assembly present at such sitting,
   it shall be taken to have been duly passed by both Houses of
   Parliament: Provided that, if the Senate shall reject or fail
   to pass any Bill dealing with the appropriation of revenue or
   moneys for the public service, such joint sitting may be
   convened during the same session in which the Senate so
   rejects or fails to pass such Bill.

   64. When a Bill is presented to the Governor-General for the
   King’s Assent, he shall declare according to his discretion,
   but subject to the provisions of this Act, and to such
   instructions as may from time to time be given in that behalf
   by the King, that he assents in the King’s name, or that he
   withholds assent, or that he reserves the Bill for the
   signification of the King’s pleasure. All Bills repealing or
   amending this section or any of the provisions of Chapter IV.
   under the heading "House of Assembly," and all Bills
   abolishing provincial councils or abridging the powers
   conferred on provincial councils under section eighty-five,
   otherwise than in accordance with the provisions of that
   section, shall be so reserved. The Governor-General may return
   to the House in which it originated any Bill so presented to
   him, and may transmit therewith any amendments which he may
   recommend, and the House may deal with the recommendation.

   65. The King may disallow any law within one year after it has
   been assented to by the Governor General, and such
   disallowance, on being made known by the Governor-General by
   speech or message to each of the Houses of Parliament or by
   proclamation, shall annul the law from the day when the
   disallowance is so made known.

   66. A Bill reserved for the King’s pleasure shall not have any
   force unless and until, within one year from the day on which
   it was presented to the Governor-General for the King’s
   Assent, the Governor-General makes known by speech or message
   to each of the Houses of Parliament or by proclamation that it
   has received the King’s Assent.

   67. As soon as may be after any law shall have been assented
   to in the King’s name by the Governor-General, or having been
   reserved for the King’s pleasure shall have received his
   assent, the Clerk of the House of Assembly shall cause two
   fair copies of such law, one being in the English and the
   other in the Dutch language (one of which copies shall be
   signed by the Governor-General), to be enrolled of record in
   the office of the Registrar of the Appellate Division of the
   Supreme Court of South Africa; and such copies shall be
   conclusive evidence as to the provisions of every such law,
   and in case of conflict between the two copies thus deposited
   that signed by the Governor-General shall prevail.

V.—THE PROVINCES.

ADMINISTRATORS.

   68.—
   (1) In each province there shall be a chief executive officer
   appointed by the Governor-General in Council, who shall be
   styled the administrator of the province, and in whose name
   all executive acts relating to provincial affairs therein
   shall be done.

   (2) In the appointment of the administrator of any province,
   the Governor-General in Council shall, as far as practicable,
   give preference to persons resident in such province.

   (3) Such administrator shall hold office for a term of five
   years and shall not be removed before the expiration thereof
   except by the Governor-General in Council for cause assigned,
   which shall be communicated by message to both Houses of
   Parliament within one week after the removal, if Parliament be
   then sitting, or, if Parliament be not sitting, then within
   one week after the commencement of the next ensuing session.

   (4) The Governor-General in Council may from time to time
   appoint a deputy administrator to execute the office and
   functions of the administrator during his absence, illness, or
   other inability.

   69. The salaries of the administrators shall be fixed and
   provided by Parliament, and shall not be reduced during their
   respective terms of office.

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PROVINCIAL COUNCILS.

   70.—
   (1) There shall be a provincial council in each province
   consisting of the same number of members as are elected in the
   province for the House of Assembly: Provided that, in any
   province whose representatives in the House of Assembly shall
   be less than twenty-five in number, the provincial council
   shall consist of twenty-five members.

   (2) Any person qualified to vote for the election of members
   of the provincial council shall be qualified to be a member of
   such council.

   [Sections 71-77 are regulative of the elections, the terms
   (three years), and the sittings of the Provincial Councils.

   Sections 78-84 are creative of Executive Committees, for which
   each Provincial Council shall elect "from among its members,
   or otherwise," four persons, to be joined with the
   administrator of the Province, the latter being chairman of
   the Executive Committee thus constituted. This Committee, "on
   behalf of the Provincial Council," being appointed to "carry
   on the administration of provincial affairs," and, "subject to
   the provisions of this Act," to be invested with "all powers,
   authorities, and functions which at the establishment of the
   Union are vested in or exercised by the Governor in Council,
   or any minister of the Colony."]

POWERS OF PROVINCIAL COUNCILS.

   85. Subject to the provisions of this Act and the assent of
   the Governor-General in Council as hereinafter provided, the
   provincial council may make ordinances in relation to matters
   coming within the following classes of subjects (that is to
   say):—

   (i) Direct taxation within the province in order to raise a
   revenue for provincial purposes:

   (ii) The borrowing of money on the sole credit of the province
   with the consent of the Governor-General in Council and in
   accordance with regulations to be framed by Parliament:

   (iii) Education, other than higher education, for a period of
   five years and thereafter until Parliament otherwise provides:

   (iv) Agriculture to the extent and subject to the conditions
   to be defined by Parliament:

   (v) The establishment, maintenance, and management of
   hospitals and charitable institutions:

   (vi) Municipal institutions, divisional councils, and other
   local institutions of a similar nature:

   (vii) Local works and undertakings within the province, other
   than railways and harbours and other than such works as extend
   beyond the borders of the province, and subject to the power
   of Parliament to declare any work a national work and to
   provide for its construction by arrangement with the
   provincial council or otherwise:

   (viii) Roads, outspans, ponts, and bridges, other than bridges
   connecting two provinces:

   (ix) Markets and pounds:

   (x) Fish and game preservation:

   (xi) The imposition of punishment by fine, penalty, or
   imprisonment for enforcing any law or any ordinance of the
   province made in relation to any matter coming within any of
   the classes of subjects enumerated in this section:

   (xii) Generally all matters which, in the opinion of the
   Governor-General in Council, are of a merely local or private
   nature in the province:

   (xiii) All other subjects in respect of which Parliament shall
   by any law delegate the power of making ordinances to the
   provincial council.

   [Sections 86-93 are regulative of the exercise of the powers
   thus conferred.]

   94. The seats of provincial government shall be—
   For the Cape of Good Hope, Cape Town;
   for Natal, Pietermaritzburg;
   for the Transvaal, Pretoria;
   for the Orange Free State, Bloemfontein.

VI.—THE SUPREME COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA.

   95. There shall be a Supreme Court of South Africa consisting
   of a Chief Justice of South Africa, the ordinary judges of
   appeal, and the other judges of the several divisions of the
   Supreme Court of South Africa in the provinces.

   96. There shall be an Appellate Division of the Supreme Court
   of South Africa, consisting of the Chief Justice of South
   Africa, two ordinary judges of appeal, and two additional
   judges of appeal. Such additional judges of appeal shall be
   assigned by the Governor-General in Council to the Appellate
   Division from any of the provincial or local divisions of the
   Supreme Court of South Africa, but shall continue to perform
   their duties as judges of their respective divisions when
   their attendance is not required in the Appellate Division.

   97. The Governor-General in Council may, during the absence,
   illness, or other incapacity of the Chief Justice of South
   Africa, or of any ordinary or additional judge of appeal,
   appoint another judge of the Supreme Court of South Africa to
   act temporarily as such chief justice, ordinary judge of
   appeal, or additional judge of appeal, as the case may be.

   98.—
   (1) The several supreme courts of the Cape of Good Hope,
   Natal, and the Transvaal, and the High Court of the Orange
   River Colony shall, on the establishment of the Union, become
   provincial divisions of the Supreme Court of South Africa
   within their respective provinces, and shall each be presided
   over by a judge-president.

   [Further prescriptions on the same subject are contained in
   this and the next section of the Act.]

   100. The Chief Justice of South Africa, the ordinary judges of
   appeal, and all other judges of the Supreme Court of South
   Africa to be appointed after the establishment of the Union
   shall be appointed by the Governor-General in Council, and
   shall receive such remuneration as Parliament shall prescribe,
   and their remuneration shall not be diminished during their
   continuance in office.

   101. The Chief Justice of South Africa and other judges of the
   Supreme Court of South Africa shall not be removed from office
   except by the Governor-General in Council on an address from
   both Houses of Parliament in the same session praying for such
   removal on the ground of misbehaviour or incapacity.

   102. Upon any vacancy occurring in any division of the Supreme
   Court of South Africa, other than the Appellate Division, the
   Governor-General in Council may, in case he shall consider
   that the number of judges of such court may with advantage to
   the public interest be reduced, postpone filling the vacancy
   until Parliament shall have determined whether such reduction
   shall take place.

   [Rules concerning the cases, civil and criminal, which may be
   appealed from inferior courts to the Appellate Division, and
   not to the Supreme Court, are laid down in sections 103-105.]

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   106. There shall be no appeal from the Supreme Court of South
   Africa or from any division thereof to the King in Council,
   but nothing herein contained shall be construed to impair any
   right which the King in Council may be pleased to exercise to
   grant special leave to appeal from the Appellate Division to
   the King in Council. Parliament may make laws limiting the
   matters in respect of which such special leave may be asked,
   but Bills containing any such limitation shall be reserved by
   the Governor-General for the signification of His Majesty’s
   pleasure: Provided that nothing in this section shall affect
   any right of appeal to His Majesty in Council from any
   judgment given by the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court
   under or in virtue of the Colonial Courts of Admiralty Act,
   1890.

   107. The Chief Justice of South Africa and the ordinary judges
   of appeal may, subject to the approval of the Governor-General
   in Council, make rules for the conduct of the proceedings of
   the Appellate Division and prescribing the time and manner of
   making appeals thereto. Until such rules shall have been
   promulgated, the rules in force in the Supreme Court of the
   Cape of Good Hope at the establishment of the Union shall
   mutatis mutandis apply.

   [Other details concerning the rules and the sessions of the
   several provincial and local divisions of the Supreme Court,
   the execution of their writs and other processes, etc., are
   set forth in sections 108-116.]

VII.—FINANCE AND RAILWAYS.

   117. All revenues, from whatever source arising, over which
   the several Colonies have at the establishment of the Union
   power of appropriation, shall vest in the Governor-General in
   Council. There shall be formed a Railway and Harbour Fund,
   into which shall be paid all revenues raised or received by
   the Governor-General in Council from the administration of the
   railways, ports, and harbours, and such fund shall be
   appropriated by Parliament to the purposes of the railways,
   ports, and harbours in the manner prescribed by this Act.
   There shall also be formed a Consolidated Revenue Fund, into
   which shall be paid all other revenues raised or received by
   the Governor-General in Council, and such fund shall be
   appropriated by Parliament for the purposes of the Union in
   the manner prescribed by this Act, and subject to the charges
   imposed thereby.

   [Sections 118-123 provide for a commission "to institute an
   inquiry into the financial relations which should exist
   between the Union and the provinces"; prescribe the division
   to be made meantime of the Consolidated Revenue Fund; make the
   interest of the public debts a first charge on that fund;
   transfer to the Union all stocks, moneys, and securities, all
   crown lands, public works, etc., and all rights in mines and
   minerals that belonged to each of the colonies at the
   establishment of the Union.]

   124. The Union shall assume all debts and liabilities of the
   Colonies existing at its establishment, subject,
   notwithstanding any other provision contained in this Act, to
   the conditions imposed by any law under which such debts or
   liabilities were raised or incurred, and without prejudice to
   any rights of security or priority in respect of the payment
   of principal, interest, sinking fund, and other charges
   conferred on the creditors of any of the Colonies, and may,
   subject to such conditions and rights, convert, renew, or
   consolidate such debts.

   125. All ports, harbours, and railways belonging to the
   several Colonies at the establishment of the Union shall from
   the date thereof vest in the Governor-General in Council. No
   railway for the conveyance of public traffic, and no port,
   harbour, or similar work, shall be constructed without the
   sanction of Parliament.

   126. Subject to the authority of the Governor-General in
   Council, the control and management of the railways, ports,
   and harbours of the Union shall be exercised through a board
   consisting of not more than three commissioners, who shall be
   appointed by the Governor-General in Council, and a minister
   of State, who shall be chairman. …

   [Of the remaining sections of the Act (127-152) the following
   are the more important or the more significant.]

   133. In order to compensate Pietermaritzburg and Bloemfontein
   for any loss sustained by them in the form of diminution of
   prosperity or decreased rateable value by reason of their
   ceasing to be the seats of government of their respective
   colonies, there shall be paid from the Consolidated Revenue
   Fund for a period not exceeding twenty-five years to the
   municipal councils of such towns a grant of two per centum per
   annum on their municipal debts, as existing on the
   thirty-first day of January nineteen hundred and nine, and as
   ascertained by the Controller and Auditor-General. The
   Commission appointed under section one hundred and eighteen
   shall, after due inquiry, report to the Governor-General in
   Council what compensation should be paid to the municipal
   councils of Cape Town and Pretoria for the losses, if any,
   similarly sustained by them. Such compensation shall be paid
   out of the Consolidated Revenue Fund for a period not
   exceeding twenty-five years, and shall not exceed one per
   centum per annum on the respective municipal debts of such
   towns as existing on the thirty-first January nineteen hundred
   and nine, and as ascertained by the Controller and
   Auditor-General.

   134. The election of senators and of members of the executive
   committees of the provincial councils as provided in this Act
   shall, whenever such election is contested, be according to
   the principle of proportional representation, each voter
   having one transferable vote. The Governor-General in Council,
   or, in the case of the first election of the Senate, the
   Governor in Council of each of the Colonies, shall frame
   regulations prescribing the method of voting and of
   transferring and counting votes and the duties of returning
   officers in connection therewith, and such regulations or any
   amendments thereof after being duly promulgated shall have
   full force and effect unless and until Parliament shall
   otherwise provide.

   136. There shall be free trade throughout the Union, but until
   Parliament otherwise provides the duties of custom and of
   excise leviable under the laws existing in any of the Colonies
   at the establishment of the Union shall remain in force.

   137. Both the English and Dutch languages shall be official
   languages of the Union, and shall be treated on a footing of
   equality, and possess and enjoy equal freedom, rights, and
   privileges; all records, journals, and proceedings of
   Parliament shall be kept in both languages, and all Bills,
   Acts, and notices of general public importance or interest
   issued by the Government of the Union shall be in both
   languages.

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   138. All persons who have been naturalised in any of the
   Colonies shall be deemed to be naturalised throughout the
   Union.

   140. Subject to the provisions of the next succeeding section,
   all officers of the public service of the Colonies shall at
   the establishment of the Union become officers of the Union.

   141.
   (1) As soon as possible after the establishment of the Union,
   the Governor-General in Council shall appoint a public service
   commission to make recommendations for such reorganisation and
   readjustment of the departments of the public service as may
   be necessary. The commission shall also make recommendations
   in regard to the assignment of officers to the several
   provinces. …

   142. After the establishment of the Union the Governor-General
   in Council shall appoint a permanent public service commission
   with such powers and duties relating to the appointment,
   discipline, retirement, and superannuation of public officers
   as Parliament shall determine.

   143. Any officer of the public service of any of the Colonies
   at the establishment of the Union who is not retained in the
   service of the Union or assigned to that of a province shall
   be entitled to receive such pension, gratuity, or other
   compensation as he would have received in like circumstances
   if the Union had not been established.

   147. The control and administration of native affairs and of
   matters specially or differentially affecting Asiastics
   throughout the Union shall vest in the Governor-General in
   Council, who shall exercise all special powers in regard to
   native administration hitherto vested in the Governors of the
   Colonies or exercised by them as supreme chiefs, and any lands
   vested in the Governor or Governor and Executive Council of
   any colony for the purpose of reserves for native locations
   shall vest in the Governor-General in Council, who shall
   exercise all special powers in relation to such reserves as
   may hitherto have been exercisable by any such Governor or
   Governor and Executive Council, and no lands set aside for the
   occupation of natives which cannot at the establishment of the
   Union be alienated except by an Act of the Colonial
   Legislature shall be alienated or in any way diverted from the
   purposes for which they are set apart except under the
   authority of an Act of Parliament.

   148.—
   (1) All rights and obligations under any conventions or
   agreements which are binding on any of the Colonies shall
   devolve upon the Union at its establishment.

   (2) The provisions of the railway agreement between the
   Governments of the Transvaal, the Cape of Good Hope, and
   Natal, dated the second of February, nineteen hundred and
   nine, shall, as far as practicable, be given effect to by the
   Government of the Union.

IX.—NEW PROVINCES AND TERRITORIES.

   149. Parliament may alter the boundaries of any province,
   divide a province into two or more provinces, or form a new
   province out of provinces within the Union, on the petition of
   the provincial council of every province whose boundaries are
   affected thereby.

   150. The King, with the advice of the Privy Council, may on
   addresses from the Houses of Parliament of the Union admit
   into the Union the territories administered by the British
   South Africa Company on such terms and conditions as to
   representation and otherwise in each case as are expressed in
   the addresses and approved by the King, and the provisions of
   any Order in Council in that behalf shall have effect as if
   they had been enacted by the Parliament of the United Kingdom
   of Great Britain and Ireland.

   151. The King, with the advice of the Privy Council, may, on
   addresses from the Houses of Parliament of the Union, transfer
   to the Union the government of any territories, other than the
   territories administered by the British South Africa Company,
   belonging to or under the protection of His Majesty, and
   inhabited wholly or in part by natives, and upon such transfer
   the Governor-General in Council may undertake the government
   of such territory upon the terms and conditions embodied in
   the Schedule to this Act.

X.—AMENDMENT OF ACT.

   152. Parliament may by law repeal or alter any of the
   provisions of this Act: Provided that no provision thereof,
   for the operation of which a definite period of time is
   prescribed, shall during such period be repealed or altered:
   And provided further that no repeal or alteration of the
   provisions contained in this section, or in sections
   thirty-three and thirty-four (until the number of members of
   the House of Assembly has reached the limit therein
   prescribed, or until a period of ten years has elapsed after
   the establishment of the Union, whichever is the longer
   period), or in sections thirty-five and one hundred and
   thirty-seven, shall be valid unless the Bill embodying such
   repeal or alteration shall be passed by both Houses of
   Parliament sitting together, and at the third reading be
   agreed to by not less than two-thirds of the total number of
   members of both Houses. A Bill so passed at such joint sitting
   shall be taken to have been duly passed by both Houses of
   Parliament.

SCHEDULE.

   1. After the transfer of the government of any territory
   belonging to or under the protection of His Majesty, the
   Governor-General in Council shall be the legislative
   authority, and may by proclamation make laws for the peace,
   order, and good government of such territory: Provided that
   all such laws shall be laid before both Houses of Parliament
   within seven days after the issue of the proclamation or, if
   Parliament be not then sitting, within seven days after the
   beginning of the next session, and shall be effectual unless
   and until both Houses of Parliament shall by resolutions
   passed in the same session request the Governor-General in
   Council to repeal the same, in which case they shall be
   repealed by proclamation.

   2. The Prime Minister shall be charged with the administration
   of any territory thus transferred, and he shall be advised in
   the general conduct of such administration by a commission
   consisting of not fewer than three members with a secretary,
   to be appointed by the Governor-General in Council, who shall
   take the instructions of the Prime Minister in conducting all
   correspondence relating to the territories, and shall also
   under the like control have custody of all official papers
   relating to the territories.

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   3. The members of the commission shall be appointed by the
   Governor-General in Council, and shall be entitled to hold
   office for a period of ten years, but such period may be
   extended to successive further terms of five years. …

   14. It shall not be lawful to alienate any land in Basutoland
   or any land forming part of the native reserves in the
   Bechuanaland protectorate and Swaziland from the native tribes
   inhabiting those territories.

   15. The sale of intoxicating liquor to natives shall be
   prohibited in the territories, and no provision giving
   facilities for introducing, obtaining, or possessing such
   liquor in any part of the territories less stringent than
   those existing at the time of transfer shall be allowed.

   16. The custom, where it exists, of holding pitsos or other
   recognised forms of native assembly shall be maintained in the
   territories.

   17. No differential duties or imposts on the produce of the
   territories shall be levied. The laws of the Union relating to
   customs and excise shall be made to apply to the territories.

   18. There shall be free intercourse for the inhabitants of the
   territories with the rest of South Africa subject to the laws,
   including the pass laws, of the Union.

   19. Subject to the provisions of this Schedule, all revenues
   derived from any territory shall be expended for and on behalf
   of such territory. …

   ----------CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA: End--------

   ----------CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY: Start--------

CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY.

   The following is a synopsis of the Constitution promulgated
   December 23, 1876, the first year of the reign of Abd-ul
   Hamid, then soon withdrawn, and practically forgotten for
   thirty-two years, but brought to light by the revolution of
   1908 and promulgated anew, on the 24th of July in that
   memorable year;

      See, in this Volume,
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER):

THE INDIVISIBILITY OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE.

   The Sultan, the supreme Caliph of the Mussulmans and sovereign
   of all Ottoman subjects, is irresponsible and inviolable. His
   prerogatives are those of the constitutional sovereigns of the
   West. The subjects of the empire are called, without
   distinction, Ottomans. Individual liberty is inviolable, and
   is guaranteed by the laws.

   Islamism is the religion of the state, but the free exercise
   of all recognized creeds is guaranteed, and the religious
   privileges of the communities are maintained. No provision
   investing the institutions of the state with a theocratic
   character exists in the constitution.

   The constitution establishes liberty of the press, the right
   of petition to both chambers for all Ottomans, liberty of
   education, and the equality of all Ottomans before the law.
   They all enjoy the same rights, and have the same duties
   toward the country. Ottoman subjects, without distinction of
   religion, are admitted to the service of the state. Taxation
   will be equally distributed; property is guaranteed, and the
   domicile is declared inviolable. No person can be taken from
   the jurisdiction of his natural judges.

   The Council of Ministers will deliberate under the presidency
   of the Grand-Vizier. Each minister is responsible for the
   conduct of the affairs of his department. The Chamber of
   Deputies may demand the impeachment of the ministers, and a
   high court is instituted to try them. In the event of the
   Chamber adopting a vote hostile to the ministry on any
   important question, the Sultan will change the ministers or
   dissolve the Chamber. The ministers are entitled to be present
   at the sittings of both Chambers, and to take part in the
   debates. Interpellations may be addressed to the ministers.
   Public functionaries will be appointed in conformity with the
   conditions fixed by law, and cannot be dismissed without legal
   and sufficient cause. They are not discharged from
   responsibility by any orders contrary to law which they may
   receive from a superior.

   The General Assembly of the Ottomans is composed of two
   Chambers, the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, who will
   meet on the 1st of November in each year, the session lasting
   four months. A message from the Sultan will be sent to both
   Chambers at the opening of each session. The members of both
   Chambers are free with regard to their vote and in the
   expression of their opinions. Electors are prohibited from
   imposing binding engagements upon their representatives. The
   initiative in proposing laws belongs in the first place to the
   ministry, and next to the Chambers, in the form of
   propositions. Laws must be first submitted to the Chamber of
   Deputies, then to the Senate, and finally to the imperial
   sanction. The Senate is composed of members nominated by the
   Sultan and chosen from among the most eminent personages in
   the country. The Senate votes the laws already passed by the
   Chamber of Deputies, and returns to the latter, or rejects,
   any provisions contrary to the constitution or to the
   integrity or safety of the state. In the event of a
   dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies, the general election
   shall be held and the new Chamber meet within six months from
   the date of dissolution. The sittings of the Chamber of
   Deputies are public. The deputies may not be arrested or
   prosecuted during the session without authority from the
   Chamber. The Chamber votes the laws article by article, and
   the budget by chapters. There is to be one deputy for every
   fifty thousand inhabitants, and the elections will be made by
   secret ballot. A special law will determine the mode of
   election. The mandate of a deputy will render him ineligible
   for any public office, except for a ministry. Each legislature
   will continue for a period of four years. The deputies will
   receive 4,600 francs for every session, which will last from
   November to March. The senators are appointed for life by the
   Sultan, and will receive 2,300 francs monthly. Judges are
   irremovable.

   The sittings of the tribunals are public. The advocates
   appearing for defendants are free. Sentences may be published.
   No interference can be permitted in the administration of
   justice. The jurisdiction of the tribunals will be exactly
   defined. Any exceptional tribunals or commissions are
   prohibited. The office of Public Prosecutor is created. The
   High Court, which will try ministers, members of the Court of
   Cassation, and other persons charged with the crime of lese
   Majeste, or of conspiracy against the state, will be
   composed of the most eminent judicial and administrative
   functionaries.

   No tax can be established or levied except by virtue of a law.
   The budget will be voted at the commencement of each session,
   and for a period of one year only. The final settlement of the
   budget for the preceding year will be submitted to the Chamber
   of Deputies in the form of a bill. The Court of Accounts will
   send every year to the Chamber of Deputies a report upon the
   state of public accounts, and will present to the Sultan,
   quarterly, a statement showing the financial condition of the
   country. The members of the Court of Accounts are irremovable.
   No dismissal can take place except in consequence of a
   resolution adopted by the Chamber of Deputies.

{166}

   The provincial administration is based upon the broadest
   system of decentralization. The Councils-General, which are
   elective, will deliberate upon and control the affairs of the
   province. Every canton will have a council, elected by each of
   the different communities, for the management of its own
   affairs. The communes will be administered by elective
   municipal councils. Primary education is obligatory.

   The interpretation of the laws belongs, according to their
   nature, to the Court of Cassation, the Council of State, and
   the Senate.

   The constitution can only be modified on the initiative of the
   ministry, or of either of the two Chambers, and by a vote of
   both Chambers, passed by a majority of two-thirds. Such
   modification must also be sanctioned by the Sultan.

      Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1876,
      pages 773-774.

      See amendments, in this Volume, under
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

   ----------CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY: End--------

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES:
   Proposed Income Tax Amendment.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

CONSTITUTION OF VENEZUELA, New.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1904.

CONSTITUTION, A World:
   The Making of it in Process.

      See (in this Volume)
      WORLD MOVEMENTS.

CONSTITUTION ISLAND.

   "In the Hudson River opposite West Point lies Constitution
   Island. It is a wood-covered tract of nearly three hundred
   acres, and for many years it has been coveted by the
   authorities of the Military Academy and the War Department.
   Its owner, Miss Anna Bartlett Warner, was always willing to
   sell to the Government, but Congress could never be induced to
   make the necessary appropriation for its purchase. Now Mrs.
   Russell Sage has joined with Miss Warner in making a gift of
   the island to the Nation, to be used as a part of the military
   reservation at West Point."

      The Outlook,
      September 19, 1908.

CONSTITUTION-MAKING, and Unmaking, in Servia.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRATS.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907, and 1906 and 1907.

CONSULAR SERVICE, The Reform of the American.

      See (in this Volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

CONSUMPTION.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH: TUBERCULOSIS.

CONVICT LEASE SYSTEM:
   Its abolition in Georgia.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

COOK, Frederick A.:
   Claimant of North Pole discovery.

      See (in this Volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION.

COOLEY, Dr. Harris R.:
   Director of Charities and Corrections, Cleveland, Ohio.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

COÖPERATION, Industrial and Commercial.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION.

COPENHAGEN: A. D. 1906.
   Conference of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

COPYRIGHT:
   The new Law in the United States.

   "To the general surprise, the new copyright bill slipped
   through both houses of Congress yesterday [March 3, 1909]. It
   consists of one complete and consistent copyright statute, in
   sixty four sections. The term of copyright is lengthened. The
   bill leaves the present first term of twenty-eight years
   unchanged, but provides for a renewal term of twenty-eight
   years instead of fourteen, thus making possible a period of
   protection of fifty-six years from the publication of the
   work. The bill also provides for the extension of subsisting
   copyrights upon the same basis.

   "Copyright may now be secured for all the ‘writings’ of an
   author, using the constitutional expression. In enumerating
   and classifying works protected by copyright, the bill is more
   explicit than the present statutes, and adds the following new
   designations: ‘Lectures, sermons, and addresses, prepared for
   oral delivery’; ‘dramatico-musical compositions’; ‘plastic
   works of a scientific or technical character’; ‘reproductions
   of a work of art,’ and ‘ prints and pictorial illustrations,’
   in lieu of ‘engravings,’ ‘cuts,’ and ‘chromos,’ and ‘works of
   art’ instead of the present specific designations, ‘painting,’
   ‘drawings,’ ‘statue,’ and ‘statuary.’ Express provision is
   made that compilations, abridgments, adaptations,
   arrangements, dramatizations, or translations and works
   republished with new matter shall be considered new works
   subject to copyright.

   "As regards a musical work, the bill provides, as does the
   present law, that the author shall have the sole right to
   perform the work publicly for profit, but adds the sole right
   ‘to make any arrangement or setting of it or of the melody of
   it in any system of notation or any form of record from which
   it may be read or reproduced.’ The composer’s control of the
   reproduction of his music by mechanical instruments is
   qualified as follows:

   (a) to cover only music published and copyrighted after the
   act goes into effect;

   (b) not to include music by a foreign author or composer
   unless the foreign state or nation of which he is a subject
   grants to citizens of the United States similar rights;

   (c) whenever the owner of a musical copyright has used or
   permitted or acquiesced in the use of his work upon parts of
   instruments serving to reproduce mechanically the musical
   work, any other person may make similar use of the work upon
   the payment of a royalty of two cents on each part
   manufactured, notice to be filed in the copyright office of
   such use or license to use by the copyright proprietor.

   "American manufacture is required in the case of a book, not
   only as regards type-setting in the United States, but ‘if the
   text be produced by lithographic or photo-engraving process,
   then by a process wholly performed within the limits of the
   United States.’ The provision is also extended to
   illustrations within a book, and to separate lithographs and
   photo engravings, ‘except where in either case the subjects
   represented are located in a foreign country.’ The printing
   and binding of the book must also be performed within the
   United States.
{167}
   Photographs are released from the present requirement that
   they ‘shall be printed from negatives made within the United
   States or from transfers made therefrom.’ The ‘original text
   of a book of foreign origin in a language or languages other
   than English ’ is also excepted from the requirements of
   type-setting in the United States. A new ad interim
   protection is given books printed abroad in the English
   language. If one complete copy of such book is deposited in the
   copyright office not later than thirty days after publication
   abroad, copyright is granted for a period of thirty days from
   the date of receipt of the copy. If an authorized edition of
   the book is produced from type set in the United States during
   this second thirty days, the full term of copyright is
   secured.

   "The much discussed provisions prohibiting the importation of
   copyrighted books are considerably modified. The importation
   of piratical copies of any work copyrighted is prohibited, and
   the importation of any books, 'although authorized by the
   author or proprietor,’ which have not been produced in
   accordance with the manufacturing provisions, is prohibited.
   The Act of 1891 permits importation of books in 'the case of
   persons purchasing for use and not for sale, who import,
   subject to the duty thereon, not more than two copies
   of such book at any one time.’ The new law permits
   importation, ‘not more than one copy at one time, for
   individual use, and not for sale,’ and adds the proviso that
   ‘such privilege of importation shall not extend to a foreign
   reprint of a book by an American author copyrighted in the
   United States.’ The Act of 1891 allows importation in good
   faith for the use of societies incorporated or
   established for educational, philosophical, literary, or
   religious purposes, or for the encouragement of the fine arts,
   or for any college, academy, school, or seminary of learning.
   The new law confines the privilege to incorporated societies
   or institutions, but adds scientific societies and ‘any State,
   school, college, university, or free public library’; but
   while the Act of 1891 permits ‘two copies in any one
   invoice’ to be so imported, the new law provides for ‘not more
   than one copy of any such book in one invoice’ when
   ‘for use and not for sale.’

   "In the case of infringement, an injunction may issue, as now,
   and damages be recovered as well as all the profits due to the
   infringement."

      New York Evening Post,
      March 4, 1909.

COPYRIGHT:
   Pan-American Convention.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

CORINTO, Treaty of.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902: CENTRAL AMERICA.

CORPORATE WRONGDOING:
   Summary of recent Governmental Action against it in the
   United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

CORPORATION TAX, United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

CORPORATIONS:
   Forbidden to contribute to Political Elections.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY).

CORPORATIONS AND THE PUBLIC.

      See (in this Volume)
      Combinations, Industrial, &c., and Railways.

CORPORATIONS, The Bureau of.
   Its establishment in the Federal Administration
   of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903 (FEBRUARY).

CORRAL, Ramon:
   Vice-President of Mexico.

      See (in this Volume)
      MEXICO A. D. 1904-1905.

CORREGAN, Charles Hunter:
   Nominated for President of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

CORTELYOU, George B.:
   Secretary of Commerce and Labor and Secretary of the Treasury.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

COST OF LIVING.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES, &c.

COSTA RICA.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA.

COUNTRY LIFE COMMISSION, Report of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909 (AUGUST-FEBRUARY).

COURTS, Industrial, German.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1906.

COURTS OF LAW.

      See (in this Volume)
      LAW AND ITS COURTS.

COWPER-TEMPLEISM.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906.

CREEK NATION, Alleged frauds on the.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIANS, AMERICAN.

CREMER, William Randal:
   Originator of the Inter-parliamentary Union.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909;
      also NOBEL PRIZES.

CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Insurgent demand of Union with Greece.
   Investigation of discontent by the Protecting Powers.
   Resignation of the High Commissionership by Prince George.
   Appointment of Zaimis.

   A determined revolutionary movement to secure union with
   Greece was set on foot in March, 1905. Remonstrance against it
   by Prince George was unavailing, and the National Assembly,
   newly elected on the 2d of April, gave support to the
   insurgents, proclaiming the desired union of Crete with "her
   mother Greece," and ordering the Greek flag to be raised over
   the public buildings of the island. The government of Greece,
   while declaring its sympathy with the feeling which the
   movement expressed, could not give countenance to it, and
   urged the insurgents to lav down their arms. The latter,
   however, continued to hold the interior of the island and to
   make attacks on the Mohammedan population, until the approach
   of winter, when, on the 19th of November, they gave up their
   arms. The four protecting Powers then appointed a commission
   to investigate the grounds of discontent in the island, and
   its report made in the following spring justified a good deal
   of the Cretan complaint of arbitrary rule. In May a new
   Assembly was elected, in which the Government won 78 seats,
   the Opposition 36, and the Moslems were represented by 16. In
   July a resolution in favor of annexation to Greece was voted
   by acclamation in the Assembly, and its sittings were
   suspended to await the decision of the Powers. The latter
   announced a little later the intention to organize a
   gendarmerie to take the place of foreign troops in the island;
   and also to extend the operations of the Greek Finance
   Commission to Crete. Prince George now expressed his
   unwillingness to continue in the office of High Commissioner,
   and, on the request of the Powers, the King of Greece
   nominated M. Zaimis to succeed him. The nomination was
   accepted, and Prince George withdrew from the island, after
   issuing a farewell proclamation, September 25th. M. Zaimis
   arrived and assumed office on the 14th of October, being
   warmly received. He was understood to have the powers of a
   Greek Viceroy, with a mission to prepare the island for
   annexation to Greece.

{168}

   "I should not like," said a writer in the summer of 1905, "to
   speak too positively of Prince George’s mistakes; but I have
   met no European who has lived in the island who had a good
   word to say for his administration. On the one hand, he played
   the despot. The local independent newspapers were destroyed,
   and the right of public meeting withdrawn. Worst of all, the
   mayors and prefects, who had originally been elected by the
   inhabitants of their districts, were degraded to the position
   of mere officials nominated by the Prince. At the same time,
   he aspired to be a sort of party leader. Quite early in his
   term of office he contrived to alienate the best men among the
   leaders who had conducted the insurrection with so much
   patience and wisdom. The President of the Provisional
   Government, Dr. Sphakianakis, an extremely able and, what is
   rarer, a wise and disinterested man, went into retirement when
   the Prince arrived. …

   "By the summer of last year, [1904] when the Prince cast
   Professor Jannaris, a philologist of European reputation, into
   Canea gaol, the rift between himself and his people had become
   desperate. … It was now quite clear that no solution remained
   save union with Greece. To Prince George it provided an
   honorable and graceful path of retreat. He could retire and
   bring with him in his withdrawal a great gift to the Greek
   nation, and confer, at the same time, contentment on Crete. …
   Prince George, accordingly, devoted the closing months of 1904
   to a tour among the European courts. The Powers had never
   intended to make him the permanent sovereign of Crete. His
   mandate was only for three years, and it had already been
   prolonged for a second term. He urged that the time had at
   length arrived for a definite solution, which could only be a
   union with Greece. But either his pleading was half-hearted or
   the Powers were deaf. His term was once more extended, and he
   was weak enough, or vain enough, to accept the dangerous
   mission. He returned to Crete and reported his failure.

   "What followed is recent history. For a month or two the
   Cretans were passive, and then suddenly they rose in arms. A
   sort of provisional government was established at Therisso, a
   stronghold in the mountains, near enough to Canea to threaten
   the Prince’s administration, far enough from the sea to be out
   of range of the European war-ships. Dr. Sphakianakis and MM.
   Venizelos and Foumis are at its head, and it soon received the
   allegiance of the whole interior. Simultaneously, under very
   strained conditions, a general election was held; and, though
   the members were probably drawn for the most part from the
   Prince’s party, the Chamber adopted the programme of the
   insurgents and solemnly proclaimed the annexation of the
   island to Greece. The Prince threatened, but he had no force
   behind him; and he too could only reiterate his prayer that
   Europe should assent to union. It is a whimsical display of
   unanimity. In other lands, subjects rebel to emphasize some
   difference of opinion with their rulers. The Cretans have
   taken up arms to prove how violently they all agree."

      H. N. Brailsford,
      The Future of Crete
      (North American Review, August, 1905).

CRETE: A. D. 1907-1909.
   How and why the Cretans have been restrained by the
   Four Protecting Powers.

   In February, 1907, the Cretans framed and adopted a new
   Constitution, providing for an Assembly of sixty-four
   Deputies, elected every two years, and continuing the
   executive office of High Commissioner, with a Council of
   three. They were fully exercising all the rights of
   independent self-government, under the protection of the four
   Powers which still maintained the old "Concert," namely, Great
   Britain, France, Russia, and Italy. The Turkish Government
   touched them in no other way than through the theoretical,
   intangible suzerainty which the Sultan claimed. But that
   claim, acknowledged by their potent protectors, barred them
   from annexation to the kingdom of their fellow Greeks, which
   was their heart’s desire. If Turkey had continued in the
   condition to which it had sunk when the Powers set them free
   from all but a fiction of feudal law (see in Volume VI. of
   this work, TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899) there seems little doubt
   that they would have won their wish in no long time, with the
   help of those Powers; but the great change in Turkish
   conditions which came about in 1908 was not favorable to
   Cretan hopes.

   To the Cretans, in October, 1908, the Turkish Revolution
   appeared to have brought them the best of opportunities for
   breaking the irksome thread of an unexercised Ottoman
   sovereignty. Bulgaria snapped the thread; why should not they?
   But Bulgaria had no responsible guardians to look after her
   conduct; while Crete was, unfortunately at this juncture, the
   ward of an international trust company, whose responsibilities
   for her were made immeasurably more serious by the very
   circumstances which invited her to an escapade. The
   revolutionary undertaking of the Young Turks, to reform their
   own nation, claimed the sympathy and good will of every
   right-feeling government in the world. Great Britain, France,
   and Italy, at least, could not afford to lay, or consent to
   the laying, of a straw of difficulty in its way. A declaration
   of Cretan independence and annexation to Greece, countenanced
   by the Powers, would have raised excitements in Turkey more
   than likely to wreck the reform movement in a catastrophe of
   war, which might involve much larger fields than those that
   lie between Turkey and Greece. The action of Bulgaria and that
   of Austria in annexing Bosnia and Herzegovina had put a
   dangerous strain on the situation; but neither of these had
   tried Turkish feeling as it would have been tried if Crete and
   Greece had been suffered to follow their example by the four
   protecting Powers.

   The attempt was made in Crete on the 12th of October, 1908,
   when the Assembly voted union with Greece, and elected a
   committee of six members to conduct the Government in the name
   of the King of Greece, under Greek laws. The four Powers
   intervened in a soothing way, agreeing to treat with the
   Turkish Government on the subject, provided that order in the
   island should be maintained and protection afforded to the
   Mohammedan population. In the previous May they had decided to
   withdraw the forces they were jointly keeping in Crete, and
   had announced that their evacuation of the island should be
   completed by the end of July, 1909.
{169}
   When the time thus appointed drew near there was some anxiety
   as to what might follow the withdrawal of troops; but the
   Powers adhered to their agreement. Meantime the Turkish
   Government was giving plain expression to its determination to
   "maintain Ottoman rights in Crete." Early in July, 1909, the
   intentions of the four Powers were made known by an
   announcement to the French Chamber of Deputies from the
   Foreign Minister of that Government. The international
   contingents of troops, he stated, would be recalled by the
   contemplated date of July 27; but four war ships
   (stationnaires) would be sent, one by each Power, "to guard
   the Ottoman flag and the flags of the four Powers, as well as
   to ensure, in case of trouble, the protection of the
   population. A declaration would be addressed to the people of
   Crete promising, in particular, that the Powers will continue
   to occupy themselves with the Cretan question in a benevolent
   spirit, but adding that it is their duty to see that order is
   maintained and the safety of the Mussulmans in Crete assured;
   that with this object they reserve the right of adopting such
   measures as may be expedient for the restoration of
   tranquillity, in case disturbances should break out which the
   local authorities were unable to quell. The declaration
   addressed to the Cretans to be communicated to the Porte and a
   declaration to be made at Constantinople, in order to give an
   exact account of the spirit in which the foregoing measures
   have been adopted."

   This decision was communicated formally to the Greek and
   Turkish governments a little later. The latter, in reply,
   thanked the four Powers for their promise to safeguard Ottoman
   interests in the island, but declared that it could not
   tolerate "any extension of the privileges of the Cretans
   beyond those guaranteed by their autonomy, least of all any
   such extension as might give rise to the supposition that
   Crete was in any way politically connected or dependent on the
   Hellenic kingdom."

   The attitude of the four Powers in their action was stated
   very distinctly to the British House of Commons on the 22d of
   July, by Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, as
   follows:

   "The status quo maintained in Crete is that Crete
   remains in trust to the four Powers who hold the island in
   trust, and continue to maintain the obligations of preserving
   the supreme rights of Turkey. That is the status quo,
   and to put any other interpretation upon it and say that it
   means this or that, or that it amounts to virtual annexation,
   is misleading and is not true. That is not intended. The
   question of Crete has been exceedingly difficult, partly for
   the very reasons which I have already named, that it was
   raised at a time when the Turkish Government itself was
   passing through a stage exceedingly difficult, but exceedingly
   hopeful. What we have desired to do with regard to Crete is to
   secure that nothing shall happen which will be damaging to the
   prestige of the new régime in Turkey, and by being
   damaging to that prestige make the prospects of reform and of
   the increasing welfare of Turkey less hopeful."

   The last of the international contingents left Crete on the
   26th of July; whereupon the Cretans ran up the Greek flag on
   the fortress evacuated. Some days passed before the naval
   stationnaires of the four Powers arrived on the scene,
   and Turkey opened a somewhat sharp correspondence with Greece.
   The Powers intervened, assuming responsibility for conditions
   in Crete, and asking that communications on the subject be
   addressed to them. At the same time, the Cretans were
   admonished to take down the Greek flag. As they did not do so,
   sailors from the war ships were landed on the 18th of August,
   who lowered the flag and cut the flag-staff down. Sixty were
   left on guard to prevent further demonstrations of a
   provocative kind. To the time of this writing (February 1,
   1910) nothing has occurred since to disturb the quiet in
   Crete. In November, however, the Turkish Government addressed
   to the four Powers a request for a definite settlement of the
   status of Crete. The reply, given on the 9th of December, was
   as follows:

   "The protecting Powers do not deem the moment opportune for
   diplomatic negotiations tending to establish a definite
   régime in the island. The circumstances have not
   changed since the date of evacuation of the island by the
   international troops. Though infractions of the status
   quo had been committed, they were at once suppressed, and
   if more serious infractions occurred the Powers would meet
   them in accordance with the standpoint expressed in their
   Notes of July last with regard to the supreme rights of the
   Sultan. In present conditions negotiations on the Cretan
   question might excite public opinion in Turkey and elsewhere,
   and lead to dangerous complications."

   ----------CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: Start--------

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: THEIR PROBLEMS.
   "Black Hand," The:
   Sicilian Blackmail Terrorism brought to the United States.

   "Toward the end of the last century the Sicilian gangs which
   made their living by blackmail became aware that not a few
   Italians who had left their home country as peasants had
   acquired wealth across the Atlantic. Even the ordinary
   workman, they learnt, who could gain only 40 cents a day in
   Sicily, could make about four times that wage in New York.
   Accordingly they hastened to exploit by their familiar methods
   the rich field of the Italian colony in that city. It was not
   long before the American police found themselves faced by an
   elaborate machinery of crime far more ingenious and
   complicated than anything with which they had previously had
   to deal. The Black Hand, as the society called itself,
   proceeded normally to extort what it wanted by frank demands
   and threats, and it did not hesitate at kidnapping, outrage,
   and murder when these means seemed necessary to its ends."

      New York Correspondent London Times,
      March 16, 1909.

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
   Cleveland’s Farm Colony.

   "A City in the Life Saving Business" is the title given by Mr.
   Frederick C. Howe to an article in The Outlook of
   January 18, 1908, descriptive of the Farm Colony which the
   City of Cleveland, Ohio, has substituted for the old time
   "work-house" or "penitentiary" for the detention and treatment
   of its vagabonds and petty offenders.
{170}
   The change has been wrought within the past seven years by the
   City Director of Charities and Corrections, Dr. Harris R.
   Cooley. The following facts of it are summarized from Mr.
   Howe’s article:

   The colony occupies the larger part of a 1900 acre farm, on
   which some other institutions, such as a city infirmary, are
   to be placed; but the ex-workhouse-prisoners are, so far, the
   interesting occupants of the farm. They are prisoners with no
   prison. They wear no convict garb, drag no ball and chain, are
   surrounded by no wall or stockade, are watched by no armed
   guards. They are working a quarry, making roads and sewers,
   gathering stone, doing all descriptions of farm work, as free
   in their movements as farm laborers who work for hire. And out
   of hundreds on whom this treatment has been tried for nearly
   seven years "only a handful," it is said, "have ever taken
   advantage of their liberty. And it was the other prisoners who
   were most incensed at their escape."

   These unimprisoned prisoners are put on honor; they are
   treated as men to whom society would like to do good. It gives
   them a few weeks or months of healthful, honestly laborious
   life, in the midst of wholesome and beautiful surroundings
   (for the farm is nobly situated); and when they are dismissed
   from it they do not go dispirited and weakened and marked with
   a prison brand, as they would go from a workhouse, but
   strengthened in body, helped to self-respect, and encouraged
   to a change of life by the experience they have had. It is not
   punishment they have received, but a revelation, in most
   cases, of a better side of life than they had known. And this
   treatment is proving its success.

   There are classes for instruction, on various lines, at the
   farm, and some come back, for evening study, after their
   release. Two years ago one of the released colonists began the
   formation of a Brotherhood among those who came out, to assist
   their fellows and take care of them till they got a new
   footing in the world; and no less than 427 had received that
   helping hand of fellowship when Mr. Howe wrote his account.
   The Brotherhood was then occupying a rented house, on the
   furnishing of which it had expended over $2000, made up within
   its own ranks.

   Besides its Farm Colony, Cleveland has established another,
   somewhat similar, farm for boys. This, called Boyville, is 285
   acres in extent, and the young delinquents sent to it live in
   cottages, named Washington Cottage, Lincoln Cottage, etc.,
   each with a motherly woman in charge. They are kept in
   attendance at a school pursuing the same studies as in the
   city schools; their big playground affords them all kinds of
   healthful sports. They have horses, cattle, goats and dogs to
   take care of, and they are drilled in a fire company which is
   expected to protect the property of Boyville.

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
   The Convict Lease System:
   Its abolition in Georgia.

   During the Civil War the Penitentiary buildings of the State
   of Georgia, at Milledgeville, were destroyed, and for many
   years subsequently the prevailing conditions were not
   favorable to their replacement. There grew up, in consequence,
   an evil practice of working convicts in chain-gangs, leading
   finally to the leasing of such gangs to contractors. A
   frightful brutalizing of all concerned in the operation of the
   vicious system—convicts, overseers, and lessees alike—is said
   to have been the result, as it could hardly fail to be. Within
   late years public attention, in Georgia and outside of the
   State, was increasingly drawn to the treatment and condition
   of the chain-gangs, by shocking stories of barbarity and
   depravity; yet the evil was hard to reform, because of the
   profit which the State derived from the hire of its criminals.
   Years of agitation and exertion by right-minded people in
   Georgia were required to overcome the sordid influence of this
   fact, and it was not until September, 1908, that the
   Legislature, called in special session by Governor Hoke Smith
   to deal with the question, passed an Act which brought the
   lease system to an end on the 31st of March, 1909. Provision
   was made at this important session for an establishment of
   State farms on which convicts can be employed; for introducing
   a parole system into the penological policy of the State, and
   for the institution of juvenile courts. The legislative
   session was a memorable one.

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
   English Court of Criminal Appeal.

      See (in this Volume)
      LAW AND ITS COURTS: ENGLAND.

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
   The English Prevention of Corruption Act.

   The object of the English Prevention of Corruption Act, passed
   in 1906, is to check the practice of giving and taking secret
   commissions, which, as the late Lord Russell of Killowen
   caused the country to realize, was widely prevalent in
   commercial and professional circles, as well as in the humbler
   sphere of the "servants’ hall." Before the passing of the Act,
   of course, it was illegal to give and receive secret
   commissions. After the Act came into force, it became
   criminal. The provisions of the measure make it a
   misdemeanour, punishable, on summary conviction or on
   indictment, with fine or imprisonment—

   (1) For any agent corruptly to receive any gift or
   consideration for doing or not doing any act, or showing or
   not showing favour or disfavour, in relation to his
   principal’s affairs;

   (2) For any person corruptly to offer such gift or
   consideration to any agent;

   (3) For any person to give to an agent, or for any agent to
   use, any false or defective receipt or other business document
   with intent to deceive the principal.

   Two years after the Act came into force its effects were
   discussed by a writer in the London Times, who said:
   ‘The circumstances that the fiat of the Attorney-General must
   be obtained before any prosecution can be instituted under the
   Act, and that, until recently, there was no organization
   qualified to take active steps to prevent the Act from
   becoming a dead letter, account for the comparatively small
   number of cases in which proceedings have been taken under the
   Act during the past two years. Fifteen prosecutions have been
   authorized by the Attorney-General. In 12 cases there have
   been convictions, one case has been abandoned, and two are
   still pending. These figures show, at any rate, that
   prosecutions are not lightly instituted, and that the charges
   which have been preferred against offenders have been, as a
   rule, well founded.

{171}

   "It is undoubtedly true, in this matter as in others, that
   ‘everybody’s business is nobody’s.’ Soon after the passing of
   the Act it was realized that, if it was to prove effective
   ‘for the better prevention of corruption,’ some organization
   must be formed to give effect to the measure—to furnish
   information in respect to its provisions, to investigate
   complaints, and, if necessary, to institute prosecutions. A
   society was formed, therefore, with the title of ‘The Secret
   Commissions and Bribery Prevention League,’ to work on lines
   similar to those of the societies which strengthen the arm of
   the law so effectively in respect of cruelty to children and
   cruelty to animals. … The committee has investigated a large
   number of cases which have been brought to their knowledge,
   they have given advice freely to members and others interested
   in the working of the Act, they have issued thousands of
   circulars and letters, as well as occasional ‘news sheets,’
   they have made representations to the War Office and other
   public bodies as opportunities occurred, and have summoned
   various trade conferences for the consideration of points of
   importance arising out of the Act. The value of the League’s
   work is emphasized by the fact that the members include many
   important limited liability companies and trade associations,
   and that the League is becoming in a special sense
   representative of the commercial community as a whole."

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
   Indeterminate Sentence and
   the Parole System of New York State.

   The first provision in New York for indeterminate sentences
   was by Section 74, Chapter 382 of the Laws of 1889, as
   follows: "Whenever any male person over sixteen years of age,
   shall be convicted of a felony which is punishable by
   imprisonment in a State prison, for a term to be fixed within
   certain limits by the court pronouncing sentence, the court
   authorized to pronounce judgment upon such offender, instead
   of pronouncing upon such offender a definite sentence of
   imprisonment in a State prison for a fixed term, may pronounce
   upon such offender an indeterminate sentence of imprisonment
   in a State prison for a term with minimum and maximum limits
   only specified, without fixing a definite term of sentence
   within such limits named in the sentence, but the maximum
   limit so specified in the sentence shall not exceed the
   longest period for which such offender might have been
   sentenced, and the minimum limit in said sentence specified
   shall not be less than the shortest term for which such
   offender might have been sentenced. The maximum term specified
   in such indeterminate sentence shall be limited in the same
   manner as a definite sentence in compliance with the
   provisions of section six hundred and ninety-seven of the
   Penal Code."

   A Parole Board was constituted under this Act, composed of the
   Superintendent of Prisons and the chief officers of the four
   State Prisons.

   "It will be noted that this law permitted the indeterminate
   but did not abolish the definite sentence. Its provisions
   applied to all classes of male felons over sixteen years of
   age. No distinction was made between the first offenders and
   the professional and persistent criminals. The court in its
   discretion could impose either form of sentence on any
   convicted male felon provided he was more than sixteen years
   old. How general the preference of the judges was for the
   definite sentence is shown by the fact that during the twelve
   years that this law was in force approximately 13,000
   prisoners were received at the prisons, only 115 of whom had
   indeterminate terms. …

   "As there were but 60 men paroled during the life of this
   statute (1889 to 1901), there was naturally but slight
   progress made during that period toward organizing,
   systematizing and perfecting the parole system; but some
   experience was gained and data secured that has since been
   useful. …

   "The Legislature of 1901 passed two important and effective
   laws relative to the parole of prisoners which became
   operative September 1, 1901. The first amended Section 74 of
   Chapter 382, Laws of 1889, to read as follows:—

   ‘Every person now confined in a state prison, or in the
   Eastern New York Reformatory, under sentence for a definite
   term for a felony, the maximum penalty for which is
   imprisonment for five years or less, exclusive of fines, who
   has never before been convicted of a crime punishable by
   imprisonment in a state prison shall be subject to the
   jurisdiction of the board of commissioners of paroled
   prisoners and may be paroled in the same manner and subject to
   the same conditions and penalties as prisoners confined under
   indeterminate sentences. The minimum and maximum terms of the
   sentences of said prisoners are hereby fixed and determined to
   be as follows: The definite term for which each person is
   sentenced shall be the maximum limit of his term, and
   one-third of the definite term of his sentence shall be the
   minimum limit of his term."

      (As amended by chapter 260, L. 1901,
      and by chapter 508, L. 1902.)

   "By this Act the members of the State Commission of Prisons
   were constituted a Board of Commissioners for Paroled
   Prisoners and they were to meet at each of the prisons four
   times a year. The Superintendent of State Prisons was
   authorized to appoint a parole officer for each prison.

   "The other law amended the Penal Code by adding a new section.
   § 687 a.—A person never before convicted of a crime punishable
   by imprisonment in a state prison, who is convicted in any
   court in this state of a felony, the maximum penalty for
   which, exclusive of fines, is imprisonment for five years or
   less, and sentenced to a state prison, shall be sentenced
   thereto under an indeterminate sentence, the minimum of which
   shall not be less than one year; or in case a minimum is fixed
   by law, not less than such minimum, and the maximum of which
   shall not be more than the longest period fixed by law for
   which the crime is punishable of which the offender is
   convicted. The maximum limit of such sentence shall be so
   fixed as to comply with the provisions of section 697 of the
   Penal Code."

   "This Act was amended in 1902 to provide also that any first
   offender convicted of a felony other than murder first and
   second degrees, the maximum penalty for which exceeded five
   years, might be sentenced to an indeterminate term. Few
   prisoners, however, were so sentenced for crimes that carried
   a penalty of more than five years.

   "The passage of these Acts put the parole system in active
   operation in 1901. Many prisoners then in the prisons whose
   terms thus became indeterminate were immediately eligible for
   parole. Others became eligible from month to month. … In the
   first year under this law the Board considered the
   applications of 583 prisoners and granted parole to 272.

{172}

   "The scope of the parole system was materially enlarged and
   the work of the Board vastly increased by the legislation of
   1907. Chapter 737, Laws of 1907, provides, that all first
   offenders convicted of felonies other than murder first and
   second degrees and sentenced to a state prison must be
   sentenced to indeterminate terms. As a result of this law the
   class of prisoners subject to the jurisdiction of the Board
   will gradually increase to more than double the present
   number. …

   "Chapter 738, Laws of 1907, changed the penalty for murder
   second degree from life imprisonment to an indeterminate term
   having a minimum of 20 years and a maximum of life. Also, by
   this Act the sentences of all prisoners then in the prisons
   serving life sentences for murder second degree were made
   indeterminate terms with limits as above given [and 12, out of
   17, were soon released on parole],

   "Chapter 645, Laws of 1907, provides, that a person convicted
   for the fourth time for felony shall be sentenced to an
   indeterminate term, the maximum of which shall be life.

   "It is the intent of this law that the man who has
   demonstrated the fact that he is a persistent criminal shall
   be kept under supervision during life. That the counties shall
   be saved the expense of repeatedly trying him and, more
   important still, that the baneful effects of his association
   with, and influence over, prisoners in the jails, shall be
   avoided. If at any time after he has served his minimum term
   there is a reasonable probability that he will remain at
   liberty without violating the law, the Board may parole him."

   The Act of 1907, which became effective June 10, in that year,
   provides that "the board of parole for state prisons shall be
   composed of the superintendent of state prisons and two
   citizens appointed by the governor and confirmed by the
   senate; and that said board shall meet at each of the prisons
   every month. It shall also make examination and report to the
   governor with its recommendations on all applications for
   pardon referred to them by the governor."

      Report of the Board of Parole for State Prisons, 1907.

   To serve with the Superintendent of Prisons as the Board of
   Parole the Governor of New York appointed the Honorable George
   A. Lewis and the Honorable Albion V. Wadhams, for five years.

   In the annual report of the Superintendent of Prisons for 1908
   he discusses the working of the law, in part as follows:

   "The results attained with State prison convicts under the
   indeterminate sentence law have been satisfactory so far as
   the term limits fixed by the courts have permitted the proper
   application of the parole features of the law. In many cases,
   however, the terms of the sentences have been so inconsistent
   with the evident purpose and intent of the law as to render
   its parole provisions wholly, or to a good degree,
   inoperative.

   "In several sentences imposed by the courts, the maximum and
   minimum terms have been identical as ‘Not less than three
   years or more than three years.’ As will be seen, this is
   really a definite sentence and no parole period is provided
   for. In a very great number of cases, the margin between the
   minimum and maximum terms is but one, two or three months.
   While prisoners so sentenced may be paroled, the period of
   their probation is so limited that there is little opportunity
   to influence and train the man. …

   "The Superintendent is satisfied that the indeterminate has
   many advantages over the definite sentence, but its full
   benefit cannot be had under the law as it now stands and is
   applied. It should be amended so as to provide for longer
   parole periods and for minimum sentences never exceeding the
   maximum penalty for the crime of which the prisoner is
   convicted less the commutation allowed on definite sentences."

   In May, 1909, Governor Hughes signed a retro-active law which
   extends to all convicts now in prison, who, being first
   offenders, have been sentenced for crimes committed prior to
   September 1st, 1907.

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
   Pan-American Extradition Convention.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
   Preventive Detention in Great Britain.
   The Borstal System of Discipline and Training for
   Young Offenders.

   An Act entitled The Prevention of Crime Act, passed by the
   British Parliament in December, 1908, came into force on the
   1st of August, 1909. It is described in the preamble as an
   "Act to make better provision for the prevention of crime, and
   for that purpose to provide for the reformation of young
   offenders, and the prolonged detention of habitual criminals,
   and for other purposes incidental thereto." "The principle of
   ‘preventive detention’ is accepted and embodied in the Act,
   such detention to continue until the offender gives sufficient
   assurance that he will take to an honest life, or until by age
   or infirmity he becomes physically incapable of resuming a
   life of crime. In no case is life imprisonment contemplated,
   but when a man is convicted on indictment of a crime and is
   sentenced to penal servitude, if the jury find that he is an
   habitual criminal the Court may pass a further sentence. They
   must first be satisfied, however, that by reason of his
   criminal antecedents and his mode of life it is expedient for
   the protection of the public that he should be kept in
   detention for an extended period. The jury will have to be
   satisfied, first that the man just convicted of an offence has
   been convicted of at least three serious crimes, and,
   secondly, that when convicted he was leading an habitually
   dishonest life. The charge of being an habitual criminal
   cannot be made except by the consent of the Director of Public
   Prosecutions. The accused man will have an unqualified right
   of appeal. After serving his term of penal servitude he will
   be committed to a place of detention which will be a prison
   specially adapted for the purposes of the Act. The prison
   discipline will be less rigorous than that now prevailing,
   alike as regards hours, talking, recreation, occupations, and
   food.

   "The Act provides that the Secretary of State [the Home
   Secretary] shall once at least in every three years during
   which the person is detained in custody under a sentence of
   preventive detention, take into consideration the condition,
   history, and circumstances of that person with a view to
   determining whether he shall be placed out on license, and if
   so, on what conditions. Directors of convict prisons are to
   report periodically to the Secretary of State upon the conduct
   and industry of persons undergoing preventive detention, and
   their prospects and probable behaviour on release.
{173}
   For this purpose they are to be assisted by a committee at
   each prison, consisting of such members of the board of
   visitors and such other persons of either sex as the Secretary
   of State may from time to time appoint. Every such committee
   is to hold meetings at intervals of not more than six months,
   as may be prescribed, for the purpose of personally
   interviewing persons undergoing preventive detention in the
   prison and preparing reports for the assistance of the
   directors."

   The part of the Act which relates to the reformation of young
   offenders provides for the establishment and regulation of
   what are named "Borstal institutions." "These are places in
   which young offenders may be given during their detention such
   industrial training and other instruction and be subjected to
   such disciplinary and moral influences as will conduce to
   their reformation and the prevention of crime. The Act will
   apply to persons of not less than 16 or more than 21 years of
   age who may be convicted on indictment of an offence for which
   they are liable to be sentenced to penal servitude or
   imprisonment. In such cases … it will be lawful for the Court,
   instead of passing a sentence of penal servitude or
   imprisonment, to pass one of detention under penal discipline
   in a Borstal institution. Such detention will not be less than
   for one year or more than three years. Power is given to
   detain in Borstal institutions youthful offenders sentenced to
   detention in reformatory schools.

   … Powers are also given to the Secretary of State to transfer
   persons in certain cases from prison to Borstal institutions.

   "Subject to regulations by the Secretary of State, the Prison
   Commissioners may, after six months, or in the case of a
   female three months, from the commencement of the term of
   detention, if satisfied that there is reasonable probability
   that the offender will abstain from crime and lead a useful
   and industrious life, by license permit him to be discharged
   from the Borstal institution, on condition that he be placed
   under the supervision or authority of any society or person
   named in the license who may be willing to take charge of the
   case. Every person sentenced to detention in a Borstal
   institution shall, on the expiration of the term of his
   sentence, remain for a further period of six months under the
   supervision of the Prison Commissioners."

   The introduction of this system has been brought about by the
   efforts of an organization which bears the name of the Borstal
   Association, concerning whose experimental undertakings the
   London Times said, lately, in an editorial article:

   "Those who have hitherto been sceptical as to effective
   treatment of the criminal classes would do well to consult the
   report for 1909 of the Borstal Association. They can scarcely
   fail to admit that new and powerful agencies for good are at
   work. The experiment, which has been more successful than its
   authors anticipated, began in a small way at Bedford Prison,
   and has been gradually extended. At first it was applied to
   selected offenders in the metropolitan prisons between the
   ages of sixteen and twenty-one who had been committed for six
   months. It was soon discovered that little good could be done
   with criminals under successive short sentences. This has been
   rectified. … Speaking lately of the Borstal methods, the
   Bishop of Wakefield said truly that the problem is how to
   combine in the treatment of young criminals ‘tenderness and
   strength,’ to ‘draw the line between sternness and sympathy.’
   In the past the tendency was to be punctiliously severe. …
   To-day the tendency, the danger, is to forget that the prison
   is not a place of recreation; to dwell too much on the
   hardships of its inmates; to plead a little too much for their
   comforts; to ask and expect too much; to be unduly critical of
   prison authorities. The advocates of the Borstal system claim
   to have avoided these mistakes. ‘It is not,’ they say, ‘a
   namby-pamby system; only those who accept its strong incentive
   and reformative methods find it tolerable; those who do not,
   entreat for removal to other prisons where less development
   and improvement of their latent capacities are demanded.’ It
   seeks to inure to hard work the lads subject to its
   discipline; it would make them strong and fit to handle tools
   intelligently; it would turn them into healthy and well set-up
   men. The fact that they may quit Borstal with some proficiency
   in a trade counts for much."

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
   Probation System, as established by recent legislation
   in New York.

   "Probation, as authorized by the laws of New York State, is a
   system of discipline and correction, or, in some cases, of
   moral guardianship, applied by courts to suitable offenders,
   after conviction, for the purpose of improving their conduct
   and circumstances without committing them to institutions. The
   defendants are released conditionally on their good behavior,
   under suspended sentence, and under the friendly but
   authoritative supervision of a representative of the court,
   known as a probation officer. The probation law contemplates
   that in placing a defendant on probation certain terms and
   conditions shall be imposed, and it provides that if the
   probationer violate these conditions, his probation officer
   may return him to court for the execution of sentence. Besides
   usually requiring each probationer to report to him from time
   to time, the probation officer is expected to visit the
   probationer at frequent intervals and to do whatever seems
   essential to improve his surroundings and habits. The
   probation officer should report regularly to the court
   concerning the progress of each probationer. When so directed
   by the court, the probation officer also investigates cases,
   particularly with reference to the history, circumstances and
   character of the defendants, in order to lay before the court
   facts which may be important in determining whether they
   should be placed on probation.

   "It is desirable to keep the distinction between probation and
   parole clearly in mind. Under the New York laws the word
   probation refers to the supervision of defendants who, after
   conviction, are released under suspended sentence. The
   suspension of sentence alone does not constitute probation;
   there must also be oversight by a probation officer. The word
   parole, on the other hand, is applied to two entirely
   different systems. In some courts before convictions are
   found, cases are adjourned from time to time and the
   defendants conditionally released; and this is called parole.
   There is no authority to apply the term probation to this
   practice, because under the New York State laws a person
   cannot be placed on probation until after conviction. Parole
   is the appropriate word to use also in connection with the
   conditional release of inmates from penal or reformatory
   institutions before the expiration of their term of
   commitment. …

{174}

   "Twenty-seven hundred and fifty-four boys and girls, and 7,680
   adults, making a total of 10,434 persons, were reported by
   probation officers as on probation during 1908. Of these 8,762
   were placed on probation during the year. On December 31,
   1908, there were 2,378 persons remaining on probation. The
   corresponding number for December 31, 1907, was 1,672. Three
   hundred and twenty probation officers supervised probationers
   during the year, which is more than double the number of
   active probation officers reported in the last report of this
   Commission. During 1908 the probation system was used in the
   courts of 26 cities as against 16 cities reported in 1907, in
   8 town and village courts in 1908 as against 1 village court
   in 1907, in 23 county courts as against 11 in 1907, and, as
   far as the reports of probation officers indicate, in the
   Supreme Court in 6 counties as against none in 1907."

      Second Report of New York State Probation Commission,
      March 15, 1909.

   As amended in May, 1909, "the law creates the position of
   county probation officer, and makes the services of such an
   officer available not only in the county court, but also in
   the Supreme Court and the courts of all towns, villages and
   third-class cities within the county."

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
   The English "Probation of Offenders Act."

   This Act, which became law in August, 1907, provides that,
   "where any person is charged before a court of summary
   jurisdiction with an offence punishable by such court, and the
   court thinks that the charge is proved, but is of opinion
   that, having regard to the character, antecedents, age,
   health, or mental condition of the person charged, or to the
   trivial nature of the offence, or to the extenuating
   circumstances under which the offence was committed, it is
   inexpedient to inflict any punishment or any other than a
   nominal punishment, or that it is expedient to release the
   offender on probation, the court may, without proceeding to
   conviction, make an order either—

   (i) dismissing the information or charge; or

   (ii) discharging the offender conditionally on his entering
   into a recognizance, with or without sureties, to be of good
   behaviour and to appear for conviction and sentence when
   called on at any time during such period, not exceeding three
   years, as may be specified in the order."

   Similarly after conviction of the offender, when a court deems
   punishment inexpedient, it may, "in lieu of imposing a
   sentence of imprisonment, make an order discharging the
   offender conditionally on his entering into a recognizance,
   with or without sureties, to be of good behaviour and to
   appear for sentence when called on at any time during such
   period, not exceeding three years, as may be specified in the
   order;" and it may, in addition, order the offender to pay
   damages for injury or compensation for loss that is consequent
   on his offence.

   The Act provides further that a recognizance ordered in such a
   case may contain a condition that the offender shall be under
   the supervision of such person as shall be named, during the
   specified period of probation; that certain persons of either
   sex may be appointed as probation officers,—some such, when
   circumstances permit, to be specially "children’s probation
   officers,"—and that salaries in the discretion of the courts
   may be paid to these officers.

      See (in this Volume), also,
      Children, under the Law: As Offenders,
      and Law and its Courts.

   ----------CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: End--------

CRISES, Financial, of 1903 and 1907.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

CROCKER, George:
   Bequest for Cancer Research.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH: CANCER RESEARCH.

CROMER, Sir Evelyn Baring, Viscount:
   Crowned King by the Sudanese.

      See (in this Volume)
      SUDAN, THE.

CROMER, Sir Evelyn Baring, Viscount:
   What he saw on the Nile border of the Congo State.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

CROMER, Sir Evelyn Baring, Viscount:
   Statement of conditions in Egypt.

      See (in this Volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY).

   ----------CUBA: Start--------

CUBA:
   Gains to Spain from its loss.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1898-1906.

CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Organization of Free Government under a Republican Constitution.
   Transfer of Executive Authority from the
   provisional Military Governor to the President-elect.
   Official correspondence of the occasion.

   Events in and relating to Cuba, after the surrender of the
   island by Spain and the organization of a provisional military
   government by the United States are narrated in Volume VI. of
   this work, down to the adoption by the Congress of the United
   States of the stipulations known as "The Platt Amendment" (see
   pages 189-190 in Volume VI), which the constitutional
   government for Cuba then in process of formation was asked to
   agree to, in order to define the future relation of the
   proposed new republic with the United States. This enactment
   was approved by the President on the 2d of March, 1901, and
   communicated, through the provisional Military Governor of the
   island, General Leonard Wood, to the Cuban Constitutional
   Convention. Doubt as to possible interpretations of the third
   clause of the Platt Amendment having then arisen in the
   Convention, the following despatch went from Washington to the
   Military Governor April 3d:

   "You are authorized to state officially that in view of the
   President the intervention described in the third clause of
   the Platt amendment is not synonymous with intermeddling or
   interference with the affairs of the Cuban Government, but the
   formal action of the United States, based upon just and
   substantial grounds, for the preservation of Cuban
   independence and the maintenance of a government adequate for
   the protection of life, property, and individual liberty, and
   adequate for discharging the obligations with respect to Cuba
   imposed by the treaty of Paris on the United States."

      Elihu Root, Secretary of War.

   On the 12th of June, 1901, the convention adopted an ordinance
   making provisions identical with those of the Platt Amendment,
   a part of the constitution of Cuba.

{175}

   "On October 1, 1901, the convention performed its remaining
   duty by adopting an electoral law providing for a general
   election throughout the island, to be held on the 31st day of
   December, 1901, to choose governors of provinces, provincial
   councilors, members of the house of representatives, and
   presidential and senatorial electors. The law also provided
   that on the 24th day of February, 1902, the several bodies of
   electors thus chosen should meet and elect a president,
   vice-president and senators. The elections were to be held
   under the direct supervision of a central board of scrutiny,
   composed of the president of the convention and four other
   members selected for that purpose. The law was promulgated by
   a general order of the military governor on the 14th of
   October, 1901.

   "The constitution thus adopted and perfected was treated by
   the United States as an acceptable basis for the formation of
   the new government to which, when organized and installed, the
   control of the island was to be transferred.

   "In conformity to the Cuban constitution and electoral law,
   elections were held by the Cuban people on the 31st of
   December, 1901, and by the electoral college on the 24th of
   February, 1902, when a president [T. Estrada Palma],
   vice-president, senate, and house of representatives were
   chosen.

   "The situation at this important juncture in the affairs of
   Cuba is described by Secretary Root in his annual report for
   1902 as follows:

   "‘The whole governmental situation in Cuba was quite
   unprecedented, with its curious device of a suspended
   sovereignty given up by Spain, but not in terms vested in
   anybody else, and if vested remaining dormant, while a
   practical working government of military occupation in time of
   peace, deriving its authority from the sovereignty of another
   country, claimed temporary allegiance, made and enforced laws,
   and developed a political organization of the Cuban people to
   take and exercise the suspended or dormant sovereignty. It was
   important that in inaugurating the new government there should
   be no break in the continuity of legal obligation, of rights
   of property and contract, of jurisdiction, or of
   administrative action. It would not do to wait for the new
   government to pass laws or to create offices and appoint
   administrative officers and vest them with powers, for the
   instant that the new government was created the intervening
   government ceased, and the period of waiting would be a period
   of anarchy.

   "‘It was necessary, therefore, to take such steps that the new
   Government should be created as a going concern, every officer
   of which should be able to go on with his part of the business
   of governing under the new sovereignty without waiting for any
   new authority. That everything necessary to this end should be
   done, and that it should be done according to a consistent and
   maintainable legal theory, caused the Department a good deal
   of solicitude. It is gratifying to report that it was done,
   and that the Government which, until noon of May 20, was
   proceeding under the authority of the President of the United
   States, went on in the afternoon of that day and has ever
   since continued under the sovereignty which had been abandoned
   by Spain in April, 1899, without any more break or confusion
   than accompanies the inauguration of a new President in the
   United States. This could not have been done without the most
   perfect good understanding, mutual confidence, and sympathetic
   cooperation on the part of our officers who were about to
   retire, and the newly elected officers of Cuba, who were about
   to take the reins of Government.’"

   One of the most interesting pages in history is that which
   records the peaceful withdrawal of the flag and forces of the
   United States from Cuba, and the inauguration of the
   Government of the Republic of Cuba. The story cannot be told
   in more interesting form or manner than as it is presented in
   the orders of Secretary Root and the exchange of letters
   between the President of the United States, the Secretary of
   War, and the President of the Republic of Cuba. These
   documents in part are as follows:

      "Washington, D. C., March 24, 1902.
      "Brig. Gen. Leonard Wood,
      Military Governor of Cuba.

   "Sir: You are authorized to provide for the inauguration, on
   the 20th of May next, of the government elected by the people
   of Cuba; and, upon the establishment of said government, to
   leave the government and control of the island of Cuba to its
   people pursuant to the provisions of the act of Congress
   entitled ‘An act making appropriation for the Army for the
   fiscal year ending June 30, 1902,’ approved March 2, 1901.

   "Upon the transfer of government and control to the President
   and Congress so elected, you will advise them that such
   transfer is upon the express understanding and condition that
   the new government does thereupon, and by the acceptance
   thereof, pursuant to the provisions of the appendix to the
   constitution of Cuba, adopted by the constitutional convention
   on the 12th of June, 1901, assume and undertake all and
   several the obligations assumed by the United States with
   respect to Cuba by the treaty between the United States of
   America and Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain, signed at
   Paris on the 10th day of December, 1898.

   "It is the purpose of the United States Government, forthwith
   upon the inauguration of the new government of Cuba, to
   terminate the occupancy of the island by the United States,
   and to withdraw from that island the military forces now in
   occupancy thereof: but for the preservation and care of the
   coast defenses of the island, and to avoid leaving the island
   entirely defenseless against external attack, you may leave in
   the coast fortifications such small number of artillerymen as
   may be necessary, for such reasonable time as may be required
   to enable the new Government to organize and substitute
   therefor an adequate military force of its own: by which time
   it is anticipated that the naval stations referred to in the
   statute and in the appendix to the constitution above cited,
   will have been agreed upon, and the said artillerymen may be
   transferred thereto.

   "You will convene the Congress elected by the people of Cuba
   in joint session at such reasonable time before the 20th of
   May as shall be necessary therefor, for the purpose of
   performing the duties of counting and rectifying the electoral
   vote for President and Vice-President under the fifty-eighth
   article of the Cuban constitution.
{176}
   At the same time you will publish and certify to the people of
   Cuba the instrument adopted as the constitution of Cuba by the
   constitutional convention on the 21st day of February, 1901,
   together with the appendix added thereto and forming a part
   thereof adopted by the said convention on the 12th day of
   June, 1901. It is the understanding of the Government of the
   United States that the government of the island will pass to
   the new President and Congress of Cuba as a going concern; all
   the laws promulgated by the government of occupation
   continuing in force and effect, and all the judicial and
   subordinate executive and administrative officers continuing
   in the lawful discharge of their present functions until
   changed by the constitutional officers of the new government.
   At the same moment the responsibility of the United States for
   the collection and expenditure of revenues and for the proper
   performance of duty by the officers and employees of the
   insular government will end, and the responsibility of the new
   government of Cuba therefor will commence.

   "In order to avoid any embarrassment to the new President,
   which might arise from his assuming executive responsibility
   with subordinates whom he does not know, or in whom he has not
   confidence, and to avoid any occasion for sweeping changes in
   the civil-service personnel immediately after the inauguration
   of the new Government, approval is given to the course which
   you have already proposed of consulting the President-elect,
   and substituting, before the 20th of May, wherever he shall so
   desire, for the persons now holding official positions, such
   persons as he may designate. This method will make it
   necessary that the new President and yourself should appoint
   representatives to count and certify the cash and cash
   balances and the securities for deposits transferred to the
   new government. The consent of the owner of the securities for
   deposits to the transfer thereof you will of course obtain.

   "The vouchers and accounts in the office of the Auditor and
   elsewhere, relating to the receipt and disbursement of moneys
   during the government of occupation, must necessarily remain
   within the control, and available for the use, of this
   Department. Access to these papers will, however, undoubtedly
   be important to the officers of the new government in the
   conduct of their business subsequent to the 20th of May. You
   will accordingly appoint an agent to take possession of these
   papers and retain them at such place in the island of Cuba as
   may be agreed upon with the new government until they can be
   removed to the United States without detriment to the current
   business of the new government.

   "I desire that you communicate the contents of this letter to
   Mr. Palma, the President-elect, and ascertain whether the
   course above described accords with his views and wishes. Very
   respectfully,
      ELIHU ROOT, Secretary of War."

   On the 20th of May, 1902, the transfer of executive authority
   from the American Military Governor, General Wood, to
   President elect Palma was made in due form, and the following
   correspondence passed between President Palma, General Wood,
   President Roosevelt, and Secretary Root:

   "HABANA, May 20, 1902.
   "Honorable General Leonard Wood.

   "Sir: As President of the Republic of Cuba, I hereby receive
   the Government of the Island of Cuba which you transfer to me
   in compliance with orders communicated to you by the President
   of the United States, and take note that by this act the
   military occupation of Cuba ceases.

   "Upon accepting this transfer I declare that the Government of
   the Republic assumes, as provided for in the constitution,
   each and every one of the obligations concerning Cuba imposed
   upon the United States by virtue of the treaty entered into on
   the 10th of December, 1898, between the United States and Her
   Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain.

   "I understand that, as far as possible, all pecuniary
   responsibilities contracted by the military government up to
   this date have been paid; that $100,000, or such portion
   thereof as maybe necessary, have been set aside to cover the
   expenses that may be occasioned by the liquidation and
   finishing up of the obligations contracted by said government,
   and that there has been transferred to the Government of the
   Republic the sum of $689,191.02, which constitutes the cash
   balance existing to-day in favor of the State. …

   "I take this solemn occasion, which marks the fulfillment of
   the honored promise of the Government and people of the United
   States in regard to the island of Cuba, and in which our
   country is made a ruling nation, to express to you, the worthy
   representative of that grand people, the immense gratitude
   which the people of Cuba feel toward the American nation,
   toward its illustrious President, Theodore Roosevelt, and
   toward you for the efforts you have put forth for the
   successful accomplishment of such a precious ideal.

      T. ESTRADA PALMA."


   "Habana, May 20, 1902.
   "Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington.

   "The government of the island having been just transferred, I,
   as Chief Magistrate of the Republic, faithfully interpreting
   the sentiments of the whole people of Cuba, have the honor to
   send you and the American people testimony of our profound
   gratitude and the assurance of an enduring friendship, with
   wishes and prayers to the Almighty for the welfare and
   prosperity of the United States.

      T. ESTRADA PALMA."


   "Washington, May 20, 1902.
   "President of the Republic of Cuba:

   "Believe in my heartfelt congratulations upon the inauguration
   of the Republic which the people of Cuba and the people of the
   United States have fought and labored together to establish.
   With confidence in your unselfish patriotism and courage and
   in the substantial civic virtues of your people, I bid you
   godspeed, and on this happy day wish for Cuba for all time
   liberty and order, peace and prosperity.
      ELIHU ROOT, Secretary of War."


   "Habana, May 21, 1902.
   "ELIHU ROOT, Secretary of War, Washington.

   "I am deeply moved by your heartfelt message of congratulation
   on the inauguration of the Republic of Cuba, to the birth of
   which the people and the Government of the United States have
   contributed with their blood and treasure. Rest assured that
   the Cuban people can never forget the debt of gratitude they
   owe to the great Republic, with which we will always cultivate
   the closest relations of friendship and for the prosperity of
   which we pray to the Almighty.
      T. ESTRADA PALMA."

{177}

   On the 10th of June, General Wood, at Washington, made the
   following report to the Adjutant-General of the United States
   Army:

   "Sir: I have the honor to inform you that the Republic of Cuba
   was established at 12 o’clock noon, May 20, 1902. The transfer
   was made upon the lines indicated in the instructions of the
   honorable the Secretary of War, and the autograph letter of
   the President read to President Palma and presented to him.
   President Palma responded, expressing his sincere appreciation
   of the work done by the United States in Cuba, and the lasting
   gratitude of himself and the people of Cuba.

   "The transfer was made in the main reception hall of the
   palace of the military governor. There were present the
   President-elect and his cabinet, the military governor and the
   officers of his staff, civil and military, the Cuban Congress,
   the judiciary, officers of the British and Italian navies, the
   captain and staff of the U. S. S. Brooklyn, and the consular
   representatives of foreign countries. …

   "I left the palace at twenty-five minutes past 12 o’clock,
   accompanied by the officers of my personal and departmental
   staff. We were accompanied to the capitania del puerto by
   President Palma with his cabinet, the Cuban Congress, and all
   others who had been present at the ceremonies. President Palma
   bade us farewell at the wharf after again expressing his most
   sincere and lasting good will and appreciation.

   "Accompanied by my personal staff, I immediately embarked upon
   the U. S. S. Brooklyn. The officers of the department
   staff embarked on the S . S. Moro Castle, which sailed
   at a quarter past 3. The U. S. S. Brooklyn sailed at
   about 3.45.

      LEONARD WOOD, Brigadier General United States Army."


   The above account of the "Establishment of Free Government in
   Cuba "is taken wholly from a narrative thus entitled, compiled
   by the Bureau of Insular Affairs, United States War
   Department, and published as Document Number 312, in Volume 7
   of Senate Documents, 58th Congress, 2d Session.

CUBA: A. D. 1902.
   Tomas Estrada Palma, the First President of the Cuban Republic.

   "There was such manifest propriety in the selection of General
   Estrada Palma to be the first president of the Cuban Republic
   that the attempt to bring forward another candidate was
   unavailing. There was no excitement at the popular election,
   and the voting was light, because the result was a foregone
   conclusion. The two most important men in the last struggle
   for Cuban freedom were General Maximo Gomez and General
   Estrada Palma. Gomez commanded the armies in the field, and
   employed methods which, as we have repeatedly said, entitle
   him to rank as one of the greatest of all modern commanders.
   Palma was the agent of the Cuban patriots in the United
   States, and he, more than any other man, is to be credited
   with having kept alive the military movement in Cuba by means
   of material aid and assistance sent from the outside. Most
   important of all, he addressed himself with success to
   bringing about that awakening of public opinion in the United
   States which finally took the form of an irresistible moral
   crusade on behalf of Cuban freedom. If these two men had died,
   or were otherwise ineligible, Cuba would not, indeed, have
   been left without trained and patriotic sons who could have
   filled the presidential office with ability and success. But
   since Gomez and Palma were both alive, and available in every
   sense, they were the two men to whom Cuba might naturally
   turn, rather than to any others, as candidates for the
   presidency. The military hero is always the man to be first
   considered, and Gomez for a time was the candidate whose name
   was upon all lips. But he declared that he had no ambition for
   political office, and in due time it appeared that Gomez was
   shaping things in Cuba for the nomination of Palma. …

   "Tomas Estrada Palma is sixty-six years of age. His father was
   a wealthy planter in the easternmost province of Cuba, and the
   son was well educated in Cuba and in Spain, and became a
   lawyer, with a view not so much to the practice of his
   profession as to the better management of the affairs of a
   large estate. His patriotic sympathies led him to active
   service in the ten years’ struggle for independence which
   began in 1868 and ended in 1878, and early in that period he
   became a general in the insurgent army. Toward the end of the
   war, he became the president of the provisional government, a
   position which at least indicated the confidence in which he
   was held by the Cuban people. He was made a prisoner, taken to
   Spain, at the risk of his life refused to swear allegiance,
   witnessed, in consequence, the confiscation of his estates,
   and some time after the final termination of the struggle
   regained his personal liberty, at the loss, however, of his
   Cuban property and home. When he goes to Cuba, two or three
   months hence, to assume the duties and high honors of the
   presidency, it will be after an absence of twenty four years.
   After his release, at the end of the Ten Years War, Palma
   traveled in Spanish-American countries, and settled in
   Honduras, where he married the daughter of the president of
   that republic and became postmaster-general. Subsequently he
   came with his wife and one little child to New York, and saw
   an opportunity to establish a school for young people from the
   Spanish-American countries. His institute was located in the
   little town of Central Valley, in Orange County, New York,
   some forty miles from the metropolis. He has now lived in
   Central Valley for eighteen years, and his six children, five
   of whom were born there, have known no other home."

      American Review of Reviews,
      February, 1902.

CUBA: A. D. 1903.
   Lease of Coaling and Naval Stations to the United States.
   Reciprocity with the United States.
   Cession of the Isle of Pines.

   In consonance with Article VII. of the so-called "Platt
   Amendment," which became an Appendix to the Constitution of
   the Republic of Cuba, an Agreement between the United States
   and Cuba for the lease to the former, in Guantanamo and Bahia
   Honda, of lands for coaling and naval stations, was signed in
   February, 1903. The consequent lease was signed and
   ratifications exchanged in the following July and October.
{178}
   According to the terms of the Agreement "while, on the one
   hand, the United States recognizes the continuance of the
   ultimate sovereignty of the Republic of Cuba over the above
   described areas of land and water, on the other hand the
   Republic of Cuba consents that during the period of the
   occupation by the United States of said areas under the terms
   of this agreement the United States shall exercise complete
   jurisdiction and control over and within said areas with the
   right to acquire (under conditions to be hereafter agreed upon
   by the two Governments) for the public purposes of the United
   States any land or other property therein by purchase or by
   exercise of eminent domain with full compensation to the
   owners thereof." The yearly rental to be paid for the use of
   the lands defined in the Agreement is $2000.

   An arrangement of reciprocity between Cuba and the United
   States, conceding to Cuban sugar a rebate of 20 per cent. from
   the Dingley tariff rate, and giving 20 to 40 per cent. of
   reduction in Cuba on American goods, was ratified by the
   United States Senate in December.

   A treaty ceding all claims of the United States to the Isle of
   Pines was signed in December, and awaited ratification by the
   Senate when the year closed.

CUBA: A. D. 1906.
   Participation in Third International Conference of
   American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      American Republics.

CUBA: A. D. 1906 (August-October).
   Outbreak of insurrection.
   Appeal of President Palma for American intervention.
   The Republic practically without a Government.
   Secretary Taft, sent to the Island, establishes a
   Provisional Government.
   Governor Magoon.

   The first report to the Government of the United States of an
   outbreak of insurrection in Cuba was sent from the American
   Legation at Havana on the 21st of August, 1906. Between 1000
   and 1500 men were then said to be in arms in Pinar del Rio,
   under Colonel Pino Guerra, "a Liberal member of the present
   Congress and a veteran of the War of Independence." The
   insurgents represented the political party called Liberal,
   hostile to the party called Moderate which controlled the
   Government and enjoyed the favor of President Palma. They
   complained of unfairness in late elections and demanded a new
   electoral law with a new election to be held under it. The
   Government had no effective armed forces to use against them,
   and some effort by business men of Havana and by "veterans" to
   mediate between the parties and pacify the revolutionists were
   without avail. Events, therefore, moved rapidly to the
   producing of a situation in which President Palma, on the 12th
   of September, asked for American intervention, and begged
   "that President Roosevelt send to Havana with rapidity 2000 or
   3000 men, to avoid any catastrophe in the capital." Two days
   later the request was repeated with more urgency, the
   Consul-General at Havana stating in a telegram to the State
   Department at Washington:

   "President Palma has resolved not to continue at the head of
   the Government, and is ready to present his resignation, even
   though the present disturbances should cease at once. The
   vice-president has resolved not to accept the office. Cabinet
   ministers have declared that they will previously resign.
   Under these conditions it is impossible that Congress will
   meet, for the lack of a proper person to convoke same to
   designate a new president. The consequences will be absence of
   legal power, and therefore the prevailing state of anarchy
   will continue unless the United States Government will adopt
   the measures necessary to avoid this danger."

   The action then taken by President Roosevelt was recounted by
   him in his next annual Message to Congress, as follows:

   "It was evident that chaos was impending, and there was every
   probability that if steps were not immediately taken by this
   Government to try to restore order, the representatives of
   various European nations in the island would apply to their
   respective governments for armed intervention in order to
   protect the lives and property of their citizens. Thanks to
   the preparedness of our Navy, I was able immediately to send
   enough ships to Cuba to prevent the situation from becoming
   hopeless; and I furthermore dispatched to Cuba the Secretary
   of War and the Assistant Secretary of State, in order that
   they might grapple with the situation on the ground. All
   efforts to secure an agreement between the contending
   factions, by which they should themselves come to an amicable
   understanding and settle upon some modus vivendi—some
   provisional government of their own—failed. Finally the
   President of the Republic resigned. The quorum of Congress
   assembled failed by deliberate purpose of its members, so that
   there was no power to act on his resignation, and the
   Government came to a halt. In accordance with the so-called
   Platt amendment, which was embodied in the constitution of
   Cuba, I thereupon proclaimed a provisional government for the
   island, the Secretary of War acting as provisional governor
   until he could be replaced by Mr. Magoon, the late minister to
   Panama and governor of the Canal Zone on the Isthmus; troops
   were sent to support them and to relieve the Navy, the
   expedition being handled with most satisfactory speed and
   efficiency. The insurgent chiefs immediately agreed that their
   troops should lay down their arms and disband; and the
   agreement was carried out."

   From an "Epitome of events attendant upon the establishment of
   the Provisional Government of Cuba," published in Part 1 of
   "Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United
   States," for 1906, the following is taken:

   "On Saturday, September 29, 1906, a provisional government
   exercising Cuban sovereignty under the authority of the
   President of the United States was established, and a
   proclamation was issued to the Cuban people setting forth the
   causes for this action and defining the position of the United
   States toward Cuba.

   "Since the American commissioners understand that the Republic
   of Cuba is continuous and that they are only the ad interim
   executives, the various departments continue to function as
   before with the assistant secretaries as acting heads, the
   only officials discharged being those taken on to meet the
   exigencies of the revolution.

   "At the time the commissioners assumed control there were many
   political prisoners in the jails throughout the island. These,
   of whom several were prominent liberals who had several times
   been consulted by the commissioners while on parole, were
   immediately set at liberty.

   "The disbanding and disarming of the rebel forces and,
   incidentally, the government militia, enlisted specially for
   the revolution, has been the chief concern of the provisional
   government from its establishment until now. It was carried
   out by a commission of American and Cuban military officers,
   of which General Frederick Funston was head, and has been
   practically completed.

{179}

   "On the 10th instant [October] Provisional Governor Taft
   issued a general amnesty proclamation to the people of Cuba,
   thus indicating that quiet and peace have been restored. Save
   for sporadic local disturbances, the entire country is
   tranquil.

   "On Tuesday, the 9th instant, Governor Magoon, who has
   succeeded Mr. Taft as provisional governor, and General Bell,
   who is to take command of the military forces of the United
   States in the island, reached Habana, and on Saturday, the
   13th, Governor Taft issued a proclamation transferring the
   provisional governorship to Governor Magoon."

   In his proclamation of September 29th, on taking possession of
   the Government, Secretary Taft used these clear and distinct
   words:

   "The provisional government hereby established will be
   maintained only long enough to restore order, peace, and
   public confidence, by direction of and in the name of the
   President of the United States, and then to hold such
   elections as may be necessary to determine on those persons
   upon whom the permanent government of the republic should be
   devolved.

   "In so far as is consistent with the nature of a provisional
   government established under the authority of the United
   States this will be a Cuban Government, conforming with the
   constitution of Cuba. The Cuban flag will be hoisted as usual
   over the government buildings of the island, all the executive
   departments and provincial and municipal governments,
   including that of the City of Havana, will continue to be
   administered as under the Cuban Republic; the courts will
   continue to administer justice, and all the laws not in their
   nature inapplicable by reason of the temporary and emergent
   character of the government will be in force."

CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.
   Under the Provisional American Government.
   Election of a new Congress and a new President.
   Restoration of the Republic.

   In his Message to Congress, December, 1907, President
   Roosevelt described the conditions that had prevailed in the
   island for two years under the provisional government,
   instituted by Secretary Taft and over which Governor Magoon
   had presided, in a few words, as follows:

   "Absolute quiet and prosperity have returned to the island
   because of this action. We are now taking steps to provide for
   elections in the island and our expectation is within the
   coming year to be able to turn the island over again to a
   government chosen by the people thereof. Cuba is at our doors.
   It is not possible that this Nation should permit Cuba again
   to sink into the condition from which we rescued it. All that
   we ask of the Cuban people is that they be prosperous, that
   they govern themselves so as to bring content, order and
   progress to their island, the Queen of the Antilles; and our
   only interference has been and will be to help them achieve
   these results."

   Provincial elections held in the following August went
   generally in favor of the Conservative party, and that party
   was accordingly expected to win the presidential election,
   appointed to occur in November, 1908; but such was not the
   result. Three parties were in the field, Conservatives,
   Miguelistas, and Zayistas. The Miguelistas were political
   followers of General José Miguel Gomez, whose middle name they
   took for their party designation; the Zayistas were partisans
   of Dr. Alfredo Zayas; the Conservatives were reputed to be
   substantially identical with the party known as Moderates in
   the politics of the First Republic. Their leader was General
   Menocal. The Liberals of former contests were now divided
   between Miguelistas and Zayistas. They were reunited in the
   national election of November, and swept the Moderates into
   the background, electing both their leaders, Gomez and Zayas,
   the one to be President, the other to be Vice-President, of
   the reconstituted Republic: electing, at the same time, an
   effective majority in the Congress for their support.

   January 28, 1909, was the day fixed for dissolving the
   provisional government and reinvesting the Cubans with
   political independence; but the Congress was organized and
   held its initial session on the 13th. The President and
   Vice-President elect were inaugurated with simple ceremonies
   on the 28th. President Roosevelt, on that day, sent a message
   to the President and the Congress in these words:CUBA:

   "Governor Magoon will, by my direction, turn over to you on
   the 28th of this month the control and government of the
   island of Cuba, and he will thereupon declare the provisional
   administration of the affairs of the island by the United
   States to be at an end. Upon the occasion of this final act, I
   desire to reiterate to you the sincere friendship and good
   wishes of the United States and our most earnest hopes for the
   stability and success of your government. Our fondest hope is
   that you may enjoy the blessing of peace, prosperity, justice,
   and orderly liberty, and that the friendship which has existed
   between the republic of the United States and the republic of
   Cuba, may continue for all time to come."

   Governor Magoon, in his brief address, surrendering the reins
   of government to President Gomez, said, in part:

   "It is the understanding of the United States, and it now
   declares that all the executive and legislative decrees and
   rulings of the provisional government now in force shall
   continue in force and effect until such time as the same shall
   be legally revoked by Cuba.

   "All money obligations of the provisional government down to
   this date have been paid as far as practicable. Such claims
   and obligations, however, as may remain unpaid are to be
   regarded as claims and obligations of Cuba, and the United
   States understands that these claims and obligations will be
   so treated."

   President Gomez replied:

   "We receive from you the government of Cuba which you turn
   over to us in compliance with the instructions of the
   President of the United States. All acquired rights shall be
   respected in harmony with the principles of international law,
   the principles of our constitution and the provisions of the
   appendix of the constitution. The constitution shall be upheld
   in all its integrity because our chief concern will be to
   preserve it inviolate.

{180}

   "We are indebted to your nation for its generous aid in the
   maintenance of our institutions and the cordial relations
   existing will never grow less through any act of ours. Once
   again we are masters of our fate and there is not a Cuban
   heart but swears to maintain for all time the newly-acquired
   integrity of the nation, and who does not at the same time
   feel the profoundest gratitude towards those who, after
   governing them, have faithfully performed their agreement and
   now leave us in the full enjoyment of our sovereignty."

   According to newspaper reports, however, the popular feeling
   was somewhat different from the sentiment expressed by
   President Gomez, if the coldness with which the Cuban crowd of
   that day watched the departure of Governor Magoon and his
   associates could be taken for a sign. They sailed for home
   immediately, on the new battleship Maine. About 3000 American
   troops remained on the island, under command of Major-General
   Thomas L. Barry, until the 1st of April following. On the
   departure of these, President Gomez said to General Barry:

   "It is pleasing to me to acknowledge the great aptitudes and
   qualities of the Army of Pacification under your command,
   which has brought to a happy conclusion its honorable mission
   of watching over our country in the difficult days, now
   happily past, and in maintaining and reaffirming the most
   friendly relations with our people, in whose name I assure you
   your efforts have been crowned with the most flattering
   success. I pray you, general, to express to your valiant
   soldiers the extreme gratitude and admiration which the
   government and the people of Cuba have for them."

   Of President Gomez the following account was given at the time
   of his inauguration by the New York Evening Post:

   "Major-General Jose Miguel Gomez, the first President of the
   new Cuban Republic, is fifty-three years of age, and a native
   of Santa Clara province, where he has always enjoyed
   extraordinary popularity and influence. He participated in two
   Cuban revolutions against Spain, in the first of which he
   reached the rank of major and in the second that of
   major-general. He was selected as Governor of Santa Clara
   province by the government of intervention, and when his term
   expired he was elected Governor.

   "In May, 1905, the general was nominated for the Presidency by
   the National Liberal Convention, but resigned his candidacy
   four months later, giving as the reason for this action that
   it was impossible to continue the campaign within the bounds
   of the law, and laying part of the blame on the United States,
   owing to the Platt amendment. An uprising in Cuba followed,
   which ended with the deposition of President Palma and the
   intervention of the United States.

   "In August, 1906, General Gomez was arrested, charged with
   conspiring against the Administration of the late President
   Palma, but he denied the allegation, and was released from
   custody after a month’s imprisonment. In December of the same
   year Governor Magoon appointed him secretary of a commission
   to revise the laws of Cuba. These included the drafting of an
   electoral law, new provincial and municipal laws, a law
   defining the organization and functions of the judiciary, a
   civil service law, and also laws on such other subjects as may
   be referred to it by the provisional Governor."

CUBA: A. D. 1907.
   Population.
   Remarkable increase in eight years.

   "The population of Cuba on September 30, 1907, was 2,048,980;
   at the census next preceding, taken under the American
   administration in 1899, at the close of the Spanish-American
   War, the population was 1,572,797. The rate of increase in
   these eight years is not less than 30 per cent. or at the rate
   of 39 per cent per decade. This is a very rapid rate of
   increase—greater than that of any other country with which I
   am acquainted. This increase has not been brought about by
   immigration, for in the eight years the net immigration (that
   is, the excess of arrivals over departures) numbered only
   75,000, and the element of foreign birth increased from 11 per
   cent to 11.2 per cent only, but it has been brought about
   almost entirely by the excess of births over deaths. … One
   peculiar phenomenon of this increase is that the rural
   population has gained much more rapidly than has the urban—a
   condition which rarely exists, as in nearly every country in
   the world the drift of population is toward the cities. The
   urban population, including all places of 1,000 inhabitants
   and over, was 43.9 per cent of the total population. In 1899
   it was 47.1 per cent. If the urban population be limited to
   towns of 8,000 inhabitants, the proportion was 30.3 per cent.
   The chief cities are Habana, with 297,159 inhabitants, or
   about one-seventh of the population of Cuba; Santiago de Cuba,
   45,470; Matanzas, 36,009; Cienfuegos, 30,100; and Camaguey,
   29,616. The number of inhabitants per square mile in the
   island as a whole was 46.5, or about the same as in Missouri,
   Virginia, or South Carolina. The foreign-born population
   formed 11.2 per cent of the total. Of this element four-fifths
   were born in Spain and less than three per cent in the United
   States; Chinese and Africans were more numerous than United
   States people. …

   "As to color, about seven-tenths of the population were white,
   the remaining three-tenths being colored, including negroes,
   mixed, and a few thousand Chinese. As in the United States,
   the colored element is increasing less rapidly than is the
   white population."

      Henry Gannett,
      National Geographic Magazine,
      February, 1909.

   As reported from Washington, nearly 57 per cent, of the
   population of Cuba, at least ten years of age, can read, the
   percentage in the large cities being 82.6 and in the rest of
   the island 47.9 according to figures obtained in the census
   recently taken. This census shows that in 1907 almost
   one-third of the children were attending school, as compared
   with less than one-sixth in 1899.

      See also (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: CUBA.

CUBA: A. D. 1907 (April).
   Decision of Supreme Court of the United States respecting
   the Isle of Pines.

   A decision by the Supreme Court of the United States, rendered
   on the 8th of April, 1907, determined that the Isle of Pines
   is foreign territory, in the view of the United States customs
   laws, and, inferentially, that the United States has
   practically no title to the island.

CUBA: A. D. 1909 (June).
   Ill conditions along with material prosperity.

   "What may prove to be the largest sugar crop in Cuba’s
   history—certainly it is the most profitable she has harvested
   in many along year—is almost in. It is estimated at a million
   and a half tons. It has obtained the very satisfactory average
   price of 4 5/8 reales, reckoning from January 1 to date. …
   Ordinarily, this condition of affairs as regards her biggest
   crop would be equivalent to the best of times for Cuba,
   especially since last year also was a good year for sugar men,
   and this year the tobacco crop, too, is fair in quantity and
   quality and going at satisfactory prices. But, so
   extraordinary is the present situation, times were never
   harder in all the history of this island than they are to-day,
   material evidences of prosperity to the contrary
   notwithstanding.

{181}

   "Yet values have not dropped. This is no panic. It is merely a
   standing still—a waiting for something to happen. Just what it
   is that is due to occur nobody will say. Asked what he is
   afraid of, the Spaniard, who is the business man of Cuba,
   shrugs his shoulders and shifts his eyes; pressed for a reply,
   he answers enigmatically: ‘There is no confidence.’ The
   feeling grows that the present government will be forced into
   the hands of a receiver, like any other bankrupt concern,
   before even its liveliest opponents can organize to end it
   more heroically. …

   "In 1906, when Cuba’s customs receipts, which are almost her
   sole source of revenue, were at their maximum, her budget
   stood at $17,915,013.25. In 1909, weakened as she is, she is
   burdened with a budget of $33,825,448.53—President Gomez’s
   estimate of expenditure necessary in the first fiscal year of
   his Administration! In other words, while collections have
   fallen off, the governmental expenditures they must cover have
   increased 100 per cent."

      Havana Correspondent,
      New York Evening Post,
      June 19, 1909.

   "The Senate and House abruptly adjourned this evening. This
   was the final day of the regular session of Congress, but no
   definite action was taken on the question of the approval of
   the budget. … The House yesterday approved the budget in its
   entirety, and it was expected that the Senate would approve it
   to-day. The latter body, however, after devoting much time to
   a bill legalizing cockfighting, which was passed, made sundry
   minor modifications in the budget, sending it again to the
   House, in the apparent expectation that the modifications
   would be accepted by the House, which, in the meantime, had
   adjourned. The adjournment of the House was not known until
   after the Senate had also adjourned."

      Havana Telegram to Associated Press,
      June 30, 1909.

   "Owing to the failure of the Cuban Senate to pass the budget,
   President Gomez, early this morning, issued a decree making
   effective Governor Magoon’s budget of 1908-1909 amounting to
   $24,285,000. The deficiency to cover the cost of the army and
   other increased expenses of the republic, amounting to nearly
   $10,000,000, will be supplied by Presidential decree. This
   will practically repeat the conditions of the last year of the
   Palma regime, when, in default of a budget, the decrees to
   this same end issued by President Palma were declared to
   violate the Constitution, and precipitated the revolution of
   August, 1906."

      Havana Telegram,
      July, 1.

   ----------CUBA: End--------

CUNARD COMPANY:
   Agreements with the British Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: INTERNATIONAL.

"CURB MARKET," The, of New York:
   Report on its operations.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES. A. D. 1909.

CURIA, New Apostolic Constitution of the Roman.

      See (in this Volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1908.

CURIE, Marie Sklodovska.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

CURIE, Pierre.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

CURIE, Professor and Madame:
   Their discovery of Radium.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM; also, PHYSICAL.

CURRENCY.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE.

CURRY, J. L. M.:
   Originator of the Annual Conferences for Education in the South.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1898-1909.

CURTIS, Glenn H.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

CURZON, George N., Lord:
   Partition of Bengal.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

CURZON, George N., Lord:
   Resignation of Viceroyalty of India.

      See INDIA: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

CURZON-WYLLIE, Sir, Assassination of.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

CUSTOMS ADMINISTRATION:
   Proposals of the Conference of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

CUSTOMS COURT OF APPEALS, UNITED STATES:

      See (in this Volume)
      TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

CUSTOMS SERVICE, United States:
   Corruptions disclosed.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

CUSTOMS UNION, Serbo-Bulgarian.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN STATES: BULGARIA AND SERVIA: A. D. 1905.

CZECHS:
   Struggle with Austrian Germans over the language question.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903, and 1904.

CZOLGOSZ, Leon:
   Assassin of President McKinley.

      See (in this Volume)
      BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.


D.

DAIDO CLUB.

   See (in this Volume)
   Japan: A. D. 1909.

DALGETY:
   Rejected Site for Australian Capital.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

DALNY:
   Russian Evacuation.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and
      1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

   When Dalny, by the Treaty of Portsmouth, became the property
   of Japan its name was changed to Tairen.

DAMASCUS:
   Railway to Mecca.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: TURKEY, ASIATIC: A. D. 1908.

DARWIN, Charles:
   Centenary Commemoration of.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ANNIVERSARY CELEBRATIONS.

DARWINISM, Bearing of Mendel’s Law on.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: BIOLOGICAL.

DAVENPORT, Dr. Charles B.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

{182}

DAVIS, General George B.:
   Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

DAVIS, Henry G.:
   Delegate to Second International Conference of
   American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

DAVIS, Jefferson:
   Unveiling of Monument to.

      See (in this Volume)
      RICHMOND, VIRGINIA.

DAYANAND SARASWATI.

      See (in this Volume)
      ARYA SAMAJ.

DAYLIGHT SAVING MOVEMENT.

   What is known as the Daylight Saving Movement, which has
   acquired much strength in England and has gained some favor in
   the United States and elsewhere, is said to have been first
   mooted by a builder in London, Mr. Willet, who suggested the
   possibility of securing a most important general advantage to
   the whole community by establishing a legal difference between
   summer and winter in the numbering of the hours. The
   proposition is to retain the standard clock time for all the
   year except between a given date in April and a given date in
   September, within which period the clocks shall be set forward
   one hour, making six o’clock in the morning, for example,
   become seven.

   At first the proposition excited little but laughter; but the
   more it has been considered the more advocacy it has won. A
   bill to realize it has been twice before Parliament, failing
   to be passed, but gaining votes. The main difficulty is to
   make people see why there should be legislation on the
   subject; why those who wish to begin the labors of the day an
   hour earlier in the summer than in the winter may not do so
   without any meddling of law with the clocks. The reasons why
   were set forth very clearly in one of the debates of
   Parliament on the subject. Said one speaker: "The Bill was
   intended to benefit town dwellers. Two-thirds, if not
   three-fourths, of the population dwelt in towns, and it was
   these who suffered from failure to take advantage of the
   summer daylight. It had been asked why it was necessary, in
   order to induce town populations to follow the example of
   agriculturists, to proceed by way of legislation. The answer
   was simple. There were 140 statutes in which various phases of
   town life were regulated by the clock, and if they desired
   those who lived in towns to take advantage of the summer
   daylight by beginning work earlier in the morning, it was
   surely easier to accomplish that end by passing a general Act
   of this kind than by bringing in Bills to amend each of the
   statutes in which particular hours were specified."

   As another (Mr. Winston Churchill) explained: "It was quite
   impossible for an individual to make alterations in the hours
   at which he discharged particular duties, while every one else
   remained unchanged, without subjecting himself to a great deal
   of inconvenience, and the fact that particular firms had
   already adopted this early rising system, in spite of the
   enormous inconvenience which attended all alterations from the
   regular habits of the community as a whole, was not, as the
   honourable member for Rye suggested, an argument against the
   necessity of the Bill. It was, in his judgment, very good
   evidence of the real, natural pressure that there was behind a
   measure of this character. If all the world were to change
   clock time together, no one would be conscious that that
   change had occurred, except at the moment of change. But where
   a change of clock time came into contact with unchanged times,
   as in the case of the American markets or of the Continental
   mails and trains, there, undoubtedly, they would get friction
   and discordance. He was, however, not at all sure that that
   friction and discordance bore any sensible proportion to the
   interests which might be beneficially affected or that that
   friction and discordance could not be adjusted without any
   very serious inconvenience. But whether that was so or not, he
   was quite clear that any such change as this must be made by
   legislation, or it could not be made at all."

DEAKIN, Alfred:
   Premier of Australia.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904, and after.

DEAKIN, Alfred:
   At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

DEAKIN, Alfred:
   Defeat and resignation in 1908.
   Recovery of the Premiership in 1909.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908, and 1909 (MAY-JUNE).

DEATH DUTY, or Inheritance Tax.
   Defeated proposal in Germany.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

DEATH DUTIES:
   Treaty between Great Britain and France, to prevent frauds in
   connection with Succession or Death Duties.

   The following Treaty between the Governments of Great Britain
   and France was signed November 15, 1907, and ratified
   December 9:

   "The Government of His Britannic Majesty and the Government of
   the French Republic, being desirous of preventing as far as
   possible frauds in connection with succession duties, have
   authorized the Undersigned to conclude the following
   Agreement:—

   "ARTICLE 1.
   The Government of His Britannic Majesty undertake, in the case
   of the decease of all persons domiciled in France, to furnish
   an extract from the affidavit, containing the full name,
   domicile, date and place of death of the deceased; all
   information relating to his successors, and the details
   respecting that portion of the estate which is moveable. This
   extract shall be furnished, however, only in cases where the
   value of the moveable estate shall amount to a sum of not less
   than £100.

   "ARTICLE 2.
   The Government of the French Republic undertake, in the case
   of the decease of all persons domiciled in the United Kingdom
   of Great Britain and Ireland, to furnish an extract from the
   déclaration de mutation through death, containing the
   particulars enumerated in Article 1. This extract shall be
   furnished, however, only in cases where the value of the
   moveable estate declared shall amount to a sum of not less
   than 2,520 fr.

   "ARTICLE 3.
   The extracts from affidavits or déclarations de
   mutation shall be certified by the officers intrusted with
   the duty of receiving or registering these affidavits or
   declarations.

   "In the event, however, of either of the two Governments
   deeming it necessary, the certifying and authentication of the
   signatures, as required according to the procedure customary
   in that country, shall, upon request and without fee, be
   affixed to these extracts.

   "ARTICLE 4.
   The extracts from affidavits or declarations received or
   registered during each quarter shall be forwarded directly,
   within a period of six weeks from the last day of the quarter,
   by the Board of Inland Revenue to the Direction Générate de
   l’Enregistrement, and reciprocally.

   "All correspondence respecting the said extracts shall also be
   conducted directly between those two Central Administrations."

{183}

DEATH STATISTICS:
   Fatal Accidents to Workmen in the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION.

DEBTS, Public:
   Compulsory collection.

      See (in this Volume)
      DRAGO DOCTRINE.

DEBS, Eugene V.:
   Nomination for President of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
      and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

DEEP WATERWAYS, Movement for.

   See (in this Volume)
   CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

DE LAVAL, Gustave Patrick.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TURBINE ENGINE.

DELAGRANGE, M.

      See (in this Volume)
      Science and Invention, Recent: Aeronautics.

DELBRUCK, Herr.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

DELCASSÉ, THÉOPHILE:
   French Minister of Foreign Affairs.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

DELCASSÉ, THÉOPHILE:
   Resignation forced by the German Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

DELCASSÉ, THÉOPHILE:
   Controversy with M. Clemenceau in the Chamber of Deputies
   which threw the latter out of office.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

DELHI: A. D. 1903.
   Great Durbar.

      See (in this Volume).
      INDIA: A. D. 1903 (JANUARY).

DELYANNIS, Theodoros:
   Assassination.

      See (in this Volume)
      GREECE: A. D. 1905.

DEMOCRACY, Political:
   Involved in the South African Labor Question.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.

DEMOCRACY, Political:
   Triumphant in Denmark.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1901.

DEMOCRATAS, The. See (in this Volume)

DEMOCRISTIANA.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.

   ----------DENMARK: Start--------

DENMARK: A. D. 1909.
   Democracy in Power after a thirty-years’ struggle with
   Landlordism.

   Landlordism in Denmark, entrenched in the upper house of the
   Parliament, was dislodged from the control of Government by
   the Democratic party, in the elections of April, 1901, after a
   struggle of thirty years. A Danish correspondent of The
   American Review of Reviews gave a spirited account of the
   victory to that magazine in the following October, from which
   the following is taken:

   "At the elections of April, 1901, out of 114 members in the
   lower house only 5 were won by the Conservatives, with small
   majorities, and even the strong Conservative majority in the
   upper house was reduced to one vote through the rebellion of
   the Conservatives. The Danes are now a thoroughly radical and
   democratic people, with a more perfect system of
   self-government in politics and business than perhaps any
   other nation. The population has increased so much that it is
   now as large as the whole population of the kingdom and
   duchies before 1864. After England, it is also the richest
   country in the world per head of the population, and the
   excellence of its educational system is matter of common
   knowledge. Denmark, therefore, enters the new century steaming
   full speed ahead, and with the best hopes for the future.

   "The victory of April 3 last was as complete over the
   Moderates as over the Government. Before the poll the
   Moderates were twenty-two strong, but Mr. Bojesen, the evil
   genius of the democracy, withdrew his candidature and retired
   into private life, while several of his supposed adherents
   declared during the campaign that, if reelected, they would
   join the Radicals. Mr. Bojesen’s constituency, which he had
   represented since 1869, was taken by the Radicals, and the
   Moderates, now reduced to twelve or thirteen—of whom about
   half will join the Radicals if allowed—have lost all their
   former importance. The premier and minister of justice is M.
   Deuntzer, professor of law at the university, an old Radical
   who in 1885 publicly opposed the government. The minister of
   agriculture is Mons. Ole Hansen. He is a common farmer from a
   village in Seeland, owner of a farm of about one hundred
   acres; M. P. since 1890. … The law officer of the crown is
   Mons. Alberti, who is a leader of many cooperative
   undertakings of the peasantry; M. P. since 1892.

   "Mr. Jens Christian Christensen is the most important member
   of the new cabinet. He was born in West Jutland, in 1856, the
   son of a farmer, and earned his living when a boy as a
   shepherd. He passed the examination for village schoolmaster
   in Jutland, and taught till recently in the little village of
   Stadil, in West Jutland. In 1890 he was returned for
   Parliament, and in 1895 became leader of the opposition. Of
   late years, the Conservative Government being so utterly weak,
   he practically ruled the country in his capacity of president
   of the finance committee of the Folkething. A few months ago
   he resigned his post as schoolmaster, succeeded in being
   elected a ‘revisor of the state,’ and is now minister of
   religion and education. After Mr. Christensen, Mr. Harup is
   considered the greatest triumph for the Democrats. Born in
   1841, the son of a schoolmaster in an Iceland village, he
   became a law student, taking his degree in 1867 at the
   university. … He is one of the most brilliant and best known
   of Danish journalists—the most brilliant, according to George
   Brandes."

DENMARK: A. D. 1902.
   Proposed sale of Danish West Indies to the United States.

   Negotiations for the sale of the Danish islands in the West
   Indies to the United States were brought to a point of
   agreement between the two governments which the Danish
   Ministry submitted to the two chambers of the Rigsdag. The
   Folkething—the popular branch of the parliament—assented to
   the sale, while the other chamber, the Landsthing, rejected
   the proposed terms. The Rigsdag was then, in May, 1902,
   prorogued, and assembled again in the following October.
   Meantime an election of one half of the membership of the
   Landsthing had taken place, and the Conservatives had lost
   ground in it; notwithstanding which fact the proposition was
   defeated in that body again, and the projected sale came to
   naught.

{184}

DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.
   The Fortification and Naval-Defense Question
   in Danish Politics.

   "That Germany within recent times has paid considerably more
   than passing attention to the defense plans of Denmark has not
   escaped the Danes, whose military astuteness is proverbial. At
   the instigation of the Kaiser himself, Lieutenant Colonel R.
   von Bieberstein inspected the quite openly exposed
   fortifications of Copenhagen, and what he has written
   regarding the vulnerability, or otherwise, of the Danish
   capital has been taken to heart in Denmark’s military circles.
   Beyond a doubt, Denmark to-day is much more favorably situated
   than when Prussia despoiled the country of Schleswig-Holstein,
   and while little apprehension exists on the score of Germany
   again attacking her northern neighbor, should a war break out
   between England and the German Empire it might prove
   impossible for either belligerent to keep Danish territory
   inviolate. Denmark’s neutrality would be thrown to the winds
   where the fate of empires would be at stake. Still, in her
   defense of such neutrality, Denmark would gain time sufficient
   to make any trespasser pause before advancing. Meanwhile, the
   Scandinavian allies of the Danes would be enabled to assert
   themselves effectively.

   "Following the recent Danish cabinet crisis, when the
   portfolios of war and navy were given into the hands of a
   civilian, J. C. Christensen, the former minister for
   instruction of the Deuntzer Régime, a special defense
   commission has had under consideration ways and means best
   suited for the protection of the country. … The Danish Defense
   Commission is far from being unanimous as to what is the best
   plan making for a complete protection of the capital. The
   majority of the members are for the abandoning of the land
   defenses and the strengthening of Seeland’s coast line by
   adding more forts and introducing a mining system covering all
   the adjacent waters. The minority of the commission, however,
   and the leading military experts of the country are for the
   retention of the present land fortifications, in order that
   the capital may be securely protected against an enemy
   invading Seeland from the north or the west. The very
   circumstance that Seeland’s coast line in its entirety does
   not lend itself to a complete protection through either forts,
   mines, or torpedo equipment speaks favorably for the claim of
   the Danish military experts in their assertion that, apart
   from what is done toward protecting Copenhagen from the sea,
   the land fortifications must be retained. Nearly one hundred
   million kroner have been expended on the land defenses, which
   sum it would be extremely difficult to raise a second time
   were it a question of abandoning the forts for the present and
   removing the guns, and in after years restoring them to
   serviceable condition."

      Julius Moritzen,
      Denmark, the Buffer State of the North
      (American Review of Reviews, September, 1905).

   Since the above was written the question of defense, between
   land fortification and naval development, has not only been
   the burning one in Danish politics, but has excited much
   interest in Europe at large. Politically, the controversy was
   curiously altered in February, 1909, by a sudden change of
   front on the part of the Premier, M. Neergaard, of which the
   Copenhagen correspondent of the London Times gave the
   following account:

   "The Premier, who represents the majority in the House,
   declared that he had changed his opinion and now shared the
   views of the small group of the Right on a question which is
   the most urgent of the day—namely, that of national defence,
   or, to speak precisely, how Denmark can be placed in a
   position effectively to maintain her neutrality if threatened
   by any Power. He adopted the opinion that Copenhagen must be
   fortified on the land side as well as on that of the sea, and
   that Denmark, in view of her difficult strategical situation,
   should avoid showing any favour to Russia, Germany, or Great
   Britain. The surprise which the Premier’s speech caused in all
   political circles was unbounded. M. Neergaard had kept the
   secret of his scheme so well that only a few persons knew that
   the Premier might enter into negotiations with the Right,
   which has its main support in the Upper House. That he would
   go so far as to adopt the Conservative view was wholly
   unexpected.

   "The Defence Committee, which had been sitting for seven
   years, issued a report which contained no very clear
   recommendations. But M. Neergaard, who is, by the way, himself
   no soldier, working in conjunction with the Danish general
   staff upon the material which the committee had collected,
   drew up a scheme of Danish defence, based upon practical views
   and considerations of international law, but almost the direct
   contrary of the proposals which his own party, the Left, had
   adopted only one year ago. And this position was taken up so
   definitely that at the general election in May the people will
   have to decide definitely for or against the Premier. It is
   evident that M. Neergaard himself must be aware that his
   action will split up his party, the allied Centre groups in
   the Folkething, that some members will go over to the Right,
   and that others will approach the Radicals and Socialists. The
   comments of the Government Press already clearly show this.

   "For land and sea fortifications, the construction of 20
   torpedo-boats and six submarines, improvements in the system
   of mines, &c., the sum of 42,200,000 kr. (£2,344,444) is
   demanded immediately, while an annual increase in the military
   budgets of about 3,327,000 kr. (£184,833) is also proposed.
   This is a large amount of money for a small country with but
   2,600,000 inhabitants; but, as is well known, the country is
   in a strong financial position—exceptionally strong, in the
   opinion of some observers."

   In May, as the elections approached, the same correspondent
   wrote: "All parties unite in the view that Denmark must adhere
   to a policy of the strictest neutrality. But while the
   Conservatives urge that this policy must be observed by a
   system of fortifications, strong enough to show that Denmark
   is ready to defend her neutrality if she is threatened, the
   Socialists preach the gospel of disarmament as a step towards
   eternal peace, and urge furthermore that Denmark is too weak
   and small to organize any real defence, and must therefore
   rely upon the generosity of her stronger neighbours.

   "In addition to the two main parties there are a number of
   political groups which are destined to play an important part
   in the elections and may in fact decide their issue. These
   groups consist of the Moderate Left, the Reform Left, and the
   Radical Left. The Moderate Left, the party of the present
   Premier, Mr. N. Neergaard, has, however, already adopted the
   policy of the Conservatives and needs little more than
   mention. The Reform Left, the party of the former Premier, Mr.
   F. C. Christensen, numbered until a few months ago 56, or nearly
   one half of the Folkething, which has 114 members. Now it has
   been split up on the defence question. Of its members 14 agree
   with Mr. Neergaard and the Conservatives, and 33 are
   reorganized under the leadership of Mr. Christensen, who wants
   Copenhagen fortified, but not on the lines of the Neergaard
   scheme with its new land fortifications."

{185}

   The elections were held on the 25th of May and the following
   was reported next morning to the press:

   "The election campaign has been heated. The returns up to the
   present show that the ministerials have elected 38 adherents,
   M. Christensen’s party 34, the parties of the Socialists and
   the Radicals, which opposed fortifications, 39, and that
   eleven are doubtful. The ministers of finance, justice and
   commerce have been unseated. Premier Neergaard and the other
   ministers have been re-elected."

   An extraordinary session of the new Parliament was summoned by
   the King on the 9th of September. Premier Neergaard lacked a
   majority in the Folkething, and failed to arrange an agreement
   with ex-Premier Christensen on the defence question. He and
   his Ministry resigned office, accordingly, in a few weeks, and
   a new Cabinet was formed under Count Holstein-Ledreborg, in
   which M. Christensen was included as Minister of Defence. The
   appointment of the latter was offensive to a large part of the
   public, which held him responsible for gross frauds in the
   public service, committed by a former Minister of Justice, M.
   Alberti. An immense popular demonstration against the
   obnoxious Minister of Defence was carried out at Copenhagen on
   August 29th; but he stayed in office some weeks longer, until
   a scheme of defence had been agreed upon between ex-Premier
   Neergaard and himself, and carried through Parliament,
   September 24th. The scheme provides for strong sea
   fortifications for Copenhagen, while the land defences of the
   eighties will be maintained and somewhat strengthened by two
   new forts, which are, however, officially characterized as sea
   forts.

   Three weeks after the passage of the Defence Act M.
   Christensen resigned, and was followed out of office by the
   whole Holstein-Ledreborg Ministry before the end of October.
   For the first time in Denmark a Radical Ministry was then
   formed, under M. Zahle.

DENMARK: A. D. 1906.
   Death of King Christian IX.
   Succession of Frederick VIII.
   Gains by Social Democrats in the elections of the spring.
   Visit from the Icelandic Parliament.

   On the 29th of January, 1906, King Christian IX. died, at the
   age of eighty-eight. He was succeeded by his son, Frederick
   VIII., who is said to have inherited his father’s character
   and ability in a marked degree. He had already reached the age
   of sixty-three when he came to the throne. When his accession
   was proclaimed he spoke from the balcony of the palace at
   Copenhagen to the multitude of people assembled in these
   words:

   "Our old King, my dearly beloved father, has closed his eyes.
   He fell asleep peacefully and calmly, having faithfully
   discharged his royal duties to the last. In taking over the
   heavy heritage placed on my shoulders, I cherish the confident
   hope, and offer a sincere prayer, that the Almighty may grant
   me strength and happiness to carry on the government in the
   spirit of my dearly beloved father, and that I may have the
   good fortune to reach an understanding with the people and
   their chosen representatives on all that tends to the good of
   the people and the happiness of our beloved fatherland. Let us
   join in the cry, ‘Long live the fatherland!'"

   At a general election for the Folkething, the lower house of
   the Danish Rigsdag, in May, the Social Democrats made heavy
   gains, raising their representation in the chamber from
   sixteen to twenty-four. The Government party, known as the
   Left Reform party, lost three seats, the Moderate Left lost
   three, and the Radical Left lost four. The Conservatives
   gained two seats. Later, when half of the elective part of the
   upper house was chosen, the Social Democrats made gains there,
   too, of three seats, and the Government lost five.

   In September, on the invitation of King Frederick, the members
   of the Icelandic Parliament visited Denmark, and their
   entertainment was an interesting event.

      See (in this Volume)
      ICELAND.

DENMARK: A. D. 1908.
   Municipal Suffrage extended to Women.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

DENMARK: A. D. 1908.
   North Sea and Baltic agreements.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

DENMARK: A. D. 1908 (April).
   Treaty with England, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and
   Sweden, for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908

DENMARK: A. D. 1909 (June).
   Murder of General Beckman.

   In June, 1909, during a visit of the Tsar of Russia to the
   Danish Court, at Copenhagen, a Swedish anarchist, Adolf Vang,
   who had planned an attempt at the murder of the Russian
   sovereign, and was enraged on being baffled by the police,
   fired at two officers whom he met, provoked by nothing but
   their uniforms, and slew one, General Beckman.

   ----------DENMARK: End--------

DENVER, Colorado:
   The Juvenile Court of Judge Lindsey.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

DEPEW, Chauncey M.:
   United States Senator from New York.
   Annual retainers from the Equitable Life Assurance Society.

      See (in this Volume)
      INSURANCE, LIFE.

DES MOINES CHARTER, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: GALVESTON.

DEUNTZER, M.:
   Premier of Denmark.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1901.

DE VRIES, Dr. Hugo:
   His biological discoveries.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

DEVELOPMENT AND ROAD IMPROVEMENT FUNDS ACT.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: GREAT BRITAIN.

DIAMOND FIELDS:
   In German Southwest Africa.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: GERMAN COLONIES.

DIAZ, Porfirio:
   The President of Mexico enters his seventh term.

      See (in this Volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.

DIAZ, Porfirio:
   Meeting with President Taft.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

DICKINSON, James M.:
   Secretary of War.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

DIRECT PRIMARY.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA: A. D. 1908.
   Enactment against Race-track Gambling.

      See (in this Volume)
      GAMBLING.

{186}

DOGGER BANK INCIDENT, of the voyage of the Russian Baltic Fleet.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

DOMINICAN REPUBLIC.

      See (in this Volume)
      San Domingo.

DOMINICANS:
   Forbidden to teach in France.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

DORE, Père Le.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

DOUGLAS, A. Akers:
   Home Secretary in the British Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

DOUGLAS, Dr.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.

DOWAGER-EMPRESS, of China:
   Her death.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

DRAGA, Queen:
   Assassination.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

DRAGO DOCTRINE, The.

   So named from Dr. Luis Drago, Argentine Minister of Foreign
   Relations, who rallied the South American Republics to the
   support of it at the Rio de Janeiro Pan-American Conference
   and at the Second Peace Conference at The Hague.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS: THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE; and
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907 (SECOND CONVENTION).

DREADNOUGHTS.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

DREIBUND.

      See TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

DREYFUS, Alfred:
   Justice and reparation of the great wrong done him.
   His reinstatement in the Army.
   His decoration as a Chevalier of the Legion of Honor.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

DRUDE, General:
   Operations in Morocco.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

DRY FARMING.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AGRICULTURE.

DRYGALSKI, Dr.:
   Commanding Antarctic Expedition.

      See (in this Volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION.

DU BOIS, PROFESSOR W. E. BURGHARDT.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.

DUCOMMUM, ELIE.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

DUFF, Grant:
   British Minister to Persia:

      See (in this Volume)
      Persia: A. D. 1905-1907.

DUMA, Russia:
   The First and Second.
   Their dissolution.
   Election of the Third.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 and 1907.

DUNANT, Henri.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES

DURBAR AT DELHI.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1903 (JANUARY).

DURHAM, Israel W.:
   Political "Boss" of Philadelphia.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

DWIGHT, James H. and William B.:
   Founders of Robert College.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: TURKEY.


E.

EAGLE’S NEST FORT, CAPTURE OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

   ----------EARTHQUAKES: Start--------

EARTHQUAKES: CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1906.
   Consequent destructive fire at San Francisco and great distress.

      See (in this Volume)
      SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906.

EARTHQUAKES: CHILE: A. D. 1906.
   Destructiveness of life and property at Valparaiso.

   One of the most destructive of the many appalling earthquake
   shocks of the past decade was experienced in Chile on the 16th
   of August, 1906. It was widely felt, even to the distant
   Hawaiian Islands; but its most deadly effects were
   concentrated on the unfortunate city of Valparaiso. The wreck
   of buildings in the city was followed, as in San Francisco, by
   fires, which the disabled inhabitants were almost powerless to
   combat. The total loss of life, there and elsewhere, was
   estimated finally, when all was known that could be known, at
   2000. The homeless for a time were substantially the whole
   population of the city. Relief was sent to the afflicted city
   and country from all parts of the world.

   The prediction of another earthquake on the Pacific coast of
   America within some short time had been made by Dr. Becker, of
   the United States Geological Survey, in a letter to the New
   York Tribune written the day after the shock at San
   Francisco. Such a severe upheaval at one point on the
   earthquake belt which follows the rim of the Pacific from
   Singapore, through Japan, the Aleutian Islands, the coast of
   Alaska, California, and South America to Valparaiso, was sure,
   he said, to be followed by sympathetic movements at other
   points on the circuit.

EARTHQUAKES: Formosa: A. D. 1906.

   Over 6000 persons are reported to have been killed or injured
   by an earthquake that occurred in the island of Formosa in
   March, 1906.

EARTHQUAKES: France: A. D. 1909 (June).
   Serious convulsion along the Mediterranean coast.

   A shock which ran through Southern France on the night of June
   11 was most severe in the Bouches-du Rhone, but extended over
   a very wide area, including the whole Mediterranean coast of
   France, and was also felt in Spain and Portugal. Official
   reports stated that 55 lives were known to have been lost. A
   great amount of damage had been done, especially in the
   villages; in the towns the buildings for the most part
   withstood the shock, though it was sufficiently violent to
   cause panic among the population in Marseilles, Toulon, and
   other places.

{187}

EARTHQUAKES: Greece: A. D. 1909 (July).
   Destruction in Ellis.

   An earthquake which occurred, on the 15th of July, in the
   province of Ellis, the seat of the most famous of the ancient
   Olympic games, was reported to have killed or injured over 300
   persons. Despatches from Athens to Loudon made the following
   statements:

   "At the village of Havari 400 houses have been completely
   destroyed. Some 30 persons are known to have perished there,
   while many others have been injured. The neighbouring villages
   have also suffered severely. All the houses of Amaliada have
   been rendered uninhabitable. Volcanic eruptions have occurred
   in the village of Ponhioti. Shocks of earthquake have also
   been felt at Patras, Pyrgos, Kalamas, Tripoli, and
   Missolonghi. People have been killed and injured in about ten
   villages. Assistance has been sent to the affected districts."

EARTHQUAKES: India: A. D. 1905.
   In the Punjab and the United Provinces.

   One of the most terrific of earthquakes occurred in Northern
   India on the 4th of April, 1905. Its most violent and
   destructive effects were in the Kangra District of the Punjab,
   and its neighborhood; but the area of shock extended over
   several thousand square miles. The finally ascertained and
   estimated loss of human life was no less in number than
   373,000. The villages destroyed numbered 409. As for the
   destruction of property, including houses, bridges, irrigation
   works, cattle, and crops, it was beyond computation. In the
   central region of the earthquake every habitation and human
   structure of any description went instantly down. The shocks,
   as described, were first from north to south, then immediately
   reversed, and followed by a horrible sinking of the earth.
   The Empress, a monthly periodical published at
   Calcutta, gave the following, among other personal experiences
   of the disaster. The narrator was a manager of large tea
   estates near Palampour:

   "On the morning of the 4th April, at about 6 A. M., we were
   disturbed in our sleep by a slight earthquake, quickly
   followed by a severe one, and lastly by the worst shock of
   all, which appeared to come from the northeast and having a
   sudden circular action traveling toward the west. The first
   one I took no notice of, thinking it was one of the many
   slight shocks off and on experienced up here. When the second
   shock came, I sat up in bed and called out to my wife to come
   to the window. I had hardly done so when I saw the highest
   wall of our bedroom fall in like a torrent on my poor sleeping
   child; then all became dark with fearful dust from the falling
   walls. I felt suffocated, and pushed my hand through the panes
   of glass in the window into which I had crept; had I not done
   so I should have been killed by the wall that fell in on the
   head of my bed. I shall never forget those few moments that
   appeared like years,—the noise of the falling masonry,
   smashing of beams, planks, and slates. I had fully made up my
   mind that we should all perish. When the shock was over I
   opened the window and dropped into the lower veranda, rushed
   out, and cried out for help. No one could be seen,—all had
   fled to the villages to help their friends and relations. A
   fearful sight presented itself to my eyes. All our houses
   (with the exception of the mali's hut) were leveled to the
   ground, including a magnificent factory built of cut stone
   which my poor old father had lately built. All was still as
   death save for the wailing of a man who afterward turned out
   to be my head clerk. After a few minutes had elapsed I
   succeeded in getting a few of my household servants together
   and dug with bare fingers among limestone and plaster for my
   only child. We had to make a coffin out of planks taken from
   the débris, bury her without ceremony in a quiet sequestered
   spot on the tea estate. To look around the valley, nothing but
   desolation meets the eye. The once pretty little villages,
   with their bluish-white walls and slated roofs, mixed here and
   there with thatched buildings, all leveled to the ground. We
   have been ruined; lost tens of thousands of rupees. As for our
   loss in machinery, it is unknown, being all buried beneath the
   ruins. And this is not all. We are afraid we shall lose
   thousands yet, owing to our terror-stricken workmen and
   coolies, who believe that this picturesque valley is to be
   totally destroyed. They have made little thatch sheds for
   their families and cattle, and pass the day in sorrow and
   fear, refusing to return to work or even work at their own
   fields. A great many families have been wiped out."

   The same magazine tells of the destruction of the very ancient
   temple of Bhowan—one of the oldest in the world—burying 2000
   worshippers in its ruins:

   "On the night of the 3d April, about two thousand pilgrims
   arrived in the small town of Bhowan, which is about three
   miles from Kangra town, to worship at the temple. On the
   morning of the 4th, at 6 o’clock, a rumbling noise was heard,
   and before the people could realize what it was, they felt the
   terrible shock, and within four seconds the whole town was
   destroyed. The shock lasted three minutes, but all the damage
   was done in the first few seconds. About two thousand people
   were buried beneath the ruins of the temple, and under the
   adjacent buildings. The Guru, or High Priest of the Temple,
   was dug out of the ruins and buried near the site of the
   Toshakhana, adjoining the temple."

EARTHQUAKES: Italy: A. D. 1905.
   In Calabria.

   A terrible earthquake, accompanied by storms and volcanic
   disturbances, occurred in Calabria on September 8th. "Hundreds
   of dead were swallowed up, and ruin was spread far and wide in
   a country already sorely tried by an unfortunate system of
   land ownership. The public authorities, the provinces and
   towns of Italy, strained every nerve to soften the misery of
   the Calabrian population, and the King eagerly hastened to the
   scene of the disaster. The public mind, however, was
   embittered by reports that the rich Calabrian landowners had
   shown great want of consideration for their unhappy tenants,
   and that the work of restoration was greatly hindered by
   absurd disputes between civil and military authorities."

      Annual Register, 1905, page 278.

EARTHQUAKES: A. D. 1908 (December).
   In Calabria and Sicily.
   Destruction of Messina and Reggio.
   The most appalling in history.

   Of all catastrophes of earthquake recorded in history, the one
   which has seemed most appalling to the European and American
   world was that which destroyed the cities of Messina and
   Reggio and many smaller towns in northeastern Sicily and
   southern Italy, on both sides of the Straits of Messina, on
   the early morning of Monday, December 28, 1908. The time
   favored an exceptionally great harvest of death. From
   Christmas until Twelfth Night is a period of feasting among
   the Southern Italians, when the members of scattered families
   come together as fully as they are able to do.
{188}
   The doomed cities, accordingly, contained on the fatal day a
   large number of guests, and were emptied, at the same time, of
   large numbers of their residents; but the merry-making of the
   previous days had induced later slumbers, generally, on that
   dread Monday morning, and few had risen from their beds when
   the shock came which buried them in the ruins of their
   dwellings. It shook Messina at twenty minutes past five
   o’clock, long before day had begun to dawn. The late F. Marion
   Crawford, who wrote, three months after the occurrence, for
   The Outlook, a carefully prepared account of it,
   derived from personal inquiries and investigations on the
   spot, describes the overwhelming moment thus:

   "A southwest wind was blowing and the sky was black when the
   fatal moment came, but it was not yet raining. Those who were
   awake and survived remember hearing the horrible subterranean
   thunder that preceded the shock and might have been a warning
   to many in waking hours; it seemed to begin far away and to
   approach very quickly, swelling to a terrific roar just before
   the crash. Another instant and the solid earth rose and fell
   in long waves, twice, three times, four times perhaps, and the
   houses and churches swayed from side to side, in the darkness;
   for the young moon had set before midnight, and it lacked more
   than an hour of dawn. The whole city and the towns on the
   opposite side of the Straits fell at once with a crash that no
   language can describe; then followed the long-resounding
   rumble of avalanches of masonry; and when those awful moments
   were over, nearly two hundred thousand human beings were dead,
   on both sides of the Straits.

   "Almost at the same moment another sound was heard, almost
   more terrible than the first—the sound of a moving mountain
   of water; for the sea had risen bodily in a monstrous wave and
   was sweeping over the harbor, carrying away hundreds of tons
   of masonry from the outer pier, tearing ships and iron
   steamers from their moorings like mere skiffs and hurling them
   against the ruins of the great Palazzata that was built along
   the semicircular quay, only to sweep them back, keel upwards
   and full of dead and dying men, as the hill of water sank down
   and ebbed away. When it had quite subsided, the inner portion
   of the harbor was half full of sand and mud and stranded
   wrecks.

   "Those who say that they ‘saw’ these things are either
   untruthful, or else, in vivid recollection of sensation, but
   without the true memory of events, they confuse what they
   heard and felt with what they might have felt and seen; for
   though some of the gaslights in the streets continued to burn
   for a few minutes, the darkness was almost total."

   The American Vice-consul at Messina, Mr. Stuart K. Lupton, who
   escaped unhurt from the ruins of the hotel in which he lodged,
   carrying his clothing in his hands, and hastened in the
   darkness to give aid, if possible, to his chief, Dr. Cheney,
   made a report of his experiences to the Department at
   Washington, from which the following is taken:

   "I had not proceeded more than fifty yards when I found myself
   walking in water up to my knees in a place which should have
   been eight feet above the water level. Next I came to a pile
   of rubbish some fifteen or twenty feet high over which I
   clambered on my hands and knees. By this time I began to see
   that the affair was much more serious than I had at first
   believed, but I was still in inky darkness, so I could not
   form any ideas as to the extent of the disaster. After
   three-quarters of an hour I arrived where I supposed the
   consulate to be and waited for daylight, which came in a few
   minutes. I looked for the consulate, but could see nothing
   that reminded me of it. Half the water front appeared to be
   down. Here and there the walls were standing, while the
   interior had collapsed. A few fires were breaking out, but
   owing to the solid construction of the town they made little
   progress.

   "At the place I supposed the consulate to be there was nothing
   but a heap of ruins, iron beams, splintered wood, bricks, and
   stones in hapless confusion. I was not sure of the spot and
   climbed over the ruins to see if I could find anything
   familiar. Finally I came across a battered teapot, which I
   recognized as the property of Mrs. Cheney, and remembering the
   spot where it had stood, was able to get my bearings. I
   climbed directly over the spot where their room had been, and
   called, in the hope that if they were still alive, they would
   answer. I heard nothing, however, and further search revealed
   a piano covered to a depth of about ten feet in rubbish. I
   knew that the Cheneys had no piano, so it must have come down
   from one of the upper stories. As the shock was so strong that
   no one could stand, and the consulate went down almost
   immediately, it was absolutely an impossibility for Dr. Cheney
   to have opened four doors and gone down a long flight of steps
   which had three sections. Nothing belonging to the office
   could be seen except the teapot. …

   "People were beginning to appear by this time, some
   half-clothed, others entirely naked. I gave part of my clothes
   away, but found I could do nothing, there were so many. People
   were calling from upper windows, asking that some one should
   aid them, but ladders and ropes were necessary, and they had
   to be left. Some men were trying to lower an old lady from the
   fourth floor, but as soon as the weight came upon the cord, it
   broke, precipitating the poor soul to the pavement below.
   Another upper window was choked with rubbish, out of which
   stuck a man’s arm. He was unable to call out, but rattled
   against the railing with a stick, trying to attract attention.
   Without men and tools it was impossible to do anything, so I
   kept on, trying to shut my ears.

   "Almost all the natives were hysterical, shrieking and
   moaning. Some were held by their friends, as they seemed to be
   absolute maniacs. … Light shocks were felt every few minutes,
   adding to the alarm of the people. About eleven o’clock I went
   on board the steamer Chesapeake, belonging to the
   Anglo-American Oil Company, and managed to get a cup of tea
   and a sandwich. Captain Mort was very kind, and told me to
   send people in need on board, and he would do anything he
   could for them. I went again to the shore to see what could be
   done, and by that night over seventy, principally women and
   children, were on board. About three o’clock rain began to
   fall, adding to the misery of the people. Scores and hundreds
   of them were to be seen sitting in all the squares or wider
   streets, and looking as if they had abandoned all hope."

{189}

   From all directions, by all communities and governments,
   relief to the stricken cities, for the rescue, feeding and
   shelter or removal of the survivors, was hastened with the
   greatest possible speed. War ships from many navies, Italian,
   French, Russian, British and German, were quickly at the
   scene, their sailors and marines performing heroic work in
   discovering and saving many still living people, who had been
   entombed under mountains of ruin for many days. Even after
   such burial for thirteen and fourteen days some victims were
   found alive. The rescuing forces were soon in excess of the
   need, and a want of systematic organization and direction
   among them became a subject of complaint. But the outflow of
   sympathy and eager generosity of helpful desire in all the
   world was the noblest, without doubt, that has ever been
   called forth.

   By good fortune, when news of the disaster came, a supply ship
   of the United States Navy was being laden at New York with a
   million and a half of rations, destined for the fleet of
   American battle-ships then voyaging round the world. The
   supply-ship was to meet the fleet at Gibraltar; but orders
   were given immediately for dispatching it to Messina, with an
   added shipment of tents, clothing, blankets and medical
   supplies. Furthermore, from the fleet itself, which was about
   to enter the Suez Canal, a store ship was hastened forward to
   Messina for such offerings as it could make. The American
   Congress, reassembled on the 4th of January after the
   Christmas recess, by action of both Houses that day,
   appropriated $800,000 for further relief of the Italian need,
   and a large part of this sum was expended according to the
   following statement made public by the Secretary of the Navy,
   January 16:

   "The Navy Department has arranged for the expenditure of
   approximately $500,000 in the purchase of building materials,
   including all articles necessary for the construction of
   substantial frame houses for the Italian sufferers, and the
   shipments will begin by the sailing of two steamers probably
   on Monday. This lumber is being delivered to-day in New York,
   and the sailing of the vessels will proceed as fast as they
   can be loaded. Each ship will carry all the materials for the
   construction of about 500 houses, and it will require not less
   than six steamers for the entire amount purchased. If
   possible, the department intends to send with each vessel
   several civilian house carpenters, with plans, to assist in
   the erection of these houses."

   With this material a suburb of 1500 detached frame houses, of
   two or four rooms, were built at Messina; 500 were constructed
   at Reggio, and the remainder at other towns and villages.

   The Italian Parliament appropriated 30,000,000 lire
   ($5,000,000) for immediate relief and for the reconstruction
   of the ruined cities. The plans formed by the Italian
   Government included measures to provide for the temporary
   protection of the orphaned young, the deserted, and the
   insane; to prosecute the recovery of personal property: to
   draw up official lists of the dead; to rewrite the civil
   registers and the records of property transfers; to
   reestablish, provisionally, administrative and judicial
   districts within the provinces of Messina and Reggio. New
   building regulations were to be enacted by a royal commission
   in conjunction with the Ministry of Public Works. To encourage
   the reconstruction of the ruined places, all new buildings
   were exempted from taxation for a period of fifteen years.
   Loans from state and private financial institutions to be made
   at a rate of interest not exceeding 4 per cent., to be repaid
   within thirty years in semi-annual instalments, the Government
   to contribute half of these periodical payments.

   To the effective help and relief rendered by her Mediterranean
   squadron, Great Britain added large contributions of money,
   mainly collected as a "Mansion House Fund" by the Lord Mayor
   of London. There, and everywhere, the Red Cross Societies were
   instant in the field and untiring, receiving and expending
   immense funds and sending large corps of trained workers to
   the scene of distress. No summary has yet been made of the
   whole outpour of gifts and service to the suffering people,
   and it is impossible even to indicate what a world-feeling it
   expressed; but its like was never known before.

   Estimates of the total destruction of life by the earthquake
   are still uncertain. Mr. Crawford, when he wrote, thought it
   doubtful whether as many as fifteen per cent. of the
   population of Messina were then alive, scattered in groups
   throughout Italy. That would mean that only about 20,000 out
   of 150,000 in the one city escaped. Of the loss of life on the
   other side of the Straits he said: "The proportion of those
   saved on the Calabrian side is certainly larger—principally,
   I think, because the houses in Reggio, Villa San Giovanni,
   Palmi, and the other towns destroyed were much lower than
   those in the city. Moreover, as will be seen before long, many
   persons died of hunger and thirst in Messina, where the whole
   water supply was cut off by the ruin of the first shock, and
   bread was not obtainable at any price for many days; but on
   the Calabrian side the survivors camped out in the orange
   groves, and the fruit, which is almost ripe at Christmas in
   that latitude, stayed their hunger and assuaged their thirst."

   Generally, the total of deaths from the earthquake, in Sicily
   and Calabria, seems now to be estimated at 200,000.

   A report from Rome, issued on the 3d of August, 1909, by the
   Central Relief Committee, of which the Duke of Aosta is
   president, announced that the receipts of the Committee to
   that time had been 25,100,000 lire (£1,004,000, or
   $5,020,000). The fund for the orphans had all been handed over
   to the Queen Helena Home.

   For the building of shelters the sum of 4,000,000 lire had
   been paid over to the Minister of Public Works for the
   construction of 3,000 shelters. The number of persons assisted
   had been 14,000, but it would eventually reach 20,000.

EARTHQUAKES: A. D. 1909 (July 1).
   A second shock at Messina and Reggio.

   During six months following the great catastrophe, Messina had
   been so far rebuilt and reoccupied as to have acquired a
   population of somewhat more than 25,000. To them, on the
   evening of June 30 and the morning of July 1, came once more
   the dread quaking of their unstable portion of the earth. The
   shocks as described in despatches to the Press "were similar
   to the fatal disturbances of December, and were accompanied by
   the same roaring noises. The people fled with cries of terror.
   They hurried to the open places of the city and the
   surrounding country, praying to the saints that their lives be
   spared. …
{190}
   So far as is known, however. only a few people were hurt, and
   this undoubtedly is due to the fact that the city was only
   partially rebuilt. Had the walls of all the houses been
   standing the loss of life would have been heavy. One woman was
   killed by a falling wall, and a child was seriously injured."
   Reggio, as before, shared the experience, but there is said to
   have been no loss of life.

   Late in the year it was reported to a London newspaper that
   "at Reggio a very fair advance, has been made, and the city is
   already acquiring some air of its former busy prosperity; but
   in Messina and its neighborhood, little or nothing has been
   done in the way of permanent work, while the temporary
   accommodations for the survivors still leave much to be
   desired."

EARTHQUAKES: Jamaica: A. D. 1907.
   The destruction of Kingston by earthquake and fire.

   ‘On Monday afternoon, the 14th January, 1907, at about 3.30 P.
   M., the city of Kingston and its suburbs was almost entirely
   destroyed by heavy earthquake shocks. There was little or no
   wind at the time; what little there was was from the east, and
   the atmospherical conditions were quite normal. The shocks
   apparently approached from the south at first and then from
   the west. They are variously estimated to have lasted from ten
   to thirty seconds, the latter estimate being the general
   opinion. On the other hand, several Englishmen who were in the
   open at the time and in no immediate danger from falling
   houses, &c., consider 20 seconds the outside limit of time
   taken by the shocks. During this period an enormous amount of
   damage was done to life and property. Large numbers of
   buildings at once collapsed. As is, unfortunately, usual in
   such cases, fires broke out in several places in the
   commercial portion of the town. …

   "Unfortunately, the Central Fire Station was destroyed by
   earthquake, so the fire engine was not available. The means at
   hand were thus very inadequate for fighting the flames,
   although they were supplemented greatly by fire-extinguishing
   appliances from the various ships alongside the wharves, and
   those belonging to the wharves themselves. The fire, however,
   spread with terrible rapidity, and all efforts were directed
   towards isolating the burning area. During this time the light
   wind blowing was about north-east, but it later in the
   afternoon went round to the north and north-west, thus lending
   tremendous assistance to the people in their efforts to
   extinguish the fire. Many injured persons, buried in the
   falling debris, were burnt to death. Meanwhile, vast numbers
   of the inhabitants were flying northwards to the racecourse
   and open spaces outside the town, where they spent the
   night—small earthquake shocks being felt at frequent intervals
   during that time. It may be said that the whole of Kingston
   and its suburbs are either destroyed or in ruins. A few of the
   substantially built houses are still standing, but so shaken
   and injured by the shocks that it will be impossible to repair
   them. …

   "It is extremely difficult to estimate the total loss of life
   in the earthquake and fire. The Government have called on the
   inhabitants to register the names of their killed and missing,
   but up to this date [January 29] there has been little
   response. On the 25th January, some eleven days after the
   catastrophe, the numbers recorded at the Registrar’s Office
   were only 121, although at least four times that number are
   known to have been buried or cremated. The careful opinion of
   prominent officials in Kingston is that the loss of life will
   be about 1000. Of the injured the daily number of in-patients
   at the hospital is about 300, mostly cases of concussions and
   legs amputated. …

   "The large numbers of women, children, and old or disabled men
   encamped in the Public Gardens and racecourse, &c., were
   supplied with food rations daily, under the supervision of the
   Relief Committee. Over 3,000 people daily have been receiving
   this relief. At no time does there appear to have been a
   scarcity of food or water. A tremendous strain at once came on
   the staff of the hospital, the place being besieged with the
   injured and their relatives. Large numbers of medical men from
   the out districts at once proceeded to Kingston and assisted
   in attending to the wounded. With the aid of their ready
   assistance, and that of many volunteer nurses from the civil
   population, the hospital staff were enabled to cope with the
   situation, and at the present time work is proceeding there
   with great smoothness and regularity. The American ships
   ‘Indiana,’ ‘Missouri,’ and ‘Whipple,’ also, on arrival, landed
   their surgeons, who at once established a hospital on shore
   and rendered great assistance. …

   "Directly after the earthquake, and while the fire was in
   progress, the greater portion of the black and coloured
   population were stupefied with terror and amazement, and lent
   little or no aid to the white members of the community and the
   troops and firemen in their rescue work. Vast numbers of them
   fled from the city. Some became frenzied and ran here and
   there declaring the end of the world had arrived, impeding the
   work and terrifying the workers. Others formed groups and
   commenced praying. At the Penitentiary, the prisoners, who
   remained seated in their ranks on the parade ground all night,
   spent the time in singing hymns without ceasing. As soon as
   the first panic had subsided, the black population became
   quite apathetic, and it was with great difficulty that the
   Government were able to get able-bodied men to take part in
   the work of demolition and clearing the streets. This, in
   spite of the fact that the wages offered were 25 per cent.
   more than the usual rate. …

   "Considering the magnitude and widespread nature of the
   disaster, the loss of life might easily have been on a much
   larger scale. The earthquake came at a time of day when the
   labouring part of the population were at work away from their
   houses, and the streets in the busy commercial quarter
   presented the comparatively deserted appearance so usual in
   the afternoons in tropical places. As the streets in this
   quarter were very narrow and the buildings on each side of
   them lofty and of solid construction the loss of life must
   have been largely increased had the earthquake happened during
   the busy portion of the day. …

   "Owing to the dry weather now prevailing here, the homeless
   population, roughly encamped on the open spaces, are suffering
   little or no hardship. It is to be hoped they may be
   permanently sheltered before the wet season commences."

      Report by Major Chown, R. M. L. I., of
      H. M. S. "Indefatigable"
      dated Kingston, January 29, 1907.

{191}

   Relief to the stricken island came so swiftly and profusely
   from all parts of America, Europe, and almost every part of
   the world, that Governor Swettenham was able to telegraph on
   the 23d of January: "Money and provisions more than ample for
   relief. Except for rebuilding no funds needed." Three ships of
   the United States Navy, despatched by Admiral Evans from a
   Cuban port on the instant of receiving news of the disaster,
   reached Jamaica on the 17th and gave assistance in clearing
   the ruins, besides rendering hospital service and furnishing
   food and medical supplies. For the general lifting of the
   community from its prostration, the British Government, in
   May, by vote of Parliament, made a free grant to it of
   £150,000, and a loan to the Colonial Government of £800,000
   more.

      Correspondence relating to the Earthquake at Kingston,
      Jamaica (Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 3560).

EARTHQUAKES: Persia: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).
   Destructive shock in Luristan.

   Seismographs in many parts of the world gave token of a
   violent earthquake on the 23d of January, 1909; but three
   weeks passed before the locality of the shock was learned. It
   proved to have been centered in Western Persia, in the
   mountainous province of Luristan, and to have been heavily
   destructive of life. Its greatest severity was reported to
   have been in a region at two days journey from Burujurd. Many
   villages were wholly or partly destroyed, several having been
   completely engulfed, and the loss of life is estimated to have
   been between 5000 and 6000 people.

EARTHQUAKES: Portugal: A. D. 1909 (April).
   Lisbon and its neighborhood upheaved.

   Lisbon and the country surrounding it were shaken violently on
   the evening of Friday, April 23d, 1909. There were no
   fatalities in the city, but the outlying districts suffered
   severely, especially the towns of Benavente, Samora, and Santo
   Estevan. Reports three days after the disaster announced 46
   killed and 38 injured at Benavente and Samora. Both villages
   were completely destroyed, and their 6000 inhabitants,
   starving and homeless, were encamped in the fields

EARTHQUAKES: Sumatra: A. D. 1909 (June).
   Shocks and sea-wave in Upper Padang district.

   News was received at The Hague in June, 1909, of severe shocks
   of earthquake, on the 3d of that month, at Korinchi, Upper
   Padang, Sumatra. The shocks were accompanied by an enormous
   sea-wave. Two hundred and thirty people were killed and many
   injured. Much damage was done.

   ----------EARTHQUAKES: End--------

ECHEGARAY, Jose.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

ECONOMIC FORESTRY.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

ECUADOR: A. D. 1901-1906.
   From revolution to revolution.

   General Eloy Alfaro, who was made President by the revolution
   of 1895 (see in Volume VI.), was succeeded peacefully in 1901
   by General Leonidas Plaza, and the latter, in turn, by Lugardo
   Garcia; but in 1906 the revolutionary method was revived in
   favor of General Alfaro, and he ousted Senor Garcia from the
   presidential chair.

ECUADOR: A. D. 1901-1906.
   Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
   of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

ECUADOR: A. D. 1905.
   Arbitration of boundary question with Peru.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERU: A. D. 1905.

EDMONTON:
   Capital of the Province of Alberta.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1905.

   ----------EDUCATION: Start--------

EDUCATION: AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907.
   Latest Statistics of State Schools.

   Statistics published in July, 1909, by the Commonwealth
   Government show that over £2,500,000 was spent on education by
   the Australian States in 1907 in 7500 State schools. The total
   daily average attendance at the schools for the year was
   444,000. The disbursements of the States on University
   education amounted to £113,000.

EDUCATION: CANADA: A. D. 1905.
   The question of State Support to Sectarian Schools revived on
   the creation of two new Provinces.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1905.

EDUCATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907.
   The founding and endowment of Macdonald College.

   On the 16th of October, 1907, there was opened a new college
   of fine character and great importance, on a noble site,
   overlooking the Ottawa river, at Sainte de Bellevue, twenty
   miles west of Montreal. It bears the name of its founder. Sir
   William Macdonald, from whom it received an endowment of
   $4,000,000. This Macdonald College is divided into three
   schools: The School for Teachers, the School of Agriculture,
   the School of Household Science. Its main purposes are
   announced to be:

   (1) "The carrying on of research work and investigation and
   the dissemination of knowledge, with particular regard to the
   interests and needs of the population in rural districts"; and

   (2) the providing of "suitable and effective training for
   teachers, especially for those whose work will directly affect
   the education in schools in rural districts." It thus
   appropriates to itself a field of education for the betterment
   of farm life and work, the important need of which, looking to
   everything in national character and prosperity, is only
   beginning to be understood.

EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1887-1907.
   Christian Mission Schools.

   "In the historical Volume presented in 1907 at the Shanghai
   Conference Dr. Arthur H. Smith makes the following interesting
   comparison of the statistics presented at the three Protestant
   Missionary Conferences held in China in 1887, 1890, and 1907:

      See, in this Volume,
      MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN.

                              1876.    1889.   1907.

   Number of societies.         29       41      82

   Foreign teachers.           473    1,296   3,833

   Stations and substations.   602            5,734

   Pupils in schools.        4,909   16,836  57,683

   "The above statistics, although incomplete, do serve as an
   indication of the vigorous growth of Protestant missionary
   educational activity in China. In this work the various
   missionary foundations made their most notable advance in
   interdenominational cooperation. In many instances several
   denominations have combined in union schools or colleges. …
   One of the chief agencies in reaching this unity and effective
   cooperation has been the Educational Association of China,
   founded as early as 1887. …

{192}

   "No survey of missionary education in China would be complete
   without mention of the widespread, well-organized Roman
   Catholic activities. Of the eleven different Catholic orders
   having representatives in China, the Jesuits are carrying on
   the largest educational work. In 1907, in their five colleges
   and seventy-two schools, a total of 25,335 students were
   enrolled. All the Catholic orders together supervise the
   instruction of over 75,000 Chinese students; this total, it
   will be seen, being somewhat higher than that of Protestant
   missions."

      George Marvin,
      The American Spirit in Chinese Education
      (The Outlook, November, 1908).

EDUCATION: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Edicts of Reform.
   Modernizing of Examinations for Literary Degrees
   and for Military Degrees.
   New Universities, Colleges, and Schools.
   Students sent abroad.

   "An Edict on Reform in Education, published by the Chinese
   Government on the 29th of August, 1901, commanded the
   abolition of essays or homilies on the Chinese classics in
   examinations for literary degrees, and substituted for them
   essays and articles on modern matters, Western laws, and
   political economy. The same procedure was also to be observed
   in the future in the examination of candidates for office. By
   the same Edict it was ordered that as the methods in use for
   gaining military degrees—namely, trials of strength with stone
   weights, agility with the great sword, and marksmanship with
   the bow and arrow on foot and on horseback—were not of the
   slightest value in turning out men for the army, where
   knowledge of strategy and military science were the sine quâ
   non for military officers, these trials of strength, etc.,
   should be thenceforth abolished forever.

   "Another Edict for the establishment of new universities,
   colleges, and schools in China was published on the 12th of
   September, 1901. It commanded all existing colleges in the
   empire to be turned into schools and colleges of Western
   learning. Each provincial capital was to have a University
   like the Peking University, whilst the colleges in the
   prefectures and districts of the various provinces were to be
   schools and colleges of the second and third classes.

   "Another Edict, for sending students to be educated abroad,
   was published on the 17th of September, 1901. It commanded the
   Viceroys and Governors of other provinces of the Empire to
   follow the example of the Viceroy Liu Kun-yi of Liangkiang,
   Chang Chihtung of Hukuang, and Kuei Chun (Manchu) of Szechuen,
   in sending young men of scholastic promise and ability abroad
   to study any branch of Western science or art best suited to
   their abilities and tastes, so that they might in time return
   to China and place the fruits of their knowledge at the
   service of the empire.

   "Those who are acquainted with China know very well that many
   of the Edicts of the Government do not amount to much more
   than waste paper. In this case, however, it has not been so.
   The Imperial College in Shansi has been opened, with some 300
   students, in the hope that it will develop into one of the
   provincial universities. It is divided into a Chinese and a
   Foreign Department. … The Edicts have not been a dead letter
   in the other provinces either, though there has been enormous
   difficulty in getting a sufficient number of professors to
   teach or of text-books to use. Some Chinamen who under the old
   system of education would not have got more than £30 per annum
   now get £240, and there are not enough of them. At the lowest
   estimate text-books and books of general knowledge of the West
   to the value of £25,000 must have been sold during this year
   alone. Books to the value of £6,000 were sold by the Society
   for the Diffusion of Christian Knowledge.

   "I subjoin a list of the new colleges opened in ten different
   provinces in 1901-1902:

   Provinces.             Funds provided.

   Chekiang               50,000 strings of cash per annum
                          (about Taels 50,000, or over £6,000).

   Honan.                 30,000 Taels per annum.

   Kweichow.              20,000 Taels per annum.

   Fookien.               50,000 Mex. Dollars per annum.
                          (about £5,000).

   Kiangsi.               over 60,000 Mex. Dollars per annum.

   Kwangtung.             100,000 Taels per annum.

   Soochow                several tens of thousands of Taels.

   Nanking                —

   Shantung               50,000 Taels per annum.

   Shansi                 50,000 Taels per annum.

   Chihli                 —

   Prefectural Colleges
   in Soochow.            Taels 10,000.

   Prefectural Colleges
   in Shantung under
   R. C. Bishop Anzer.    Taels 2,000

   "This comes to about half a million of Taels annually for the
   whole Empire for modern education. Such is the new departure,
   which dates from 1901-1902."

      Timothy Richard,
      The New Education in China
      (Contemporary Review, January, 1903).

EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.
   Chinese Students in Japan.

   The following is from a communication to the State Department
   at Washington from the American Legation at Tokyo, under date
   of January 3, 1906:

   "During the past year Chinese students have come to this
   country in continually increasing numbers. Last summer the
   number was estimated at 5000, of whom 2000 had been sent at
   the expense of the Chinese Government. In November the number
   is said to have reached 8000. In addition to the supervision
   of the Chinese legation the students are looked after by eight
   superintendents sent to reside here by their Government.

   "Until recently the Japanese authorities seem to have done
   nothing in this matter, but the magnitude of the number of
   Chinese students finally made a certain degree of supervision
   on their part seem wise. Accordingly, regulations for
   controlling schools open to the Chinese were promulgated by
   the minister for education on November 2, to go into effect
   from the 1st instant. … The publication of these regulations
   was greeted by a storm of protest. Bodies of Chinese students
   passed indignant resolutions, saying that their liberty was
   being assailed and seemed to find in the new rules an
   indignity to their nationality. The restriction in choosing
   schools and lodgings and the need of a letter of
   recommendation annoyed them most. The agitation was so great
   that over a thousand students returned to China; and no more
   have been coming since the trouble."

{193}

EDUCATION: A. D. 1908.
   The administration of the Department of Education in the
   Chinese Government.

   Under the date of November 9, 1908, the Peking correspondent
   of the London Times wrote of the administration of the
   governmental Department of Education as follows:

   "The Ministry of Education is under the presidency of a
   learned scholar of the old type, Chang Chih-tung. The old
   system of examination has entirely been abolished. Education
   is improving, but there is little attempt at uniformity. There
   is no lack of desire to learn, but the teaching outside of the
   mission schools or of colleges under foreign control is quite
   unsatisfactory. No attempt is made to obtain the services of
   the best man. Japan engaged the best foreign teachers that
   money could find, with the result that the standard of
   education is there very high. But China seems to think any
   teacher good enough so long as he is a shade better educated
   than the pupil he has to teach."

   On the other hand, Professor Thomas C. Chamberlin, of the
   University of Chicago, who spent four months of the past year
   in China, investigating educational conditions, has reported
   that "the old education has practically passed away, and the
   government is making strenuous, and on the whole remarkably
   successful, efforts to build up a system of education modelled
   on that of Europe and America. In all the larger cities of
   China buildings have been erected, teachers and pupils
   gathered, and schools of the modern type organized. In not a
   few cases, as, for example, at Foochow and in the far west at
   Chentu, the old examination halls have been torn down to make
   place for schools modelled on those of the west."

EDUCATION: A. D. 1908.
   Chinese Students in America.

   "The disposition on the part of the Chinese Government to send
   picked students to America for their education, although
   interrupted formally years after the first set of twenty came
   in 1872, has since 1890 shown a comparatively steady growth.
   During the past year 155 Chinese students were maintained at
   various educational institutions in this country on
   foundations provided either by the Imperial or the Provincial
   Governments. Out of this number seventy-one are under the
   charge of the Imperial Chinese Legation at Washington;
   twenty-seven are under the direction of Chang-Chuan,
   Commissioner of Education for the Viceroyalties of Hupuh and
   Kiang-man; fifty-seven others have been during the past year
   under the direction of Dr. Tenny, at present Chinese Secretary
   of our Legation at Peking. These last, although coming from
   various parts of the Empire, all received their elementary
   education at the Peyang College in Tientsin, of which Dr.
   Tenny was formerly principal. At the request of Yuan-Shih-Kai,
   then Viceroy of Chihli, of which province Tientsin is the
   chief city, Dr. Tenny in 1906 assumed charge at Cambridge of
   the Peiyang candidates sent to America, including those now at
   Harvard and the various other colleges where, at his
   suggestion, they were quartered. Since Dr. Tenny’s return in
   July last to Peking, his position has been filled by the
   appointment of Mr. H. F. Merrill, for many years Commissioner
   of Customs at Tientsin. …

   "Quite apart from this official recognition of the advantages
   of an American education, many Chinese families send their
   sons at their own expense to schools and colleges in this
   country. It has been impossible to procure exact statistics of
   the number of these privately supported students, but,
   according to the best advices obtainable at the Chinese
   Legation, there are about two hundred. …

   "More important than anything that has yet taken place in this
   movement of Chinese education in America is the recent
   determination on the part of the Imperial Government to devote
   a sum equal to that placed at their disposal by the remission
   of the Boxer indemnity to the founding of an Educational
   Mission in this country. … According to the terms of the
   agreement contained in the note of Prince Ch’ing to Mr.
   Rockhill last July, by the end of the fourth year from the
   inauguration of the scheme four hundred students, sent by the
   Imperial Government, will be added to the large and growing
   number of their young fellow-countrymen already coming to
   America."

      George Marvin,
      The American Spirit in Chinese Education
      (The Outlook, November, 1908).

   An English correspondent, writing from Peking, September 24,
   1909, reported: "This week 47 students selected by examination
   for proficiency in English and Chinese are leaving Peking for
   the United States to enter upon studies paid for by funds from
   the unexpended balance of the Boxer indemnity. They have been
   selected from nearly 500 candidates who competed for this
   great reward from many provinces of the Empire. An excellent
   body of young men, they ought to do credit to their country."

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
   Progress in Technical Education.

   The following statements were in a Press despatch from
   Tien-tsin, July, 1909:

   "Technical education in China shows unmistakable signs of
   extension. A very few years ago nothing existed which was
   worthy of the name, while now it is not too much to say that
   in the course of a few years the engineering schools of China
   will be second only to the best in Europe and America.
   Engineering courses are now being given at the following
   institutions:
   Imperial Polytechnic Institute, Shanghai;
   Imperial University of Shansi, Tai-yuan-fu;
   Tangshan Engineering and Mining College, Tangshan; and
   Imperial Pei Yang University, Tien-tsin."

EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
   Formation in Great Britain and America of the China
   Emergency Appeal Committee.

   "Speaking at the Mansion House meeting [London] of the China
   Emergency Committee held under the presidency of the Lord
   Mayor on March 16, 1909, Sir Robert Hart, whose long work as
   Inspector-General of the Imperial Chinese Customs has given
   him the profoundest knowledge of China and its people, said:
   ‘We are alarmed lest Western knowledge and Western science may
   give the Chinese people strength without principle, and may
   even bring in a crude materialism without that higher teaching
   and higher guidance which are necessary for the best welfare
   of any people.’

   "It is the realization of that danger, but even more a
   realization of the needs of China, which have led to the
   formation of the China Emergency Appeal Committee. … It is the
   object of this Committee to utilize to the full the unexampled
   present opportunity of establishing in China institutions
   through which the Chinese people may be trained to educate
   themselves in the Western knowledge and civilization which
   they have set themselves to acquire.

{194}

   "There is, first, China’s crying need of medical education—of
   schools and hospitals in which Chinese students will be taught
   and practise medicine and surgery. … Not less needed is the
   establishment of colleges and centres for the training of
   Chinese teachers for the primary and secondary schools which
   are being established everywhere throughout this Empire of
   400,000,000 inhabitants. The China Emergency Committee appeals
   for £40,000 to build and equip these training colleges.
   Thirdly, there is a demand throughout China for translations
   of European books. The demand far exceeds the supply, though
   it is only through literature that the Chinese gentleman will
   acquaint himself with Western thought and learning. The books
   sell in vast numbers, but the work of translation involves
   heavy preliminary expenses. … These are the three objects for
   the attainment of which the China Emergency Committee has been
   established."

      London Times,
      July 17, 1909.

   On the initiative of the English Committee, of which Sir
   Robert Hart is chairman, a proposal to move similarly in
   America came before a recent conference of foreign mission
   boards of the United States and Canada. A committee, Rev. Dr.
   Arthur J. Brown, chairman, to whom the proposition was
   referred, reported favorably. The conference approved the
   report, and provided that a permanent committee be appointed,
   to consist of those serving with Dr. Brown, together with
   twelve laymen, to be chosen by the committee. This new
   committee is "to promote a larger interest in Christian
   education in China." It will assist the boards and other
   Christian agencies and cooperate with the general education
   committee appointed by the Shanghai conference and with the
   China Educational Association.

EDUCATION: Cuba: A. D. 1899-1907.
   Organization of Schools during the American Occupation.
   Census-showing of results in 1907.

   "During the American occupation of Cuba especial attention was
   given to the establishment of common schools and other
   educational institutions. The enrollment of the public schools
   of Cuba immediately before the last war shows 36,306 scholars,
   but an examination of the reports containing these figures
   indicates that probably less than half the names enrolled
   represented actual attendance. There were practically no
   separate school buildings, but the scholars were collected in
   the residences of the teachers. There were few books and
   practically no maps, blackboards, desks, or other school
   apparatus.

   "The instruction consisted solely in learning by rote, the
   catechism being the principal textbook, and the girls
   occupying their time chiefly in embroidery. The teachers were
   allowed to eke out their unpaid salaries by accepting fees
   from the pupils. … At the end of the first six months of
   American occupation the public school enrollment of the island
   numbered 143,120. The schools were subjected to a constant and
   effective inspection and the attendance was practically
   identical with the enrollment. …

   "All over the island the old Spanish barracks and the barracks
   occupied by the American troops which had been withdrawn were
   turned into schoolrooms after thorough renovation. The
   pressure for education was earnest and universal. The
   appropriations from the insular treasury for that purpose
   during the first year of American occupation amounted to four
   and a half millions.

   "At the close of American occupation there were 121 boards of
   education elected by the people (the system was kept out of
   politics); the work of changing the old barracks throughout
   the island into schoolhouses had been completed; a thoroughly
   modern school building costing $50,000 had been erected at
   Santiago; one school building in Habana had 33 rooms, with a
   modern kindergarten, manual-training branch, two gymnasiums,
   and baths; large schools had been established by changes in
   government buildings at Guineas, Pinar del Rio, Matanzas,
   Cieguo de Avila, and Colon; over 3600 teachers were subjected
   to examination, and approximately 6000 persons applied for and
   received examination as teachers. For six weeks during the
   summer vacation of 1901, 4000 teachers were collected in
   teachers’ institutes."

      Establishment of Free Government in Cuba
      (58th Congress, 2d Session, Senate Document number 312).

   "The public-school system organized under the first
   intervention in Cuba, is producing excellent results. Of the
   population 10 years of age and over, 56.6 per cent could read,
   showing a decided gain in that respect since 1899. Of the
   native whites, 58.6 per cent could read, and of the colored 45
   per cent were similarly educated."

      National Geographic Magazine,
      February, 1909, p. 202.

EDUCATION: Egypt: A. D. 1901-1905.
   Recent Development of Public Primary Schools.
   Schools for Girls.

   "Before the English occupation great masses of Egyptians
   remained ignorant. Over 91 per cent. of the males and almost
   99½ per cent. of the females could neither read nor write.
   Until within the last five years public primary education for
   the poorer classes, aside from the mere learning of the Koran,
   was almost unknown. At the present time public schools are
   being established everywhere, and grants in aid of these
   schools are paid in proportion to the attendance and the
   records made by the pupils. Likewise, certain positions in the
   civil service can be filled only by those who hold
   certificates from schools of certain grades. As a consequence
   there has been a great awakening of interest. Most of the
   teachers of these public schools are Mohammedan, and the
   schools are non-Christian in their instruction. The Koran is
   still used as a text-book for many purposes, but the education
   is practical in its general nature. The children are taught,
   besides reading and writing, the elements of the sciences, and
   they choose either French or English as the foreign language
   which they will learn, and that in which they will receive
   instruction in the more advanced studies where Arabic
   text-books cannot readily be provided. It is a noteworthy fact
   that while, in the earlier days, French was the language more
   frequently chosen, nearly all the pupils are now selecting
   English. There are also provisions for training in law,
   medicine, agriculture, engineering, etc. The law school is the
   most popular, while the agricultural college—although the
   basis of Egyptian wealth and prosperity is and must always be
   agriculture—suffers from lack of pupils. Female education has
   not been neglected, and we may expect in the near future that
   instead of 99½ per cent. of the women being unable to write, a
   very large per cent. of the mothers of the country will be
   able to give their children the rudiments of education at
   home."

      Professor J. W. Jenks,
      The Egypt of To-day
      (International Quarterly Review, October, 1902).

{195}

   "A revolution is a growth, not a cataclysm: the seeds of the
   Egyptian Revolution were sown in the autumn of 1901 when Miss
   Amina Hafiz Maghrabi was admitted to the Stockwell Road
   Training College for Teachers. Miss Amina is the daughter of
   one of the Officials in the Ministry of Public Instruction at
   Cairo, and after passing a preliminary examination was sent to
   England to be educated at the expense of the Egyptian
   Government. … Miss Amina spent nearly three years at
   Stockwell; then she returned to her own people; now she is a
   teacher at the Abbas Public Girls’ School at Cairo, and the
   right hand of Miss Spears, the Principal; this seed is bearing
   fruit. No Revolution can be a success unless the women take it
   up, and it is the women who are going to turn Egypt upside
   down; it is the Mussulman women who have already begun to do
   so. …

   "The really astonishing work that has been going on for nearly
   two years is the education for the teaching profession of
   girls of the better class aged from about fourteen to twenty.
   There are two or three schools where these girls are received
   as boarders, and carefully tended by European mistresses; the
   amazing thing is that they throw aside their veils and consent
   to be taught by men. … In all the State schools of Egypt the
   Koran is taught. In one corner of the garden is a small room
   built to serve as a mosque; attendance is voluntary, but three
   times a day each girl retires there for private prayer.

   "These schools have been recently founded to provide female
   teachers; they have not been in existence long enough for any
   girls to have completed the two-years’ course; it may be they
   will fail in their primary object; it is possible that the
   girls who have been educated will none of them persevere in
   the teaching profession; nevertheless, as Egyptian wives and
   mothers, they must become the leaders of the revolution."

      Edmund Verney,
      A Revolution in Egypt
      (Contemporary Review, July, 1905).

EDUCATION: A. D. 1908.
   Gordon Memorial College at Khartoum.

   From the eighth annual report of the Director of Education in
   the Sudan it appears that the Gordon Memorial College, founded
   at Khartoum in 1899 (see, in Volume VI. of this work, EGYPT:
   A. D. 1898-1899), is now composed of the following educational
   units:

   "The primary school, which has been attended by 190 pupils,
   the training college—vernacular and English—by 178, of which
   150 belong to the vernacular side, and the upper school for
   the training of engineers and surveyors by 28 students. One
   hundred and seventy-two are on the roll of the instructional
   workshops. There is, he remarks, no doubt whatever about the
   popularity of the military school among the inhabitants of the
   country, both Arab and Sudanese. Some 20 young men have now
   received commission in the famous black battalions, or in the
   new Arab levies now being raised. They have almost all been
   well reported on. He understood that the responsible Army
   authorities propose to increase this school substantially, and
   to render it capable of holding twice the present number of
   cadets." The College is reported to have "felt the strain of
   existing financial difficulties very keenly, and the rate of
   progress has hardly been maintained this year."—1908.

EDUCATION: England: A. D. 1902.
   The Education Act, in the interest of the Voluntary or
   Church Schools.
   Text of its provisions most obnoxious to the Nonconformists.
   "Passive resistance" among them to the law.

   The Education Act of 1870 created in England for the first
   time a system of officially regulated and publicly supported
   elementary schools.

      See in Volume I. of this work,
      EDUCATION: MODERN: ENGLAND: A. D. 1699-1870.

   Those schools divided the work of elementary education with
   schools of another, older system, founded, maintained, and
   managed by the churches of the country,—mainly by the
   predominant Established Church of England. The public
   elementary schools, supported out of local rates and governed
   by locally-elected school boards were called Board Schools;
   the others were called Voluntary Schools. The latter received
   some public money from an annual Parliamentary grant, but
   nothing from the local taxation which supported the former. In
   the Voluntary Schools under church control religious teaching
   was prescribed and given systematically; in the Board Schools
   it was not. Those who held religious teaching, of their own
   denominational orthodoxy, to be a vital part of education,
   were ardent partisans of the Voluntary Schools. Those who
   approved the exclusion of theological differences from the
   teaching of the Board Schools were equally ardent champions of
   those. As a rule, the adherents of the Established Church and
   of the Roman Catholic Church were opponents of the public
   system, while the Dissenters or Nonconformists of all sects
   gave it strenuous support. Thus the two systems were
   mischievously antagonized, and almost from the beginning of
   the operation of the Act of 1870 it had been manifest that one
   or the other must ultimately give way to its rival.

   In 1902 the Conservative party, in which the Established
   Church of England is most largely represented, found itself
   strong enough in Parliament to undertake the nationalizing of
   the Voluntary Schools in England and Wales, incorporating them
   with their rivals in one reconstructed national system, but
   securing their domination in it, along with equal sharing from
   the public purse. A Bill for the purpose was proposed to the
   House of Commons on the 24th of March by Mr. Balfour, then the
   Administration leader in the House. In his speech on a motion
   for leave to bring it in he spoke of the need of a single
   authority for education, primary, secondary, and technical; of
   the disadvantages of the two organizations of elementary
   schools, and of the absurdity of supposing that the great
   number of Voluntary Schools and Endowed Schools could be swept
   away and replaced at enormous public cost. The proposed Bill,
   based on these views, would extinguish the local School Boards
   and make the County Council in counties and the Borough
   Council in county boroughs the one local education authority.
   As introduced subsequently and enacted, after heated and long
   debate, the Bill accomplished its leading objects, so far as
   concerned elementary education, by provisions of which the
   following is the text:

{196}

   "Part III. Elementary Education.

   5.
   The local education authority shall throughout their area
   have the powers and duties of a school board and school
   attendance committee under the Elementary Education Acts, 1870
   to 1900, and any other Acts, including local Acts, and shall
   also be responsible for and have the control of all secular
   instruction in public elementary schools not provided by them,
   and school boards and school attendance committees shall be
   abolished.

   "6.
   (1) All public elementary schools provided by the local
   education authority shall, where the local education authority
   are the council of a county, have a body of managers
   consisting of a number of managers not exceeding four
   appointed by that council, together with a number not
   exceeding two appointed by the minor local authority. Where
   the local education authority are the council of a borough or
   urban district they may, if they think fit, appoint for any
   school provided by them a body of managers consisting of such
   number of managers as they may determine.

   "(2) All public elementary schools not provided by the local
   education authority shall, in place of the existing managers,
   have a body of managers consisting of a number of foundation
   managers not exceeding four appointed as provided by this Act,
   together with a number of managers not exceeding two
   appointed—

   (a) where the local education authority are the council
   of a county, one by that council and one by the minor local
   authority; and

   (b) where the local education authority are the council
   of a borough or urban district, both by that authority.

   "(3)
   Notwithstanding anything in this section—

   (a) Schools may be grouped under one body of managers
   in manner provided by this Act; and

   (b) Where the local education authority consider that
   the circumstances of any school require a larger body of
   managers than that provided under this section, that authority
   may increase the total number of managers, so, however, that
   the number of each class of managers is proportionately
   increased.

   "7.—
   (1) The local education authority shall maintain and keep
   efficient all public elementary schools within their area
   which are necessary, and have the control of all expenditure
   required for that purpose, other than expenditure for which,
   under this Act, provision is to be made by the managers; but,
   in the case of a school not provided by them, only so long as
   the following conditions and provisions are complied with:—

   "(a) The managers of the school shall carry out any
   directions of the local education authority as to the secular
   instruction to be given in the school, including any
   directions with respect to the number and educational
   qualifications of the teachers to be employed for such
   instruction, and for the dismissal of any teacher on
   educational grounds, and if the managers fail to carry out any
   such direction the local education authority shall, in
   addition to their other powers, have the power themselves to
   carry out the direction in question as if they were the
   managers; but no direction given under this provision shall be
   such as to interfere with reasonable facilities for religious
   instruction during school hours:

   "(b) The local education authority shall have power to
   inspect the school;

   "(c) The consent of the local education authority shall
   be required to the appointment of teachers, but that consent
   shall not be withheld except on educational grounds; and the
   consent of the authority shall also be required to the
   dismissal of a teacher unless the dismissal be on grounds
   connected with the giving of religious instruction in the
   school. … [Here follow provisions relative to schoolhouses and
   teachers’ dwellings.]

   "(3) If any question arises under this section between
   the local education authority and the managers of a school not
   provided by the authority, that question shall be determined
   by the Board of Education.

   "(4) One of the conditions required to be fulfilled by
   an elementary school in order to obtain a parliamentary grant
   shall be that it is maintained under and complies with the
   provisions of this section.

   "(5) In public elementary schools maintained but not
   provided by the local educational authority, assistant
   teachers and pupil teachers may be appointed, if it is thought
   fit, without reference to religious creed and denomination,
   and, in any case in which there are more candidates for the
   post of pupil teacher than there are places to be filled, the
   appointment shall be made by the local education authority,
   and they shall determine the respective qualifications of the
   candidates by examination or otherwise.

   "(6) Religious instruction given in a public elementary
   school not provided by the local education authority shall, as
   regards its character, be in accordance with the provisions
   (if any) of the trust deed relating thereto, and shall be
   under the control of the managers: Provided that nothing in
   this subjection shall affect any provision in a trust deed for
   reference to the bishop or superior ecclesiastical or other
   denominational authority so far as such provision gives to the
   bishop or authority the power of deciding whether the
   character of the religious instruction is or is not in
   accordance with the provisions of the trust deed.

   "(7) The managers of a school maintained but not
   provided by the local education authority shall have all
   powers of management required for the purpose of carrying out
   this Act, and shall (subject to the powers of the local
   education authority under this section) have the exclusive
   power of appointing and dismissing teachers.

   "8.—
   (1) Where the local education authority or any other persons
   propose to provide a new public elementary school, they shall
   give public notice of their intention to do so, and the
   managers of any existing school, or the local education
   authority (where they are not themselves the persons proposing
   to provide the school), or any ten rate payers in the area for
   which it is proposed to provide the school, may, within three
   months after the notice is given, appeal to the Board of
   Education on the ground that the proposed school is not
   required, or that a school provided by the local education
   authority, or not so provided, as the case may be, is better
   suited to meet the wants of the district than the school
   proposed to be provided, and any school built in contravention
   of the decision of the Board of Education on such appeal shall
   be treated as unnecessary.

{197}

   "(2) If, in the opinion of the Board of Education, any
   enlargement of a public elementary school is such as to amount
   to the provision of a new school, that enlargement shall be so
   treated for the purposes of this section.

   "(3) Any transfer of a public elementary school to or from a
   local education authority shall for the purposes of this
   section be treated as the provision of a new school.

   "9. The Board of Education shall, without unnecessary delay,
   determine, in case of dispute, whether a school is necessary
   or not, and, in so determining, and also in deciding on any
   appeal as to the provision of a new school, shall have regard
   to the interest of secular instruction, to the wishes of
   parents as to the education of their children, and to the
   economy of the rates; but a school for the time being
   recognized as a public elementary school shall not be
   considered unnecessary in which the number of scholars in
   average attendance, as computed by the Board of Education, is
   not less than thirty."

   The main contentions were raised by these sections of the
   Bill, and as soon as their bearing and effect were discerned
   the Nonconformist opposition was rallied in strong force. "The
   main ground of objection taken," says the Annual Register,
   "was that, while throwing the whole charge of the maintenance
   of denominational schools (apart from that of the fabrics) on
   public funds, it failed to secure to the local public any real
   control over the management of the schools so maintained, and
   amounted in effect to a new endowment of the Church of
   England; also that it perpetuated and enhanced the injustice
   of the pressure of the system of religious tests in the
   profession of elementary teaching, which would now, it was
   said, if the Bill should pass, be the permanent monopoly of
   Anglicans in the schools educating more than half of the
   children of the working classes. Denunciatory resolutions
   based generally on grounds of this character, were passed by
   the National Free Church Council, the London Congregational
   Union (April 8), the General Committee of the Protestant
   Dissenting Deputies, and other bodies; and at an early date a
   disposition, to which both encouragement and expression were
   vigorously administered by the British Weekly, was somewhat
   extensively shown to urge that it would be the duty of
   Nonconformists to refuse to pay the education rate if the Bill
   should become law. Dr. Parker, of the City Temple, in a letter
   to the Times (April 5), avowed himself earnestly in
   favour of this policy, which was also defended by the Rev. H.
   Price Hughs. It was opposed by the Rev. John Watson, of
   Liverpool (known in the literary world as ‘Ian Maclaren’), but
   the voices of restraint among the Nonconformist opposition
   were less audible than those of indignant reproach and
   menace."

      Annual Register,
      1902, p. 107.

   The following from an article by Rev. J. Guinness Rogers shows
   the attitude and feeling of the Nonconformist opposition:

   "Hitherto a certain proportion of the cost of these schools
   has been borne by Churchmen themselves, and Nonconformists
   have been content to regard that as fairly providing for the
   sectarian teaching that was given. They did not regard the
   arrangement as wise or salutary. But they acquiesced
   considering that they had no responsibility whatever for the
   denominational teaching that was given. The new Act altered
   all the conditions. The State now assumes all the
   responsibility for the support of these schools. The last
   vestige of voluntary support is swept away, and they become in
   every sense part of the National School system. The burden of
   their support is thrown upon the public funds. Only in the
   matter of control and of their religious teaching do they
   retain anything of their private character. … They are to be
   supported out of the public funds. But they constitute a
   privileged class of schools under private managers, and their
   chief teachers have to belong to a particular Church and to
   give instruction in its principles and doctrines. It is this
   which has stirred the indignation of Nonconformists. They
   conscientiously object to pay for the support of schools
   staffed by Anglican teachers and employed in the dissemination
   of Anglican doctrines. …

   "For thirty years the Free Churches of England have quietly
   submitted to an arrangement which practically left thousands
   of the schools under the absolute sway of the clergy. There
   were thus vast districts of the country, and those the
   districts least open to the free play of public opinion, in
   which Nonconformist children were forced into the ranks of the
   pupils, while Non-conformist teachers were just as resolutely
   kept out of these favoured preserves of sectarianism. But even
   this did not satisfy the clergy and their friends. During
   almost the whole of the period in question there have been
   continual attempts to secure better terms for those already so
   highly privileged. At length came the period for decided
   action. … The whole character of our educational apparatus has
   been changed, and changed in a manner as unfavourable to
   constitutional liberty as to religious equality. School boards
   were institutions in which Nonconformists had taken a deep
   interest and in which in many of the large towns they had
   achieved conspicuous success. They have been ruthlessly swept
   away, and henceforth the work of education in our large towns
   and cities is entrusted to committees chosen by County
   Councils; Mr. Balfour showing here the same dislike of popular
   control as characterises his administration in the House of
   Commons. Can it be thought wonderful that Nonconformists have
   been goaded into resistance by a policy so high-handed and so
   determined? We have heard enough of the intolerable strain put
   upon the supporters of the voluntary schools. The strain of
   clerical intolerance and Tory partiality has become still more
   intolerable."

      J. Guinness Rogers,
      The Nonconformist Uprising
      (Nineteenth Century, October, 1903).

   A weightier and more statesman like objection to the Act was
   set forth by the Right Honourable James Bryce in the
   following:

   "Of all the causes which have kept education in England,
   secondary as well as elementary, below the level it has
   reached in such countries as Switzerland and Scotland and New
   England, the most deep seated is the want of popular interest
   and popular sympathy. The people have not felt the schools to
   be their own, have not been associated with the management,
   have not realised how largely the welfare and prosperity of
   the nation depend on the instruction which each generation
   receives. Since 1870 something has been done to stimulate
   popular interest by the creation of School Boards (whose
   admirable work in the large towns is admitted even by the
   Ministry which proposes to destroy them), by the introduction
   of a large representative element upon the governing bodies of
   endowed secondary schools, and by entrusting County and
   Borough Councils with power to spend money upon technical
   instruction.
{198}
   What can be plainer than that a wise statesmanship ought to
   follow in the same path endeavouring to create everywhere
   local educational authorities chosen by the people and
   responsible to the people, keeping these local authorities up
   to the mark by making a share in the imperial grant
   conditional upon full efficiency, but teaching them to look
   upon the schools as their own, and to feel that it is their
   own interest as parents and citizens to make their schools
   worthy of an advancing nation? No such idea has been present
   to those who framed this Bill. It reduces, instead of in
   creasing, the element of popular interest and popular control.

   "School Boards are to be swept away, and with them those
   elected women members who have been so valuable and
   influential an element. The substituted County and Borough
   Councils are, no doubt, elective bodies. But they have so many
   functions already besides those educational functions which
   are now to be thrown on them that the latter will play a small
   part, and their discharge of those functions cannot be
   effectively reviewed by the people at an election. Moreover,
   every Council is directed to act through an Education
   Committee largely, or possibly entirely, consisting of persons
   outside their own bodies. It is certainly desirable to secure
   an element of special knowledge. But the policy of these
   committees—and policy (except as regards finance) is to rest
   with them—will never be subject to any review by the electors,
   to whom the committees are nowise responsible. The fault is
   still worse when we come to the local managers. Where there
   exist only denominational schools, there will be no popular
   control at all, for the permissive appointment by the
   Education Committee of not more than one-third of the local
   managers is a merely nominal concession, quite illusory for
   the purpose of securing any local power, any local interest,
   any local sympathy. In most cases this permissive right of
   appointment will probably be used to add to the denominational
   managers some person or persons recommended by them, or one of
   them, to the Education Committee, which sits in the distant
   county town and may know nothing about the locality.

   "It is not from any superstitious faith in popular election or
   in what are called ‘democratic principles’ that I deplore
   these provisions of the Bill. It is because they tend to
   withdraw from education one of its most valuable propulsive
   forces. Let us hear the Schools Inquiry Commissioners of 1868,
   among whom were the present Archbishop of Canterbury, the late
   Bishop of Winchester, and another eminent ecclesiastic.

   "‘No skill in organisation, no careful adaptation of the means
   in hand to the best ends, can do as much for education as the
   earnest co-operation of the people. The American schools
   appear to have no great excellence of method. But the schools
   are in the hands of the people, and from this fact they derive
   a force which seems to make up for all their deficiencies. …
   In Zurich the schools are absolutely in the hands of the
   people, and the complete success of the system must be largely
   ascribed to this cause. … It is impossible to doubt that in
   England also inferior management, if it were backed up by very
   hearty sympathy from the mass of the people, would often
   succeed better than much greater skill without such support.’

   "These words were spoken of secondary education. They apply
   with even greater force to elementary. The experience of
   thirty-four years confirms them. But there is nothing in this
   Bill to give effect to their principle."

      James Bryce,
      A Few Words on the Few Education Bill
      (Nineteenth Century, May, 1902).

   The Education Bill passed its third reading in the House of
   Commons on the 3d of December, by a vote of 246 against 123,
   being a majority of exactly two-thirds. In the House of Lords
   it received brief discussion and a few amendments, which the
   Commons accepted, and it was sent quickly to the King,
   receiving the royal assent December 18. And now there came
   into action the stubborn revolt which took the name of
   "passive resistance,"—the refusal, that is, of a considerable
   body of people to pay the rates levied for school purposes
   under a law which they held to be unjust. Their attitude, and
   the consequences they suffered, in imprisonment and the
   seizure and sale of their property, are described in the
   following passages from an article by one of the leaders of
   the movement:

   "It is difficult to believe that, at the beginning of the
   twentieth century, Englishmen of high character and
   indisputable loyalty are being sent to prison for exactly the
   same reasons as those which were urged for committing John
   Bunyan to Bedford Gaol; for exposing Richard Baxter to the
   browbeating of Judge Jeffreys and a sentence of eighteen
   months incarceration; and for sending George Fox to the
   noisome dungeons of Carlisle and Derby, Lancaster and London.
   Americans cannot credit it. The colonists of Canada and
   Australia say, ‘Can these things be?'?; and even Englishmen
   would never accept the humiliating conclusion, if they were
   not confronted by the undeniable fact. The fact is that nearly
   one hundred freemen of England, respectable and God-fearing
   citizens, have been sentenced to different periods of
   imprisonment since November, 1903. …

   "Imprisonment is only one phase of this advancing cause;
   another is that of the public sale of the furniture, pictures
   and books of those who refuse to submit. The first sale was at
   Wirksworth, in Derbyshire, on June 26th, 1903; and it has been
   followed by about 1,600 more in different towns and villages,
   all over England. … In one extremely flagrant instance, one
   hundred pounds’ worth of goods were taken for the sum of
   fifteen shillings, and in many cases fidelity to conscience
   has meant loss of trade and of position, … No less than 40,000
   summonses have been sent forth by the overseers to compel
   recalcitrant rate-payers to appear before the magistrates and
   ‘show cause’ why they will not pay. …

   "Now, it is for that process we cannot and will not pay any
   rate whatever. We object to many of the provisions of the
   Education Acts. They are anti-democratic, unfair, unjust; they
   are destructive of educational efficiency and social peace;
   but the one thing that has created the Passive Resistance
   movement is not the destruction of the School Board, not the
   loss of popular control, but this intrusion into the realm of
   conscience by the State.
{199}
   That is the prime factor in this situation. To that ‘we will
   not submit,’ declared Mr. Fairbairn to Mr. Balfour when the
   Bill was before the House. In short, we say with Bunyan to our
   persecutors, ‘Where I cannot obey actively, there I am willing
   to lie down, and to suffer what they shall do unto me.’"

      John Clifford,
      Passive Resistance in England and Wales
      (North American Review, March, 1905).

   In Wales, where the Nonconformists are very strong, the
   resistance became more than passive. The County Councils
   refused generally to put the Act into operation, and
   Parliament, in August, 1904, passed what was described as the
   "Welsh Coercion Act," to compel their obedience to it. This
   Act authorized the central Board of Education, in the case of
   a county proclaimed in default to provide for Church schools
   and to deduct such appropriation from the Government rant for
   educational uses to the county. As the deficit thus caused in
   the sum available for the National schools would have to be
   made up by the county, the recalcitrant county would thus
   indirectly be saddled with the maintenance of the Church
   schools. But Welsh resistance was not so easily overcome; for
   a new plan was devised, according to which every proceeding
   under the Coercion Act would be met by the resignation of
   county education committees and managers of the National
   schools. This would paralyze the central Board, which has no
   power to fill the places thus vacated.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1904.
   Church Attendance in School Hours.

   A circular issued by the Board of Education, in July, relative
   to the taking of children from Church schools, during school
   hours, to attend Church services on Saints' days, caused great
   dissatisfaction and complaint in Church circles. The practice
   had been permitted hitherto; but the Board ruled that school
   time-tables making provision for this must have the sanction
   of the local school authorities, which in many cases were
   opposed to the practice. A "Church Schools Emergency League"
   was now organized to contest the action of the Board.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1905.
   Underfed School Children.

   An order issued by the Local Government Board, in April,
   directed that, in the case of school children under sixteen,
   found to be underfed, who were not blind, deaf or dumb, and
   who were living with a father not in receipt of relief, there
   must be application for relief made to the guardians of the
   poor by a teacher empowered by the managers, or by an officer
   authorized by the education authorities. The guardians must
   then investigate the case and decide whether relief should be
   given as a loan or in the ordinary mode, and notify the father
   accordingly; thus giving the parent the opportunity to make
   the needed provision himself. If he did not do so, the
   guardians were empowered to recover from him the cost of the
   necessary relief by county court process.

   The report of the Board of Education for the year 1907-1908,
   published in March, 1909, states with reference to the feeding
   of necessitous school children that: "From December 21, 1906,
   when the Education (Provision of Meals) Act, 1906, came into
   operation, to July 31, 1908, 51 local education authorities
   have been authorized to spend money from the rates in
   providing food for school children. Of the 20 authorities
   referred to in last year’s report as having taken power to
   spend money for this purpose 14 have obtained sanction to
   spend money in a second year."

EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.
   Education Bill passed by the House of Commons and killed
   by amendments in the House of Lords.

   The defeat of the Conservatives and Unionists in the
   Parliamentary elections of January, 1906, was ascribed very
   largely to popular dissatisfaction with the Education Act of
   1902. Hence, on the resignation of the Balfour Ministry and
   the call of the Liberals, under Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman,
   to the administration of the Government, the new masters of
   legislative authority were held to have received a mandate
   from the people to amend the objectionable law. On the 9th of
   April a Bill to that end was brought forward by Augustine
   Birrell, President of the Board of Education and again the old
   disputes over denominational religious teaching in schools
   supported by the public at large were re-enlivened and
   re-heated, in Parliament and out. In December it passed the
   House of Commons by a majority of 192, and went to the Lords.
   A succinct and clear statement of the intent of the Bill, as
   framed by the Government, was given in an article contributed
   to The Outlook of August 4, 1906, by Dr. Clifford
   Webster Barnes, Special Commissioner of the Religious
   Education Association to investigate moral and religious
   instruction in European schools. In the framing of the Bill it
   had been assumed that the overwhelming majority which swept
   the new Government into power had determined that the
   following principles should be enacted into law:
   1. Unification of the public school system.
   2. Complete local control where public funds are received.
   3. Abolition of religious tests for teachers.

   "The new bill by its first clause," wrote Dr. Barnes, "has
   virtually met these three requirements. It makes it impossible
   for the State, hereafter, to recognize or provide for any
   school unless it comes under the absolute control of the local
   authority; and as church boards are thus supplanted, religious
   tests for teachers need no longer be feared. In later clauses,
   also, special safeguards are arranged to protect the teachers
   from this sort of test. If the bill, after providing the
   necessary machinery with which to carry out its first clause,
   went no further, the extreme Nonconformist would undoubtedly
   have given it most hearty support, and the wrath of the Church
   party might possibly have been no greater. But love for fair
   play has prevailed in the Cabinet, and the Liberal Government
   has proved its right to the title by introducing, in clauses
   2, 3, and 4, special provisions for leasing the denominational
   schools and for permitting their owners to give the religious
   instruction distinctive of the church to which they belong. …

   "The bill, therefore, makes the following concessions:

   "1. For the purpose of continuing any existing voluntary
   school it permits the local authority, on some arrangement
   being made with the owners, to take over such school, provided
   it is structurally fit. The State will then pay the entire
   cost of maintenance, keep the property in good repair, and use
   it only between the hours of 9 a. m. and 4 p. m., from Monday
   to Friday inclusive. At all other times the owners are
   privileged to do with it as they see fit. On two mornings of
   the week, between 9 and 9.45, the religious teaching peculiar
   to the denomination owning the property may be given, but
   children whose parents do not wish such teaching are to be
   excused during that time.

{200}

   "2. In urban areas where there is a population of five
   thousand or over, a Church school may remain as denominational
   as at present, the distinctive dogmas of the Church being
   taught as much as may be desired, provided the parents of
   four-fifths of the children vote in favor of this arrangement,
   and provided, also, that there are accommodations in some
   neighboring school for those whose parents prefer
   undenominational instruction. In every case that portion of
   the religious teaching which is distinctively denominational
   must be paid for by the church giving it. Statistics show that
   by this concession one hundred per cent. of the Jewish schools
   will be able to preserve their denominational character,
   seventy-five per cent. of the Catholic schools, fifty per
   cent. of the Wesleyan, and twenty-five per cent. of the Church
   of England. By the previous concession, of course, all the
   remaining schools of the various denominations will be able to
   give their distinctive theological teaching on two mornings of
   each week.

   "But this denominational instruction is not the only religious
   education which the schools will provide. By the bill of 1870
   local authorities were permitted to introduce a kind of simple
   Bible teaching which has been nicknamed, from the author of
   the act, ‘Cowper-Templeism.’ It consists of Bible lessons
   covering the Old and New Testaments arranged according to some
   well-planned syllabus, the majority of these being modeled
   after that of the London County Council. The exercise opens
   with prayer and a hymn, after which the children tell the
   Bible story of the day and are assisted by the teacher to draw
   from it some suitable moral lesson, but no creed or religious
   formulary distinctive of any denomination can be used. This
   teaching must be given in the first hour of the morning,
   between 9 and 9.45, and any child may be excused from
   attendance upon the request of its parent. It is a significant
   fact that the Nonconformists of 1870 were unanimously opposed
   to the Cowper-Temple clause, and that it was put through only
   by the strong and united effort of the bishops. Now it is the
   Nonconformists who, to a man, favor this kind of instruction,
   while some at least of the bishops, in their eagerness to
   preserve denominationalism, go so far as to say ‘this teaching
   undermines the foundations of Christianity.’"

   In the House of Lords the Bill came under the Church
   influences which had dictated the Act of 1902, and it was
   slashed with amendments which would totally reverse its
   operation on all the controverted points. That procedure
   killed the measure, of course; and so the burning school
   question remains unsettled, while England gives much thought
   to another question,—What to do with the House of Lords?

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

EDUCATION: A. D. 1907 (November).
   Failure to compromise the Religious Sectarian Differences
   concerning Public Education.

   Attempts to negotiate a compromise with the religious bodies
   whose antagonism wrecked the Education Bill of 1906 went so
   far as to induce the Government, in November, 1907, to
   introduce a Bill embodying the points on which agreement had
   been reached. The outcome was stated in the report of the
   Board of Education for 1907-1908, as follows:

   "It became apparent after some progress had been made in
   Committee that denominational assent could only be obtained by
   still further concessions, including a substantial increase in
   the grant to contracting-out schools. Your Majesty’s
   Government have always maintained that the number of schools
   availing themselves of the privilege of contracting-out, must
   be strictly limited, that the grant provided by the Bill was
   sufficient to afford a limited number of schools a reasonable
   chance of existence, and that to increase the grant beyond
   this sum would enable the great majority of schools to take
   advantage of the privilege, and would involve the
   establishment of a system of contracting-out as the rule
   instead of the exception. In view of the impossibility of
   obtaining agreement without such amendments as were, in the
   opinion of your Majesty’s Government, inadmissible, it was
   found necessary to withdraw the Bill."

EDUCATION: A. D. 1908.
   Provisions of the Children Act relating to Industrial and
   Reformatory Schools.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Oxford Teaching for Working People.

   In 1908 the Convocation of the University of Oxford passed a
   statute which gave the University Extension Delegacy power to
   form a committee consisting of working-class representatives
   in equal numbers with members of the Delegacy, with the object
   of enabling Oxford to take its proper share in the work of
   providing higher education for the manual working classes. In
   January, 1909, the committee organized eight tutorial classes,
   at Chesterfield, Glossop, Littleborough, Longton, Oldham,
   Rochdale, Swindon and Wrexham. At the end of the first twelve
   weeks of the work results were reported, as follows: "The
   number of students enrolled was about 234, among whom were 20
   women; and all of these pledged themselves to study
   continuously under the supervision of the tutors provided by
   Oxford for a period of three years. The subjects studied were
   industrial history and economics. … The members with few
   exceptions are men and women engaged in manual labour during
   the day. Out of 169 students 48 were engineers, 35 were
   engaged in the textile industries, 17 belonged to the building
   trades, 12 were labourers, ten were potters, seven were in the
   clothing trades, five were miners, and four were printers.
   Sixty per cent. of the 234 students were under the age of 34.
   Many of them were members' of working-class organizations. …
   Few students abandoned the classes after beginning to attend
   them, except for reasons such as illness, overtime or
   unemployment. The average attendances are about 90 per cent.
   of the maximum, possible. The paper work in some cases would
   probably compare with the work done by first-class students in
   the final honours schools at Oxford. … The committee consider
   that any movement to shorten the hours of labour would
   enormously increase the opportunities for higher education
   among work people."

{201}

EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
   Official Reports and Statements of the extent and operation
   of the English agencies of Public Education.

   On the 2d of March, the President of the Board of Education,
   Mr. Runciman, received a deputation of the Parliamentary
   Committee of the Trade Union Congress, who presented a
   resolution passed at the Congress stating that no solution of
   the educational problem would be satisfactory that did not
   give free education from the elementary school to the
   University, and demanding the immediate abolition of fees in
   secondary schools and technical colleges. One of the speakers
   of the deputation complained that secondary school fees were
   mounting so high that working people could not afford to pay
   them, and that in some cases the rule as to the reservation of
   25 per cent. of free places in secondary schools had not been
   observed. Mr. Runciman, in reply, said that the difficulties
   which had been raised centered around local finance. The Board
   of Education had not been idle during the last three years in
   assisting local authorities, especially for secondary
   education. In the year 1906-1907 the grant for this purpose
   amounted to £480,000; £691,000 was granted in 1907-1908; and in
   the estimate for 1908-1909 £802,000 was put aside for secondary
   education; and as far as he could see at present the amount to
   be granted for secondary education purposes next year would be
   even larger. … Of the total number of secondary schools which
   were now required to comply with the free places regulation,
   368, or more than half, provided in 1907-1908 more than the
   stipulated 25 per cent., and the great majority of the whole
   of them provided the 25 per cent. There were, it was true, a
   number of cases where a smaller number of free places had been
   granted, but that fact was due purely to local considerations.
   … He should do all he could to prevent secondary schools from
   becoming class schools, but it was not every child who was
   suitable to enter a secondary school, and they must have a
   fairly good standard examination for the child who wished to
   enter. He would very much deplore indeed if the cost of
   secondary education were to make it prohibitive, or so to
   restrict to allow it to be open only to the children of
   well-to-do-parents. He hoped, before the new regulations were
   published, to clear away some of the obstacles in the
   direction of throwing open a larger number of free places to
   scholars and towards making the secondary schools as much
   schools for the clever poor children as for the clever rich
   children.

      [Transcriber's note: The text between "must have a …"
      and "… were published" is covered with an opaque ink stain.
      Some words are guesses.]

   A few days later in March the report of the general Board of
   Education for the school year 1907-1908 was issued, bringing
   statistical information of the English schools down to the
   31st of July in the latter year. During the year then ended,
   the number of new public elementary schools sanctioned under
   the Education Act, 1902, was, in England, 215, giving
   accommodation for 80,351 children, and in Wales 64,
   accommodating 13,942 students. Enlargements, numbering 94 and
   21 respectively, provided accommodation for 17,697 children in
   England and 3,407 in Wales. During the year ending July 31,
   1907, the number of ordinary public elementary schools in
   England and Wales increased by 44, the council schools
   increasing by 223, while the number of voluntary schools
   decreased by 179. One hundred voluntary schools were
   transferred to local education authorities. During the next 12
   months the number of schools grew by 47, the number of council
   schools having increased by 205, and the number of voluntary
   schools having decreased by 158.

   As regards higher elementary schools, 35 schools of the new
   type existed on August 1, 1907, by which date there were left
   26 such schools of the old type. The changes during the
   succeeding year brought the total number of higher elementary
   schools of the new type to 38, and the number of such schools
   of the old type to 21 by August 1, 1908. The number of
   scholars on the registers of elementary schools decreased
   during 1906-1907 by 22,584, due mainly to a continued diminution
   in the number of scholars under five years of age. During
   1907-1908 the number of scholars on the registers increased by
   12,166, a further decrease in the number of scholars under
   five being more than balanced by a large increase in the
   number of scholars between the ages of five and twelve.

   The report records a growth of secondary schools receiving
   grants from the Board, both in the numbers of such schools and
   of the pupils attending them, and also in their effectiveness.
   The Board adds:

   "There are still areas where the amount of public secondary
   school provision is wholly inadequate, or where its quality
   falls much short of any standard that can be regarded as even
   provisionally satisfactory. But there is no area in which the
   Board have to note actual retrogression."

   As regards evening schools, the report says:

   "The total number of students enrolled in these schools during
   1906-1907 diminished from 749,491 to 736,512; but there was a
   considerable increase in the number of efficient students."

   Statistics of the elementary schools of London for the year
   1907-1908, published in March, 1909, in the annual report of the
   education officer of the London County Council, showed that
   the average number of children on the rolls of schools
   maintained by the Council during the year was 731,706. Of this
   number, 566,086 were on the rolls of London County Council
   schools and 165,620 on the rolls of non-provided schools. The
   average number of children in attendance during the year was
   650,861, of whom 505,698 were at London County Council schools
   and 145,163 at non-provided schools. The total number of
   teachers engaged on March 31, 1908, was 17,562, of whom 13,030
   were in London County Council schools and 4,532 in
   non-provided schools. The salaries of these teachers amounted
   to £1,820,816 and £443,468 respectively. On March 31, 1908,
   the average salaries of head teachers and certificated
   assistants (excluding teachers "on supply") were—for masters
   in London County Council schools, £174 13s. 4d., and for
   mistresses, £125 11s.; for masters in non-provided schools,
   £144 1s. 7d., and for mistresses, £104 6s. 3d.

   With reference to the size of classes the report states that
   the number of pupils per class teacher was, in the case of
   London County Council schools, 44.8, and in the case of
   non-provided schools 37.5. Ten years ago the number was 55.2.

   The gross expenditure on elementary schools was,
   approximately, £4,000,000. The cost of London County Council
   schools was about £3,400,000, and of non-provided schools
   £600,000. About £1,257,000 of Government grant was earned and
   of this £971,000 was in respect of London County Council
   schools and £286,000 in respect of non-provided schools.

{202}

   Under the Education (Administrative Provisions) Act, 1907, the
   London County Council is empowered to provide vacation schools
   or classes during the holidays, or assist voluntary agencies
   formed for this purpose. Hitherto the council has given
   assistance to voluntary agencies, but in 1909 it was proposed
   by the Children’s Care (Central) Sub-Committee of the
   Education Committee of the council that the council should
   itself organize vacation schools.

   Debate in the House of Commons on the Education Estimates was
   opened by the President of the Board of Education, Mr.
   Runciman, on the 14th of July. In the course of his speech he
   made the following statements:

   "The Board of Education is now one of the greatest of the
   spending departments, and a rough estimate of the amount of
   public money spent on public education in this country shows
   that we have cognizance of an expenditure of something like
   £28,000,000 on elementary, secondary, and higher education,
   and over and above that of a sum of probably £8,000,000 to
   £10,000,000 spent by other authorities and other persons.
   These estimates affect no fewer than 3,000,000 parents and
   about 6,000,000 children. The improvement which has been made
   in the elementary education system during the last five years
   has been mainly machinery improvement rather than improvement
   in the curriculum.

   "The secondary and technical branches of the work which were
   formerly under the control of South Kensington are now treated
   as two different departments. In the old days technical
   education was too technicalized and too little in touch with
   the practical affairs, necessities, and actual circumstances
   of life. It has been the object of the Board of Education
   therefore to generalize secondary education, and so far as it
   comes under the control of the Board to make technical
   education more practical with a closer bearing on the duties
   likely to be required from the young men and women who pass
   through these classes. The improvement has been led, as might
   have been expected, in the North of England, where classes
   have been definitely graded. …

   "The secondary schools of England and Wales have shown a most
   marked improvement, both in numbers and character, during the
   last few years. Progress has been noted in several directions.
   First of all, the number of schools aided by grants and the
   number of pupils attending those schools have gone up year by
   year since 1902. The 272 secondary schools of that year have
   increased to 800, and even since 1905-1906 the increase has been
   at the same rate. I think in 1905-1906 there were only about 600
   secondary schools in this country; now there are over 800.
   About 60 new secondary schools are being added every school
   year, and the number of pupils is increasing to an even
   greater extent. The increase during the years 1902-1905 was
   about 6,000 per annum, and the increase now has risen to over
   10,000 per annum, so that the total number of pupils in
   secondary schools is now 134,000, or very nearly 135,000. The
   grants which have been made to secondary schools have, of
   course, increased very considerably. It is impossible to
   expect local authorities to spend much of their money on the
   expenses of secondary schools unless they receive a large
   measure of State aid. The grants have gone up during the seven
   years from 1902 to the present time from £129,000 per annum to
   over half a million; and this great increase in pupils, in the
   amount of money spent on the schools, and in the number of
   schools in the country, has been marked at the same time by a
   raising of the standard of the teachers employed in those
   schools, by an increase in the length of the school life of
   the pupils who attend those schools, and by an incalculable
   improvement in the curriculum and the efficiency of those
   schools. I think we may look back with satisfaction on the
   increase of the secondary schools over which we have control."

   At the annual conference of the National Union of Teachers,
   held at Morecambe, in April, 1909, with about 2000 in
   attendance, the address of the incoming President contained
   some interesting statements relative to the national teaching
   staff.

   "The character of the teaching staff in the elementary schools
   of England and Wales," he remarked, "as shown by the latest
   available return of the Board of Education, was: Of
   certificated teachers, 89,078, or 49 percent.; of
   uncertificated teachers, 40,569, or 22 per cent.; of
   supplementary teachers, 21,984, or 12 per cent.; and of pupil
   teachers, 27,227, or 15 per cent. The 22,000 so-called
   supplementary teachers, possessing scarcely any educational
   equipment, were utterly unfitted in most cases for the
   important duties they were called upon to perform. Their sole
   passports to the teaching profession were that they must be at
   least one year over 17 and had been successfully vaccinated;
   yet they were answerable for the education of nearly 600,000
   children. The Board of Education proposed that in future each
   member of this class of teacher should count on the staff for
   20 instead of 30 children, while other regulations provided
   for the limitation of the numbers to be employed in the
   schools, and for the withdrawal by the board of the
   recognition of a supplementary teacher at any time if not
   efficient. This was indeed a step in the right direction, and
   showed that Mr. Runciman was really solicitous that there
   should be an improvement in the quality of the teachers at
   work in the schools. There were also many young persons termed
   student teachers whose academic training was unexceptionable.
   They were really apprentices, but the Board of Education had
   regarded each of these young people, who might never have been
   in an elementary school before, or done a day’s teaching
   anywhere, and who were away one day out of every five, as an
   efficient teacher equal to educating 45 children on every
   occasion on which the school was opened. … There were some 500
   well-equipped college-trained certificated teachers waiting to
   fill the gap which would be caused by the new regulations of
   the Board of Education, and an additional 4,000 would be
   seeking employment in August."

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EDUCATION: A. D. 1909 (MAY).
   Revival of Passive Resistance to the Act of 1902.

   The defeat of the Education Bill of 1906 wakened the spirit of
   "passive resistance" afresh; but it was not until May, 1909, that
   a reorganization of the movement was undertaken. As the result
   of a conference then held in London, under the presidency of
   Dr. Clifford, resolutions were adopted for the "organizing of
   the whole passive resistance forces of the country into a new
   league," to act on the following lines:

   "(1) Suffering imprisonment where the resister has no
   distrainable goods;

   (2) suffering the distraint of goods without repurchase;

   (3) suffering distraint of goods and afterwards buying them
   back;

   (4) protesting before the magistrates and then paying, on
   order, the rate."

   It was also resolved to urge upon the Government "the absolute
   necessity of encouraging from national funds the building at
   the earliest practicable moment of council schools in those
   areas in which there are no undenominational schools, and also
   the provision of unsectarian colleges in all parts of the
   country where these are needed."

   To a delegation from the League which waited, subsequently, on
   the Head of the Board of Education, Mr. Runciman, the latter
   said, with reference to the Act of 1902, that it "could not be
   got rid of by administration. It would be a mischievous
   precedent for any Minister to attempt to undo what Parliament
   had done. He was, however, prepared to administer the Act
   fairly and justly, and he was not going to show any favour to
   any particular class of school. Dealing with the question of
   the improvements in the conditions governing the existence of
   training colleges, he said that during the past 12 months the
   accommodation in training colleges for Nonconformist teachers,
   or those who were not prepared to be bound by any
   denominational creed, had greatly increased. Since 1905 there
   had been a gradual increase, until there now existed 3,800
   more places for that class of teacher than existed when the
   Government came into power."

EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
   Educational demands of the Trade Unions.

   The British Trade Union Congress, at Ipswich, in September,
   1909, adopted a resolution urging workers to continue their
   efforts to secure Parliamentary and municipal recognition of
   the trade union education policy, which demanded:

   "(1) The State maintenance of school children;

   (2) scientific physical education, with individual medical
   inspection and records of the physical development of all
   children attending State schools, and skilled medical
   attendance and treatment for any requiring it; and in order to
   secure this:

      (a) the development of the Medical Department at the
      Board of Education, the head of which should be directly
      responsible to the Board of Education, to whom he shall
      report annually;

      (b) the payment of an adequate grant from the
      Imperial Exchequer for purposes of medical inspection and
      for the establishment under every education authority of
      properly equipped centres for medical treatment;

      (c) the establishment under every education
      authority of scientifically organized open air recovery
      schools, the cost to be borne by the community as a whole
      and not in any part by charitable contributions;

   (3) the complete dissociation of these reforms from Poor Law
   administration;

   (4) that secondary and technical education be an integral part
   of every child’s education and be secured by such a reform and
   extension of the scholarship system as would place a
   maintenance scholarship within the reach of every child, and
   thus make it possible for all children to be full time day
   pupils up to the age of 16;

   (5) that the best intellectual and technical training be
   provided for the teachers of the children, that each
   educational district be required to train the number of pupil
   teachers demanded by local needs and to establish training
   colleges, preferably in connexion with Universities or
   University colleges;

   (6) that the provision of educational buildings and facilities
   be obligatory upon the local authority, who should always
   maintain administrative control of the buildings and the
   facilities so provided;

   (7) that the cost of education be met by grants from the
   Imperial Exchequer and by the restoration of misappropriated
   educational endowments; and further, having regard to the
   increasing cost of popular education, and also to the
   increasing value and notoriously undemocratic administration
   of the University and public school endowments, the Congress
   called upon the Parliamentary Committee to press the
   Government to appoint a Royal Commission to inquire into and
   report upon the educational endowments of the country."

EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1903.
   Execution of the Associations Law.
   Closing of the schools of the Religious Orders.
   State Monopoly of Education established.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1901 (APRIL-OCTOBER), and 1903.

EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1907.
   Enlistment of teachers in the Syndicalist
   (Labor Union) Movement.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1907.

EDUCATION: France: A. D. 1909.
   A late awakening to the need of better technical and
   industrial training.

   France has been slow in understanding the modern necessity of
   systematic industrial training and technical education, in
   order to keep her workmen abreast of the more alert and
   enterprising peoples in efficiency and skill. She has trusted
   too long, it seems, to the old customs of apprenticeship, and
   apprenticeship has decayed in her workshop practice, as it has
   decayed everywhere else. The situation, as brought recently to
   notice, was described as follows in a Paris letter to the
   London Times, in May, 1909:

   "Legislative enactments of recent date, limiting the hours of
   labour for young people and placing under strict regulations
   those workshops where children and adults are employed
   together, have led to so much discontent among employers who
   take apprentices that the majority of the masters, especially
   those who obtain no immediate profit from the work of the
   apprentices, have abandoned the practice of endeavouring to
   train young people likely to be of use to them in the future.
   The consequences are that the level of professional skill and
   competence is becoming lowered among the rising generation of
   workmen, and all are now agreed that the discovery of some
   remedy is a matter of extreme urgency. It seems to be admitted
   that in a very few years this evil may become one of fatal
   importance in the case more especially of the art industries
   and of those involving mechanical skill.

   "The report of the Parliamentary Commission appointed to make
   inquiry into this question has just been published, together
   with the draft of the proposed legislation on this subject,
   while the resolutions adopted at a Congress of Commerce and
   National Industries, which has just taken place at Paris, are
   entirely in accord with the views and suggestions of the above
   Commission.

   "The remedies unanimously demanded are as follows:

   1. That it be made compulsory for all young persons of both
   sexes, under 18 years of age, who may be employed either in
   commerce or industry, to attend courses of technical
   instruction (cours de perfectionnement).

   2. These courses are to take place in the daytime, upon days
   and at hours determined for each locality by committees
   composed of representatives of the municipal authorities, the
   associations of manufacturers, and of the workpeople. The
   selection of the dates and hours in question is to be made in
   such a way as to accord best with the respective interests of
   the manufacturers and the educational requirements. Employers
   will be bound to enable their workpeople to set apart
   sufficient time to attend the classes.

   3. The course of instruction is to be adapted in each district
   to the requirements of the local trades."

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EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
   Clerical attack on the Secular or Neutral Schools.

   Antagonism between the Roman Catholic Church and the
   Government was newly accentuated in October, 1909, by a
   clerical attack on the so-called "neutral" schools,—that is,
   the secular or lay schools, publicly maintained and
   administered. This was opened by a pastoral letter, signed by
   French cardinals, archbishops, and bishops, in which those
   faithful to the Church were warned against sending their
   children to these schools, whose religious neutrality was said
   to be in reality a bitter opposition to religion and church.
   The Catholic schools, it was urged, must be kept up if the
   Church is to be kept up. "In proportion as the schools from
   which religious instruction is banished keep on filling up,
   our churches will grow empty." The pastoral letter put the ban
   on more than a dozen text-books on French history and civics
   whose views it found pernicious. "If, therefore," the letter
   concluded, "parents perceive that the souls of their children
   are imperilled in the so-called neutral schools, they must not
   hesitate, under pain of forfeiting the sacraments of the
   church."

   This roused anti-clerical extremists to demand the
   establishing of a State monopoly of education, making the lay
   school compulsory and suppressing all private schools in which
   religion is taught. But the sounder republicans, in public
   life and in journalism, gave no countenance to this. The
   Petite République reminded its advocates that there are
   at present 1,122,375 children who attend private schools, and
   that to establish Government schools for them would cost some
   $75,000,000; or, if secondary schools be included,
   $88,000,000. In addition an annual expenditure of $15,000,000
   would be necessitated for upkeep and salaries. The Temps,
   taking higher grounds of principle, condemned the scheme as
   one that would essentially parallel the Revocation of the
   Edict of Nantes. France, it declared, is a free country; every
   creed has the perfect right to provide for its adherents the
   kind of religious education which it thinks proper. At the
   same time the Temps pointed out that the opponents of
   the lay schools are not merely attacking abuses that may have
   crept into them, but mean to strike at the principle of
   religious neutrality. It admitted the existence of wrongs that
   need righting, saying it cannot be denied that some of the
   school books are disfigured by partiality on various points
   affecting history, patriotism, and religion, and that this is
   contrary both to the letter and to the spirit of the law. This
   evil must, the Temps urges, be eradicated. But the
   école laïque, says the Temps, cannot be
   destroyed without destroying the Republic.

   This, too, was the fundamental proposition of Premier Briand,
   in a speech of admirable tone which he made, October 30th, at
   a great banquet in Paris which inaugurated the new buildings
   of La Ligue de l'Enseignement. The neutral school, he
   declared, was the corner stone of the Republic. As reported in
   The Times of London, he went on to say:

   "It was natural that the adversaries of the Republic should
   attack the school—the mould in which the Republican spirit and
   the character of Frenchmen and Frenchwomen was formed. Certain
   people were pleading the dictates of conscience as the
   explanation of the campaign which they had just started. Why
   had they not attacked the school before? He would remind them
   that the école laïque existed before the recent
   separation of Church and State; it had existed under the
   Concordat. Why did not the conscience of its opponents seek
   any expression till now? … The Government was determined to
   give the country the means of defending the 'neutral’ school,
   and measures to that end had been prepared by the Ministry.
   But the most effective defence was that which would be
   conducted by private initiative like that of the Ligue de
   l’Enseignement and by the male and female teachers themselves.
   The teaching in the schools, M. Briand continued, ‘ought not
   to be directed against any one; in order to secure the
   confidence of the parents it ought not to be of a polemical
   character; in order to be effective it must not let the
   passions of the street invade the schoolroom.’ Let them leave
   violent language to their opponents and not play the game of
   their opponents by indulging in violent methods."

   This seems to have been the spirit in which the matter was
   brought officially before the Chamber of Deputies, by M.
   Steeg, the reporter on the Budget of Public Instruction. The
   following is from a summary of his remarks on this subject:

   "He says that it would be difficult to come to terms with the
   Bishops of the disestablished Roman Catholic Church, who will
   never, he thinks, agree to recognize with good will the
   neutral school. He remarks, however, that no pretext must be
   furnished to the Bishops for their attacks upon the school,
   and that they must not be enabled to appeal against the
   Republican Government to the idea of ‘neutrality’ itself. As
   to the associations of parents, which are now being formed in
   accordance with the Episcopal views, M. Steeg recognizes that
   they are quite lawful. He only fears that they may sometimes
   transgress by reason of excessive zeal; but he declares that
   the best way of avoiding their interference is to make the
   management of the schools irreproachable. The objections
   raised against some of the school-books are, he thinks,
   obviously exaggerated. But he considers that scrupulous care
   ought to be exercised in resisting all temptation to borrow
   for the purposes of the neutral school the weapons of
   sectarian propagandism. … He continues; ‘We should not desire
   that the book placed in the hands of a school child should in
   any sense whatever contain a single proposition that is
   perilous or open to suspicion. Let there be no veiled
   proselytism supported by ingenious distortions of fact or
   interpretations with an object.’"

{205}

   The Temps remarks; "M. Steeg’s language does him
   credit, and it is a pleasure to see a politician of the
   Extreme Left recognizing, with a strong sense of philosophic
   truth, that respect for the past is perfectly compatible with
   justice to the present and preparation for the future."

EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
   Appointment of the Abbé Loisy, Professor of Religions
   in the College de France.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

EDUCATION: Germany: Technical Education.
   Causes of its great development and
   wonderful industrial results.
   Its influence on International Trade.

   "How much Germany owes to her system it would be almost
   impossible to estimate. Certainly no other country has turned
   the education of children and young people to such enormous
   advantage. A good and efficient education has been made not
   only accessible but also compulsory in every corner of the
   country, and one of the most priceless features of this
   education has been and is the inculcation of real, personal
   interest in the national welfare. Further, the fullest
   possible use has been made of scientific investigations, and
   all sciences have been drawn into the service of the nation.
   The result of this has been truly amazing; in fact, wholly
   undreamt of. There can no longer be any doubt that Germany’s
   industrial advance is mainly due to the extent and
   thoroughness with which technical education is being
   conducted. Briefly stated, the secret of the pronounced
   success of the technical colleges in the Fatherland lies in
   the fact that they have kept pace with the ever-increasing
   scope of all branches of science in general, and, to the same
   extent, with the ever-increasing demands of the present day
   industrial enterprises upon scientific investigation and
   research."

      Louis Elkind,
      Germany's Commercial Relations
      (Fortnightly Review, July, 1906).

   What seems to be the most satisfying explanation that has been
   given of causes or reasons lying behind the extraordinary
   development of scientific training on practical lines in
   Germany, resulting in so wonderful a speed of industrial
   progress within the passing generation, was cited from a
   German scientist by President Pritchett, of the Massachusetts
   Institute of Technology, in an article contributed to the
   Review of Reviews, February, 1906.

   "About a year ago, I heard a famous chemist in Germany explain
   the present industrial supremacy of his country in words
   something like these: ‘Forty years ago,’ said he, ‘the
   scientific men of the various German states devoted their
   study almost wholly to theoretical subjects. They were
   humorously described as given up to investigations of the
   dative case and similar impractical problems. In a measure
   this was true. The investigators of that day had a wholesome
   contempt for anything which promised direct utilitarian
   results. But the development of the spirit of research
   throughout the German universities trained a great army of men
   to be expert investigators, and when a united Germany arose to
   crown the labors of William I. and of Bismarck, with it came a
   great national spirit in which the men of science shared. They
   realized that to them were committed the great industrial
   problems which must be solved in order to make the nation
   strong, and scientific research, which up till then had been
   mainly theoretical, was turned to the immediate solution of
   the industrial problems of the nation. No longer the dative
   case alone, but the development of the chemical, electrical,
   and mineral resources of the country formed the avenues of
   scientific activity, and scientific research, which had till
   then been looked upon as theoretical accomplishment, became
   the greatest financial asset of the Fatherland.’

   "There is truth in this statement. The research habit, long
   cultivated in German universities, had nourished a body of men
   trained to research, men who had acquired the research habit
   and the spirit of investigation. When, therefore, the problems
   of industrial development began to appeal strongly to the
   national spirit, the country had a trained body of men to call
   upon who threw themselves heartily and enthusiastically into
   these practical industrial problems."

   A correspondent of the London Times, writing in May,
   1909, draws attention to an influence on international trade
   exerted by the German technical schools which is generally
   overlooked: "In the German technical high schools," he writes,
   "an appreciable proportion of the students are foreigners from
   various countries in Europe. Among these foreign students the
   Russians and Poles hold the first place in Germany as regards
   numbers, there being about 2,000. There are also an
   appreciable number of Scandinavians and Dutchmen, with a few
   Belgians, Spaniards, Italians, South Americans, and Slavs from
   Austria and the Balkan States. There are very few Englishmen,
   Frenchmen, or Americans. … At present quite a large proportion
   of the engineers and manufacturers in the neutral countries on
   the Continent have been educated in Germany or Switzerland,
   and as a result there is a great bias in favour of German
   machinery and productions. … As the outcome of this feeling it
   is a difficult matter for British manufacturers of machinery
   to obtain a hearing when tenders are being considered on the
   Continent, as the prejudice in favour of German or Swiss
   machinery is strong."

EDUCATION: Germany: A. D. 1898-1904.
   Rise of Commercial Universities.

   A report on Commercial Instruction in Germany by Dr. Frederic
   Rose, British Consul at Stuttgart, presented to Parliament in
   September, 1904 (Cd. 2237), gives the following account of the
   rise of the Commercial Universities which have been developed
   in Germany since 1898, carrying the process of training young
   men for business life to a higher point than had been aimed at
   in the older commercial schools:

   "The commercial universities for higher commercial instruction
   (Handelshochschulen) have been founded within the last six
   years [1898-1904] and mark a further step in the development
   of commercial instruction in Germany. Their aim is to afford
   persons engaged in business and industry on a large scale
   (Grosskaufleute and Grossindustrielle), masters at commercial
   schools, administration officials, bank officials, Consular
   officials, secretaries to Chambers of Commerce, and so forth,
   a deeper and broader measure of instruction in commercial and
   national economical matters than that provided by the various
   commercial schools. The special province of the commercial
   universities lies less in the mere acquisition of
   commercial-technical knowledge and attainments for immediate
   practical detailed application, than in the attempt to provide
   a general mental schooling for the higher branches of the
   commercial profession.
{206}
   They are intended to awaken and develop the mental faculties
   of a merchant, to enable him to grasp the inner working and
   meaning of national and international economy, and to
   understand and judge its causes and results, its temporary and
   permanent phenomena; as far as commercial officials are
   concerned they are intended to impart general knowledge and
   understanding of the economic conditions of commerce and
   industry with their manifold aims and requirements.

   "This measure of university education (Akademische Bildung) is
   also intended to raise the social position of the mercantile
   profession, and to increase its political importance and
   influence in public life. Generally speaking the instruction
   is arranged to include the following subjects:—Political
   economy, commercial history and geography, commercial law in
   all its aspects, the organisation and management of commercial
   undertakings and their technical details, industrial law,
   financial science, bank, exchange, monetary, and credit
   operations, State and administrative law, and so forth."

   At the writing of Dr. Rose’s report there were four of these
   commercial universities. The oldest, at Leipsic and Aix, were
   founded in 1898, the former in connection with the Leipsic
   University, the latter connected with the Aix Technical
   University. The other two, at Frankfort-on-the-Main and at
   Cologne, were opened in 1901. The Frankfort University, which
   bears also the name of "Academy of Social and Commercial
   Science," and the Cologne University, are both independently
   organized. "The initiative for the foundation of the
   commercial universities," says Dr. Rose, "has been taken by
   Chambers of Commerce and municipalities, and not by the
   governments of the German States. The latter, however, are now
   becoming aware of the importance of the movement. For the
   present their action is limited to the supervision exercised
   by the Ministers of Education and Industry and Commerce. …

   "The foundation of the commercial universities has brought
   forward many opponents, who not only deny their utility but
   consider them actually harmful, because the persons they
   instruct become too old before they engage in practical
   business work. … The extreme opponents go further and deny
   that a commercial university is able to train practical
   business men, and assert that this can only be done by close
   and continual contact with actual business life, and that the
   acquisition of too much theoretical knowledge injures the
   practical faculties. …

   "The whole opposition to the commercial universities seems to
   be based upon a narrow-minded and vague idea of the part they
   are destined to play in the future. … Unless industrial and
   commercial life in the future is to degenerate wholly into one
   fierce and relentless struggle for one-sided aggrandisement,
   to the detriment of other members of the social body, ample
   opportunities for the thorough comprehension of the social and
   economic conditions of the present day must be provided."

EDUCATION: Germany: A. D. 1906.
   The Language Question In the Polish Provinces.
   "Strike" of school children.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

EDUCATION: INDIA:
   A recent report of its schools and colleges.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

EDUCATION: INDIA: A. D. 1908.
   American Mission Schools.

   "Increasing interest is now being concentrated on Burma and
   India, where an illiterate population seems to need far more
   education than has yet been provided by Great Britain. In
   Burma the Baptists play the leading role, educating no less
   than twenty-four thousand pupils. In India, however, the
   Methodists lead, with a record of over thirty-seven thousand
   pupils. They have two colleges at Lucknow. The Baptists have a
   college at Ongole, and have about fifteen thousand pupils in
   their schools. The Congregationalists have a college at
   Madura, and have also about fifteen thousand pupils in India,
   added to their total of ten thousand in Ceylon. The
   Presbyterians have a college at Lahore and one at Allahabad,
   and are educating about ten thousand pupils in the Empire."

      American Schools Abroad
      (The Outlook, May 2, 1908).

EDUCATION: International Interchanges:
   Of Professors.
   Of Students.
   Of Teachers’ visits.

   A fund provided by Mr. James Hazen Hyde, of New York, enabled
   Harvard University, in 1904, to accept an invitation from the
   Sorbonne, at Paris, to send one of its professors to give a
   course of lectures at that ancient institution of learning, on
   subjects relating to the United States. Professor Barrett
   Wendell was chosen for the pleasant mission, and has been
   followed by others in succeeding years, who have given courses
   in various French universities, while the compliment has been
   returned, in lecturing visits from a number of the most
   distinguished men of letters and learning in France.

   This opened what seems to have become an established and
   widening system of lecturing interchanges between American and
   European Universities, tending greatly to promote better
   acquaintance between nations and better understanding of each
   other. At about the time, or soon after, the mission of
   Professor Wendell to Paris, arrangements were made for a
   similar interchange between Harvard and the University of
   Berlin. In a communication to The Outlook of February
   18, 1905, Professor Kuno Francke, Curator of the Germanic
   Museum at Harvard University, gave an account of the
   circumstances which led to this latter. In March, 1901, as he
   relates, there were conferences in Berlin with Dr. Althoff,
   Commissioner-General of the Prussian Universities, and with
   other Prussian officials of eminence, having for their object
   the promotion of the Germanic Museum. "The upshot of these
   conferences," said the Professor, "was the draft of a
   provisional agreement between the Prussian Government and
   Harvard University, according to which for a period of five
   successive years an exchange of professors between Harvard and
   Berlin University was to be instituted, in such a manner that
   every year one member of each of the two institutions would
   enter for at least three months the regular teaching staff of
   the other institution, it being understood that in each case
   the visiting member represent subjects or methods distinctly
   peculiar to his country.
{207}
   This scheme, which met with the hearty support of President
   Eliot, was discussed and approved a year later by the Harvard
   Faculty, and reached its consummation a few months ago, [1904]
   when, through the intercession of Professor Harnack, an
   official proposition embodying it was made by the Prussian
   Government to the Harvard Corporation, and adopted by the
   same. It is most fortunate that the German Emperor, with his
   quick grasp of international relations and his deep sympathy
   for the American people, has now given to this whole subject a
   much wider scope by proposing to extend the exchange of
   professors to other universities in America and Germany; for
   it seems as though such a measure could not fail to open the
   way toward a veritable fraternization of the moral,
   intellectual, and industrial leaders of both nations."

   In the latter part of 1905, a Theodore Roosevelt Professorship
   of American History and Institutions, in the University of
   Berlin, was endowed with the sum of $50,000 by Mr. James
   Speyer, of New York, the endowment being placed in the hands
   of the trustees of Columbia University. The plan of this
   professorship had been arranged with the German Emperor by
   President Butler, of Columbia, at an interview in the previous
   summer. Nominations to it would be made by the trustees of
   Columbia University, subject to confirmation by the Prussian
   Ministry of Education and to the Emperor’s sanction; each
   incumbent to hold the office for one year, and the incumbents
   to be so chosen that in successive years the field of American
   history, constitutional and administrative law, economic and
   sociological problems and movements, education, contributions
   to science, technology, the arts and literature, be presented
   with some fullness; the professorship to be filled by members
   of any American institution of learning, or by scholars not
   connected with academic institutions. The scheme involved also
   the establishment at Columbia University of a similar
   professorship of German history and institutions, the lectures
   in New York to be delivered in English. The first incumbent of
   the new professorship in Berlin was Dr. Burgess, Professor of
   Political Science in Columbia University, who began his work
   in Berlin in the winter of 1906-1907, and took as his subject
   American constitutional history.

   A movement looking to the establishment of similar
   interchanges between American and Scandinavian Universities
   was inaugurated in 1908 by the "Scandinavian American
   Solidarity," a society organized in the United States that
   year, with Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, of Columbia University,
   for its President, and Professor Carl Lorentzen, of New York
   University, for its Secretary. The Danes resident in New York
   City and Chicago arranged that President Butler of Columbia
   and President MacCracken of New York University should each
   give lectures at the University of Copenhagen that year, and
   raised the necessary funds. The lectures were given at
   Christiania, as well as at Copenhagen, and appear to have
   aroused a widespread interest. Norwegian and Swedish
   Universities and the University of Helsingfors, in Finland,
   have signified a wish to participate in the interchange, and
   it is more than likely to become permanently arranged.

   An educational interchange of a different character, but
   equally important, was instituted in 1906 by Mr. Alfred
   Mosely, an English gentleman of great wealth, who invited five
   hundred English, Scotch, and Irish teachers to visit and
   inspect American schools at his expense. Between November,
   1906 and March, 1907, they came in parties of twenty-five,
   some remaining one month in the country, some two, and some
   even more, visiting many parts of it and all descriptions of
   its schools. They were selected by an advisory committee in
   London, which aimed to have them fully representative of the
   men and women who are engaged in the work of the British and
   Irish schools.

   A return visit of some hundreds of American teachers to Great
   Britain and Ireland, in similar parties, under the auspices of
   the National Civic Federation, was made in the fall of 1908.
   The schools of both countries gained, beyond question, from
   what each had to offer of suggestion to the other.

   The organization of a "new educational movement to provide for
   the interchange of University students among the
   English-speaking peoples" was announced in England in June,
   1909. "The object," it was stated, "is to provide
   opportunities for as many as possible of the educated youth of
   the United Kingdom, Canada, and the United States (who, it is
   reasonable to suppose, will become leaders in thought, action,
   civic and national government in the future), to obtain some
   real insight into the life, customs, and progress of other
   nations at a time when their own opinions are forming, with a
   minimum of inconvenience to their academic work and the
   least possible expense."

   A great number of the most distinguished men of the time in
   British public and professional life were listed among the
   officers and committee-members of the organization, with Lord
   Strathcona as President for the United Kingdom. As set forth
   in the prospectus of the society, "the additional objects of
   the movement are to increase the value and efficiency of, as
   well as to extend, present University training by the
   provision of certain Travelling Scholarships for practical
   observation in other countries under suitable guidance. These
   scholarships will enable those students to benefit who might
   otherwise be unable to do so through financial restrictions.
   It also enables the administration to exercise greater power
   of direction in the form the travel is to take. In addition to
   academic qualifications, the selected candidate should be what
   is popularly known as an ‘all round’ man; the selection to be
   along the lines of the Rhodes Scholarships. …

   "To afford technical and industrial students facilities to
   examine into questions of particular interest to them in
   manufactures, &c., by observation in other countries and by
   providing them with introductions to leaders in industrial
   activity.

   "To promote interest in travel as an educational factor among
   the authorities of Universities, with a view to the
   possibility of some kind of such training being included in
   the regular curricula.

   "To promote interest in other Universities, their aims and
   student life, the compulsory physical training, and methods of
   working their ways through college, for example, being
   valuable points for investigation.

   "To promote international interchange for academic work among
   English-speaking Universities. …

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   "It is proposed to establish two students’ travelling bureaux,
   one in New York and one in London; an American secretary
   (resident in New York) and a British secretary (resident in
   London), both of whom shall be college men appointed to afford
   every facility to any graduate or undergraduate of any
   University who wishes to visit the United States, Canada, or
   the United Kingdom for the purpose of obtaining an insight
   into the student, national, and industrial life of those
   countries."

   Further announcements of the plans of the organization were
   made in November, including the following:

   "It should be pointed out that, although the scholarships
   proper will be reserved for undergraduates of the Universities
   who are already midway through their course, the provision of
   scholarships by no means defines the scope of the movement.
   The bureau will afford facilities to all bona fide
   students—whether dons, scholars, or commoners—who wish to gain
   a practical insight into the work and life of other portions
   of the world.

   "The travelling students will have the advantage of reduced
   rates of travel; of the special information which the bureau
   will be able to afford; and of the privilege of being brought
   as far as possible into contact with the actualities of those
   countries to which they go, whether persons, places, or
   institutions. …

   "The method of election to the scholarships, which it is
   purposed shall number not less than 28 for each year of the
   experimental triennium—14 in the United Kingdom, ten in the
   United States, and four in Canada—will be along the lines of
   the Rhodes scholarships. The candidate, it is stated, shall,
   as far as possible, be what is popularly known as an all-round
   man, who plays a part in his college life and whose character
   makes him popular."

EDUCATION: Ireland: A. D. 1909.
   Organization of the two new Irish Universities.

   On the 1st day of October, 1909, the two Universities created
   by the Irish Universities Act of 1908 came into existence.
   "That day also was fixed for the dissolution of the Royal
   University of Ireland, the duties of which are now to be
   distributed between the new National University in Dublin and
   Queen’s University, Belfast. Circumstances, however, have
   given the Royal University a short reprieve. It cannot be
   dissolved until the autumn degrees of the present year have
   been conferred. These degrees will be given as the result of
   examinations which are now in progress, and it is probable
   that the University’s last public function will be a conferring
   of degrees on the last Friday in October. It will cease to
   exist in the first or second week of November. …

   "The National University itself consists of a Senate and
   officers with large powers but with no local habitation. The
   University has its concrete embodiment in the new University
   Colleges, formerly Queen’s Colleges, at Cork and Galway.
   University College, Dublin, is so far only concrete in the
   sense that its governing body has been called into existence.
   At the present time it has no teaching and no college
   buildings. The former of these wants will be supplied almost
   immediately. The University Commissioners will meet early next
   month to appoint a teaching staff, and the college will be
   available for students at the beginning of November. As
   regards staffs, the Dublin College is differently situated
   from those at Cork and Galway. For the latter colleges
   teaching staffs exist ready made in the staffs of the old
   Queen’s Colleges, which are to be taken over in accordance
   with the provisions of the Act. …

   "Nothing has yet been done in connexion with the buildings of
   the new college in Dublin, though various sites have been
   suggested, including that of the Royal Hospital at Kilmainham.
   … The cases of Queen’s University, Belfast, and of the
   University Colleges at Cork and Galway present no
   difficulties. These institutions will have teaching staffs
   within a couple of weeks, and all their buildings and
   classrooms are in going order.

   "The agitation of the Gaelic League in favour of the
   compulsory teaching of Irish in the National University is
   vigorously maintained. It is most improbable that the Senate
   will yield to this agitation; and the result of their firmness
   will be, if the league fulfils its threats, a rather serious
   boycott of the University."

      Dublin Correspondent London Times,
      September 30, 1909.

   An Associated Press despatch from Dublin, October 24,
   announced that "among the appointments to the new National
   University of Ireland are Dr. Douglas Hyde, president of the
   Gaelic League, as professor of modern Gaelic. Dr. Henebry,
   formerly of Washington, D. C., has been appointed to the
   professorship of the Irish language in the University College,
   Cork."

EDUCATION: KOREA:
   American Mission Schools.

   "In Korea the Presbyterians have the strongest representation
   of any religious denomination, with over three hundred
   schools; and, what is still more striking, practically every
   one of these schools is self-supporting. The Methodists follow
   with over a hundred schools and over forty-two hundred
   pupils."

      The Outlook,
      May 2, 1908.

EDUCATION: NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905.
   New Education Law, an issue in the elections.

      See (in this Volume)
      NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.

EDUCATION: PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.
   Schools as seen by President Roosevelt.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.

EDUCATION: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.
   Denominational Education restored.

   A resolution adopted by the Prussian Chamber of Deputies, in
   May, 1904, restored the denominational school system which the
   "May Laws" of the Kulturkampf, in 1873 and after had
   abolished.

      See (in Volume II. of this work)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1873-1887.

   Under those laws the schools were common to children of all
   religious beliefs; under the new system they became either
   Protestant or Roman Catholic according to the faith of the
   majority of their pupils.

EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS:
   The Will of Cecil John Rhodes, providing Scholarships at
   Oxford for students from the British Colonies and the
   United States.

   The late Cecil John Rhodes, who played an eminent part in the
   development of South Africa and in the extension of the
   British dominion in that portion of the world, died on the
   26th of March, 1902, leaving a will which contained the
   following directions for the use to be made of one large part
   of the great fortune he had acquired:

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904)

   "Whereas I consider that the education of young colonists at
   one of the universities in the United Kingdom is of great
   advantage to them for giving breadth to their views, for their
   instruction in life and manners, and for instilling into their
   minds the advantage to the colonies as well as to the United
   Kingdom of the retention of the unity of the Empire; and

{209}

   "Whereas in the ease of young colonists studying at a
   university in the United Kingdom I attach very great
   importance to the university having a residential system, such
   as is in force at the universities of Oxford and Cambridge;
   for without it those students are at the most critical period
   of their lives left without any supervision; and

   "Whereas there are at the present time fifty or more students
   from South Africa studying at the University of Edinburgh,
   many of whom are attracted there by its excellent medical
   school, and I should like to establish some of the
   scholarships hereinafter mentioned in that university but
   owing to its not having such a residential system as aforesaid
   I feel obliged to refrain from doing so; and

   "Whereas my own university, the University of Oxford, has such
   a system, and I suggest that it should try and extend its
   scope so as if possible to make its medical school at least as
   good as that at the University of Edinburgh; and

   "Whereas I also desire to encourage and foster an appreciation
   of the advantages which I implicitly believe will result from
   the union of the English-speaking people throughout the world
   and to encourage in the students from the United States of
   North America who will benefit from the American scholarships
   to be established for the reason above given at the University
   of Oxford under this my will an attachment to the country from
   which they have sprung, but without, I hope, withdrawing them
   or their sympathies from the land of their adoption or birth.

   "Now, therefore, I direct my trustees as soon as may be after
   my death and either simultaneously or gradually as they shall
   find convenient, and if gradually, then in such order as they
   shall think fit, to establish for male students the
   scholarships hereinafter directed to be established, each of
   which shall be of the yearly value of £300 and be tenable at
   any college in the University of Oxford for three consecutive
   academical years.

   "I direct my trustees to establish certain scholarships and
   these scholarships I sometimes hereinafter refer to as ‘the
   colonial scholarships.’

   "The appropriation of the colonial scholarships and the
   numbers to be annually filled up shall be in accordance with
   the following table;

   [Transcribers note: "Do." probably means "ditto".
   https://www.acronymfinder.com/DO.html]

Total     To be tenable by students of or from   Number of
number                                           scholarships to
appropriated.                                    be filled up in
                                                 each year.

  9       Rhodesia                               3 and no more

  3       The South African College School in
          the colony of the Cape of Good Hope    1 and no more

  3       The Stellenbosch College School,       Do.
          in the same colony

  3       The Diocesan College School of         Do.
          Rondebosch, in the same colony

  3       St. Andrews College School,            Do.
          Grahamstown

  3       The colony of Natal,                   Do.
          in the same colony

  3       The colony of New South Wales          Do.

  3       The colony of Victoria                 Do.

  3       The colony of South Australia          Do.

  3       The colony of Queensland               Do.

  3       The colony of Western Australia        Do.

  3       The colony of Tasmania                 Do.

  3       The colony of New Zealand              Do.

  3       The Province of Ontario,               Do.
          in the Dominion of Canada

  3       The Province of Quebec,                Do.
          in the Dominion of Canada

  3       The colony or island of                Do.
          Newfoundland and its dependencies

  3       The colony or islands of the Bermudas  Do.

  3       The colony or island of Jamaica        Do.

   "I further direct my trustees to establish additional
   scholarships sufficient in number for the appropriation in the
   next following clause hereof directed, and those scholarships
   I sometimes hereinafter refer to as ‘the American
   scholarships.’

   "I appropriate two of the American scholarships to each of the
   present States and Territories of the United States of North
   America, provided that if any of the said Territories shall in
   my lifetime be admitted as a State the scholarships
   appropriated to such Territory shall be appropriated to such
   State, and that my trustees may in their uncontrolled
   discretion withhold for such time as they shall think fit the
   appropriation of scholarships to any Territory.

   "I direct that of the two scholarships appropriated to a State
   or Territory not more than one shall be filled up in any year,
   so that at no time shall more than two scholarships be held
   for the same State or Territory.

   "The scholarships shall be paid only out of income, and in
   event at any time of income being insufficient for payment in
   full of all the scholarships for the time being payable I
   direct that (without prejudice to the vested interests of
   holders for the time being of scholarships) the following
   order of priority shall regulate the payment of the
   scholarships:

   "(I) First, the scholarships of students of or from Rhodesia
   shall be paid;

   "(II) Secondly, the scholarships of students from the said
   South African Stellenbosch Rondebosch and St. Andrews schools
   shall be paid;

   "(III) Thirdly, the remainder of the colonial scholarships
   shall be paid, and if there shall not be sufficient income for
   the purpose such scholarships shall abate proportionately; and

   "(IV) Fourthly, the American scholarships shall be paid, and
   if there shall not be sufficient income for the purpose such
   scholarships shall abate proportionately.

{210}

   "My desire being that the students who shall be elected to the
   scholarships shall not be merely bookworms, I direct that in
   the election of a student to a scholarship regard shall be had
   to

   (I)  his literary and scholastic attainments;

   (II) his fondness of and success in manly outdoor sports, such
   as cricket, football, and the like;

   (III) his qualities of manhood, truth, courage, devotion to
   duty, sympathy for the protection of the weak, kindliness,
   unselfishness, and fellowship, and

   (IV) his exhibition during school days of moral force of
   character and of instincts to lead and to take an interest in
   his schoolmates, for those latter attributes will be likely in
   after life to guide him to esteem the performance of public
   duties as his highest aim. As mere suggestions for the
   guidance of those who will have the choice of students for the
   scholarships, I record that

   (I) my ideal qualified student would combine these four
   qualifications in the proportions of three-tenths for the
   first, two-tenths for the second, three-tenths for the third,
   and two-tenths for the fourth qualification, so that ac-
   cording to my ideas if the maximum number of marks for any
   scholarship were 200 they would be apportioned as follows:
   Sixty to each of the first and third qualifications, and 40 to
   each of the second and fourth qualifications.

   (II) The marks for the several qualifications would be awarded
   independently, as follows (that is to say): The marks for the
   first qualification by examination, for the second and third
   qualifications, respectively, by ballot by the fellow-students
   of the candidates, and for the fourth qualification by the
   head master of the candidate’s school, and

   (III) the results of the awards (that is to say the marks
   obtained by each candidate for each qualification) would be
   sent as soon as possible for consideration to the trustees or
   to some person or persons appointed to receive the same, and
   the person or persons so appointed would ascertain by
   averaging the marks in blocks of 20 marks each of all
   candidates the best ideal qualified students.

   "No student shall be qualified or disqualified for election to
   a scholarship on account of his race or religious opinions.

   "Except in the cases of the four schools hereinbefore
   mentioned, the election to scholarships shall be by the
   trustees after such (if any) consultation as they shall think
   fit with the minister having the control of education in such
   colony, province, State, or Territory.

   " A qualified student who has been elected as aforesaid shall
   within six calendar months after his election, or as soon
   thereafter as he can be admitted into residence or within such
   extended time as my trustees shall allow, commence residence
   as an undergraduate at some college in the University of
   Oxford.

   "The scholarships shall be payable to him from the time when
   he shall commence such residence.

   "28. I desire that the scholars holding the scholarships shall
   be distributed among the colleges of the University of Oxford
   and not resort in undue numbers to one or more colleges only.

   "29. Notwithstanding anything hereinbefore contained, my
   trustees may in their uncontrolled discretion suspend for such
   time as they shall think fit or remove any scholar from his
   scholarship.

   "30. My trustees may from time to time make, vary, and repeal
   regulations either general or affecting specified scholarship
   only with regard to all or any of the following matters, that
   is to say:

   "(I) The election, whether after examination or otherwise, of
   qualified students to the scholarships, or any of them, and
   the method, whether by examination or otherwise, in which
   their qualifications are to be ascertained;

   "(II) The tenure of the scholarships by scholars;

   "(III) The suspension and removal of scholars from their
   scholarships;

   "(IV) The method and times of payment of the scholarships;

   "(V) The method of giving effect to my wish expressed in
   clause 28 hereof; and

   "(VI) Any and every other matter with regard to the
   scholarships, or any of them, with regard to which they shall
   consider regulations necessary or desirable.

   "31. My trustees may from time to time authorize regulations
   with regard to the election, whether after examination or
   otherwise, of qualified students for scholarships and to the
   method, whether by examination or otherwise, in which their
   qualifications are to be ascertained to be made:

   "(I) By a school in respect of the scholarships tenable by its
   students; and

   "(II) By the minister aforesaid of a colony, province, State,
   or Territory in respect of the scholarships tenable by
   students from such colony, province, State or Territory.

   "32. Regulations made under the last preceding clause hereof,
   if and when approved of, and not before, by my trustees, shall
   be equivalent in all respects to regulations made by my
   trustees.

   "No regulations made under clause 30 or made and approved of
   under clauses 31 and 32 hereof shall be inconsistent with any
   of the provisions herein contained.

   "In order that the scholars past and present may have
   opportunities of meeting and discussing their experiences and
   prospects, I desire that my trustees shall annually give a
   dinner to the past and present scholars able and willing to
   attend, at which I hope my trustees, or some of them, will be
   able to be present, and to which they will, I hope, from time
   to time invite as guests persons who have shown sympathy with
   the views expressed by me in this, my will."

   The trustees are the
      Earl of Rosebery,
      Earl Grey,
      Lord Milner,
      Mr. Alfred Beit,
      Dr. Leander Starr Jameson,
      Mr. Lewis Loyd Mitchell, and
      Mr. Bourchier Francis Hawksley.

EDUCATION: RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.
   Great Educational Projects before the Duma.
   Primary school-houses by the hundred thousand,
   and Compulsory Education.
   Increased opening to Jews.

   A telegram from St. Petersburg, February 16, 1909, announced
   that the Ministry of Education had introduced that day a bill
   before the Duma providing for a building fund for the erection
   of 148,179 new primary schools throughout the empire within
   ten years. These schools are to be built and maintained by the
   provincial authorities on government subsidy. The same
   despatch reported that a statute providing for general
   compulsory education would soon be discussed in the Duma.

{211}

   On the 5th of October it was announced that the Tsar had
   sanctioned a resolution of the Council of Ministers permitting
   the admission of an increased percentage of Jews into the
   secondary schools of the Crown. In the capitals 5 per cent. of
   the total number of scholars may be Jews, in other parts of
   the Empire 10 per cent., and in the special Jewish settlements
   15 percent.

EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.
   Mr. Carnegie’s great gift to the Universities and
   their students.

   The first of Mr. Andrew Carnegie’s great gifts to other
   institutions of education than the public libraries, which he
   has assisted in such numbers, was conferred on the
   universities of Scotland, his native country, in 1901. It was
   a gift of $10,000,000 (£2,000,000), placed in the hands of
   trustees for two purposes, namely, to improve and expand the
   teaching power of the universities, on one hand, and to put
   their teaching, on the other hand, more within the reach of
   all the young in Scotland who craved it. It was said to have
   been the original wish of Mr. Carnegie to make the tuition of
   the universities free; but he found that it would be wiser to
   strengthen them for their work, leave it subject to proper
   fees, and provide for an allowance of pecuniary assistance to
   students, in the discretion of the trustees. The application
   of the gift was so arranged, one-half of the net annual income
   from the great fund being appropriated to buildings,
   equipments, endowments of professorships and lectureships, and
   the like uses for the betterment of the university work.

   There were fears at first that the effect of so much easing of
   the attainment of a university education might be injurious to
   the spirit and character of the students who accepted the
   helping hand; but seven years of experience, under the working
   of the gift, do not seem to have justified the fear. In those
   seven years over 8000 of the Scottish young people had the
   benefit of Mr. Carnegie’s help to a college training, and the
   trustees of the Fund, in their annual report of 1909,
   pronounced the result good. "In the opinion of such men as
   Lord Rosebery, Lord Elgin, Lord Balfour of Burleigh, Mr.
   Balfour, and Mr. Haldane, who are all helping to administer
   Mr. Carnegie’s charity," says a London correspondent of the
   New York Evening Post, "Scotland has much to thank him
   for."

EDUCATION: TURKEY AND THE NEAR EAST:
   American Mission Schools.

   "At present [1909] there are about twenty-five thousand native
   students in American schools in this country. America can
   boast to-day that she has, in Turkey, nine colleges, five
   theological seminaries, fifty-seven boarding and high schools,
   and 348 public schools. And, if we accumulate the work of
   seventy-five years, it is a simple matter to understand how
   many thousands have been educated in American ways and with
   the American spirit.

   "Missionaries came to this country to spread Protestant
   Christianity among the Moslems. They failed in that. The
   Mohammedan government was against them. They tried to make
   Christian Greeks, Christian Armenians, Protestants. This did
   not result in a marked success, but their schools, which they
   opened as a medium of spreading religion, were eagerly sought
   by young men and young girls of every race. Armenians form the
   majority in this country of those who have received an
   American education. Bulgarians and Greeks come next.

   "Many I have met who have been thoroughly educated in
   missionary institutions. Generally they are not Protestants,
   neither much religiously inclined. But they are moral,
   independent, and broad-minded.

   "The Turkish mission, as it is written about in America, is
   not, in fact, areal Turkish mission; not a Moslem has been
   Christianized; not a single Turk is a member of mission
   communities; yet native Christians have been widely helped by
   the opportunity offered for education and the growth of a
   spirit of civilization and humanity.

   "Year after year young men graduated from American
   institutions in Turkey to go forward among their compatriots
   as teachers, journalists, and public officers. The building up
   of brave little Bulgaria is the work of graduates of Robert
   College of Constantinople. Stambouloff, who made Bulgaria what
   it is to-day, was an alumnus of the same institution. Among
   the Armenian revolutionary leaders, who worked hand-in-hand
   with the Young Turks to bring about a political change in
   Turkey, boys of Robert College and young men educated in
   American universities are prominent. I know young girls,
   graduates of the American College at Scutari, who took active
   part in revolutionary work during the despotic days of the old
   regime; and even joined in the conspiracy which led to the
   throwing of a bomb at the Sultan during the Selamlik ceremony
   a few years ago. … There are a number of Turkish girls to-day
   at the college in Scutari, and it is a pleasure to any one to
   see Turkish women discussing in fluent English politics,
   economics, and history."

      Special Correspondence of the New York Evening Post,
      Constantinople, March 20, 1909.

   At Beirut is the Syrian Protestant College, under Presbyterian
   control, one of the most enlightened institutions abroad.
   Euphrates College at Harput in Asia Minor, with a thousand
   students, is a Congregational institution. At Tarsus, the
   Apostle Paul’s home, is, appropriately enough, St. Paul’s
   Institute. Throughout Turkey the Congregationalists have over
   four hundred schools, with over twenty-one thousand pupils. In
   Syria the Presbyterians maintain about a hundred schools. The
   Presbyterians (North) have no work in Egypt, but the United
   Presbyterians are educating there no less than fifteen
   thousand pupils, a total the more surprising when we recall
   that the Government schools in Egypt have only eighteen
   thousand pupils. More than four thousand have received
   instruction at Assiut College, the center of the United
   Presbyterian work. … As in Persia, the Presbyterians are the
   strongest denominational force. Besides Urumia College, they
   have about a hundred and twenty-five schools throughout the
   country."

      American Schools Abroad
      (The Outlook, May 2, 1908).

EDUCATION: THE INFLUENCE OF ROBERT COLLEGE.

   "Two years ago one of the subjects given out for a thesis in
   the Russian Theological Seminary at Kiev was, ‘The Influence
   of Robert College in the Development of Bulgaria.’ Russia has
   found the influence of that College there a factor which she
   has had to take into serious account; indeed, it has been said
   by Russian as well as by high Turkish officials that Robert
   College really created Bulgaria. Its influence has also been
   abundantly recognized throughout Europe and America. In
   Bulgaria itself the first National Assembly, which met to
   adopt a constitution and to choose a Prince, passed a
   resolution expressing the gratitude of the new-born nation to
   the College. Prince Alexander conferred a high decoration on
   the President of the College to express his personal
   appreciation, and last summer Prince Ferdinand did the same.
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   Robert College has not only been the backbone of Bulgaria; it
   has been the greatest civilizing power in the Turkish Empire.
   Sir William White, who knew that Empire better than has any
   recent British ambassador, once remarked that the College had
   accomplished more for the good of the Turks than had all the
   representatives of the British Government; and Professor
   Ramsey, of St. Andrews, who has spent many years in exploring
   Asia Minor, says:

   "‘I have come in contact with men educated in Robert College
   in widely separate parts of the country, men of diverse
   nationalities and different forms of religion—Greek, Armenian,
   and Protestant—and have everywhere been struck with the
   marvelous way in which a certain uniform type, direct, simple,
   honest, and lofty in tone, has been impressed upon them. Some
   had more of it, some less. But all had it to a certain degree,
   and it is diametrically opposite to the type produced by
   growth under the ordinary conditions of Turkish life.’

   "The College is not organized for the purpose of missionary
   propaganda. It is not denominational. It is Christian in the
   broad sense in which Princeton, Yale and Harvard are Christian
   Colleges. In its faculty it has a Mohammedan Professor of
   Turkish language and literature, and an orthodox Greek
   Professor of Greek language and literature. … It draws
   students not only from Turkey, but also from Greece, Bulgaria,
   Rumania and Russia, and has already educated nearly twenty-six
   hundred. If the demands upon the College continue to increase
   in the future as in the past, its endowment will have to be
   doubled. Occupying one of the most beautiful sites on the
   Bosphorus, the College has at present five buildings, besides
   six houses for professors, a teaching staff of twelve
   professors and twenty-five other instructors."

      The Outlook, January 21, 1905.

   Robert College was founded at Constantinople in 1863 by James
   H. and William B. Dwight, sons of an American missionary to
   Turkey, the Reverend Harrison G. O. Dwight. It was named after
   Christopher R. Robert, of New York, its main supporter, whose
   gifts to it first and last amounted to $450,000. Its first
   President was the Reverend Dr. Cyrus Hamlin, who presided over
   it until 1877, when he resigned, and was succeeded by the
   Reverend Dr. George Washburn.

   In November, 1909, it received a bequest of $1,500,000, from
   the late John Stewart Kennedy, of New York, and its work will
   be greatly expanded.

EDUCATION: TURKEY: A. D. 1909.
   Constitutional Amendment.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (MAY-DECEMBER).

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES:
   The Trade Unions as a factor in the Assimilation and
   Education of the foreign-born.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1898-1909.
   The Annual Conferences for Education in the South.

   Since 1898 a series of annual Conferences for Education in the
   South, inspired, organized, and sustained especially by the
   joint efforts of J. L. M. Curry and Robert C. Ogden, have been
   held in various Southern cities, with notable effect. At the
   twelfth of these conferences, in April, 1909, at Atlanta, Mr.
   Ogden, presiding, said in his address:

   "This conference holds its place as a part of an educational
   renaissance. Its work can perhaps be definitely defined only
   at a single point. It exists primarily to impress upon the
   mind of the citizen, the people, the responsibility of the
   individual for educational conditions, to support the claim
   that every child in America, native or foreign born, is
   entitled to a good English education, that it is the duty of
   the State as representing the people to provide such
   education, that in the words of the man that recruited me and
   pledged my service, such as it is, to this work, J. L. M.
   Curry, president of this conference in its second year,
   ‘Ignorance Cures Nothing.’ …

   "Aside from the first mentioned special influence this
   conference makes no direct claim save that it has by various
   agencies assisted in the promotion and development of many
   progressive educational ideas, and through the Southern
   Educational Board, to which it is both mother and child, has
   supplied methods and incidental support that have caused many
   latent forces to germinate, flourish, and bring forth abundant
   fruit that otherwise never could have existed. We simply have
   planted seed that eventually produced large harvests.

   "I am told, and I think the statement is accurate, that during
   the last seven years the public appropriations for education
   in the States under the influence of the Southern Education
   Board have increased $16,000,000 per annum. These figures are
   difficult of verification, but probably are greater than I
   have stated. We have had something to do with this result, how
   much may not be a subject for definite calculation. …

   "The twelve years that measure the life of the conference for
   education in the South have been years of great originality in
   the development of American education."

EDUCATION: A. D. 1901.
   The Washington Memorial Institution.

   "In almost every Government department and bureau at
   Washington, prolonged scientific investigations are
   continually carried on, in order that governmental action
   itself may be more intelligent and more efficient, and the
   general welfare of the people promoted. … While the Congress
   carries on this work for governmental purposes only, it
   indicated as long ago as 1892, in a joint resolution approved
   April 12 of that year, that the Government’s large collections
   illustrative of the various arts and sciences, and its
   facilities for scientific and literary research, were to be
   held accessible to the investigators and students of any
   institution of higher education then existing or thereafter
   established in the District of Columbia. By an almost
   unnoticed but most important provision incorporated in the
   general deficiency bill passed at the second session of the
   Fifty-sixth Congress, and approved March 3, 1901, the
   privileges given by the joint resolution of April 12, 1892, to
   investigators and students of institutions in the District of
   Columbia were extended to ‘scientific investigators and to
   duly qualified individuals, students, and graduates of
   institutions of learning in the several States and
   Territories, as well as in the District of Columbia, under
   such rules and restrictions as the heads of the departments
   and bureaus mentioned may prescribe.

   … The new opportunities created a new need, and that need is
   to be met by the Washington Memorial Institution, incorporated
   on May 17, 1901, and formally organized on June 3.

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   "The Washington Memorial Institution is the direct outcome of
   the activities of the Washington Academy of Sciences and of
   the George Washington Memorial Association, the latter body
   being an organization of women ‘to aid in securing in the city
   of Washington, D. C., the increase of opportunities for higher
   education, as recommended by George Washington, the first
   President of the United States, in his various messages to
   Congress.’ … The plan has been worked out in consultation with
   representatives of the universities and other scientific
   bodies, and with their hearty cooperation and approval. It has
   the merits of simplicity and of not duplicating any existing
   form of educational effort." The Institution "will ascertain,
   year by year, just what the opportunities for students are at
   Washington, and will publish them to the world; it will
   receive and enroll students who offer themselves, and direct
   them to the places which await them; it will record their work
   and its results, and, when requested, will certify these to
   any institution of learning. It will keep in touch with the
   universities, scientific schools, and colleges on the one
   hand, and with the departments and bureaus of the Government
   on the other. In this way it will, it may be hoped, promote
   the interests and the ideals of both."

      Nicholas Murray Butler,
      The Washington Memorial Institution
      (American Review of Reviews, July, 1901).

EDUCATION: A. D. 1901-1909.
   Changes at the Universities.

   In October, 1901, on accepting a nomination to the mayoralty
   of New York City, President Seth Low, of Columbia University,
   resigned from that post, and Professor Nicholas Murray Butler
   became acting President until the following January, when he
   was elected to the Presidency by the unanimous vote of the
   trustees.

   For the first time in its history, the University of
   Virginia—Jefferson’s creation—received a President in April,
   1905, when Dr. Edwin Anderson Alderman was inducted in office
   as its administrative head. The significance of the occurrence
   was expressed at the time by Professor William P. Trent, when
   he said: "The University of Virginia, so long, under its
   chairmen of the faculty, faithful to its founder’s prejudices
   against the concentration of executive power in the hands of
   an individual, has been forced by pressure from within and
   from without to align itself with its sister universities in
   this essential feature of educational government, and in this
   fact many will see another step in the slow but certain
   nationalizing of the South, as well as an indication that in
   the future the University of Virginia will be widely known as
   a national institution of high standing."

   In the summer of 1902, President Francis L. Patton, who had
   been the successor of President McCosh at Princeton
   University, retired and was succeeded by Professor Woodrow
   Wilson, previously occupant of the chair of Jurisprudence and
   Politics since 1890.

   The President who had organized the University of Chicago at
   its foundation, in 1891, and directed its successful
   development through fifteen years of a remarkable success,
   William Rainey Harper, died on the 10th of January, 1906, and
   was succeeded by Professor Harry Pratt Judson, previously at
   the head of the department of Political Science and Dean of
   the faculties of Arts, Literature, and Science.

   President Henry Hopkins of Williams College retired in 1907
   and was succeeded by Harry A. Garfield, eldest son of the
   former President of the United States, and lately Professor of
   Politics at Princeton University.

   In October, 1908, President Charles W. Eliot of Harvard
   University made known his wish to retire in the following May
   from the office which he had filled with so much distinction
   for forty years. His resignation was accepted with profound
   regret, and he vacated the Presidency of the great University
   on the 19th of May, 1909. His successor, Professor Abbott
   Lawrence Lowell, taken from the chair of the Science of
   Government, in the Harvard faculty, had been elected in the
   preceding January. President Lowell was inaugurated with much
   ceremony on the 6th of October.

   Dr. Richard C. Maclaurin was called from the department of
   physics in Columbia University, New York, to the presidency of
   the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, in November, 1908.

   President Cyrus Northrup, of the University of Minnesota,
   announced in 1908 his resignation to take effect the following
   year.

   A change in the Presidency of Dartmouth College took place in
   June, 1909, Dr. W. J. Tucker resigning because of ill health,
   and Professor Ernest Fox Nichols, formerly head of the
   department of physics at Dartmouth, and latterly occupying a
   chair at Columbia University, being elected to his place.

   Having passed his eightieth year of life and the thirty-eighth
   of his administration of the University of Michigan, President
   James Burrill Angell was reluctantly permitted to retire from
   active service to the University at the close of the academic
   year in 1909. The acceptance of his resignation by the Regents
   of the University was accompanied, however, by the tender to
   him of the office of Chancellor, the duties to be such as "he
   may be willing and able to perform; the salary for such office
   to be $4000 per year, with house rent, light and fuel, so long
   as he sees fit to occupy his present residence." Dean H. B.
   Hutchins, of the law department was made acting President.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1902.
   Founding of the Carnegie Institution of Washington,
   for Original Research.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1902-1909.
   The General Education Board.
   Its stupendous endowment by Mr. Rockefeller.
   Its plans and operations.

   The General Education Board, destined to become so great an
   educational power in the United States, had its birth on the
   27th of February, 1902, at a meeting in New York to which Mr.
   John D. Rockefeller had invited the following named gentlemen:

   William H. Baldwin, Jr.,
   Wallace Buttrick,
   Hon. J. L. M. Curry,
   Frederick T. Gates,
   Daniel C. Gilman,
   Morris K. Jessup,
   Robert C. Ogden,
   Walter H. Page,
   George Foster Peabody,
   John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and
   Albert Shaw;
   with Edward M. Shepard as counsel.

   A conception of the general plan and purpose of the Board had
   been, it is said, in Mr. Rockefeller’s thought for some time
   past, and his guests gave hearty approval to the project in
   which he asked them to join him. Then and there they became
   organized temporarily under the name still borne, Mr.
   Rockefeller pledging $1,000,000 to the support of their work,
   which should specially be directed at the outset to the study
   and improvement of educational conditions in the Southern
   States.
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   Offices of the Board were opened in New York April 1, 1902. It
   was incorporated by Act of Congress on the 12th of January,
   1903, at which time a considerable number of new members was
   added to the Board, chosen from the heads of important
   universities and colleges, North and South. The Board was now
   in active cooperation with the United States Department of
   Agriculture, whose work of scientific and systematic
   instruction in agriculture, by demonstration farms and
   otherwise, it found to be dealing with the most pressing of
   Southern needs. It found another field of useful cooperation,
   with Southern universities and colleges, in promotion of the
   founding and maintaining of high schools. Its main operations
   were on these lines until the summer of 1905, when, on the
   30th of June, Mr. Rockefeller expanded its forces immensely by
   adding $10,000,000 to his original gift of $1,000,000.

   In The Independent of August 6, 1908, Mr. Wallace
   Buttrick, secretary of the Board, described the enlargement of
   undertakings which followed this increase of endowment,
   saying:

   "The income of this large foundation for higher education
   enabled the board to extend its work throughout the whole
   country, as contemplated in its charter. Studies had already
   been made of the colleges in the Southern States, and such
   studies were at once made of the colleges in other parts of
   the United States. After such comprehensive study and the
   careful consideration of how best to aid in the development of
   an adequate system of colleges in all of the States of the
   Union, the board adopted the following principles as defining
   its general policy: To co-operate sympathetically and
   helpfully with the religious denominations; to choose the
   centers of wealth and population as the permanent pivots of an
   educational system; to mass its funds on endowments, securing
   in this work the largest possible local co-operation."

   Less than two years later, on the 7th of February, 1907, Mr.
   Rockefeller nearly trebled his previous endowment by an
   enormous addition to the fund in the possession of the Board,
   announced in the following letter from his son, Mr. John D.
   Rockefeller, Jr.:

   "My father authorizes me to say that on or before April 1st,
   1907, he will give to the General Education Board
   income-bearing securities the present market value of which is
   about thirty-two million dollars ($32,000,000), one-third to
   be added to the permanent endowment of the board; two-thirds
   to be applied to such specific objects within the corporate
   purposes of the board as either he or I may from time to time
   direct, any remainder not so designated at the death of the
   survivor to be added also to the permanent endowment of the
   board."

   Of what was being done by the Board with this stupendous fund
   Mr. Buttrick gave details in The Independent as follows:

   "Conditional appropriations have been made to forty colleges,
   in the States of Maine, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York,
   New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South
   Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Tennessee,
   Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin,
   Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, Kansas and Colorado.

   "Twenty-five of these colleges have secured subscriptions for
   the supplemental sums required and but one has failed. The
   remaining fifteen colleges report satisfactory progress. The
   total amount thus appropriated by the board is $2,437,500; the
   supplemental sums, when completed, will aggregate $10,397,000.

   "From the original $1,000,000 gift to the board by Mr.
   Rockefeller appropriations have been made to schools in the
   South amounting to about $700,000, one-half of which has gone
   to schools for the colored people. The high school propaganda
   and the agricultural demonstration work have also been
   supported from this fund.

   "From the foregoing it will be seen that, in the Northern
   States, the board devotes itself exclusively to the promotion
   of higher education, having always in view the desirability of
   aiding such institutions as, taken together, will constitute
   an adequate system of higher education for each of the several
   States, thus seeking to correct and prevent duplication and
   waste and securing the highest efficiency.

   "In the Southern States its work for colleges is similar to
   that done in the North, and, in addition, it seeks to promote
   public high schools through the State universities and the
   State Department of Education, to promote elementary education
   (or common schools) by increasing the productive efficiency of
   rural life, and to aid in developing schools for the training
   of leaders among the colored people."

   But Mr. Rockefeller was not yet at the end of his gifts to
   this great Foundation. On the 9th of July, 1909, the following
   announcement was published:

   "John D. Rockefeller has raised the total of his
   contributions to the Rockefeller foundation of the general
   education board to $53,000,000 by a gift of $10,000,000 which
   will be passed to the credit of the board between now and
   August 1. He has gone farther than that and has intrusted to
   the membership of the board—as it may be constituted at some
   future day—the responsibility of distributing the principal
   of the fund among the educational institutions of the land if
   it shall be deemed advisable.

   "Under the regulations at present obtaining, this power of
   final disposition would extend only to $33,000,000, inasmuch
   as the board holds the other $20,000,000 in trust with the
   power to dispose of the income, while Mr. Rockefeller and his
   son, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., retain the right to dispose of
   the principal during their lives. It was said to-day that it
   always has been Mr. Rockefeller’s intention to make such a
   provision for the final disposition.

   "In making the announcement to-day, Chairman Gates said that
   this large addition to the permanent funds of the board was
   contributed because the income of the present funds
   immediately available for appropriation had been exhausted and
   it was found necessary to have an additional income in order
   to meet the needs of ‘present great importance.’

   "He said the board made it a rule never to exceed the
   immediately available income—which might amount to $80,000 or
   $90,000 a month—in its awards to the colleges and
   universities, that something like 300 applications had been
   received by the board beyond the number which it already had
   acted upon, which was large.

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   "Mr. Gates said that at the same meeting last Wednesday
   another communication had been received from Mr. Rockefeller,
   authorizing and empowering the board and its successors
   ‘whenever, in their discretion, it should seem wise to
   distribute the principal of funds contributed by him to the
   board upon the affirmative vote of two-thirds of all those who
   shall at the time be members of the board.’"

EDUCATION: A. D. 1905-1908.
   The Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching.

   After the founding of the Carnegie Institution, of Washington,
   Mr. Carnegie’s next great gift to Education, made in 1905, was
   in the sum of $10,000, 000, placed in the hands of trustees as
   a fund the income of which may be applied "to provide retiring
   pensions, without respect to race, sex, creed, or color, for
   the teachers of universities, colleges, and technical schools
   in the United States, the Dominion of Canada, and
   Newfoundland," and "to provide for the care and maintenance of
   the widows and families of the said teachers." The board of
   trustees chosen by Mr. Carnegie for the administration of the
   fund is made up of eminent educators from different parts of
   America, with Dr. Henry S. Pritchett called from the
   Presidency of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology to
   become its executive head. The board was organized in
   November, 1905, and in the following April it adopted a plan
   of administration which had been formulated meantime by a
   committee from its membership. It had then, by an Act of
   Congress, approved by the President, March 10, 1906, been
   incorporated under the title of "The Carnegie Foundation for
   the Advancement of Teaching." Besides using the words quoted
   above, in description of the authorized purpose of the
   Foundation, the Act of Incorporation adds furthermore that it
   is "in general, to do and perform all things necessary to
   encourage, uphold, and dignify the profession of the teacher
   and the cause of higher education." It is a further provision
   of the Act that "retiring pensions shall be paid to such
   teachers only as are or have been connected with institutions
   not under control of a sect, or which do not require their
   trustees, their officers, faculties, or students (or a
   majority thereof), to belong to any specified sect, and which
   do not impose any theological test as a condition of entrance
   therein or of connection therewith."

   As explained by President Pritchett in an article published
   soon after the organization of their board, the Trustees had
   three fundamental questions to determine: "First, What is a
   college? second, What constitutes denominational control? and,
   third, Should a private agency step in between the State and
   one of its institutions and establish a system of retiring
   allowances for university professors who are officers of the
   State?" "The term college is used to designate, in the United
   States, Canada, and Newfoundland, institutions varying so
   widely in entrance requirements, standards of instruction, and
   facilities for work that the term is no description of the
   character of the institution. Of the seven hundred and more
   institutions calling themselves colleges or universities, many
   are such in name only." To rule their present action the
   Trustees adopted the definition that is "now in use under the
   revised ordinances of the State of New York, and which reads
   as follows: ‘An institution to be ranked as a college must
   have at least six professors giving their entire time to
   college and university work, a course of four full years in
   liberal arts and sciences, and should require for admission
   not less than the usual four years of academic or high school
   preparation, or its equivalent, in addition to the
   pre-academic or grammar school studies.’ The trustees will
   also require that an institution, to be ranked as a college
   and to be dealt with as a college officially, must have a
   productive endowment of not less than $200,000."

   As for the institutions to be excluded from the benefits of
   the retiring pension fund because of a sectarian connection
   the Trustees were confronted with a still more difficult
   question, since "a large majority of all the colleges of the
   country have a connection more or less strong with
   denominations." In the circumstances, no hard and fast rule of
   exclusion could be formulated; but, said President Pritchett,
   "it is evident that in many cases colleges must choose between
   the advantages of this gift and the benefits of a
   denominational connection."

   So far as concerned State institutions, it was the original
   conclusion of the Board that "the States may fairly be
   expected to provide a retiring pension system for their own
   professors, and it is certainly questionable whether such
   wholesale action on the part of a private agency in the
   endowment of State institutions might not do them an injury
   rather than a kindness." Trustees and officers of the State
   Universities appealed from this view, and submitted to the
   Trustees cogent reasons why these institutions should
   participate in the distribution of the Fund. The Trustees
   replied that the Fund was not large enough for such an
   extension of its use. That objection, however, was soon
   removed by Mr. Carnegie, who made it known, in April, 1908,
   that he would have pleasure in adding $5,000,000 to his
   original gift in order to furnish retiring allowances for all
   State Universities that may apply for them. The Carnegie
   Foundation is now being administered accordingly.

   Retiring allowances are determined by the following rules of
   the Board:

   "I. In reckoning the amount of the retiring allowance, the
   average salary for the last five years of active service shall
   be considered the active pay.

   " II. Any person sixty-five years of age, and who has had not
   less than fifteen years of service as a professor, and who is
   at the same time a professor in an accepted institution, shall
   be entitled to an annual retiring allowance computed as
   follows:

      (a) For an active pay of sixteen hundred dollars or
      less, an allowance of one thousand dollars, provided no
      retiring allowance shall exceed ninety per cent. of the
      active pay.

      (b) For an active pay greater than sixteen hundred
      dollars the retiring allowance shall equal one thousand
      dollars, increased by fifty dollars for each one hundred
      dollars of active pay in excess of sixteen hundred dollars,

      (c) No retiring allowance shall exceed three
      thousand dollars.

   "III. Any person who has had a service of twenty-five years as
   a professor, and who is at the time a professor in an accepted
   institution, shall be entitled to a retiring allowance,
   computed as follows:

      (a) For an active pay of sixteen hundred dollars or
      less, a retiring allowance of eight hundred dollars,
      provided that no retiring allowance shall exceed eighty per
      cent. of the active pay.

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      (b) For an active pay greater than sixteen hundred
      dollars the retiring allowance shall equal eight hundred
      dollars, increased by forty dollars for each one hundred
      dollars of active pay in excess of sixteen hundred dollars,

      (c) For each additional year of service above
      twenty-five, the retiring allowance shall be increased by
      one per cent. of the active pay.

      (d) No retiring allowance shall exceed three
      thousand dollars.

   "IV. Any person who has been for ten years the wife of a
   professor in actual service may receive during her widowhood
   one-half of the allowance to which her husband would have been
   entitled."

EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.
   Change in the Headship of the Bureau of Education.

   Dr. William Torrey Harris, after seventeen years of
   distinguished service as United States Commissioner of
   Education, accepted the first designation of a retirement
   pension that was made by the trustees of the Carnegie
   Foundation. Professor Elmer Ellsworth Brown, professor of the
   Theory and Practice of Teaching in the University of
   California, was appointed by the President to succeed him.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.
   Celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding
   of Tuskegee Institute.

   The twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of Tuskegee
   Normal and Industrial Institute, at Tuskegee, Alabama, by
   Booker T. Washington, was celebrated in April, 1906, and made
   the occasion of a notable gathering at Tuskegee of strong
   friends of the institution and its founder from all parts of
   the country. In The North American Review of that month
   Mr. Washington gave an interesting account of the rise of the
   Institute from insignificant beginnings, of the aims pursued
   in it and of the extent of their realization. It had sought to
   promote among the negroes of the South an education which, as
   he expressed it, "not only did not educate them out of
   sympathy with the masses of their people, but made them
   actively and practically interested in constructive methods
   and work among their people." Its students "are expected to be
   able to show the farmers how to buy land, to assist them by
   advice in getting out of debt, and to encourage them to cease
   mortgaging their crops and to take active interest in the
   economic development of their community."

   This wise leader and true statesman of his race has devoted
   his life to the solving of the race-problem in the South on
   the principle stated by him in these words: "There is nothing
   for the negro to do but to remain where he is and struggle on
   and up. The whole philosophy of the negro question can be
   written in three words,—patience, persistence, virtue. The
   really helpful thing about the situation is that on the whole
   the negro has done, under the circumstances, the best he
   could."

   Of the planting and growth of Tuskegee Institute he wrote:
   ‘Starting in a shanty and a hen-house, with almost no property
   beyond a hoe and a blind mule, the school has grown up
   gradually, much as a town grows. We needed food for our
   tables; farming, therefore, was our first industry, started to
   meet this need. With the need for shelter for our students,
   courses in house-building and carpentry were added. Out of
   these, brick-making and brick masonry naturally grew. The
   increasing demand for buildings made further specialization in
   the industries necessary. Soon we found ourselves teaching
   tinsmithing, plastering, and painting. Classes in cooking were
   added, because we needed competent persons to prepare the
   food. Courses in laundering, sewing, dining-room work, and
   nurse-training have been added to meet the actual needs of the
   school community. This process of specialization has continued
   as the school increased in numbers, and as the more varied
   wants of a larger community created a demand, and instruction
   is now given in thirty-seven industries."

   At the end of its first twenty-five years of existence, the
   Institute has 1500 students; 156 officers, teachers, and
   employees; 86 buildings; and various ramifications for
   extensive work.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.
   Segregation of Oriental children in the San Francisco schools.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1907.
   Large gift for Rudimentary Schools for Southern Negroes.

   A fund of $1,000,000 was created in the spring of 1907, by
   gift from Miss Anna T. Jeanes, to be devoted to rudimentary
   schools for Southern negroes. The fund is to be administered
   by Principals Frissell, of Hampton, and Booker T. Washington,
   of Tuskegee.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1907.
   Re-dedication of the enlarged Carnegie Institute, at Pittsburg.

   An account of the founding of the richly housed and equipped
   Carnegie Library at Pittsburg, opened in 1895, is given in
   Volume VI. of this work (see Libraries). To that fundamental
   institution Mr. Carnegie began soon to add auxiliaries, in
   technical schools, lecture hall, music hall, art galleries,
   and museum of science, until a great Institute, on which no
   less than $18,000,000 had been expended and bestowed by the
   founder was complete. A rededication of this splendid Carnegie
   Institute, in 1907, was made an impressive event by the
   presence of a remarkable number of distinguished guests,
   invited from Great Britain, Germany, France, Holland, Belgium,
   and the United States. The interesting exercises of the
   occasion were opened on the 10th of April and continued
   through three days.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
   Wanted, in Massachusetts:
   The right leader for an Educational Revolution.

   The State Board of Education in Massachusetts is said to have
   arrived, as a body, at the conviction, which has been taking
   possession of many minds in late years, that in the whole
   educational work of the present day, from primary school to
   university, "there is much time wasted in learning things of
   little help in after life, and failure to get the essential
   character-building"; that conditions are changed so greatly
   from what they were when the last great educational revolution
   was led in Massachusetts by Horace Mann, and others, that a
   new revolution is the imperative need of the day. Hence the
   State Board of Education is reported to be searching anxiously
   for a man to fill the lately created office of State
   Commissioner of Education, who is equal to a revolutionary
   undertaking. "He must be," says a recent Boston letter, "a
   broad man, of the right sort to realize the unusual
   opportunity open to-day." "There is no limit to the salary
   which the board may offer." "There has been no politics in the
   board, and there shall be none.
{217}
   All that the Commissioner wants in the way of coöperation to
   carry out his views he will have." "The board feels that this
   is a crisis. If the right man can be found, the State’s system
   will take a step forward toward a better practice, which shall
   remove the present dissatisfaction and the feeling that the
   public schools are not fitting children to be good producers
   or citizens." This opening seems a great one for the right
   man, if he can be found.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
   Election of a woman to the Superintendency of
   the Chicago schools.

   Mrs. Ella Flagg Young, elected Superintendent of the public
   schools of Chicago by the City’s Board of Education, in July,
   1909, is the first of her sex to occupy so important an
   administrative position. Her election is said to have been due
   entirely to her manifest superiority in qualification over
   other suggested candidates. The school system she will
   administer is second only in magnitude to that of the City of
   New York.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1910.
   Gift to Yale University by Mrs. Sage.

   The following is announced from New Haven on the 10th of
   January, 1910:

   "The recent gift of $650,000 by Mrs. Russell Sage of New York
   city for the purchase of the Hillhouse property and its
   transfer free of encumbrance to Yale University releases a
   corresponding amount without restriction for the use of the
   university corporation. Important meetings will be held this
   week, one by the board of Sheffield Scientific School trustees
   and the other a special meeting of the Yale Corporation to act
   upon the disposition of the funds released by the Sage gift.
   It is generally understood that the plan proposed is the
   erection upon the Hillhouse property of a large biological
   laboratory, and perhaps the appointment in connection with it
   of a university professor in biology upon a new foundation."

   ----------EDUCATION: End--------

EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
   Proclamation of additional titles.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (NOVEMBER).

EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
   His illness and deferred Coronation.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JUNE-AUGUST).

EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
   His agency in bringing about the Entente Cordiale between
   Great Britain and France.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
   His influence as a diplomatist.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
   His Death after a brief illness.
   Succession of his son, George V.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (MAY).

EGYPT: A. D. 1901-1905.
   The founding of schools for girls.
   Training of native teachers.

      See (in this Volume )
      EDUCATION: EGYPT.

EGYPT: A. D. 1902 (DECEMBER).
   Completion of the Assuan Dam.

   The great Assuan Dam, to control the waters of the Nile, was
   opened with formal ceremony on the 10th of December, 1902, in
   the presence of the Duke and Duchess of Connaught, the
   Khedive, Lord and Lady Cromer, and other distinguished
   personages. Earlier in the year the value of this important
   work of engineering had been enhanced by a treaty with the
   Emperor of Abyssinia or Ethiopia, which forbids constructions
   on the upper waters of the Nile, within the Abyssinian
   territory, which would arrest the flow of their waters.

      See (in this Volume)
      ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

EGYPT: A. D. 1904.
   Declarations of England and France concerning Egypt
   in the Agreements of the Entente of 1904.
   Explanatory despatch.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

EGYPT: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Pan-Islamic preaching.
   Pro-Turkish movement.
   Turkish encroachments on the Sinai frontier.
   The Tabah incident.
   British fleet at Phalerum.
   British garrisons reinforced.

   "Whether ordered by the Sultan or the result of an instinctive
   religious wave, anew and definite crusade began to affect
   Egypt in the summer of 1905. Preachers appeared mysteriously
   in Cairo and spread rapidly through the country, giving a new
   and stricter interpretation to texts from the Koran, and
   preaching in strong terms the wickedness of obeying the
   infidel. These preachers mixed with the people in their houses
   and cafes, and in the infinite leisure of a prosperous
   Oriental country doubtless found no lack of occasion for
   instilling their new doctrines. Then the Arabic native Press
   began to preach the same lesson, applying it specially to the
   Macedonian crisis and the piteous plight of the harassed
   Sultan. A new spirit came suddenly into political controversy.
   Any native defender of British rule was marked as a ‘bad
   Moslem,’ or ‘a traitor to Egypt.’ Argument was impossible; for
   any doubt of the Sultan was simply impiety. So the work went
   on bravely through the summer and autumn of 1905, while the
   British authorities looked on in surprise and perplexity.
   Lonely residents up country began to notice a change in the
   tone of the people. They felt the under-swell of a new and
   mysterious movement of religious feeling. Europeans who
   understood Arabic heard insolent remarks in the cafes as they
   passed by, and doctors in charge of invalids in lonely hotels
   noticed with alarm the sullen looks of their Arab servants,
   and their keen excitement over the Sultan’s struggle. A spirit
   of nervous apprehension began to spread abroad among
   Europeans.

   "Then in January, 1906, the Sultan suddenly showed his hand;
   and the smouldering fire burst out into the flame of the
   famous Tabah incident. The events that followed became
   conspicuous to the whole world—the seizure by Turkish troops
   of villages on the Egyptian side of the Sinai frontier, the
   threat to fire on an Egyptian cruiser, the defiant resistance
   to the English successor, the peremptory order to Egypt to
   evacuate Faroun Island, and, finally, the claim of Mouktar
   Pasha to a frontier-line west of Suez. The behaviour of Turkey
   seemed to bear out Rudyard Kipling's description of the
   ethical atmosphere that lies east of that port. Even where
   ‘there ain’t no ten commandments,’ indeed, the little villages
   that sparkle like a grain of salt in the empty desert of the
   wanderings of Israel might be thought tempting to no man. But
   the line of the frontier had been drawn east of Tabah by the
   treaty which established Mehemet Ali in the Khedivate in 1840
   [see in Volume I. of this work, Egypt: A. D. 1840-1869], and
   the claim to this limit had been prudently re-asserted by Lord
   Cromer in 1892, when the present Khedive ascended the throne.
   Any tampering with these written arrangements, even to the
   extent of a single village, would have been the end of our
   authority in Egypt. There was, therefore, no room for
   compromise. If Sir Edward Grey had hesitated to force a
   surrender from Turkey in May by the only possible method of
   moving the fleet to Phalerum [and demanding the immediate
   evacuation of Tabah], we might just as well have left the
   Nile.

{218}

   "For the real significance of these events lay in what was
   going on in the mosques and newspapers of Egypt itself. As the
   crisis grew, these voices grew more and more daring. The
   preachers were as tempestuous as those who fulminated at St.
   Paul’s Cross in our own Reformation times. Every move of the
   Sultan in those tortuous negotiations was accompanied by an
   obligato of sympathy from the Pan-Islamic Press. The native
   journals in Egypt are small sheets, cheaply produced. During
   the last eighteen months they multiplied exceedingly, fed by
   mysterious channels. The new journals preached the new
   doctrine—the doctrine of Pan-Islamism. …

   "A Turkish raid on the Suez Canal or Nekl might have caused an
   outburst of fanaticism in Egypt and seriously divided and
   embarrassed the Army of Occupation. It was impossible to be
   sure that the Egyptian army of 16,000 men, though officered by
   Englishmen, could be trusted to fight against the Turks. Hence
   the reinforcement of the British garrison, reduced to some
   2000 men, by an addition of some 3000. These began to arrive
   in May, and the agitation calmed quickly after their arrival.
   They are now to stay on at the expense of Egypt. Thus the
   first effect of the Sultan’s interference has been a
   deplorable setback from Lord Cromer’s ideal of governing Egypt
   by means of British-officered native policemen."

      Harold Spender,
      England, Egypt and Turkey
      (Contemporary Review, October, 1906).

EGYPT: A. D. 1907 (January).
   State of the country.
   General satisfaction of the people.
   The disaffected a minority.
   Transformation effected by English rule.
   Testimony of a French writer.

   Those who know the real situation in Egypt can easily
   understand how almost the whole population, with the exception
   of an insignificant minority, are satisfied and desire no
   change. It is enough to compare the present state of the
   country—even rapidly and superficially—with that existing in
   1882, to perceive the perfect satisfaction of all classes and
   the greatness of the work achieved by England; and the more
   profoundly this question is studied, the greater the
   admiration that must be accorded to Lord Cromer and to all
   those who during the past twenty-five years have worked under
   his orders at the regeneration of Egypt. The situation of that
   country in 1882 may be briefly summed up in the following
   manner:

   "The Government was then in the hands of a band of rebels at
   the head of whom was the cowardly and worthless colonel,
   Arabi. The exchequer was empty; Egypt owed (almost entirely to
   Europe) nearly five millions sterling. The revenue was
   insufficient to pay the interest on her debts, or even to meet
   the expenses of government. The public works were all in such
   a state of neglect and disuse as to be no longer of any
   service. Commerce was paralysed and industry at the last gasp.
   The fellaheen, to whose labour Egypt owes her agricultural
   wealth, had stopped working, for, left at the mercy of the
   Pashas, who extorted from them everything possible down to the
   last farthing, they died of hunger, whether they worked or
   not. If we add that their leaders told the unfortunate people
   that their suffering all these privations was solely the fault
   of the Christian devils who were exacting mountains of gold
   from Egypt, it is easy to see that fanaticism and poverty
   combined were helping to make the situation a critical one for
   Europeans. It was into this fiery furnace that England entered
   and France refused to follow her. …

   "This is now a tale of the past, and on the curtain being
   raised we behold a transformation so marvellous, so grand,
   that it is almost incredible. We find Egypt rich and
   prosperous; a great portion of her debt paid, an admirably
   adjusted budget; her revenues increasing enormously, regularly
   every year—and that in the face of large and important public
   works, works which daily augment the wealth of the country.
   Agriculture is advancing by leaps and bounds, while commerce
   and industry develop and increase with a rapidity unparalleled
   in the history of the world. A well-organised network of
   railroads, steam navigation, telegraphs, telephones, and
   excellently maintained canals, spreads over the country.
   Schools of every kind have been opened—primary, secondary, and
   higher schools, technical, commercial, and medical schools.
   The fellah works quietly and happily on his land, and the
   townsman is growing rich, while business prospers increasingly
   from one end of the country to the other. From the mouths of
   the Nile, from Alexandria to the great lakes of Central
   Africa, all across Egypt, Nubia, and the Soudan, peace and
   quiet reign everywhere. And—strange as it may seem—all these
   results have been obtained, not by increasing the taxes, but,
   on the contrary, by reducing and even in some cases abolishing
   them altogether.

   "In less than twenty-five years England has accomplished all
   this and much more still. She has effected the marvellous
   achievement of remaining in Egypt with the unanimous consent
   of the Powers of Europe, to the great satisfaction of the
   Egyptians themselves and the foreigners dwelling in Egypt, and
   finally of living there as a friend, almost as an ally of
   France! …

   "The honesty of the Government in all its branches, the
   impartiality with which all abuses have been punished, and
   finally the honourable example which during five-and-twenty
   years the English have set before the Egyptians, have
   certainly borne good fruit. To be ‘honest’ is no longer an
   empty expression on the banks of the Nile, and the entire
   population understands to-day what that word signifies. I
   think of how absolutely unknown it was in 1882! To sum up,
   Egypt and the Egyptians have now become clean, both
   physically and morally. We may say that England has cleansed
   and disinfected them, externally and internally."

      A. B. de Guerville,
      The Situation in Egypt
      (Fortnightly Review, February, 1907).

   In his work on "Modern Egypt," published since his retirement
   from the British administration in Egypt, Lord Cromer speaks
   as follows of the change which has come over Egypt since the
   British occupation took place. Though an interested witness,
   Lord Cromer is one well trusted by the general opinion of the
   world: "A new spirit," he wrote, "has been instilled into the
   population of Egypt. Even the peasant has learnt to scan his
   rights. Even the Pasha has learnt that others besides himself
   have rights which must be respected. The courbash may hang on
   the walls of the Moudirieh, but the Moudir no longer dares to
   employ it on the backs of the fellaheen.
{219}
   For all practical purposes, it may be said that the hateful
   corvee system has disappeared. Slavery has virtually ceased to
   exist. The halcyon days of the adventurer and the usurer are
   past. Fiscal burthens have been greatly relieved. Everywhere
   law reigns supreme. Justice is no longer bought and sold.
   Nature, instead of being spurned and neglected, has been wooed
   to bestow her gifts on mankind. She has responded to the
   appeal. The waters of the Nile are now utilized in an
   intelligent manner. Means of locomotion have been improved and
   extended. The soldier has acquired some pride in the uniform
   which he wears. He has fought as he never fought before. The
   sick man can be nursed in a well-managed hospital. The lunatic
   is no longer treated like a wild beast. The punishment awarded
   to the worst criminal is no longer barbarous. Lastly, the
   schoolmaster is abroad, with results which are as yet
   uncertain, but which cannot fail to be important."

EGYPT: A. D. 1908.
   Gordon Memorial College at Khartoum.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: EGYPT.

EGYPT: A. D. 1909.
   Completion of the Esneh Barrage.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: EGYPT.

EGYPT: A. D. 1909 (May).
   The Nationalist agitation, excited by the Turkish Revolution.

   A correspondent of the New York Evening Post, writing
   from London of the agitation for national independence in
   Egypt, under date of May 8, 1909, remarks that it has been
   affected in two ways by the recent revolutionary movements in
   the East. They have "weakened as well as strengthened the
   cause. For a number of half-educated native thinkers to see
   Turkey with a Parliament is to make them feel they should have
   one, too. The British agent points out that the youth of
   Egypt, upon whom must rest all hopes of eventual autonomy, are
   becoming demoralized by such propaganda. They have been
   clamoring on every occasion for a Constitution." They have
   been incited by a virulent press. "When, a few months ago, Mr.
   Haldane announced that the British army of occupation was to
   be increased to the same strength as the force in South
   Africa, disgusting diatribes were indulged in against the
   British army. Officers were described as monsters of low
   breeding, ill manners, cowardice, and multifarious vice. As a
   result of this kind of thing, and also through the pressure of
   the moderate native press, the old Press law of 1881 was
   revived—a law providing that after three warnings a paper may
   be suspended by the Council of Ministers by an administrative
   order, and not through the courts of law.

   "Since then the Nationalists have arranged frequent
   demonstrations, some of them resulting in encounters with the
   police, which have been magnified by part of the English press
   into serious riots. Serious riots are not got up by
   schoolboys, who, according to the best information, seem to
   have been entirely responsible for the physical part of these
   demonstrations in Cairo and elsewhere. They have now been
   strictly forbidden to take part in any public political
   discussion."

EGYPT: A. D. 1909 (September).
   Young Egypt Congress.

   The party of Young Egyptians, so called, held a Congress at
   Geneva in September—the second of such assemblies—which was
   attended by several sympathetic members of the British
   Parliament, Mr. Keir Hardie and others, representing the Labor
   and Irish parties. A telegram was sent from the Congress to
   the House of Commons in England, stating that the
   representatives of the intellectual elements of organized
   Egyptian political parties gathered in congress at Geneva on
   the occasion of the anniversary of the entry of the English
   troops into Cairo saluted very respectfully the
   representatives of Great Britain, recalled the reiterated
   promise of the British Government to evacuate Egyptian
   territory, and inasmuch as the reasons given by Mr. Gladstone
   for the occupation no longer existed, asked the House for the
   honour of the English nation to secure the withdrawal of the
   troops from Egyptian territory. A similar telegram was
   despatched to the Grand Vizier, Hilmi Pasha, asking him to use
   his influence with England to secure the withdrawal of the
   troops.

   This was sent on the 14th of September, the 27th anniversary
   of the British occupation of Egypt, and on the same day the
   Prime Minister of Great Britain, Mr. Asquith, received the
   following telegram from Cairo:

   "A meeting of 6,000 Egyptians assembled here to-day desires to
   convey to your high personage the unanimous and energetic
   protest of the Egyptian people against the occupation, and
   from to-day demands the evacuation, relying upon the
   engagements and solemn oaths of the Queen’s Governments.
   Moreover, to gain our friendship is more preferable for
   English honour than to lose our hearts and support."

   The protest was also sent to the Grand Vizier in
   Constantinople and to the Young Egypt Congress in Geneva.

EHRLICH, Paul.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

EHR-LUNG-SHAN FORT, Capture of.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

EIGHT HOUR LABOR DAY.

      See(in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

ELECTIONS, Political:
   Contributions from Corporations prohibited.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY).

   ----------ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Start--------

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1906.
   Universal Suffrage adopted in Austria.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Belgium: A. D. 1902.
   Opposition to the Plural Suffrage defeated.

      See (in this Volume)
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1902, and 1904.

      See in Volume I. of this work,
      CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM.

      See in Volume VI. of this work,
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: China: A. D. 1908.
   The Constitutional Promise.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.

{220}

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: England: A. D. 1909.
   Second reading of the Representation of the People Bill,
   extending the Suffrage to Women and others.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Germany: A. D. 1906.
   Extensions of popular rights in some parts of the Empire.
   A comedy of election reform in Prussia.

   "The agitation for the extension of popular rights is vigorous
   in many parts of the Empire. The Kingdom of Würtemberg has
   just reformed its antique constitution by eliminating from the
   Lower House the privileged members, ‘knights’ and clergymen,
   and substituting members elected by popular vote. Baden has
   introduced universal suffrage, and Bavaria has changed from
   indirect to direct voting. In the Kingdom of Saxony, which a
   decade ago remodeled its election law in a plutocratic
   direction, the government is now trying to retrace its steps.
   The Oldenburg government has committed itself to universal
   suffrage; and in Saxe-Weimar the Liberal parties and the
   Socialists have formed a compact to establish it. In the midst
   of this democratic movement Prussia has just carried through a
   slight revision of its election laws. …

   "The government [Prussian] came forward last spring with a
   scheme of election reform which is nothing short of comical in
   its bureaucratic narrowness. Several huge city districts were
   divided, and ten new seats in the Chamber created,—not,
   however as a recognition of the rights of the urban
   population, but in order to facilitate the mere formalities of
   balloting. The number of electors in such districts had
   outgrown the capacity of any hall to hold them."

      W. C. Dreher,
      The Year in Germany
      (Atlantic Monthly, November, 1906).

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: India:
   Slight exercise of local self-government.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: India:
   Introduction of popular representation in
   the Legislative Councils.

      See INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Persia:
   Under the recent Constitution.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Philippine Islands.
   Provisions of election law.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Porto Rico:
   Change of qualifications for the suffrage.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901-1905.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Proportional Representation: England:
   The subject under discussion.

   The practicability and desirability of proportional
   representation has been under investigation in the United
   Kingdom, during 1909, by a Royal Commission, which has had
   frequent sessions for hearings at Whitehall. At a hearing in
   October Lord Hugh Cecil, who represents Oxford in the House of
   Commons, argued with great force in favor of proportional
   representation, as a means of moderating the constraint
   exercised over independent opinion by party ties. He said that
   the present system was not satisfactory. It greatly hindered
   free discussion in the House of Commons, and tended to
   exaggerate there the intensity of feeling and the rigidity of
   the party system. Majorities were generally large, and often
   it was merely a trial of endurance. The empty condition of the
   House on many occasions proved that discussion never
   influenced divisions, and there was an elimination of
   independent opinion. Decisions were on party issues, except
   when new subjects such as the fiscal question, were brought
   forward. With smaller majorities independent opinion—specific
   rather than general—would have more opportunity, and that
   would be a gain. There was a growing tendency to lift foreign
   politics and, to a lesser degree, Colonial politics beyond
   party, and to a large extent the Government could count on the
   support of moderate opponents when foreign and Colonial
   matters were considered. He did not think the effect of
   proportional representation would be to form any more groups
   than they had at present, but his desire was that there should
   be members who were not absolute party men, and independent
   members would have more chance of getting returned. He
   considered that desirable, and did not apprehend the return of
   faddists. Even now faddists were easily elected to Parliament,
   where for the most part they were disregarded. He did not
   agree that practically all sections of the community were
   represented under the existing system. A very large and
   important section between the two parties was never
   represented, having always to choose between one or the other
   extreme.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: South Africa:
   The Principle in Practice.

   The principle of proportional representation was brought into
   practice in the municipal elections of the Transvaal in
   October, 1909. The Constitution of the South Africa Union,
   which goes into effect in the spring of 1910, applies it,
   also, to the election of senators in the Union Parliament.
   "The proportional method chosen is, in each case, that of the
   single transferable vote, and the Johannesburg elections will
   furnish an example of the use of this system on a larger scale
   than any hitherto attempted, whilst the senatorial elections
   will furnish examples of its application to very small
   electorates. The duty of the voter, both in the senatorial and
   in the municipal elections, will be the same. He must place
   the figure 1 against the candidate for whom he desires to
   vote, and, in addition, he may and should place the figures 2,
   3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and so on against the names of the other
   candidates in the order of his preference. The numbering of
   additional preferences, if not so vital as that of marking the
   first choice, is of extreme importance, and the elector should
   continue to indicate preferences until he has exhausted his
   powers of choice. The object, in marking preferences, is to
   prevent the waste of voting power. For, if the elector’s first
   choice has obtained more votes than are necessary to secure
   his election, or if his first choice has obtained so few votes
   as to be hopelessly out of the running, the returning officer
   will carry forward these votes in accordance with the wishes
   expressed by the electors, as indicated by the preferences
   marked. … The vote is always credited to the first choice and
   is not transferred save in the contingencies named. If,
   however, no effective use can be made of the vote in the
   return of the elector’s first choice the returning officer, in
   the absence of any instructions from the voter, will be unable
   to carry the vote forward, and the vote will therefore have no
   influence in determining the result of the election. Electors
   should therefore exercise to the full their privilege of
   marking preferences."

      The State
      (South African National Magazine),
      October, 1909.

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ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Prussia: A. D. 1909.
   Rejection of proposed Reforms.

   The result of new proposals for reforming the intolerable
   class-system of voting in Prussia (see CONSTITUTION OF PRUSSIA
   in Volume VI. of this work), proposals of more sincerity than
   those of 1906, described above,—was thus reported in a Press
   despatch from Berlin, January 26, 1909:

   "The debate upon the motions regarding reform of the Prussian
   franchise was concluded in the Lower House of the Diet to-day.
   After two more speeches had been delivered the Conservatives
   moved and carried the closure, and the various reform
   proposals were put to the vote. All the motions were rejected.
   Against most of the proposals so large a hostile majority was
   shown when the Deputies were invited to rise from their seats
   that no counting of votes was necessary. A motion in favour of
   the substitution of direct for indirect election was rejected,
   upon a division, by 168 votes against 165—a majority of three.
   Upon this question, and also upon the main question—the
   introduction of a universal and equal franchise with secrecy
   of the ballot—most of the Centre Party Deputies voted with the
   Left, and the majority consisted almost entirely of
   Conservatives and Free Conservatives, who under the existing
   system, possess an absolute majority in the Diet."

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Prussia: A. D. 1910.

   A bill brought forward by the Government in February, 1910,
   professing to reform the elective franchise, gave less than no
   satisfaction to the mass of the people, who resented it as an
   insult to their rights. The measure was reported to make no
   change in the three-class system of voting, which ensures to
   wealth its political domination, and it refused the secret
   ballot. It conceded nothing of reform except a direct instead
   of an indirect election of representatives, and provoked
   formidable demonstrations of popular indignation in Berlin and
   other cities.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Russia: A. D. 1906.
   The Franchise as exercised in the election of the Dumas.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 and 1907.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Sweden: A. D. 1909.
   Franchise Reform Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      SWEDEN: A. D. 1909.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Turkey: A. D. 1908.
   Under the Constitution regained by Revolution.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: United States:
   Direct primary nomination of candidates.

   After a long and unsatisfactory experience in the United
   States of the nomination of candidates for public office by
   conventions of delegates, the people have been rapidly
   discarding that system within the last few years, replacing it
   by the institution of primary elections, at which candidates
   for the subsequent election are selected by
   direct vote. The old delegate system tended irresistibly to
   give the picking of candidates (between whom the people had
   finally a narrow choice) to little handfuls of men who make
   manipulative party management their main business in life,
   with objects of self profit, either in money or political
   power. Effective revolt against this evil-working system began
   in the Western States and is now strong in the East. The
   following summary statement of what it had accomplished, up to
   the spring of 1909, is from a pamphlet then published by the
   Citizens Union of New York City, in support of a "Direct
   Primary Bill" which was pending at the time in the Legislature
   of the State of New York:

   "The direct primary is now the most usual system of making
   nominations in the United States, and in no case has a state,
   a county, or a town turned back from direct nominations to the
   convention system. It is no longer an experiment, having been
   tried out under varying conditions in so many states that it
   is possible to be guided by experience in avoiding the dangers
   of an imperfect direct primary law.

   "Fourteen states [Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana,
   Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Oklahoma,
   Oregon, South Dakota, Texas, Washington, and Wisconsin], with
   a total population of 25,323,039, have mandatory laws
   requiring the use of this plan in selecting candidates
   of the principal parties for practically all offices. Three
   other states [Minnesota, Ohio, Pennsylvania] have mandatory
   laws covering practically all except the state offices. Five
   other states [Indiana, Massachusetts, Michigan, New Jersey,
   Tennessee] have mandatory laws covering certain
   localities or offices. Five states [Alabama, Florida,
   Kentucky, Michigan, Tennessee], including two of the above,
   have optional laws covering practically all officers, the
   provisions of which laws have been largely taken advantage of.
   There are direct nominations laws of a weaker sort, some of
   them of little or no value, in many other states. Party rules
   have established direct nominations for at least the majority
   party in nearly all of the Southern states not mentioned
   above.

   "About one-half of the states, including those in which the
   system has been established by party rules, use direct
   nominations for practically all elective offices. The states
   in which the system is established by mandatory law for
   practically all elective offices have about thirty per cent.
   of the population of the United States.

   "Of the thirty-one United States senators elected last fall,
   seventeen were nominated by direct primaries. Fifteen out of
   thirty-two governors of states were so nominated. There is a
   strong movement for direct primaries in states which do not at
   present use this system to any considerable extent, namely:
   Vermont, Connecticut, New Hampshire, New York, California,
   Colorado, Idaho and Utah. In New Hampshire, both Republican
   and Democratic parties declared for it in their party
   platforms last fall, and the Republican Governor has
   recommended it to the Republican Legislature. In California,
   two direct nominations laws have been passed, but declared
   unconstitutional. Last fall, an amendment to the constitution
   of that state permitting the legislature to enact a direct
   nominations law was passed by a vote of the people.

   "A brief outline of how direct nominations originated and how
   the system has been extended until it has been substituted for
   the convention system by a majority of the American people
   furnishes a strong argument in its favor. It is an American
   system, and a product of the struggle of the American people
   for the control of their government.

   "Direct primaries originated in Crawford County, Pennsylvania,
   where the so-called Crawford County System was established by
   action of a Republican County Committee in 1860 and has been
   in force ever since. On two occasions, the question of whether
   it should be retained was put before the Republican voters and
   overwhelmingly decided in the affirmative, the last of these
   votes being taken after the system had been in force for
   nineteen years. Its popularity led to its adoption throughout
   the entire Congressional district for all nominations.

{222}

   "The Minnesota direct primary law for the city of Minneapolis,
   Hennepin County, was enacted in 1899. After it had been tried
   in the city for two years, public sentiment, because of the
   excellent results achieved under the new law in Minneapolis,
   insisted upon its being extended, and other localities were
   brought within its provisions. Minnesota at present has a
   mandatory state-wide law applying to practically all except
   state offices. The newspapers of Minneapolis all declared for
   it, and no man of prominence in the state took a stand against
   it after it had been tried in the city.

   "Michigan adopted direct primaries in 1903 for use in Grand
   Rapids, Kent County. The result was the defeat for
   re-nomination of the Mayor under whose administration the
   so-called water scandal had developed. Two years later,
   candidates in Kent County were requested to go on record as to
   whether they favored a general direct primary law for the
   state. All who recorded their positions declared for such a
   law, and it was commonly reported in the newspapers that
   opposition to direct primaries would mean defeat for any
   candidate who took so unpopular a stand.

   "Thereafter direct nominations spread rapidly through the
   middle western states. Mandatory laws were substituted for
   optional laws, and state-wide laws for laws applying to
   certain localities or offices."

   The movement for direct primary voting, to supersede delegated
   conventions in the nomination of candidates for office, was
   inspired and invigorated powerfully in New York by Governor
   Hughes (see, in this Volume, NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910),
   soon after his second term in the executive administration
   began. He saw that nothing else could emancipate the political
   parties of the State from their "boss"-ridden servitude, and
   make them real organs of expression for the mind and will of
   the people. The whole force of his great influence then went
   to the help of the advocates of this reform, and it produced a
   public wakening on the subject which years of ordinary
   agitation might have failed to bring about. He brought,
   moreover, to the movement an inborn statesmanship of judgment
   and an intellectual training which gave it the wisest
   direction it had yet received. The Bill which he assisted to
   frame, embodying his official recommendations, was designed
   more carefully than the legislation in other States had been,
   not only to avoid any weakening of the organization of
   political parties, but to give them the strength of a
   leadership conferred truly and freely by its followers. The
   measure was opposed desperately by the existing "organization"
   of the party in power, and that combination was represented in
   the Legislature so much more effectively than the people were
   that it compassed the defeat of the Bill, in the session of
   1909.

   Four times the people of Illinois have extorted acts from
   their Legislature providing for direct nominations, and thrice
   the enactments, badly framed, have been pronounced
   unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the State. The fourth
   of these pieces of legislation, produced in February, 1910, is
   not yet tested.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
   Disfranchising Amendment to the Maryland Constitution defeated.

   A disfranchising amendment to the Constitution of Maryland,
   designed not only to exclude many colored people from the
   suffrage, but to give the now dominant political party a
   complete mastery of the ballot box, was rejected by the people
   when submitted to them at the election of November, 1909.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
   Short Ballot Reform.

   A movement that will gain force if the grave reasons for it
   can be duly impressed on the popular mind has been assuming
   organized form of late. The prime mover in it is Mr. Richard
   S. Childs, of New York, who began missionary work for it in a
   convincing magazine article on "The Doctrine of the Short
   Ballot," published in 1908. Printed afterwards in a small
   pamphlet, this impressive argument has had wide circulation
   and has drawn many men of influence into league with the
   author for urging the subject on public attention. The aim is
   to reduce elective offices in State, county and town to such a
   limited number that the average voter can acquaint himself
   with the comparative merits of candidates and make a fairly
   intelligent choice, which he cannot do when the number is
   large. "We must shorten the ballot," wrote Mr. Childs, "to a
   point where the average man will vote intelligently without
   giving to politics more attention than he does at present."
   "Voting a straight ticket is not a matter of party loyalty so
   much as of not knowing what else to do, and split tickets will
   become common as soon as the list is reduced to a point where
   each candidate becomes in the mind of the voter a definite
   personality instead of a mere name on a long list. To make
   public office conspicuous can only be accomplished by making
   it stand out in solitude before the gaze of the voter. Let all
   the encumbrances in the shape of minor offices disappear from
   the ballot and be made appointive. Or at the very least
   prevent the few offices from overshadowing the many. Make all
   the candidates conspicuous by letting no one be more
   conspicuous than another."

   A digest of the "short ballot" doctrine is offered in the
   following propositions:

   "To the average American voter most of the long ballot is a
   mere list of names. He registers a genuine personal opinion
   only on certain conspicuous offices—the rest he necessarily
   delegates by default to organizations of ‘political
   specialists.’

   "These political organizations, if victorious, sink into the
   control of their worst members, since these members having
   most to gain and being least scrupulous can generally win
   within the organization. Then these men run public
   administrations as badly as they dare.

   "But we get good men for any conspicuous office where there is
   adequate public scrutiny of the candidate, and even Tammany
   offers us satisfactory public servants in such places.

   "Therefore, if we make most offices appointive so as to
   shorten the ballot, till the voter can master his whole
   task, and every elected officer becomes conspicuous before his
   constituents, political machines will become impotent and
   merit will become the most important asset for a candidate.

   "The result will be uniform clean government as in England,
   Canada, etc., where they have 'The Short Ballot’ already."

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ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
   Suffrage Amendment to the Georgia Constitution adopted
   by popular vote.

   A suffrage amendment to the Constitution of the State of
   Georgia, adopted by an overwhelming popular vote in October,
   1908, provides that, in order to register and vote according
   to the provisions of this amendment, a man must, besides
   meeting certain requirements as to residence and the payment
   of his taxes, have one of the following qualifications: Either

   (1) he must have served in the land or naval forces of the
   United States or the Confederate States or the State of
   Georgia in time of war, or be lawfully descended from one who
   has done so; or

   (2) he must be a person of good character, satisfying the
   registrars of election that he understands the duties and
   obligations of citizenship; or

   (3) he must correctly read in the English language any
   paragraph of the United States Constitution or the State
   Constitution, and, unless physically incapacitated from doing
   so, correctly write the same when read to him; or

   (4) he must be the owner of at least forty acres of land in
   the State in which he resides, or the owner of five hundred
   dollars’ worth of property in the State assessed for taxation.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Woman Suffrage:
   At Large: Present extent of the movement.

   "We rejoice in the immense progress made by women in the last
   60 years. In 1848 women had votes nowhere in the world except
   the school vote in Kentucky by widows with children of school
   age, and a very limited franchise in some parts of Europe.
   Today women vote for all elected officers in Finland, Norway,
   Federated Australia, New Zealand, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah and
   Idaho: they have municipal suffrage in England, Scotland,
   Ireland and Wales, in Canada, Kansas, Sweden, Denmark and
   Iceland; tax suffrage in Louisiana, Montana, Iowa and New
   York, and school suffrage in one-half the States of the Union.
   When that first convention met, only one College in the United
   States admitted women; now hundreds of colleges do so. Then
   there was not a single woman physician, or ordained minister,
   or lawyer; now there are 7000 women physicians and surgeons,
   3000 ordained ministers, and one thousand lawyers. Then only a
   few poorly paid employments were open to women; now women are
   in more than 300 occupations, and comprise 80 per cent. of our
   teachers. Then there were scarcely any organizations of women;
   now such organizations are numbered by thousands. Then the few
   women who dared to speak in public, even on philanthropic
   questions, were overwhelmingly condemned by public opinion;
   now the women most opposed to equal suffrage travel about the
   country making public speeches to prove that a woman’s only
   place is at home. Then a married woman in most of our States
   could not control her own person, property or earnings; now in
   most of the States these laws have been largely amended, and
   it is only in regard to the ballot that the fiction of women’s
   perpetual minority is still kept up. Most of the demands made
   by the convention of 1848, which then seemed so revolutionary,
   have been already granted, and are now looked upon as matters
   of course. … We rejoice in the increasingly rapid progress of
   the woman suffrage cause. Every year shows some gain. Since
   our last annual meeting Parliamentary suffrage has been
   extended to the women of Norway; municipal suffrage to the
   women of Denmark; Sweden has made women eligible to municipal
   office; Russia has given women of property a proxy vote for
   members of the Douma; and Great Britain, with only 15
   dissenting votes, has made women eligible as Mayors, Aldermen
   and County and Town Councillors. We congratulate the women of
   Great Britain upon their gallant fight for the franchise."

      Resolutions of the 40th Annual Convention of the
      National American Woman Suffrage Association,
      at Buffalo, New York, October, 1908.

   In Europe "there is the curious anomaly that in its two
   so-called republics the cause of woman suffrage is more
   backward than in almost any of the other countries. In
   Switzerland every man over twenty may vote. A National Woman
   Suffrage Association has lately been organized which is
   supported by many public men. …

   "In France, all men twenty-one years old have the franchise.
   The National Council of Women, composed of 55 associations
   with about 70,000 members, has recently joined forces with the
   National Suffrage Union, thus assuring strong and systematic
   effort for the enfranchisement of women. In 1906, a Committee
   for the Defence of the Rights of Women was formed in the
   Chamber of Deputies, to secure the social, civil and political
   rights of women."

      Ida H. Harper
      North American Review,
      September. 1907.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Australia.

   The Constitution of the Commonwealth of Australia, in its 41st
   clause provides as follows:

      See (in Volume VI. of this work)
      CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

   "No adult person who has or acquires the right to vote at
   elections for the more numerous House of the Parliament of a
   State, shall, while the right continues, be prevented by any
   law of the Commonwealth from voting at elections for either
   House of the Commonwealth."

   Inasmuch as two of the Australian States, South Australia and
   Western Australia, had already extended the suffrage to women
   when this federal constitution was adopted, they gained at
   once, by its terms, the right of voting at federal elections
   in those States. An account of their first appearance in
   Australian Federal politics was given subsequently by one of
   the women who participated,—in part as follows:

   "The political incentive is now the possession of the women of
   Australia, and its influence was a potent factor in the recent
   Federal elections. The women of South Australia and West
   Australia have had the suffrage for some years, so that they
   are accustomed to voting, but to the women of the other States
   the whole business was new; nevertheless, they voted in as
   large numbers proportionally as the men in a majority of the
   constituencies, while in some they cast a heavier vote than
   the men. The total vote was only 52 per cent. of the voting
   strength, the low percentage being due to the fact that the
   people as a body have not yet grasped the Federal idea.
   Federation has not completely scotched provincialism in
   politics, though it is fast doing so, if for no other reason
   than the enormous cost of government in this country. The
   people are beginning to realize that we are paying the
   political piper heavily—fourteen Houses of Parliament and
   seven viceroyalties for four millions of people! It is too big
   an order, and common sense, as well as the state of our
   finances, demands that we should simplify our legislative
   machinery. It is right here, as the Americans say, that the
   women’s influence will tell.
{224}
   During the election campaign, it was most evident that a very
   large section of the women favoured those candidates who urged
   economy in public expenditure. Individual women, with no idea
   of the value of money, may be extravagant, but most women are
   compelled by circumstances to be economical, and have a horror
   of wasteful expenditure. Therefore the growing demand for less
   expensive legislative machinery will find devoted adherents
   amongst the women voters. …

   "The elections had an added interest in the appearance of four
   women candidates in the field—Mrs. Martell, Mrs. Moore (New
   South Wales), myself (Victoria), standing for the Senate; and
   Miss Selina Anderson (New South Wales) for the House of
   Representatives. All were defeated, but the defeat was not
   unexpected, as we were well aware that it would be altogether
   phenomenal if women were to succeed in their first attempt to
   enter a National Parliament. …

   "There were eighteen candidates in the field, and, while
   unsuccessful, my record of 51,497 votes, when 85,387 were
   sufficient to secure election, is most gratifying. I polled
   more heavily than one candidate who has been Premier of
   Victoria, and than another who had been for twenty-six years a
   member of the State legislature, defeating the one by 24,327,
   the other by 32,436 votes—51,000 odd votes, in spite of the
   opposition of the powerful daily papers, and the prejudice
   that a pioneer always has to encounter, is nothing less than a
   triumph for the cause that I represent, the cause of women and
   children."

      Vida Goldstein,
      The Political Woman in Australia
      (Nineteenth Century, July, 1904).

   "The argument that women will not vote is completely disproved
   by Australian experience. They not only vote, but they vote in
   continually increasing numbers as time goes on, and they
   become educated up to a sense of their political
   responsibilities and all that these imply. Not all the states
   discriminate in their returns between men and women voters,
   but those that do show something like the following: In South
   Australia, at the last general election, 59 per cent. of the
   men on the rolls voted, and 42 per cent. of the women; in
   Western Australia, 49 per cent. of the men and 47 per cent. of
   the women voted; at the last Federal election, 56 per cent. of
   the men voted, and 40 per cent. of the women. None of the
   Australian states has yet reached the extraordinary record of
   New Zealand, where, in 1902, nearly 75 per cent. of the women
   electors recorded their votes, as against 76 per cent. of
   their brothers.

   "It is unnecessary to add that the conservative woman votes.
   Her husband or father and their newspaper take good care that
   the duty of doing so is well impressed upon her, even though
   abstractly they may all three disapprove of woman in politics,
   and have striven to avert her appearing in that arena as long
   as they possibly could. …

   "Among the measures that can be traced to woman suffrage
   within the last ten years are prematernity acts, acts raising
   the age of consent, family maintenance acts, and many acts
   improving children’s conditions by extending juvenile courts,
   limiting hours of work, providing better inspection,
   forbidding sale to children of drink, drugs and doubtful
   literature."

      Alice Henry,
      The Australian Woman and the Ballot
      (North American Review, December 21, 1906).

   Writing in the New York Evening Post of February 10,
   1909, Mrs. Ida Husted Harper makes the following statements:
   "The recent announcement that the upper house of Parliament in
   Victoria, Australia, had passed a woman suffrage bill by a
   vote of 23 to 5, marked the gaining of complete suffrage for
   women in all of Australasia. Since 1902 women have had a vote
   in Australia for members of the national Parliament, and for a
   number of years the vote for State officials in all the States
   except Victoria. There the lower house, or Assembly, has
   fifteen times passed a bill giving this vote to women only to
   have it rejected by the upper house, or Council. The Assembly
   is elected by popular vote; the Council is not. … With their
   municipal and national franchise the women were able to make
   things decidedly uncomfortable for the opponents, in which
   they were encouraged and aided by the labor unions. At last
   the council surrendered unconditionally, and the vote of
   twenty-three to five showed that most of them tried to get
   into the band wagon. The five who voted ‘no’ were probably ‘in
   for life,’ and not afraid of the consequences. … Australia has
   thoroughly tested woman suffrage, first in municipal affairs,
   and then in those of State and nation. There is not one
   objection made against it which is not refuted by the actual
   experience of that country. All the talk about who will take
   care of the baby and what will become of the home, its men
   would brush aside as so much chaff."

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Denmark:
   Its first exercise in Municipal Elections.

   Danish municipal elections in March, 1909, were conducted
   under a new law which gives every woman who either pays direct
   taxes or whose husband does so the right to vote. The law also
   provides for a system of proportional representation. "There
   was naturally much discussion beforehand," wrote a newspaper
   correspondent from Copenhagen, "as to what would be the result
   of this first experiment in woman suffrage in Denmark. The
   Conservatives, indeed, protested for a long time before they
   yielded to its claims. As far as can now be ascertained the
   relative strength of the parties in the councils will be
   practically unchanged, that is to say, the Conservatives will
   still have a slight majority. This is at all events the case
   in and around Copenhagen, where the women took a very active
   part in the voting, nearly 75 per cent. of those who were
   entitled to vote having done so."

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: England:
   Qualification for County and Borough Councils.

   The following are the provisions of an Act of Parliament
   approved in August, 1907:

   "A woman shall not be disqualified by sex or marriage for
   being elected or being a councillor or alderman of the council
   of any county or borough (including a metropolitan borough):
   Provided that a woman if elected as chairman of a county
   council or mayor of a borough shall not by virtue of holding
   or having held that office be a justice of the peace."

{225}

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
   The Campaign of the Militant Suffragists or "Suffragettes."

   The cause of the women who desire and demand equal political
   rights with men seemed to be advancing fast toward complete
   victory in Great Britain, in 1906-1907, when the impatient among
   them began resorting to militant methods of agitation. It is
   probably safe to say that no other movement by any part of any
   people in any country, for obtaining an extension of political
   rights, had ever been carried by rational discussion and
   appeal to a point of more encouragement than the woman
   suffrage movement in the United Kingdom had then attained. For
   everything elective in local government the vote had been won
   for women, and the opening of county and borough offices to
   them was on the eve of being written into law. Representation
   in Parliament, only, had not been secured, but the disposition
   to concede it was growing from day to day. It was at this
   stage of promising progress in the movement that an impatient
   section of its promoters became persuaded that some
   disturbance of the public peace and some troubling of the
   Government would hasten the final triumph of their cause. Why
   they were led to that conclusion was explained to an American
   audience in New York by their leader, Mrs. Pankhurst, in
   October, 1909, as follows:

   "The Liberals failed to put woman suffrage in their Newcastle
   programme. We waited on Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, leader
   of that party, and who would be prime minister, but he said he
   was too busy seeing voters to attend to women. The other
   parties acted in the same way, so we were forced to other
   action. A. J. Balfour, the Tory leader, upon whom we called,
   declared that he was in favor of equal suffrage, but was
   honest enough to add that no statesman would propose a bill to
   give it unless it were made a practical question of politics.

   "You have heard much of our methods. You have condemned them,
   but whether they were right or wrong, objectionable or not,
   they have certainly accomplished our object of bringing the
   question before the British public as a practical political
   question. … My grandmother was a Chartist, and so I determined
   to follow in her footsteps.

   "It was at Manchester, almost on the site of the Peterloo
   franchise riots, when the yeomen, with their bayonets, cut
   down the men seeking votes, that our agitation began. Sir
   Edward Grey was closing the great Liberal revival in
   Lancashire by a great meeting. Women were admitted to meetings
   in England in those days; it is not so now. We decided to be
   there with a banner on which we would inscribe the motto ‘Will
   the Liberal government give working women the vote?’ Annie
   Kenny, an officer of the Cotton Workers’ Trade Union, was
   chosen to put the question to Sir Edward Grey. She accepted on
   condition that my daughter, Christobel Pankhurst, would
   accompany her and hold her hand. We tried to get them seats in
   the front of the balcony, where they could unfurl the banner.
   We failed in this, so we got seats in the area, and had to
   change the banner. The new one was made on my dining-room
   table with a piece of calico and some black paint and
   contained the now world-wide motto: ‘Votes for Women.’

   "Sir Edward Grey delivered a great speech, but there was
   nothing in it about giving women votes. Several questions were
   put to him, and he answered as all public speakers should, and
   as they always do in England. When he was done, more questions
   were in order. Annie Kenny rose and unfurled her banner,
   holding it up in a hand from which she had lost a finger while
   at work in the mills at an age when girls should not be
   allowed to work—especially when they are intended for
   motherhood. Holding her companion’s hand, she put her
   question: ‘Will the Liberal government give working women
   votes?’ Instantly the stewards pounced upon her; hands were
   pressed over her mouth, and she was forced to sit down. She
   was told to write her question, and it would be answered. A
   vote of thanks was proposed, and Sir Edward Grey answered.

   "When he failed to answer her question, Annie Kenny rose and
   insisted on an answer. She was pounced upon; six men dragged
   her hat off and pulled her to the door, but her last words as
   she was thrown out were: ‘Sir Edward Grey, answer my
   question.’ My daughter took up the task, and repeated the
   question. She, too, was set upon and dragged past the stage,
   upon which sat men who had known her from childhood, who had
   voted for her father; but so strong is party spirit that they
   allowed her to be thrown out without protest.

   "They held a meeting outside and were arrested for obstructing
   the police. They were fined, and went to jail. But we had
   gained what we wanted. The press, which had ignored us,
   heralded our cause. We were giving them good copy."

   In the early period of the campaign of public disturbance
   which the militant suffragists had thus planned, their
   operations were directed mainly to the interruption of
   speakers at political meetings, not only by questions, but by
   bell-ringing and the like, provoking forcible ejection, arrest
   and fine, or commitment to jail. Presently some resorted to
   the device of chaining themselves to seats, prolonging the
   disturbance and heightening its sensational character. The
   crowning sensation of this description was achieved on the 8th
   of November, 1908, when two daring suffragettes who had gained
   admission to the women’s gallery in the House of Commons
   chained themselves to the metal lattice work in front of it
   and opened a fire of questions and demands on the dismayed law
   makers below. In the previous month the House had been
   besieged by a great mob of women who attempted to force their
   way into its well-guarded chambers, under Mrs. Pankhurst’s
   lead. She and others of the leaders, arrested on this
   occasion, refused to give bonds to keep the peace, and were
   sentenced to imprisonment for three months.

   From this time on, the devices of public disturbance and of
   annoyance to Parliament and Ministers became more and more
   ingeniously sensational. One performance, on the 27th of
   April, 1909, was thus described by a London newspaper of the
   morning after:

   "St. Stephen’s Hall is built upon the site of the old
   Parliament, its dimensions in length and width are the same,
   its memories embalm the great Parliamentary tradition, it is
   the place where the liberties of the people have been won.
   This is the place which was chosen yesterday by woman
   suffragists for a degrading exhibition of disorder. On either
   side of the hall are two rows of wonderful statues, like white
   ghosts of the old Parliament. To the legs of four of these
   statues as many women yesterday afternoon fastened themselves,
   after their practice, with chains, and remained there, a
   centre of disturbance, until an end was put to their mimic
   slavery by the police. The statues were those of Selden,
   Walpole, Somers, and Falkland; and it is matter for great
   regret that Falkland’s statue, in its pathetic grace the most
   charming of them all, has been wantonly injured by this rough
   usage."

{226}

   On the 24th of June the lobby of the House of Commons became
   the scene of another performance in the same spirit by a
   single dauntless actor,—thus related: "Miss Wallace Dunlop,
   who was intercepted the other day in an attempt to deface with
   indelible ink the walls of the lobby of the House of Commons
   with an appeal on behalf of ‘Votes for Women,’ succeeded
   yesterday in accomplishing her object. Disguised as an elderly
   lady and carrying a brown handbag, she eluded the vigilance of
   the police till well within the lobby of the House. Drawing
   from her handbag a small wooden stencil, or board, with felt
   attached and saturated with indelible purple ink, she
   succeeded in placing it against the wall of the lobby at a
   conspicuous spot. The ink was at once absorbed into the
   surface of the wall. The words written were:--‘Women’s
   Deputation, June 29th. Bill of Rights. It is the right of the
   subjects to petition the King, and all commitments and
   prosecutions for such petitioning are illegal.’ Miss Wallace
   Dunlop was taken to Cannon-row Police-station, and after being
   detained two hours was charged with doing wilful damage. She
   will be brought before the magistrates at Bow Street this
   morning."

   Miss Dunlop received a sentence of imprisonment, and
   inaugurated in prison a more heroic protest against and
   defiance of the tyranny of which she believed herself to be a
   victim. It is described in the following manifesto, published
   by the National Women’s Social and Political Union (the
   principal organization of the militant suffragists) on the
   14th of July:

   "The women who have been sent to prison in connexion with
   woman suffrage disturbances have, from the beginning, demanded
   treatment as political prisoners, and have appealed to the
   Home Secretary to accord them the rights and privileges to
   which political prisoners are entitled in every part of the
   world. As this appeal has been disregarded, women have now
   decided to take the law into their own hands, and, by carrying
   on a revolt in prison, to force the hands of the authorities
   to concede them what they have refused to give as a matter of
   justice.

   "The first action taken in the matter was that of Miss Wallace
   Dunlop, sent to prison on Friday, July 2, for imprinting an
   extract from the Bill of Rights upon one of the walls in the
   House of Commons. Political treatment being refused to her,
   and being ordered to wear prison clothes and eat prison food,
   Miss Wallace Dunlop determined to strike a blow for her rights
   by refusing absolutely to eat the food offered to her. After
   91 hours of starvation—during which time communications were
   constantly passing between the Governor of the prison and the
   Home Office—the authorities decided to give in, and Miss
   Wallace Dunlop was released.

   "The 14 members of the Women’s Social and Political Union who
   were sent to prison on Monday, July 12, in connexion with the
   stone throwing at the Government buildings on June 29, have
   determined to carry out a further revolt. Before leaving for
   prison they informed the officers of the union that it was
   their intention, if denied the rights of political prisoners,
   to carry out an effective protest in prison. When ordered to
   take off their own clothes and to put on prison clothes they
   intended to refuse to do so, and standing all together they
   would refuse to be put into cells of the second division. If
   put into their cells by force and undressed, they would refuse
   in the morning to get up and dress excepting into their own
   clothes. They also informed members of the union that they
   would refuse to obey the rule of silence, but would talk to
   one another whenever they liked and would sing aloud during
   retention.

   "In making this protest the women claim that they are fighting
   for the preservation of the rights of political prisoners,
   which were not denied even in the Bastille."

   Miss Dunlop’s heroic protest, by refusing prison food, was
   taken up at once and repeated by numbers of her imprisoned
   sisters; until the prison authorities met it by forcibly
   administering food, in the manner of treatment applied
   sometimes to desperate convicts or to the insane; and this, of
   course, is more than repugnant and distressing to the feeling
   of everybody. The whole unexampled situation is repugnant and
   distressing, however it may be viewed. The cause involved is
   so pitifully stripped of its dignity, simply for the reason
   that the sex whose cause it is has nothing in body or mind to
   qualify it for effectual rioting. A mob of men can invest its
   mischievous doings with the impressiveness of terror, which
   crushes laughter and contempt. A mob of such women as the
   champion suffragists are cannot do so, and the riot they
   attempt is but a travesty, which challenges jeers, and sadly
   smirches the after heroism of the self-starved rioters in
   their prison cells. The difference between a political
   insurrection of men and the insurgency of Mrs. Pankhurst and
   her followers is the difference between a menace that alarms
   and a nuisance that annoys and provokes. With what effect the
   cause of woman suffrage has been made a public nuisance in
   England remains to be seen. The advantage to it is dubious, to
   say the least. On this point Mr. Winston Churchill, President
   of the Board of Trade, spoke his mind plainly to a deputation
   of suffragettes who called on him at Dundee on the 18th of
   last October. He said:

   "I saw the beginning of what you call the militant tactics.
   They broke out in my late constituency, North-West Manchester,
   and during the four years that have passed I have fought three
   by-elections, and have made a great many speeches about the
   country. So, I suppose, I have come very nearly as much in
   contact with them as any other Cabinet Minister. … You have
   come to me in a deputation, and I am bound to give you my
   candid and truthful opinion that your cause is in a worse
   position now than it was four years ago. I do not mean by that
   that anything has been done which will prevent the ultimate
   success of the movement. I do not think that is so, but I am
   quite sure that, while these tactics of silly disorder and
   petty violence continue, there is not the slightest chance of
   any Government that will be called into power, or of any House
   of Commons which is likely to be elected, giving you the
   reform which you seek. That is my honest, unprejudiced view."

{227}

   The National Union of Women Suffrage Societies, of which Mrs.
   Henry Fawcett is President, represents a large body of women
   claimants of the suffrage who distinctly disapprove of and
   disclaim responsibility for the proceedings of their militant
   allies. In a statement which this National Union communicated
   to the Prime Minister on the 2d of October, 1909, they set
   forth the following facts in evidence of the strength of the
   popular support given to their claims: Since the beginning of
   1908 the National Union had taken part in 31 by-elections in
   Great Britain. "These have been contested by 69 candidates, of
   whom 26 were Liberals, 32 Unionists, and 11 Labour, Socialist,
   or Independent. Of these 69 candidates, only nine declared
   themselves opponents of woman suffrage. The rest in varying
   degrees accepted the principle of the enfranchisement of
   women. A few merely stated that they were not hostile, but the
   overwhelming majority frankly accepted it, some even pledging
   themselves to oppose any further extension of the franchise to
   men so long as it was withheld from women."

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Finland:
   The great victory of 1906.

   "The great victory for woman suffrage in 1906 was won in
   Finland, where women were enfranchised on exactly the same
   terms as men, and made eligible to all offices, including
   seats in Parliament. This gives the vote at once to about
   300,000 women. Preceding and during the revolution, in the
   attempt to throw off the Russian yoke, the women shared with
   the men the work, the hardships and the dangers; and, when the
   triumph came, there was not a thought on the part of men of
   excluding women from any portion of the rewards, the most
   important of which was the suffrage. But they themselves had
   long been preparing the ground. The Finnish Women’s
   Association to work for equal rights was founded in 1884 by
   Baroness Alexandra Gripenberg and never ceased its efforts. In
   1892 the Woman’s Alliance Union was organized, more democratic
   and aggressive in its character. … After the vast national
   strike in the autumn of 1905, while a body of leading men were
   drawing up a Declaration of Rights to be presented to the
   Tsar, Dr. (Miss) Tekla Hulsin, a member of the National Bureau
   of Statistics, made an eloquent plea in behalf of the women,
   and they were included in its demand for universal suffrage. …
   The Tsar signed it in November, giving his consent to the
   proposed reforms. Immediately the women set to work,
   lecturing, organizing, getting up petitions, and finally held
   another huge mass-meeting in Helsingfors, demanding that the
   Diet carry out this measure. All of the political parties put
   it in their platforms. On May 28th, 1906, the Diet with only
   one dissenting vote passed the bill giving the suffrage to all
   men and women twenty-four years old. This was signed by the
   Tsar on July 20th."

      Ida H. Harper,
      Woman Suffrage Throughout The World
      (North American Review, September, 1907).

   Dr. Tekla Hulsin, referred to above, now a woman member of the
   Finnish Diet, speaking at a suffragist meeting in London, in
   September, 1909, gave the following account of the action of
   the women members of that body:

   "The granting of woman suffrage had caused no change in the
   strength of the respective political parties. Every citizen in
   Finland who was entitled to vote was also eligible for
   membership of the Diet. There had been no rivalry between the
   men and women candidates; they recognized that they were there
   for common ends. The women members of the Diet had followed
   their parties on party questions, but had joined on women’s
   questions for humanitarian ends. They had presented petitions
   for the raising of the marriageable age from 15 to 17, the
   exemption of women from their husband’s guardianship, the
   reception of Government employment on the same grounds as men,
   and on the subject of the prevention of cruelty to children
   and animals. These had all been accepted by the Diet."

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
   International Council of Women.

      See (in this Volume)
      WOMEN, INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
   International Woman Suffrage Alliance.

   "Since the Conference held at Copenhagen in August of 1906,
   which closed with thirteen countries in membership, the
   Alliance has been growing till its influence is felt as far as
   South Africa. On the first day of the Conference, held in
   Amsterdam June 15, 1907, there was presented an application
   from the Woman Suffrage Associations of Natal and Cape Colony
   for auxiliaryship in the Alliance. … The second request for
   auxiliaryship was presented by Switzerland, which had formed a
   National committee of seven Cantonal Associations. … The third
   new member, and the last one to enter the Alliance, was the
   National Bulgarian Alliance for Women’s Rights. This body is
   composed of thirty local societies working in different lines,
   and is somewhat like our Federation of Women’s Clubs here, or
   a National Council of Women. … The full membership roll of the
   Alliance now includes Australia, Bulgaria, Canada, Denmark,
   Finland, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, Italy, the
   Netherlands, Norway, Russia, Sweden, United States, South
   Africa and Switzerland. Perhaps the most important new
   departure at Amsterdam was the fact that official
   representatives were sent to that meeting by the Australian
   Federation, Norway and the State of Utah. Those coming from
   Australia and Norway were not only delegated by the Government
   but their expenses were borne by the National Treasury, and
   they were sent as students of the whole question as
   represented internationally by the Alliance, and expected to
   report upon it to their respective governments. … Fraternal
   delegates came to the Alliance from the International Council
   of Women, and from the National Councils of Belgium, Denmark,
   France, Germany, Great Britain, the Netherlands, New Zealand,
   Norway and Sweden; and in addition to these fraternal
   delegates were sent by seventeen associations from the
   countries already mentioned and Scotland in addition; making
   in all twenty-one countries represented either by regular
   delegates or by fraternal delegates at the Amsterdam
   conference."

      Proceedings of the 40th Annual Convention of the
      National American Woman Suffrage Association, at Buffalo,
      New York, October, 1908.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: New Zealand:
   Its working in that country.

   Sir Joseph George Ward, Prime Minister of New Zealand,
   returning home from England in August, 1908, passed through
   the United States, and was questioned in New York about the
   working of woman suffrage in his country, where women have
   been voters for the last sixteen years. He declared his
   conviction that New Zealand had found it to be one of the most
   far-sighted policies ever put into effect, for the ballot in
   the hands of women had exercised a great influence for the
   general good. "A stranger coming to New Zealand," he said,
   "would not recognize any difference between our institutions
   and those here, so far as the right of women to vote is
   concerned. He would see no women politicians, no campaign
   orators of the other sex, no disturbances such as are so often
   pictured as one of the attendant ills of woman’s suffrage.

{228}

   "Under our laws women cannot stand for Parliament, nor hold
   any other office. They do not mix it up in a campaign. You
   never hear of them in this way during an election. They attend
   public meetings, they are present at all of the public
   ceremonies, and are unusually well-informed upon all public
   questions. When they vote they vote intelligently, and any
   woman over twenty-one years of age and a citizen of the
   country can vote. Her right to vote does not, as many imagine,
   cause family dissensions, nor family wrangles such as
   cartoonists picture. There are no more differences over
   politics in New Zealand families than there are over domestic
   problems in the United States. The ballot in the hands of the
   women, so far as I have observed, means only the healthy
   influence of the home injected into politics. Our law
   prohibits the solicitation of votes on election day; the
   placarding of streets and houses, the use of vehicles to carry
   voters, the exerting of any influence to obtain a vote. A wife
   may accompany her husband to the polls, to the door of the
   booth, but no further. The laws absolutely protect the privacy
   of the ballot.

   "In New Zealand the granting of the privilege of voting to
   women did not result in the levelling of the wage scale, or
   the competition between men and women in labor. In comparison
   with other countries the proportion of wage-earning women in
   New Zealand is small. She has her place to fill in the home,
   and there are no truer and more devoted mothers of families in
   the world. I believe that her influence upon man is all the
   greater and better by reason of her suffrage. She recognizes
   the position of man as the head of the household, and he is,
   generally speaking, always the wage-earner, and I firmly
   believe that if women could under our laws be elected to
   office and have a part in the making of laws, they would not
   seek legislation that would tend to further advance themselves
   and limit the activity of the men.

   "Women’s suffrage has surely resulted in the raising of the
   standard of education in our country. The class of ignorant
   people is very small, and growing smaller and smaller with
   each succeeding generation. … The country has not been without
   its political and labor demagogues, but the conservative
   judgment of the voters has always prevailed in the end. Graft
   is something unknown in New Zealand."

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
   The Increasing Vote of Women at local option polls and
   in general elections.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: NEW ZEALAND.

   ----------ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: End--------

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.

      See, (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

ELECTRICITY.

      See (in this Volume and in Volume VI.)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

ELECTRO-CHEMISTRY.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRO-CHEMISTRY.

ELECTRONS.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.

ELEVATOR COMBINATION, Dissolution of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

ELGIN, The Earl of:
   Secretary of State for the Colonies (British).

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

ELGIN, The Earl of:
   Presiding at Imperial Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

ELIOT, Charles W.:
   Retirement from Presidency of Harvard University.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

ELKINS, Anti-Rebate Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903 (February).

ELKINS CLAUSE, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

EMERGENCY CURRENCY ACT.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

EMERY CLAIM, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909: NICARAGUA.

EMIGRATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      IMMIGRATION; also
      RACE PROBLEMS.

EMPIRE DAY.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY).

EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION.

ENCYCLICALS.

      See Papacy.

ENDJUMEN FUTUVAT, The:
   An anti-parliamentary party.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1906-1907.

   ----------ENGLAND: Start--------

   [Footnote: For convenience of use in the many references to
   this heading throughout the Volume, the name of England is
   made to stand for The United Kingdom of Great Britain and
   Ireland,—a stretch of meaning which seems often permissible.]

ENGLAND: A. D. 1870-1905.
   Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900.
   Comparative Statement of the Consumption of Alcoholic Drink.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901.
   Census of the British Empire compiled.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE.

{229}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901.
   Census of England and Wales, and of the United Kingdom.
   Population.
   Relative numbers of males and females.
   Agricultural industry.
   Extent of various uses of the soil.
   The different kinds of areas.

   The eleventh Census of the population of England and Wales was
   taken April 1st, 1901, "ascertaining the required information
   relating to the persons returned as living at midnight on
   Sunday, March 31st." The number enumerated in England and
   Wales, as finally revised at the Census Office, was
   35,527,843; showing an increase of 3,525,318, or a decennial
   rate of increase of 12.17 percent, upon the number returned at
   the preceding enumeration in April, 1891. Of the persons
   enumerated in England and Wales in 1901, 15,728,613 were males
   and 16,799,230 were females, the latter exceeding the former
   by 1,070,617. This, however, does not represent the relative
   numbers of the two sexes that belong to the population
   of the country; "for there are always men temporarily absent
   abroad as soldiers or seamen or for business purposes"; while,
   on the other hand, "the enumerated population temporarily
   includes some soldiers and sailors who were born in Scotland
   and Ireland, as well as foreign sailors and business
   representatives." Making reckonings for these, "the population
   belonging to England and Wales at the date of the
   Census may be estimated at 32,805,040 persons, of whom
   16,005,810 were males, and 16,799,230 were females." During
   the ten years prior to 1901 the recorded male births in
   England exceeded the female births by 160,987, while the
   recorded deaths of males exceeded the deaths of females by
   155,363. This would have about evened their numbers in the
   population of 1901; hence the existing excess of females is
   due, in the main, to the more extensive emigration or
   temporary absence of males.

   Of the population of England and Wales less than 4 per cent.
   was born outside of those two divisions of the United Kingdom;
   not quite 1 per cent. was born in Scotland; a little more than
   1.3 per cent. was born in Ireland; a trifle more than 1 per
   cent. in foreign countries, and an insignificant fraction in
   British colonies and dependencies. England, it will be seen,
   is troubled very slightly with problems arising from a mixed
   population.

   The Census of Scotland and Ireland, taken simultaneously with
   that of England and Wales, gave the former a population of
   4,472,103, and the latter 4,458,775. Scotland had gained
   46,456 since 1891; Ireland had lost in the same period
   245,975. In the sixty years since 1841 Ireland had lost more
   than 3,700,000. The total of population in the United Kingdom,
   at midnight, March 31, 1901, was found to be 41,458,721; and
   the females exceeded the males in number by 1,253,905. The
   excess was least in Ireland.

   Judged by the numbers engaged therein, the Agricultural
   Industry is still the most important in the United Kingdom;
   but, since 1881, it had been reduced from 2,362,331 males to
   2,109,812 in 1901. The decline was far less in Ireland than in
   England, Scotland, or Wales. In England and Wales, the whole
   area of land, amounting to 37,129,162 acres, or 58,014 square
   miles, is divided by the census report into areas as follows:

                                                  Acres.
   Corn Crops                                   5,886,052

   Green Crops                                  2,511,744

   Clover and grasses under rotation            3,262,926

   Flax, Hops, Small Fruit                        120,683

   Bare Fallow                                    336,884

   Permanent Pasture or Grass                  15,399,025

   Mountain and Heath Land used for Grazing     3,556,636

   Woods, Plantations, Nursery Grounds,
   Houses, Streets, Roads, Railways,
   Waste Grounds, &c.                           6,055,212

   Total Land Area of England and Wales.       37,129,162

   The enumeration of "different kinds of areas," in England and
   Wales, as set forth in the Census report, is interesting in
   some particulars—such as these:
       54 Ancient Counties;
       62 Administrative Counties;
      468 Parliamentary Areas;
        2 Ecclesiastical Provinces;
       35 Ecclesiastical Dioceses;
   14,080 Ecclesiastical Parishes;
   14,900 Civil Parishes;
       67 County Boroughs;
       28 Metropolitan Boroughs with their Wards;
       54 County Court Circuits;
      500 County Court Districts;
     1122 Urban Districts
          (including 316 County or Municipal Boroughs) with the
          Wards of those which are so subdivided;
      664 Rural Districts.

      Census of England and Wales, 1901.
      General Report.
      (Parliamentary Papers, 1904, Cd. 2174.)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (NOVEMBER).
   An addition to the Titles of the King.

   The following is part of the proclamation of an addition to
   the titles of the King which was made on the 4th of November,
   1901:

   "Whereas an act was passed in the last session of Parliament,
   entitled ‘An act to enable His Most Gracious Majesty to make
   an addition to the royal style and titles in recognition of
   His Majesty’s dominions beyond the seas,’ which act enacts
   that it shall be lawful for us, with a view to such
   recognition as aforesaid of our dominions beyond the seas, by
   our royal proclamation under the great seal of the United
   Kingdom issued within six months after the passing of the said
   act, to make such addition to the style and titles at present
   appertaining to the Imperial Crown of the United Kingdom and
   its dependencies as to us may seem fit; and

   "Whereas our present style and titles are, in the Latin
   tongue, ‘Edwardus VII Dei Gratia Britanniarum Rex, Fidei
   Defensor, Indiæ Imperator,’ and in the English tongue, ‘Edward
   VII, by the Grace of God of the United Kingdom of Great
   Britain and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, Emperor of
   India,’ we have thought fit, by and with the advice of our
   privy council, to appoint and declare, and we do hereby, by
   and with the said advice, appoint and declare that henceforth,
   so far as conveniently may be, on all occasions and in all
   instruments wherein our style and titles are used, the
   following addition shall be made to the style and titles at
   present appertaining to the Imperial Crown of the United
   Kingdom and its dependencies—that is to say, in the Latin
   tongue, after the word ‘Britanniarum,’ these words, ‘et
   terrarum transmarinarum quœ inditione sunt Britannicâ’; and in
   the English tongue, after the words ‘of the United Kingdom of
   Great Britain and Ireland,’ these words, 'and of the British
   Dominions beyond the Seas.’"

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901-1902.
   The last year of the Boer-British War.
   Peace preliminaries.
   Text of the Treaty concluded.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901-1902 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).
   Treaty with the United States to facilitate the construction
   of a Ship Canal between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans.

      See PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1901-1902.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902.
   Arbitration and mediation between the Argentine Republic and
   Chile.

      See (in this Volume)
      ARGENTINE REPUBLIC.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JANUARY).
   Agreement in the nature of a Defensive Alliance with Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1902.

{230}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY).
   Wei-hai-wei found valueless.
   Fortification abandoned.

   The British public was unpleasantly surprised on the 11th of
   February, 1902, by an official announcement in Parliament that
   the fortifying of the port of Wei-hai-wei, on the Chinese
   coast (extorted from China in 1898 as an offset to the cession
   of Port Arthur to Russia, had been abandoned, for the reason
   that military and naval opinion agreed in concluding that the
   place had no strategic value.

      See, in Volume VI. of this work,
      CHINA: A. D. 1898, MARCH-JULY).

   It would not be returned to China, however, having usefulness
   for experiments in naval gunnery, and as a sanitarium. The
   announcement drew much sarcasm on the Government.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (February).
   Opposed deliverances of Lord Rosebery and
   Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman on Irish Home Rule.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).
   Passage of the Education Act, in the interest of voluntary or
   church schools.
   "Passive Resistance" of Nonconformists.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (MAY).
   Treaty with Abyssinia.

      See ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JUNE-AUGUST).
   Illness and deferred Coronation of King Edward VII.

   While England was preparing, in the last half of June, 1902,
   for the great ceremony of the Coronation of King Edward VII.,
   appointed to take place on the 26th, disquieting accounts of
   his Majesty’s health began to appear. Some exposure at
   Aldershot, during military reviews, had brought on a chill, it
   was said; and though it was made light of in the reports,
   there was anxiety abroad. The King and Queen came to London
   from Windsor on the 23d, and all seemed to promise well. That
   evening he attended a State banquet; but a little before noon
   the next morning the nation received a dreadful shock from the
   announcement: "The King is suffering from perityphlitis [more
   familiarly known as appendicitis]. The condition on Saturday
   was so satisfactory that it was hoped that, with care, his
   Majesty would be able to go through the Coronation ceremonies.
   On Monday evening a recrudescence became manifest, rendering a
   surgical operation necessary to-day." A serious disappointment
   as well as a grave anxiety was produced. Preparations for the
   pageant and the solemnities of the Coronation had been made on
   a splendid scale. London was crowded with visitors from all
   parts of the world, and specially decorated as never before.
   The sudden descent of grief and fear and gloom on the gayeties
   of the scene was a transformation which London and England can
   never forget.

   Within three hours from the first startling report the success
   of the operation was made known. The King had borne it well
   and was in a satisfactory state. From that time on there were
   none but good reports. On the 5th of July he was declared to
   be out of danger. On the 15th he was removed to the royal
   yacht Victoria and Albert and taken to Cowes. At the
   end of seven weeks he had recovered so fully as to be able to
   bear the fatigues and the strain of a trying ceremony, and the
   King and Queen were crowned in Westminster Abbey on the 9th of
   August, with somewhat less of magnificent public show than had
   been prepared for the 26th of June, but nevertheless with
   regal pomp.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (June-August).
   Conference with the Prime Ministers of the Self-Governing
   Colonies.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (July).
   Resignation of Lord Salisbury.
   Mr. Balfour’s succession to the Premiership.
   The new Ministry.

   Failing health compelled the Marquis of Salisbury to ask, on
   the 11th of July, for relief from the cares of the office of
   Prime Minister. His resignation was accepted, and Mr. Arthur
   J. Balfour, First Lord of the Treasury in Lord Salisbury’s
   Ministry, was invited by the King to the vacant place. Some
   changes in the Cabinet followed, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach
   retiring from the Chancellorship of the Exchequer, and being
   succeeded by Mr. C. T. Ritchie; Mr. A. Akers-Douglas entering
   the Cabinet as Home Secretary; Mr. G. Wyndham continuing in
   the office of Chief Secretary for Ireland, but coming into the
   Cabinet; Mr. Austen Chamberlain, son of the Right Honorable
   Joseph Chamberlain, also receiving a Cabinet seat as
   Postmaster-General.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (August).
   Passage of Licensing Bill.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (September).
   Arrangements of the Government with the Cunard Company and
   the International Mercantile Marine Company.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: INTERNATIONAL.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902-1904.
   Coercive proceedings against Venezuela concerted with Germany
   and Italy.
   Settlement of Claims secured.
   Reference to The Hague.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902-1904.
   The Mission of Colonel Younghusband to Tibet.
   Its advance in force to Lhasa.
   The Treaty secured.

      See (in this Volume)
      TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903.
   Passage of the Land Purchase Act for Ireland.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1870-1903.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903.
   Declines to be a party to the building of the Bagdad Railway.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS; TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (March).
   Debate in Parliament on the South African Labor Question.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (March).
   Passage of the Employment of Children Bill.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (June).
   The Celebration of Empire Day.

   A Canadian custom of celebrating Queen Victoria’s birthday,
   June 24, as Empire Day, was taken up in Great Britain in 1903,
   and "the movement," says the London Times, "has spread
   with striking rapidity." The day is made especially
   interesting in the schools, where the morning of the day is
   given to addresses on citizenship and the Empire and to the
   singing of patriotic songs, while the afternoon is a
   half-holiday.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (May-September).
   Mr. Chamberlain’s declaration for Preferential Trade with
   the British Colonies.
   The political commotion excited.
   Mr. Balfour’s puzzling attitude on the questions raised.
   It is made clear by the correspondence when Mr. Chamberlain
   resigns.
   The latter’s propagandism.

   In June, 1902, when, as Secretary of State for the Colonies,
   Mr. Joseph Chamberlain addressed the Conference of Prime
   Ministers from the self-governing British Colonies, his mind
   was manifestly not prepared to accept as a practicable
   proposition their request that the United Kingdom would grant
   "preferential treatment to the products and manufactures of
   the Colonies."

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1902)

{231}

   "Preferential treatment" meant an Imperial protective-tariff
   policy, with discrimination of duties in favor of imports from
   British colonies. As the products of the colonies were mostly
   food stuffs and raw materials for manufacture, it meant a
   taxing of the supplies of these to British tables and British
   industries from every source outside the colonies. It meant an
   artificial higher pricing in the market of the British Isles
   for everything in which cost bears hardest on the livelihood
   and the living of their people. Mr. Chamberlain, in 1902, was
   waxing ardent in the high mission he had undertaken, of
   unifying and consolidating the great British Empire,
   strengthening the ties of family between Mother England and
   her scattered brood; but he had not yet been persuaded that
   the mother could afford to expend quite so much as this of her
   own well-being on premiums for the allegiance of her
   offspring.

   In the course of the next year, however, the Colonial
   Secretary spent some weeks in South Africa, and seems to have
   been remarkably intensified in his imperializing aims by what
   he saw and learned. He came home filled with the conviction
   that England must, for the sake of a really unified and
   incorporated Empire, abandon the free opening of her markets,
   which gave her people the cheapest food and the cheapest
   materials for labor that the world at large could furnish, and
   must wall them and gate them, with differing keys to the
   locks, so that her own colonists might be given the
   "preferential" admission they claim. If he had arrived at that
   conviction before going to South Africa he had made no sign of
   it; but it was proclaimed soon after his return, in a speech
   to his constituents at Birmingham, on the 15th of May, which
   shook England as no sudden development in politics had done
   for many years. The time had come, he declared, when the
   country must decide for or against a deliberate policy of
   Imperial unification, which required it to reciprocate the
   preferential tariffs which the colonies had adopted or were
   offering to adopt. Canada had given Great Britain a preference
   in her tariff, first of 25 per cent., afterwards increased to
   33 1/3 per cent., and was ready to go farther if the British
   Government would reciprocate, in allowing a drawback on the
   shilling corn duty (a duty which had been levied for a year
   past, and was about to be removed). At the Colonial Conference
   of the previous year the representatives of Australia and New
   Zealand had expressed readiness to act on the same line. A
   recent conference of the British colonies in South Africa had
   recommended the Legislatures of those colonies to give the
   Mother Country a similar preference on all dutiable goods of
   25 per cent. Whether this policy of the colonies should be
   developed in the future or withdrawn depended now on the
   treatment given to it by the people of Great Britain.

   "The people of the Empire," continued Mr. Chamberlain, "have
   two alternatives before them. They may maintain if they like
   in all its severity the interpretation—in my mind an entirely
   artificial and wrong interpretation—which has been placed on
   the doctrines of Free Trade by a small remnant of the Little
   Englanders, of the Manchester school, who now profess to be
   the sole repositories of the doctrines of Mr. Cobden and Mr.
   Bright. They may maintain that policy in all its severity,
   though it is repudiated by every other nation and by all your
   own Colonies. In that case they will be absolutely precluded
   either from giving any kind of preference or favour to any of
   their Colonies abroad, or even protecting their Colonies
   abroad when they offer to favour us. That is the first
   alternative. The second alternative is that we should insist
   that we will not be bound by any purely technical definition
   of Free Trade, that, while we seek as one chief object free
   interchange of trade and commerce between ourselves and all
   the nations of the world, we will, nevertheless, recover our
   freedom, resume that power of negotiation and, if necessary,
   retaliation whenever our own interests or our relation between
   our Colonies and ourselves are threatened by other people.

   "I leave the matter," said Mr. Chamberlain, "in your hands. I
   desire that a discussion on this subject should be opened. The
   time has not yet come to settle it, but it seems to me that
   for good or for evil this is an issue much greater in its
   consequences than any of our local disputes. Make a mistake in
   legislation. Yet it can be corrected. Make a mistake in your
   Imperial policy. It is irretrievable. You have an opportunity;
   you will never have it again."

   Naturally this speech, from a Minister of the Crown, as
   important and influential in the Government and in his party
   as Mr. Chamberlain, caused an immense political commotion. It
   had suddenly injected a new issue into the politics of the
   United Kingdom, involving some reconstruction of the party in
   possession of power, and a fundamental readjustment of
   principles in some part of it, more or less, according to the
   following that Mr. Chamberlain secured. Would he leave the
   Ministry or the Ministry leave him?—was the question of the
   hour. It remained unanswered for three months or more, while
   controversy over the propositions of Mr. Chamberlain raged and
   the situation became more puzzling every day. Meantime the
   head of the Government, Mr. Balfour, was acting like a
   faithful adherent to the English principle of freedom in
   trade, by advocating a repeal of the incongruous corn duty
   levied the year before, but speaking, at the same time, like a
   man of open mind on the question of preferential trade,
   treating it as one that demanded careful thought. "If foreign
   countries," he said, "should take the view that our
   self-governing colonies could be treated as separate nations
   we must resist their policy by fiscal retaliation. There must
   be a weapon to our hands with which to meet those who might
   attempt to disintegrate the Empire by fiscal means. The
   question whether we should be justified in raising revenue
   with the object of drawing the different portions of the
   Empire more closely together was certainly well worth
   consideration."

   All that he said in these months conveyed the impression that
   he was in an undetermined, waiting state of mind on the
   question raised by Mr. Chamberlain, not yet convinced that his
   colleague should be supported in the new policy proposed, but
   quite likely to be. That, however, was not the attitude in
   which he could hold the two coalesced parties, Conservative
   and Liberal Union, that were behind him in the Government. The
   issue had instant activity there, dividing both. The Premier
   could suppress debate on it in Parliament, as he did, but
   everywhere else in the kingdom the rage of controversy
   gathered heat, and party lines on the side of the Government
   were rapidly confused. Two members of the Cabinet resigned,
   while Mr. Chamberlain kept his place in it until the 9th of
   September, when he addressed to Mr. Balfour a letter which
   offered his resignation, for reasons stated as follows:

{232}

   "Owing to admitted differences of opinion in the Unionist
   party the political organisations of the party were paralysed
   and our opponents have had full possession of the field. … I
   recognise that serious prejudice has been created, and that,
   while the people generally are alive to the danger of
   unrestricted competition on the part of those foreign
   countries that close their markets to us while finding in our
   market an outlet for their surplus production, they have not
   yet appreciated the importance to our trade of Colonial
   markets, nor the danger of losing them if we do not meet in
   some way their natural and patriotic desire for preferential
   trade.

   "The result is that, for the present at any rate, a
   preferential agreement with our Colonies involving any new
   duty, however small, on articles of food hitherto untaxed is,
   even if accompanied by a reduction of taxation on other
   articles of food of equally universal consumption,
   unacceptable to the majority in the constituencies. …

   "I suggest that you should limit the present policy of the
   Government to the assertion of our freedom in the case of all
   commercial relations with foreign countries, and that you
   should agree to my tendering my resignation of my present
   office to his Majesty and devoting myself to the work of
   explaining and popularising those principles of Imperial union
   which my experience has convinced me are essential to our
   future welfare and prosperity."

   Mr. Balfour’s reply to this, when published, disclosed the
   fact that he was wholly in agreement with Mr. Chamberlain, and
   that they were now parting company in order to pursue a common
   purpose more effectually on different lines. Both saw that
   England was not to be drawn easily away from its fundamental
   belief in freedom of trade; that what they had undertaken
   would require much persuasive labor and considerable time, if
   accomplished at all; wherefore Mr. Chamberlain accepted an
   assignment to the missionary field of the imperialist cause,
   while Mr. Balfour would continue his endeavor to hold a party
   in waiting for the fruits of the mission, and in possession of
   the government as long as circumstances might permit. The
   programme was disclosed frankly in the two letters. In that of
   Mr. Balfour he said:

   "Agreeing as I do with you that the time has come when a
   change should be made in the fiscal canons by which we have
   bound ourselves in our commercial dealings with other
   Governments, it seems paradoxical, indeed, that you should
   leave the Cabinet at the time that others of my colleagues are
   leaving it who disagree on that very point with us both. Yet I
   can not but admit, however reluctantly, that there is some
   force in the arguments with which you support that course,
   based as they are upon your special and personal relation to
   that portion of the controversy which deals with Colonial
   preference. You have done more than any man, living or dead,
   to bring home to the citizens of the Empire the consciousness
   of Imperial obligation, and the interdependence between the
   various fragments into which the Empire is geographically
   divided. I believe you to be right in holding that this
   interdependence should find expression in our commercial
   relations as well as in our political and military relations.
   I believe with you that closer fiscal union between the Mother
   Country and her Colonies would be good for the trade of both,
   and that, if much closer union could be established on fitting
   terms, its advantage to both parties would increase as the
   years went on and as the Colonies grew in wealth and
   population.

   "If there ever has been any difference between us in
   connection with this matter it has only been with regard to
   the practicability of a proposal which would seem to require,
   on the part of the Colonies, a limitation in the all-round
   development of a protective policy, and on the part of this
   country the establishment of a preference in favour of
   important Colonial products. On the first of these
   requirements I say nothing, but if the second involves, as it
   almost certainly does, taxation, however light, upon food
   stuffs, I am convinced with you that public opinion is not yet
   ripe for such an arrangement. …

   "I feel, however, deeply concerned that you should regard this
   conclusion, however well founded, as one which makes it
   difficult for you, in your very special circumstances, to
   remain a member of the Government. Yet I do not venture, in a
   matter so strictly personal, to raise any objection.

   "If you think you can best serve the interests of Imperial
   unity, for which you have done so much, by pressing your views
   on Colonial preference with the freedom which is possible in
   an independent position, but is hardly compatible with office,
   how can I criticise your determination? The loss to the
   Government is great, but the gain to the cause you have at
   heart may be greater still. If so, what can I do but
   acquiesce?"

   So Mr. Chamberlain left the Cabinet, with Mr. Balfour’s
   blessing and God-speed, and went out to preach the gospel of
   commercial imperialism, under the more carefully chosen name
   of "fiscal reform." His co-laborer, who stayed at the helm of
   State, was so favored by circumstances as to hold it for
   somewhat more than another year. But the propagandism made no
   satisfying progress in that year; it seems doubtful, indeed,
   if Mr. Chamberlain won as many disciples as he lost from his
   first following.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (August).
   Employment of Children Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS WORKERS.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (August).
   Communication to the Powers that were parties to the Berlin
   Act of 1884-1885, asking their attention to the Administration
   of the Congo State.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (October).
   Settlement of the Alaska boundary question.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903-1904.
   Canadian measures to establish British sovereignty over land
   and sea of Hudson Bay region.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1903-1904.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1904.
   Arbitration of boundary dispute between British Guiana
   and Brazil.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1904.
   Her rivals in the Persian Gulf.

      See PERSIA: A. D. 1904.

{233}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1904 (April).
   The agreements of the Entente Cordiale with France.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1904 (April-August).
   Agitation over the Licensing Bill, which passed Parliament
   after much bitter debate.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1904.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1904 (July).
   The question of Church Attendance in school hours.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1904.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1904 (October).
   The Dogger Bank incident of the voyage of the
   Russian Baltic Fleet.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.
   The Esher Army Commission and its Report.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.
   Reopened controversy with the United States over Newfoundland
   Fisheries questions.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.
   Action with other Powers in forcing financial reforms in
   Macedonia on Turkey.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.
   Unemployed Workmen Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (March).
   Partially Representative Legislative Assembly created in
   the Transvaal.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905-1907.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (April).
   Order relating to Underfed School Children.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (April).
   Treaty with Nicaragua concerning the Mosquito Territory.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA: NICARAGUA: A. D. 1905.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (June).
   Change in the office of Speaker of the House of Commons.

   After a service of more than ten years in the speaker’s chair
   of the House of Commons, Mr. W. C. Gully resigned, on account
   of failing health, and the Deputy Speaker, Mr. J. W. Lowther,
   was chosen in his place, with no dissent. Subsequently, Mr.
   Gully was raised to the peerage and received an annual grant
   of £5000 for life.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (June).
   Frauds in the sale of surplus army stores in South Africa.

   An exciting scandal, connected with the sale of surplus army
   stores, in South Africa, after the closing of the Boer War,
   came to light in June. It was found that stores had been sold
   to certain contractors at very low prices, and then
   repurchased at high figures under new contracts entered into
   with the same contractors. Several army officers, including
   two colonels, were implicated in what the investigating
   committee described mildly as "a cleverly arranged
   contrivance."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (August).
   New Defensive Agreement with Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (August).
   Resignation of the Viceroyalty of India by Lord Curzon.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Resignation of the Balfour Ministry.
   The Liberal Party in power.
   Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman Prime Minister.
   His Cabinet.
   His attitude toward Ireland.
   Strength of the Labor Party in Parliament.
   Its representative in the Cabinet.

   The Education Act of 1902, the apostasy of Mr. Chamberlain and
   his Conservative Unionist followers from British Free Trade
   principles, proclaimed in 1903, and the Licensing Act of 1904,
   had each, in turn, been productive of bitter disagreements and
   ruptures which rapidly lowered the strength of the party in
   power. It had been in control of the Government since 1895,
   when its opposition to Irish Home Rule was endorsed by a large
   majority. The next election, in 1900, during the war in South
   Africa, reinforced its Parliamentary support, and it could
   count, during the two years following, on more than 400 votes
   in the House of Commons, against about 268. After that period
   its Parliamentary majority in the popular chamber ran down,
   until, in the later months of 1905, it was no more than 75 or
   76. This would have been an ample majority if it had
   represented an equivalent preponderance of public support,
   which, manifestly, it did not. For three years the
   "by-elections,"—that is, the special elections ordered for
   filling vacancies in the House as they occurred,—had been
   going steadily against the Government, and nobody doubted that
   a general election would throw it out. It was challenged again
   and again to give the country an opportunity to express its
   feeling in the matter, by a dissolution of Parliament, without
   waiting for any nearer approach to the end of the term. This
   it would not do; but, on the 4th of December, 1905, the
   Premier, Mr. Balfour, surprised the country, and likewise his
   own Cabinet, it was said, by placing his resignation in the
   hands of the King.

   This proceeding was regarded as an artful manoeuvre in
   politics, for the embarrassment of the opposition. As
   explained at the time by a journalist who wrote of it on the
   side of the latter,—"The Liberals naturally desired that the
   country should have an opportunity of going to the polls on
   the clear issue raised by the record of ten years of Tory
   administration. They regarded Mr. Balfour and his party as
   being in the dock, and before they took office they wished to
   have the verdict of the country returned by the votes of the
   electors. But this, for equally obvious reasons, Mr. Balfour
   wished to avoid. By resigning now, he compelled his opponents
   to undertake the task, first of forming a new administration,
   with all the risks which it involves of personal slight and
   sectional differences, and, secondly, of facing the risk of
   any untoward incident arising in the next few weeks which
   might be used against the new-born government. It also would
   enable them to obscure to a certain extent the real issue
   before the country. Instead of simply voting for or against
   Mr. Balfour and his administration, they would be asked to
   express their opinion upon a new ministry, which had not had
   any opportunity of giving the country a taste of its quality.
   But as Mr. Balfour could not be compelled to stay in when he
   had made up his mind to go out, and as it was such a relief to
   get rid of him on any terms, the Liberals consented to face
   the disadvantages of taking office before the dissolution."

{234}

   Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman was invited by the King to form a
   Ministry, and accepted the Commission. The organization of his
   Cabinet was completed within the week following Mr. Balfour’s
   resignation, and it took office at once. Parliament was
   dissolved on the 8th of January, 1906, and a new Parliament
   was summoned to meet on February 13th. Elections began on the
   12th of January and were finished for the most part by the
   19th. In their total result, they returned 375 Liberals to the
   House of Commons, 55 Labor representatives, who would act on
   most questions with the Liberals, and 83 Irish Nationalists,
   whose attitude towards the new Ministry would depend upon its
   attitude on Irish questions, and seemed more likely to be
   friendly than otherwise. Against this array on the side of Sir
   Henry and his colleagues, of pledged partisans and conditional
   allies, the Conservative Unionists had Secured an Opposition
   in the House that numbered only 157. The political overturn
   was one of the most remarkable that the United Kingdom has
   ever known.

   The Cabinet as formed when Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman took
   office was made up as follows:

      Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury,
      Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman.

      Lord Chancellor, Sir Robert T. Reid.

      Chancellor of the Exchequer,
      Herbert H. Asquith.

      Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,
      Sir Edward Grey.

      Secretary of State for the Colonies,
      the Earl of Elgin.

      Secretary of State for War,
      Richard B. Haldane.

      Secretary of State for Home Affairs,
      Herbert J. Gladstone.

      Secretary of State for India,
      John Morley.

      First Lord of the Admiralty,
      Lord Tweedmouth.

      President of the Board of Trade,
      David Lloyd-George.

      President of the Local Government Board,
      John Burns.

      Chief Secretary for Scotland,
      John Sinclair.

      President of the Board of Agriculture,
      Earl Carrington.

      Postmaster-General,
      Sydney C. Buxton.

      Chief Secretary for Ireland,
      James Bryce.

      Lord President of the Council,
      the Earl of Crewe.

      Lord of the Privy Seal,
      the Marquis of Ripon.

      President of the Board of Education,
      Augustine Birrell.

      Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster,
      Sir Henry H. Fowler.

   The following were not members of the cabinet, but formed part
   of the administration:

      Lord Lieutenant of Ireland,
      the Earl of Aberdeen.

      Under Secretary for the Colonies,
      Winston L. Churchill.

      First Commissioner of Works,
      Louis Vernon-Harcourt.

      Attorney-General,
      John Lawson Walton.

      Solicitor-General,
      William S. Robson.

   That Lord Rosebery had no place in the new Liberal
   administration was due to his wide disagreement with most of
   the leaders of his party on the question of Home Rule for
   Ireland. When he succeeded Mr. Gladstone as Prime Minister, in
   1894, he quite distinctly discarded that line of Irish policy,
   and his antagonism to it had undergone no change.

      See, in Volume VI. of this work,
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895)

   On the other hand, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman had remained
   faithfully sympathetic with Mr. Gladstone’s idea of Ireland’s
   due from England, and had reannounced his standing on it in a
   recent speech. "My opinion," he said, "has long been known to
   you. It is that the only way of healing the evils of
   Ireland,—difficulties of her administration, of giving
   contentment and prosperity to her people, and of making her a
   strength instead of a weakness to the empire,—is that the
   Irish people should have the management of their own domestic
   affairs; and so far from this opinion fading and dwindling as
   the years pass, it is becoming stronger, and, what is more, I
   have more confidence in its realization. … If I were asked for
   advice by an ardent Nationalist, I would say my desire is to
   see the effective management of Irish affairs in the hands of
   a representative Irish party. … I trust that the opportunity
   of making a great advance on this question of Irish government
   will not long be delayed, and when that opportunity comes my
   firm belief is that a greater measure of agreement than
   hitherto as to the ultimate solution will be found possible,
   and that a keener appreciation will be felt of the benefits
   that will flow to the Irish communities and British people
   throughout the world, and that Ireland, from being
   disaffected, impoverished, and discouraged, will take its
   place as a strong, harmonious, and contented portion of the
   empire."

   That Sir Henry, maintaining this posture on the Irish question
   of questions, could be the accepted leader of the Liberal
   party and the Premier of Government, afforded clear evidence
   that the party, and the country which confided power to that
   party, were at least more nearly prepared to make the great
   concession to Ireland than they were to refuse it; but the
   question entered slightly into the parliamentary canvass,
   though the Conservative-Unionists strove hard to make it the
   dominant issue. The public mind was occupied so fully with the
   fiscal and educational controversies of the last three years
   that the motives in its voting came mostly from them. The
   mandates of the vote were understood to be especially for the
   amending of recent legislation on those subjects and on the
   terms of the licensing of the liquor trade. It was equally
   understood that Irish measures in the Gladstone spirit should
   be looked for, not hastily undertaken, but in due time.

   The fact of most impressive significance in the result of the
   parliamentary elections was the sudden weight that had been
   given in the House of Commons to the representation of Labor
   by laboring men. Since 1903 the Labor Party had emerged in
   British politics as a force to be taken into serious account.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1900-1906; 1903; and
      SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.

   Of its 55 members in the new Parliament a considerable number
   had been elected by a combination of Liberal and Labor votes;
   but the same combination went as often to the increase of the
   Liberal representation. One large section of the Labor voters,
   organized under the name of the Independent Labor Party, stood
   aloof from such alliances entirely. It had been formed some
   years before, under the lead of Mr. Keir Hardie, a Scottish
   miner, with Socialistic beliefs, but opposed to the aims of
   the Marxian Socialists, and expecting nothing substantially
   beneficial to the working class from any political party. His
   mission was to create a Labor Party that would fight its own
   battles on its own ground. He made no great headway until the
   Taff Vale decision of 1902 roused the British Trade Unions to
   fight for their lives. That brought them into the ranks of the
   Independent Labor Party, and prepared it for the powerful
   showing it made in the elections of January, 1906, when it
   polled 303,000 votes, and elected 30 members who are free
   lances in the House. The remaining 25 Labor Members act with
   these on labor questions, but otherwise are to be reckoned as
   allies of the Liberal Party.

{235}

   Foremost among these latter is Mr. John Burns, who represents
   the Labor Party not only in Parliament but in the Ministry of
   Government, being the first of his class to be called to a
   Cabinet seat. A London editor who wrote of him when he took
   that seat said:

   "He has been a working engineer, a strike leader, labor
   agitator, a London County Councilor for eighteen years, and
   member of Parliament for fourteen. He is a great leader who
   never had a party, but whose influence has been felt in every
   labor movement in England for the last twenty years. The labor
   and social policy of the London County Council has been
   largely inspired and directed by him. He has also molded labor
   legislation in Parliament. Mr. Burns has ‘scorned delights and
   lived laborious days’ for the sake of the workers. He is an
   avowed Socialist. He has never changed his principles, only
   modified his methods. He is a real Fabian, a skillful
   opportunist, a tireless worker, and a first-rate organizer.
   Since he became a Socialist who does things, he has been
   ostracized by the Socialists who only agitate. Mr. Burns is
   exercising great influence within the Cabinet, and is one of
   the men in the confidence and in the secrets of the Prime
   Minister, who seeks his advice in many matters outside Mr.
   Burns’s department."

   The same writer gave the following account of the many
   important duties and great responsibilities of the office
   filled by Mr. Burns, as the President of the Local Government
   Board, which supervises the administration of local government
   in all England and Wales:

   "As President of the Local Government Board, Mr. Burns has
   multifarious duties committed to his charge. He has to
   sanction local loans, supervise the finances of local
   authorities, hold inquiries into proposed new undertakings,
   exercise the (almost) legislative powers which Parliament has
   delegated to him by way of provisional orders, and is armed
   with large powers of initiative, inspection, revision, and
   veto, so that in some respects he can revolutionize the whole
   system of local administration. In the domain of Poor Law his
   authority is paramount. He revises, for example, the rules and
   regulations which guide the system of relief and the
   administration of the Poor Law, passes plans for new
   workhouses, settles the wages of the nurses and porters, and
   fixes the amount of snuff (if any) which a pauper may receive.
   Sanitary legislation is also under his supervision, as he acts
   as Minister of Public Health, and beyond the more strictly
   local governmental functions belonging to his department there
   is the social side of his work, such as the administration of
   the Allotments Acts, the Unemployed Act, inquiring into
   housing conditions, etc."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Sudden German hostility to the Anglo-French agreement
   concerning Morocco.
   Demand for an International Conference.
   The Conference at Algeciras and the Act signed there.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Pan-Islamic agitation in Egypt.
   Menacing attitude of Turkey.
   The Tabah incident.

      See (in this Volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1905-1906.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
   Action in Persia during the Constitutional Revolution.

      See (in this Volume)
      Persia.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
   The Aliens Act.
   A new policy of restriction on the admission of aliens.
   Its working.

      See (in this Volume)
      IMMIGRATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
   Progress in cooperative organizations of industry.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: COOPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906.
   Prevention of Corruption Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (March).
   Report of Royal Commission on Labor Disputes.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (MARCH).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (April).
   Convention for determining and marking the Alaska Boundary Line.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALASKA: A. D. 1906.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (April-December).
   Fate of the Liberal Education Bill, passed by the Commons
   and killed by Amendments in the House of Lords.
   Resolution of the Commons, contemplating a change of
   Constitutional Law respecting the Legislative Powers of the
   House of Lords.

   The Education Bill was brought forward by the Government in
   April and passed by the Commons in December.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906

   When the bill had been killed by destructive amendments in the
   House of Lords, the Prime Minister, Sir Henry
   Campbell-Bannerman, proposed to the House of Commons a
   resolution, which was adopted, declaring that "the power of
   the other house to alter or reject bills passed by this house
   should be so restricted by law as to secure that within the
   limits of a single Parliament the final decision of the House
   of Commons shall prevail." In plainer words, this proposed an
   amendment of what has been, since 1832, an unwritten but
   understood rule of the British Constitution, namely, that the
   House of Lords cannot defeat a measure which has been passed
   by the Commons in successive parliaments, and thus certified,
   by an intervening election, as being the embodiment of a
   popular demand. The proposed amendment is to give the force of
   law to a repeated enactment of the House of Commons, even
   "within the limits of a single Parliament," and without the
   intervention of an election.

   The Premier has explained that this resolution is adopted only
   to foreshadow action which the Government intends to take at
   some convenient future time. So far as indicated by the
   Premier’s resolution, he and his colleagues, if they do
   anything affecting the peers in Parliament, will not touch the
   existing composition of the aristocratic house, but will only
   shorten the suspense in which it may hold legislation that is
   persisted in by the popular house. As now exercised, the
   practical effect of the suspensive veto of the Lords, if not
   submitted to by the government, is to bring about what is
   actually a referendum of the question at issue to the people.
   The proposed constitutional amendment would eliminate the
   referendum and empower the Commons to override the opposition
   of the Lords.

{236}

   The legislative function of the House of Lords would not
   differ substantially then from that performed by the President
   of the United States. Acts of Congress require the approval of
   the President to make them law. His disapproval sends them
   back to Congress for reenactment, if two-thirds of both houses
   persist in them; annulling them if they do not. The function
   is simply a critical one, and involves no exercise of
   legislative powers, if the language of our Constitution is
   correct; for that instrument, in the first section of its
   first article, says: "all legislative powers herein granted
   shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which
   shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives."
   Thus the reference of legislation to the President for his
   approval or disapproval is not recognized as a grant to him of
   participation in the exercise of legislative powers."

   In this view the British House of Lords, when its part in
   legislation is reduced, like that of the American President,
   to mere criticism, expressed in approval or a suspensive veto,
   cannot rightly be regarded as a legislative body, and
   Parliament can hardly be counted among the bicameral
   legislatures, as we have counted it hitherto. The House of
   Commons will hold all the powers of legislation; the House of
   Lords will be its official critic, commissioned only to make
   it think twice in the enactment of some of its laws.

   The King has no voice now in the making of British laws,
   although, when his prerogatives are described, it is still
   said that "he may refuse the royal assent to any bills." Two
   hundred years ago it ceased to be prudent for royalty to
   exercise that prerogative, and Queen Anne, in 1707, asserted
   it in practice for the last time. The sovereigns of the
   reigning House of Hanover have never enjoyed the satisfaction
   of refusing assent to an act of Parliament. Even George III.
   did not venture it, though he stoutly asserted his right.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (May).
   Withdrawal of the last British garrison from Canada.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1906 (MAY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (SEPTEMBER).
   Army Order instituting the General Staff.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (December).
   Broadened self-government extended to the Transvaal and the
   Orange River Colony.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905-1907.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (December).
   Passage of the Workmen’s Compensation Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907.
   Drink in its relation to crime.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).
   Act legalizing Marriage with a Deceased Wife’s Sister.

   The following are the main provisions of the Act to legalize
   marriage with a deceased wife’s sister which, after many years
   of agitation by its advocates and many defeats in Parliament,
   was passed finally in 1907:

   "1. No marriage heretofore or hereafter contracted between a
   man and his deceased wife’s sister, within the realm or
   without, shall be deemed to have been or shall be void or
   voidable, as a civil contract, by reason only of such
   affinity: Provided always that no clergyman in holy orders of
   the Church of England shall be liable to any suit, penalty, or
   censure, whether civil or ecclesiastical, for anything done or
   omitted to be done by him in the performance of the duties of
   his office to which suit, penalty, or censure he would not
   have been liable if this Act had not been passed:

   "Provided also that when any minister of any church or chapel
   of the Church of England shall refuse to perform such marriage
   service between any persons who, but for such refusal, would
   be entitled to have the same service performed in such church
   or chapel, such minister may permit any other clergyman in
   holy orders in the Church of England, entitled to officiate
   within the diocese in which such church or chapel is situate,
   to perform such marriage service in such church or chapel.

   "Provided also that in case, before the passing of this Act,
   any such marriage shall have been annulled, or either party
   thereto (after the marriage and during the life of the other)
   shall have lawfully married another, it shall be deemed to
   have become and to be void upon and after the day upon which
   it was so annulled, or upon which either party thereto
   lawfully married another as aforesaid.

   "2. No right, title, estate or interest, whether in possession
   or expectancy, and whether vested or contingent at the time of
   the passing of this Act, existing in, to, or in respect of,
   any dignity, title of honour, or property, and no act or thing
   lawfully done or omitted before the passing of this Act shall
   be prejudicially affected nor shall any will be deemed to have
   been revoked by reason of any marriage heretofore contracted
   as aforesaid being made valid by this Act.

   "3.
      (1) Nothing in this Act shall remove wives from the class
      of persons adultery with whom constitutes a right, on the
      part of wives, to sue for divorce under the Matrimonial
      Causes Act, 1857.

      "(2) Notwithstanding anything contained in this Act or the
      Matrimonial Causes Act, 1857, it shall not be lawful for a
      man to marry the sister of his divorced wife, or of his
      wife by whom he has been divorced, during the lifetime of
      such wife.

   "4. Nothing in this Act shall relieve a clergyman in holy
   orders of the Church of England from any ecclesiastical
   censure to which he would have been liable if this Act had not
   been passed by reason of his having contracted or hereafter
   contracting a marriage with his deceased wife’s sister.

   "5. In this Act the word ‘sister’ shall include a sister of
   the half-blood."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907.
   Probation of Offenders Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PROBATION.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907.
   French testimony to the good work of the English in Egypt.

      See EGYPT: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (April-May).
   Conference of Imperial and Colonial Ministers at London.
   Discussing Preferential Trade, Imperial Defence, and other
   subjects.
   Resolutions adopted.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (May).
   Proposed Councils Bill for Ireland rejected by the Irish
   National Party.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1907 (May).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (July).
   Capture of Kaid Sir Harry MacLean in Morocco for ransom, by
   Raisuli.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).
   Convention with Russia containing arrangements on the
   subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet.

      See EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).
   Establishment of a Court of Criminal Appeal.

      See (in this Volume)
      LAW, AND ITS COURTS: ENGLAND.

{237}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).
   Qualification of women for election to County and
   Borough Councils.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).
   Patents and Designs Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      PATENTS.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (November).
   Abortive Compromise Education Bill.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (November).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (November).
   Treaty with France, Germany, Norway, and Russia guaranteeing
   the integrity of Norway.

      See ENGLAND:
      EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (November).
   Treaty with France concerning Death Duties.

      See (in this Volume)
      DEATH DUTIES.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.
   Institution of the Territorial Force.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.
   Proposals in the House of Lords of Reform in its Constitution.

   Consequent, no doubt, on the increase of popular hostility to
   the House of Lords which it had provoked by its dealing with
   the Education Bill of 1906, and the serious threatenings of an
   undertaking in the House of Commons to "end or mend" it as a
   branch of Parliament, the Lords, in 1907, gave thought among
   themselves to the expediency of a constitutional reformation
   of their House. In February, a bill was proposed to them by
   Lord Newton which provided in its first two articles as
   follows:

   "1.
      (1) After the termination of the present session of
      Parliament a writ of summons to attend and to sit and vote
      in the House of Lords shall not be issued to any temporal
      peer of the peerage of England entitled by descent to an
      hereditary seat in the House of Lords (in this Act referred
      to as an hereditary peer), unless he is a representative or
      a qualified hereditary peer within the meaning of this Act,
      nor to any lord spiritual, unless he is a representative
      lord spiritual within the meaning of this Act."

   "2.
      For the purposes of this Act the expression ‘qualified
      hereditary peer’ means an hereditary peer who possesses any
      of the qualifications specified in the First Schedule to
      this Act."

   The schedule referred to was as follows:

   "QUALIFICATIONS ENTITLING AN HEREDITARY PEER TO A WRIT
   OF SUMMONS:
   I. The holding at any time of any of the following Offices:—

      1. High judicial office, within the meaning of the
      Appellate Jurisdiction Acts, 1876 and 1887.

      2. The office of First Lord of the Treasury, Secretary of
      State, Chancellor of the Exchequer, President of the
      Council, or Head (not being a permanent Civil Servant) of
      any other Government Department.

      3. The office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and Secretary
      to the Lord Lieutenant.

      4. Office of Viceroy of India, or a Governor of the
      Presidency of Madras or Bombay, or of Lieutenant-Governor
      of any Province of India.

      5. Office of Governor-General of the Dominion of Canada or
      of the Commonwealth of Australia, or of High Commissioner
      of South Africa, or of Governor of any Colony.

      6. The Office of Parliamentary Under Secretary,
      Parliamentary Secretary, or permanent Under Secretary, in
      any Government Department.

      7. Office of Lord of the Admiralty or member of the Army
      Council.

      8. Office of Minister plenipotentiary, or any higher
      office, in His Majesty’s Diplomatic Service.

      9. Office of Vice-Admiral, or any higher office, in His
      Majesty’s Naval Forces, or of Lieutenant-General, or any
      higher office, in His Majesty’s Land Forces.

   "II. Election to serve in the House of Commons on not less
   than two occasions before succeeding to the peerage."

   In addition to the hereditary peers thus qualified to sit in
   the House of Lords as proposed to be reformed, the Bill
   provided for the election by the peers, from their own number,
   of representatives, to the extent of one-fourth of their whole
   number; and likewise for the election by the lords spiritual,
   from their ranks, of representatives in the same proportion of
   number; such representatives to form part of the House of
   Lords in Parliament. It authorized, further, the appointment
   by the King of peers for life, to be "peers of Parliament,"
   these never to exceed one hundred in number.

   Debate on the Bill in May resulted in the substitution for it
   of a resolution, that "a Select Committee be appointed to
   consider the suggestions which have from time to time been
   made for increasing the efficiency of the House of Lords in
   matters affecting legislation, and to report as to the
   desirability of adopting them, either in their original or in
   some modified form." The report of the Committee (twenty-five
   in number, having Lord Rosebery for its elected chairman) was
   not brought in until near the close of the following year. Its
   recommendations were considerably on the lines of the Bill
   described above. It suggested that the reformed House of Lords
   should be made up of three classes of members, namely,
   hereditary peers who had held certain high public offices—
   much the same as those scheduled in Lord Newton’s Bill; two
   hundred representative "Peers of Parliament," elected from the
   whole body of the peerage, not for life, but for a single
   Parliament, and ten lords spiritual, to include the two
   archbishops and eight bishops to be elected. The
   self-governing colonies, in the judgment of the Committee,
   should be represented in the House of Lords, and twenty years
   of service in the House of Commons should entitle an Irish
   peer to a seat in it.

   The plan submitted by the Committee would reduce the House
   from 617 members to about 350. No action has been taken on the
   report.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.
   The Small Holdings Act.
   The first year of its operation.

   In 1907 an Act passed Parliament which provided for the
   acquisition by local authorities of land to be divided into
   small holdings for sale or lease to buyers or tenants who
   could not otherwise be placed on it for self-support. The
   results from the first year’s operation of the Act was
   reported in September, 1909, by the Board of Agriculture and
   Fisheries, which administers the law. The following are
   statements from the report of the Board:

   "Stated shortly, the result, so far as small holdings are
   concerned, of the first year’s work since the Small Holdings
   and Allotments Act, 1907, came into operation has been that
   23,285 applications have been received by county councils for
   373,601 acres, that 13,202 applicants have been approved
   provisionally as suitable, that the estimated quantity of land
   required for the suitable applicants is 185,098 acres, that
   21,417 acres have been acquired by county councils, of which
   11,346 acres have been purchased for £370,965, and 10,071
   acres leased for total rents amounting to £11,209, that the
   land acquired will provide for about 1,500 of the applicants,
   and that 504 of them were in actual possession of their
   holdings on December 31, 1908.

{238}

   "It may seem at first sight that the progress that has been
   made in satisfying the keen demand for small holdings which
   the Act has disclosed has been small, but the figures do not
   give at all an adequate idea of the amount of work that has
   been actually done. It must be remembered that practically the
   whole of the first six months of the year were occupied in the
   preliminary work of constituting committees, issuing forms,
   receiving and tabulating applications and holding local
   inquiries, and that until this work was completed little
   progress could be made in the acquisition of land. … The rate
   at which land is being acquired is now increasing rapidly, and
   we have little doubt that by Michaelmas, 1909, not less than
   50,000 acres will have been obtained. In addition to the
   holdings which have been provided by county councils, the
   returns we have obtained show that over 700 applicants have
   been supplied with holdings by landowners direct, mainly
   through the intervention of the councils.

   "In considering the results already accomplished it must also
   be borne in mind that the problem is to fit particular men to
   particular land, and not merely to acquire whatever land may
   be in the market and to offer it in small holdings. The great
   majority of the applicants desire land in close proximity to
   their homes, and it is obviously more difficult to acquire a
   large number of detached plots than to take a whole farm or
   estate and divide it into a number of small holdings. …

   "A striking feature of the applications made under the Act has
   been the small extent to which the applicants desire to
   purchase their holdings. Out of the 23,295 applications
   received during the year, only 629, or 2.7 per cent.,
   expressed a desire to purchase. … The Act imposes no direct
   obligation on councils to provide houses, but we are of
   opinion that where an applicant desires a holding to which he
   will devote his whole time and from which he will get his
   whole living councils should be prepared to erect a house and
   the necessary buildings."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908 (December-March).
   Appeals to other Powers for effective measures to
   rescue Macedonia from its dreadful state.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Anglo-Russian action in Persia.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D). 1907, and after.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
   The Campaign of the Militant Woman Suffragists or Suffragettes.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
   The disaffection in India.
   Its character, causes, and meaning.
   Hindu and Moslem feeling.
   The past of British Government and its fruits.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Negotiation by the President of the Board of Trade of a
   General System of Conciliation and Arbitration Boards for
   Settlement of Labor Disputes in the Railway Service.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
   Estimate of King Edward VII. as a Diplomatist.

   Mr. Isaac N. Ford, the American newspaper correspondent in
   London, has much well-informed opinion in Europe and America
   to support him in the following estimate of the diplomatic
   influence exerted by King Edward, which he expressed in
   January, 1908:

   "At the opening of King Edward’s reign Berlin was the center
   of European diplomacy, as Paris had been when Bismarck entered
   upon his series of machinations and triumphs. The personal
   ascendency of the German Emperor was unchallenged in Europe. …
   In the course of seven years conditions have been transformed.
   London is now the diplomatic capital of Europe. Resentful
   enemies like France have been reconciled; friendships with
   America, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Spain have been
   strengthened; strained relations with Russia and Germany have
   been eased; and by the alliance with Japan forces have been
   readjusted for the maintenance of existing order in the
   Pacific. A new balance of power has been established in
   Europe, and the diplomatic resources of the British Empire
   have been reinvigorated and enlarged. While there have been
   eminent statesmen in the British Foreign Office—Lord Lansdowne
   and Sir Edward Grey—these transformations have been mainly
   King Edward’s work. Fifty years hence there may be a true
   sense of proportion, so that his services as an empire-builder
   and a peace-maker can be judged aright."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
   Invitation of an International Naval Conference preliminary
   to the establishment of an International Prize Court.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907
      (appended to account of Second Peace Conference
      at The Hague).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
   Municipal and County Offices opened to Women.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
   North Sea and Baltic agreements.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
   Passage of the Coal Mines Eight Hours Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
   Rejection of the Liberal Licensing Bill by the House of Lords.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (March).
   Communication to the Belgian Government respecting obligations
   involved in its proposed annexation of the Congo State.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (April).
   Resignation and Death of Prime Minister
   Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman.
   Succession of Herbert H. Asquith.

   Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman was forced by ill health to
   resign the premiership on the 5th of April, 1908, and his
   death occurred on the 22d of the same month. He was succeeded
   in the headship of the Government by Mr. Herbert H. Asquith,
   previously Chancellor of the Exchequer, whose place in the
   latter office was filled by Mr. David Lloyd-George. Mr.
   Lloyd-George had been President of the Board of Trade, and
   that office was now filled by Mr. Winston Churchill, while Mr.
   Reginald McKenna became First Lord of the Admiralty.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (April).
   Treaty with Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and
   Sweden for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (April).
   Treaty with the United States respecting the Demarcation of
   the International Boundary between the United States and Canada.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

{239}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (September).
   Withdrawal of intervention in Macedonia.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (December).
   Passage of "The Children Act."

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS DEPENDENTS AND OFFENDERS.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (December).
   The Shipbuilding Agreement between Employers and
   Trade Unions to prevent strikes and lockouts.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Attitude on the question of the Austrian annexation of
   Bosnia and Herzegovina.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Old Age Pensions Act.
   Its working.
   Its disclosures of poverty.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS, &c.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Passage of the Indian Councils Bill.
   Its provisions for popular representation in the
   Legislative Councils of India.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
   Chief source of Food Supplies.

      See (in this Volume)
      ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
   Concentration of Wealth.

      See (in this Volume)
      WEALTH, THE PROBLEMS OF.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
   Development and Road Improvement Funds Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: GREAT BRITAIN.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
   Naval questions.
   "Dreadnought" building.
   Distrust of Germany.
   The Territorial Force, etc.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
   Official reports and statements concerning Public Education.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
   Passage of the Housing and Town-planning Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIAL BETTERMENT: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
   Principal Socialist organizations.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIALISM.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
   Report of Royal Commission on the working of the Poor Laws
   and Relief Systems, and the existing pauperism of the
   United Kingdom.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
   Summary of the total prospective military defensive strength
   of the Empire.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (January).
   The Waterways Treaty with the United States, concerning
   waters along the Canadian boundary.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (February).
   The Opening of Parliament.

   The session of Parliament was opened by the King with due form
   and ceremony on February 16. "The Royal procession from
   Buckingham Palace to Westminster," says a report of the
   occasion, "took place in the dim grey light of a typical
   February afternoon, and the pageant lost much of its beauty in
   consequence. In spite of the cold wind and the absence of the
   genial sunshine which is such a valuable asset on occasions of
   spectacular display, there appeared to be as many people as
   ever along the route of the procession. These formal openings
   of Parliament, which have become customary since the beginning
   of the present reign, are clearly popular with those of the
   King’s subjects who know nothing, except by hearsay, of the
   impressive scenes which are to be witnessed in the House of
   Lords. The immense crowds who assembled to watch the King and
   Queen pass yesterday, waiting patiently for hours in order to
   enjoy a few minutes’ ecstatic sight-seeing, welcomed their
   Majesties with a cordiality of the meaning of which there
   could be no doubt. The King and Queen, in their wonderful gold
   coach, with its sides of glass, must have been gratified with
   the respect and affection which were manifested from all
   quarters."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (February).
   Debate in Parliament on the annexation of the
   Congo State by Belgium.
   Recognition of the annexation dependent on reforms.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (February).
   Represented in International Opium Commission at Shanghai.

      See (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (March).
   Representation of the People Bill.
   Proposed Universal Suffrage, including women.
   Its second reading.

   On the 20th of March, 1909, the second reading of a bill
   described as "the Representation of the People Bill" was moved
   and seconded in the House of Commons. Its provisions were
   substantially for universal suffrage, including women. In
   explaining the measure, the member who moved the second
   reading—a representative of the Labor party, Mr. Howard—said:


   "It was difficult, if not almost impossible, to deal with a
   reform of the franchise without at the same time dealing with
   woman suffrage, and it was difficult to deal with woman
   enfranchisement without at the same time making some
   alteration in the existing franchise law which should meet the
   condition of the new elements proposed to be placed on the
   register. The House must face the situation as a whole and
   handle the two reforms in one scheme, because by a
   coordinated Bill there would be a better chance of getting
   nearer a settlement. In the Bill that he submitted to the
   House there was no abolition of any old franchise. It proposed
   to create a residential franchise in order to do away with the
   hardships which any one with a knowledge of registration knew
   to exist in connexion with the occupation vote of men. The
   second clause provided for a restriction of plural voting, and
   the third clause related to the removal of the sex
   disqualification."

   Before debate began another member presented a monster
   petition against the political enfranchisement of women, said
   to contain 243,000 signatures.

   The attitude of the Government toward the bill was explained
   by Mr. Asquith, the Premier. It was well known, he said, that
   on the issue whether women should be granted the suffrage
   Ministers were not of one mind. But they were strongly in
   favour of a wide reform of the existing suffrage. They desired
   the abolition of plural voting, the disappearance of the
   artificial distinctions between occupiers and lodgers, the
   material shortening of the period of qualification, and an
   effective simplification of the machinery of registration. But
   any measure to bring about these reforms ought, in his
   opinion, if it was to take its place on the Statute-book, to
   proceed from the responsible Government of the day, and to be
   carefully remoulded in the light of prolonged Parliamentary
   discussion. For these reasons he thought it was not necessary
   that the members of the Government should vote for the second
   reading of the Bill under consideration.

   After some hours of debate the closure was moved and the
   second reading of the bill was carried by 157 votes against
   122.

{240}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (March).
   Defeat of the Progressives in the London County
   Council Election.

      See (in this Volume)
      LONDON: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (March).
   Cession by Siam of suzerainty over three States
   in the Malay Peninsula.

      See (in this Volume)
      SIAM: A. D. 1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (March-July).
   The question of " Dreadnought" building, with reference to
   the accelerated expansion of the German Navy.
   Debates in Parliament and excitement in the country.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April).
   The National Debt of the United Kingdom.

   The following official statement of the national debt of the
   United Kingdom was published in April, 1909:

   "On the 1st April, 1908, the aggregate gross liabilities of
   the State amounted to £762,326,051. On the 1st April, 1909,
   the corresponding figure was £754,121,309, showing a reduction
   of £8,204,742.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April).
   Announced Governmental projects of Afforestation, and other
   measures for Development of Natural Resources.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: GREAT BRITAIN.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April-December).
   Mr. Lloyd-George’s Budget.
   Its features of taxation, denounced as Socialistic.
   Seven months of vehement debate.
   Adopted by the Commons and rejected by the Lords.
   Warnings to the Lords against their action.
   Preparation for appeal to the people.

   The 29th of April, 1909, when the financial proposals of the
   Government for meeting the needs of the coming year, called
   "the Budget," were brought before Parliament, and the 30th of
   the following November, when, after seven months of arduous
   and angry debate, and after their adoption by a great majority
   of the Commons, the Bill embodying them was overwhelmingly
   rejected by the Lords, will be memorable dates in English
   history if the consequences of the action of the Peers are
   what, at this writing, they seem likely to be. Even failing
   those consequences, the production of the Budget will be in
   itself an event of no small moment, from what it signifies of
   the development of democracy in Great Britain.

   As a formulated "Finance Bill," the Budget was not submitted
   to the House of Commons and to the public in print until the
   28th of May. It was then entitled "A Bill to grant certain
   Duties of Customs and Inland Revenue (including Excise), to
   alter other Duties, and to amend the Law relating to Customs
   and Inland Revenue (including Excise), and the National Debt,
   and to make other provisions for the Financial Arrangements of
   the Year." Until then its provisions were known only from the
   statement of them made four weeks before by the Chancellor of
   the Exchequer, Mr. David Lloyd-George, in a speech extended
   through several hours, which even his opponents were forced to
   characterize as "a wonderful effort."

   The Chancellor’s explanation of the Budget rested primarily on
   the fact that an anticipated deficit of £15,762,000 required
   to be filled from new sources of revenue. Of the main causes
   of the deficit he said: "Were I dealing with a shortage due
   only to a temporary cause like forestalments, I might have
   resorted to some temporary shift which would have carried me
   over until next year when the revenue would resume its normal
   course. But unfortunately I have to reckon not merely with an
   enormous increase in expenditure this year, but an inevitable
   expansion of some of the heaviest items in the course of the
   coming years. What is the increase of expenditure due to? It
   is very well known that it must be placed to the credit of two
   items, and practically two items alone. One is the Navy, and
   the other is old-age pensions. Now I have one observation
   which I think I am entitled to make about both. … The
   increased expenditure under both these heads was substantially
   incurred with the unanimous assent of all political parties in
   this House. There was, it is true, a protest entered on behalf
   of honourable members below the gangway against increased
   expenditure in the Navy, but as far as the overwhelming
   majority of members in this House are concerned the increase
   has received their sanction and approval. I am entitled to say
   more. The attitude of the Government towards these two
   branches of increased expenditure has not been one of rushing
   a reluctant House of Commons into expense which it disliked,
   but rather of resisting appeals coming from all quarters of
   the House for still further increases under both heads. …

   "We are told that we ought not to have touched old-age
   pensions, at least not at the present moment, when heavy
   liabilities were in sight in connexion with the defence of the
   country. I may point out that when we introduced our Old-Age
   Pensions Bill that emergency had not arisen. But, apart
   altogether from that, we had no honourable alternative left.
   We simply honoured a cheque drawn years ago in favour of the
   aged poor, which bore at its foot the signatures of all the
   leaders of political parties in this country. They had all
   promised pensions at election after election, and great
   political parties have no right to make promises to poor
   people in return for political support, valuable to them, and
   all these people had to give, and then time after time return
   the bill with ‘No assets’ written across it."

   Proceeding next to survey the "inevitable expansion" of future
   expenditure to which he had referred at the outset, and which
   could be foreseen in connection with the navy and with social
   reform, the Chancellor dealt at length on the demands that
   were pressing from the latter side and would not be postponed.
   "What the Government have to ask themselves," he said, "is
   this: Can the whole subject of further social reform be
   postponed until the increasing demands made upon the National
   Exchequer by the growth of armaments has ceased? Not merely
   can it be postponed, but ought it to be postponed? Is there
   the slightest hope that if we deferred consideration of the
   matter we are likely within a generation to find any more
   favourable moment for attending to it? I confess that, as to
   that, I am rather pessimistic. And we have to ask ourselves
   this further question—If we put off dealing with these social
   sores are the evils which arise from them not likely to grow
   and to fester until finally the loss which the country
   sustains will be infinitely greater than anything it would
   have to bear in paying the cost of an immediate remedy?
{241}
   There are hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children in
   this country now enduring hardships for which the sternest
   judge would not hold them responsible; hardships entirely due
   to circumstances over which they have not the slightest
   command—the fluctuations and changes of trade, or even of
   fashions, ill-health, and the premature breakdown or death of
   the bread-winner. … Last year, while we were discussing the
   Old-Age Pensions Bill, all parties in this House recognized
   fully and freely that once we had started on these lines the
   case for extension was irresistible. The leader of the
   Opposition, in what I venture to regard as the most notable
   speeches he has probably delivered during this Parliament,
   recognized quite boldly that, whichever party was in power,
   provision would have to be made in some shape or other for
   those who are out of work through no fault of their own, and
   those who are incapacitated for work owing to physical causes
   for which they are not responsible."

   The speaker then developed at length the intentions of the
   Government on these lines of social reform, which will have to
   include undertakings of some system like the German, of
   compulsory insurance against sickness, accident and
   unemployment, and which will have to look to the organization
   of labor exchanges and to the opening of wider fields for
   employment, by development of neglected resources of the
   country, through afforestation, through promotion of
   agriculture, and the extension and improvement of roads.

   And now, at last, he began to unfold his plans for raising the
   means with which to deal with all these augmented demands on
   the Government, and started them with a schedule of increased
   taxes on automobiles. Further details of his scheme are
   summarized in the following, from The Times "Review of
   Parliament," next morning:

   "The right honourable gentleman was listened to with intense
   attention when he proceeded to announce an increase of the
   income-tax and of the estate duty. He proposed that for earned
   incomes under £2,000 the tax should remain at 9d. but that
   between £2,000 and £3,000 it should be 1s., and that all other
   incomes now liable to the shilling tax should pay 1s. 2d.
   Holding that the family man was entitled to more relief than
   the bachelor, he proposed that on all incomes under £500, in
   addition to existing abatements, a special abatement should be
   allowed of £10 for every child under 16 years of age. He hoped
   to get £160,000 by the partial restoration of the shilling
   duty and £3,000,000 from the additional 2d. on the higher
   incomes. There was also to be a super-tax on incomes exceeding
   £5,000, to be levied on the amount by which such incomes
   exceeded £3,000. The tax would be at the rate of 6d. in the
   pound. Exclamations denoting great disapproval arose from the
   Unionist benches when this was announced. The yield from this
   super-tax, Mr. Lloyd-George explained, would be in a full year
   £2,300,000; but this year not more than £500,000. He next came
   to the Death duties. There would be no change in the case of
   estates up to £5,000, but between this limit and the limit of
   two millions graduation would be steepened. The duty on
   estates between £5,000 and £10,000 would be 4 per cent.;
   "between £10,000 and £20,000, 5 per cent.; £20,000 to £40,000,
   6 per cent.; £40,000 to £70,000, 7 per cent.; £70,000 to
   £100,000, 8 per cent.; £100,000 to £150,000, 9 per cent.;
   £150,000 to £200,000, 10 per cent.; £200,000 to £400,000, 11
   per cent.; £400,000 to £600,000, 12 per cent.; £600,000 to
   £800,000, 13 per cent.; £800,000 to £1,000,000, 14 per cent.,
   and above £1,000,000, 15 per cent. This new scale was
   estimated to yield £2,550,000 this year, £4,200,000 next year,
   and afterwards £4,400,000. The settled Estate duty he raised
   from 1 per cent. to 2 per cent. From this source he hoped to
   get £50,000 this year and £375,000 in 1910-1911. The Legacy
   and Succession duty was to be raised in some cases from 3 per
   cent. to 5 per cent., and in all others to 10 per cent. The
   yield from this next year would be £1,300,000, and would
   increase in the course of time to £2,150,000. Property
   alienated inter vivos within five years from death was
   to be liable to duty. Objects of national and scientific
   interest would only be chargeable for duty when they were
   actually sold. There were to be increased duties in bonds to
   bearer and in stock and share transfers. The estimated yield
   from the increased Stamp Duties would be this year £650,000.

   "It was at this point in his speech that the Chancellor of the
   Exchequer required rest and that the sitting was suspended.
   When in half-an-hour’s time it was resumed, the right
   honourable gentleman continued his speech with renewed vigour.
   He dealt at considerable length with the subject of licenses,
   dwelling on the value of the monopoly granted to the liquor
   trade and arguing that the toll exacted by the public was
   ludicrously inadequate. He explained in detail a number of
   changes which he proposed to effect, the chief being a uniform
   charge of 50 per cent., subject to a minimum rate in
   urban areas according to population. For clubs there would be
   a poundage rate of 3d. on the amount taken for the sale of
   liquor. The yield from his revision of the liquor licensing
   law would be £2,600,000.

   "Then he turned to land, drawing a marked distinction between
   the agricultural landowner and the urban landowner, of whom he
   spoke with some scorn. He proposed to levy a tax on the value
   accruing to land in the future through the enterprise of the
   community, taking the land apart from buildings and other
   improvements. This duty of 20 per cent. on unearned increment
   would be payable on two occasions—when land was sold and when
   land passed at death. A preliminary valuation of the land at
   the price which it might be expected to fetch at the present
   time would be necessary; and as the tax was to be imposed only
   on the unearned increment subsequently accruing on that
   valuation, the yield would probably be only £50,000 in 1909,
   but in future years it should prove a fruitful source of
   revenue. It was further proposed to levy an annual duty of one
   halfpenny in the pound on the capital value of undeveloped
   land and undeveloped minerals. Until the proposed valuation of
   the land of the United Kingdom on a capital basis was
   completed, it would be impossible to estimate the yield of
   this duty, but till then the duty would be calculated on the
   declarations of the owners, and in the current year he
   expected it to bring in £350,000. A 10 per cent. reversion
   duty was to be imposed on any benefit accruing to a lessor on
   the termination of a lease, and from this source a yield of
   £100,000 was anticipated. The three land taxes were,
   accordingly, calculated to produce £500,000 in the current
   year.

{242}

   "He next dealt with indirect taxation. He proposed to raise
   the present duty on spirits by 3s. 9d. per gallon. This would
   justify an increase in the retail price of whisky of one
   half-penny per glass, which would recoup the publican for the
   additional duty and leave him something more to mitigate the
   pressure of the new duties on licenses. The yield, during the
   current year, he estimated at £1,600,000. He also proposed to
   increase the duty on unmanufactured tobacco from 3s. to 3s.
   8d. per lb., with equivalent additions to the rates for
   cigars, cigarettes, and manufactured tobacco, the return from
   which he estimated at £1,900,000 during the current year and
   £2,250,000 for a full year.

   "The total estimated revenue was £162,590,000 and the total
   estimated expenditure £162,102,000, leaving a margin of
   £488,000 for contingencies. In conclusion, the right
   honourable gentleman—anticipating the charge that he was
   imposing very heavy taxation for a time of peace—declared it
   was a war Budget. The Government had declared implacable war
   against poverty. It was 8 o’clock when the right honourable
   gentleman finished, amid the cheers of his supporters."

   That Mr. Lloyd-George’s Budget was a gage of battle and that
   the fight over it was fierce is known to everybody, for the
   din of the conflict penetrated to every corner of every land.
   The key-note of the outcry against it was sounded in The
   Times of next morning, which opened its editorial comment
   with these words:

   "One general impression will be very widely made by the
   complicated and portentous Budget which Mr. Lloyd-George
   expounded at enormous length yesterday. That is that the huge
   deficit of nearly sixteen millions is to be raised almost
   exclusively at the cost of the wealthy and the fairly
   well-to-do. They are struck at in all sorts of ways, through
   the income-tax, the legacy duties, the estate duties, the
   stamps upon their investments, their land, their royalties,
   their brewery dividends, and their motor-cars. So when Mr.
   Lloyd-George exclaims rather theatrically—‘Mr. Emmott, this
   is a war Budget,’ his words carry a meaning which he did not
   intend. He talks of waging war against poverty, but that is
   never really waged by unjust exactions from those whose custom
   prevents a worse poverty than any we know; and whose brains
   and capital count for at least as much as thews and sinews.
   Unless men exempt from income-tax either smoke or drink, they
   do not pay a single penny towards making up a deficit mainly
   due to a pension scheme of which they reap the whole benefit.
   The doctrine of social ransom has never been carried quite so
   far."

   So it was branded by its opponents as a "Socialist Budget" and
   its authors as allies of Socialism, throughout the campaign.
   This denunciation was applied especially to the tax on
   unearned increments of value in land, as such increments
   should occur hereafter. On that point of opposition to the
   Budget Mr. Asquith, the Prime Minister of the Government,
   speaking at a public meeting in London, had this to say: "The
   increment duty is a tax of 20 per cent. on the increase in the
   capital value of certain kinds of land which is shown on the
   occasion of its transfer or devolution, and which is not
   attributable to the efforts or to the expenditure either of
   the owner or the occupier. That is what the increment duty is.
   Now what is it not? I spoke a few moments ago of certain
   classes of land. Let me ask you to observe, first, what are
   the kinds of landed property which are altogether exempted
   from the scope of this taxation. In the first place, all
   agricultural land which has no building value above its
   agricultural value; next, small properties occupied by their
   owners; thirdly, property belonging to local authorities;
   again, property held for public or charitable purposes; and,
   finally, property belonging to statutory companies, such as
   railways, which cannot be used for other than statutory
   purposes. …

   "Now, suppose the case of land which does not fall within any
   of those exempted categories, how is the duty charged? Here,
   again, there is a great deal of misapprehension about it, so
   it is better to state the case as clearly as one can. You
   start with the site value of the land at the present moment,
   and by site value—I am not going into technicalities—we mean,
   roughly speaking, the value of the land divested of the
   buildings. You do not go back into the past, you take things
   as they are; you do not rip up the previous history; you do
   not interfere with existing or past contracts. You give to
   every man, however he has acquired it, the full and
   undisturbed enjoyment of the rights, privileges, and property
   which he at present possesses. Starting with that datum line,
   you will see that in years to come, when that piece of land is
   transferred by sale—it may be by lease—or devolves upon death,
   the site value (you are comparing like with like, mind you) at
   that date—that is to say, the value after giving the owner and
   every one who has been interested in the land credit for all
   expenditure they have made in the way of improvement and
   development in the interval—comparing site with site, if you
   find an increment in value there, you say that it is an
   increment due to the community, to social causes, to causes
   over which the owner was no more responsible than you or I,
   and that it is not unfair in point of justice, and that it is
   in the highest degree expedient in point of policy that the
   State should be entitled to claim for itself in relief of the
   necessities of the same community some part—not any
   exaggerated or exorbitant part—but some part, of the increment
   which has so accrued. I may point out that there is no duty
   chargeable at all. So tender has my friend Mr. Lloyd-George
   (laughter and cheers) been to the interests concerned—he is a
   man of a most sympathetic nature—sometimes I am disposed to
   think he is of almost too impressionable a nature when appeals
   of this kind are addressed to him—so tender has he been of all
   these interests that he has agreed that no duty should be
   chargeable unless the increment value amounts to at least 10
   per cent., and where it is over, the first 10 per cent. should
   escape free. That is the increment duty which Lord Rothschild
   tells you—I think I am not misquoting him—is rank and
   undiluted Socialism, and which Lord Lansdowne says is going to
   shake the very foundations of civilized society. …

{243}

   "The propriety and justice of taxing this kind of increment,
   in the case of these classes of land, rests upon the most
   solid ground both of authority and experience. It has been
   advocated for generations by the most eminent economists. It
   has been recommended in one shape or another by more than one
   Royal Commission. It was approved in principle more than once
   even by the late non-progressive House of Commons. It has been
   put in practice in various forms for local purposes in not a
   few Continental municipalities and in many of our own
   Colonies, and, I believe, always with successful results. And
   let me add, by way of climax to that catena of authority, that
   it is at this moment, or at any rate was a few weeks ago, the
   alternative proposal put forward by the Conservative party in
   the Reichstag in Germany—an increment duty, not for local but
   for Imperial purposes, was the alternative proposal to the
   Budget of Prince Bülow put forward by the Conservative party
   in the Reichstag in Germany, and this is rank Socialism!"

   Next to the proposed land taxes, the most bitterly opposed
   feature of the Budget was the increased revenue to be exacted
   from the licensed monopolists of the liquor trade. Everything,
   however, in its new taxation was denounced by the
   Conservatives, who set against it their own project of
   obtaining increased revenues by returning to the protective
   tariff which England had abandoned three-quarters of a century
   ago. The cry for what they preferred to call "tariff reform"
   had been silenced since the election of 1906, when the
   electors of the Kingdom rejected Mr. Chamberlain's revived
   protectionism by an overwhelming vote. Now it was raised
   again, and fully made the prime article in the Conservative
   creed, as it had not been before.

   It was not until the 4th of November that the Finance Bill was
   brought to its third reading in the House of Commons, and was
   passed, by the heavy majority of 379 to 149. From the
   beginning it was known, of course, that the measure had few
   friends in the House of Lords, and would go down in defeat
   there if the Peers ventured to assume the right to negative a
   money Bill. For many generations they had not disputed the
   claim of the Commons to exclusive control of revenue
   legislation; but a theory had now been mooted, that Mr.
   Lloyd-George’s Budget Bill differed from a mere money Bill by
   carrying Socialistic implications tacked on to it, which the
   House of Lords was under no obligation to accept. Whether the
   Lords would or would not be bold enough to act on this theory
   and throw down the Bill, as they had thrown down so much of
   the non-financial legislation of the Liberal Government, had
   been a serious question throughout the debates. Sir Edward
   Grey said of it, in a speech at Leeds, in August:

   "As to the fate of the Budget—Is it going to be destroyed by
   the House of Lords or is it not? The leaders of the Tory
   party—with whom the decision rests—are very cautious in
   expressing their opinions. Some of the rank and file have said
   the House of Lords is going to destroy the Budget, or have
   spoken as if it were so. But the leaders—Mr. Balfour, Lord
   Lansdowne, and so forth—have been very cautious. They are
   great partisans in this matter of the open door, or, perhaps I
   should say, of two open doors. They have studiously kept two
   doors open, and as far as Lord Lansdowne’s utterances go, he
   has kept the door open for passing the Budget in the House of
   Lords or rejecting it. He says the House of Lords is bound to
   decide so that the people should be properly consulted, and
   that that is the function of the House of Lords, to protect
   the right of the people to have their say on the subject. A
   very nice function if only it was performed impartially; but
   when it is a function which has been in abeyance for the
   greater part of the last 20 years, and is only to be erected
   into operation when a Liberal Government comes into office, it
   is not a function for which we can have much respect. But,
   nevertheless, it is so in our Constitution at present that the
   House of Lords is a weapon—a great gun, if you like to call it
   so—which can be pointed only against Liberal measures—not
   against Conservative measures—and which is in the hands of the
   Conservative party. Now there is the Budget going presently to
   the House of Lords; there is the gun pointing when it arrives
   there; there is the Conservative finger on the trigger. Are
   they going to fire the gun or not? They do not know themselves
   yet. They are debating in their own minds what will happen if
   they fire the gun. Will they destroy the Budget, or will the
   recoil be more injurious to themselves? Or, perhaps, will the
   gun burst altogether if they let it off? We know what their
   wishes and inclinations are; what we do not know at the
   present time is how much nerve they have got. But of this I am
   convinced—whatever the House of Lords may do, when the time
   comes for an appeal to the country, it will be an appeal on
   this Budget as a Free Trade Budget, and against the
   alternative of tariff reform.

   Others among the prominent Liberals spoke with more temper of
   the threatened action of the Lords. Mr. Winston Churchill, for
   example, at Leicester, in September, said: "The rejection of
   the Budget by the House of Lords … would be a violent rupture
   of constitutional custom and usage extending over 300 years
   and recognized during all that time by the leaders of every
   party in the State. It would involve a sharp and sensible
   breach with the traditions of the past; and what does the
   House of Lords depend upon if not upon the traditions of the
   past? It would amount to an attempt at revolution not by the
   poor, but by the rich; not by the masses, but by the
   privileged few; not in the name of progress, but in that of
   reaction; not for the purpose of broadening the framework of
   the State, but greatly narrowing it. Such an attempt,
   gentlemen, whatever you may think of it, such an attempt would
   be historic in its character, and the result of the battle
   fought upon it, whoever wins, must inevitably be not of an
   annual, but of a permanent and final character. The result of
   such an election must mean an alteration of the veto of the
   House of Lords; if they win they will have asserted their
   right, not merely to reject legislation of the House of
   Commons, but to control the finances of the country, and if
   they lose we will smash to pieces their veto. I say to you
   that we do not seek the struggle, we have our work to do; but
   if it is to come, it could never come better than now."

   Very soon after the Bill had been passed over to the House of
   Lords it was known that the Conservative leaders had consented
   to its death in that body. What may be called the death
   sentence was pronounced on the 22d of November, when Lord
   Lansdowne moved the following amendment to a motion for the
   second reading of the Bill: "That this House is not justified
   in giving its consent to this Bill until it has been submitted
   to the judgment of the country."

{244}

   Speaking to the motion with great seriousness he said: "I have
   been in this House more than 40 years, I owe everything to its
   indulgence, and I say from the depth of my heart that it is my
   desire to do nothing unworthy of your high reputation or your
   great place in the Constitution of this country. But I believe
   that the worst and most damaging thing that you could do would
   be that you should fail those who look to you as the guardians
   of their greatest constitutional right, the right to be
   consulted when fundamental political changes are demanded by
   the Government of the day; and, my lords, depend upon it that
   by rejecting this Bill you will, on the one hand, insist that
   that right shall be respected; you will not usurp the function
   of granting aid and supplies to the Crown; you will not
   pronounce a final verdict upon this Bill, bad though you may
   believe it to be; but you will say that it is a Bill to which
   you have no right to give your indispensable consent until you
   are assured by the people of the country that they desire it
   to pass into law."

   In the week of debate which followed many speeches of notable
   force and impressiveness were made on both sides; but,
   unquestionably, the weightiest, in reasoning and feeling, were
   those which came from opponents of the Budget who would not
   join their associates in the step proposed, but warned them of
   dangers involved, to the existence of their House and to the
   future of parliamentary government, from constitutional
   changes which no man could forecalculate. On the latter point,
   Lord Rosebery begged his fellows of the peerage to "remember
   this: The menaces which were addressed to this House in old
   days were addressed by statesmen of a different school and
   under a different balance of constitutional forces in this
   country. The menaces addressed to you now come from a wholly
   different school of opinion, who wish for a single Chamber and
   who set no value on the controlling and revising forces of a
   second Chamber—a school of opinion which, if you like it and
   do not dread the word, is eminently revolutionary in essence,
   if not in fact. I ask you to bear in mind that fact when you
   weigh the consequences of the vote which you are to give
   to-morrow night. ‘Hang the consequences,’ said my noble friend
   Lord Camperdown last night. That is a noble sentiment and a
   noble utterance. It is a kind of Balaklava charge, and nothing
   more intrepid could be said by any of us if we had not to
   weigh the consequences, not to the individual, but to the
   State; and you should think once, you should think twice, and
   thrice, before you give a vote which may involve such enormous
   constitutional consequences."

   Lord Balfour, while condemning the Bill, condemned still more
   the proposition that the House of Lords would do its duty in
   compelling a referendum to the people on the measure. A
   question in finance, he said, differs from all others in its
   unfitness for this treatment in Great Britain. "If you are to
   establish a system whereby this House or any other authority
   had the right of establishing a referendum as it is called—a
   reference to the people in matters of finance—you would spoil
   and destroy the control of the other House of Parliament over
   the Government, and you would make, I venture to say, perhaps
   the most momentous change in the Constitution, as it has grown
   up, which has been made in the whole history of that
   Constitution. Take it how you like, if you pass this
   resolution, if you make it a precedent—I care not with what
   safeguards you accompany it, whether you say it is only to be
   done on extreme occasions or by any other safeguard—you have
   made a change in the practice and in the Constitution which
   will prevent things going on as they have gone on up to the
   present time. My lords, if you win, the victory can at most be
   a temporary one. If you lose you have altered and prejudiced
   the position, the power, the prestige, the usefulness of this
   House, which I believe every one of you honours and desires to
   serve as heartily and as thoroughly as I do myself. If you win
   you are but beginning a conflict."

   Lord James, one of the ablest of the Law Lords, and Lord
   Cromer, were other opponents of the Budget who earnestly
   counselled the Upper House not to interfere with the action of
   the Commons on this measure of finance. From the side of the
   few Liberals among the peers came other weighty words of
   admonition, spoken especially by the calm and thoughtful Lord
   Morley and by the Lord Chancellor, the presiding officer of
   their House. "No one," said the latter, "will be so simple as
   to believe that the only question which the country will
   consider will be the question whether this Bill ought to pass
   into law. Other and graver questions will be raised. We have
   been in office for four years. In 1906 our whole time in the
   House of Commons was taken up by passing an Education Bill. It
   came to this House. It was wrecked, and the whole labour of
   that Session was thrown away. The following year, 1907, was
   not a year of very great enterprise of a legislative
   character. In 1908 the whole time of the House of Commons was
   spent in passing the Licensing Bill, a measure the loss of
   which I regret more than I regret the loss of any other. It
   came up to this House. It was not alive when it came here. It
   had perished by the stiletto in Berkeley-square before it ever
   saw this House. Now, again in 1909, after a Session of
   unexampled labour, the House of Commons has presented to your
   lordships the proof of many, many months of arduous work in a
   domain entirely their own; and this House is going to destroy
   the Finance Bill of 1909 and to refuse supplies. It is, in my
   opinion, impossible that any Liberal Government should ever
   again bear the heavy burden of office unless it is secured
   against a repetition of treatment such as our measures have
   had to undergo for the last four years. If we fail in the
   coming general election, assuming that his Majesty is pleased
   to dissolve Parliament, it will only be the beginning of a
   conflict which can end only in one way. If we succeed, I hope
   we shall not flinch from that which will have to follow."

   The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Spiritual Lords generally
   refrained from taking sides on what they regarded as a
   political question; but the Archbishop of York construed his
   duty differently, and added his voice to the remonstrance
   against Lord Landsdowne’s motion. Close upon midnight,
   November 30, the House divided on that motion and it was
   carried, rejecting the Finance Bill, by a vote of 350 to 75.
   So big a vote—such a swarming of titled legislators to record
   it—had not been known within the memory of living men.

{245}

   Three days later, on the 3d of December, the Premier, Mr.
   Asquith, rose in the House of Commons and moved the adoption
   of the following declaration:

   "That the action of the House of Lords in refusing to pass
   into law the financial provision made by this House for the
   service of the year is a breach of the Constitution and a
   usurpation of the rights of the Commons."

   Speaking to this motion, he said, in part:

   "When, a short time ago, the Finance Bill received its third
   reading, as it left this House it represented, I believe, in a
   greater degree than can be said of any measure of our time,
   the mature, the well-sifted, the deliberate work of an
   overwhelming majority of the representatives of the people
   upon a matter which, by the custom of generations and by the
   course of a practically unbroken authority, is the province of
   this House, and of this House alone. In the course of a week,
   or a little more than a week, the whole of this fabric has
   been thrown to the ground. For the first time in English
   history the grant of the whole of the Ways and Means for the
   Supply and the Services of the year, the grant made at the
   request of the Crown to the Crown by the Commons, has been
   intercepted and nullified by a body which admittedly has not
   the power to increase or to diminish one single tax or to
   propose any substitute or alternative for any one of the
   taxes. The House of Commons would, in the judgment of his
   Majesty’s Government, be unworthy of its past and of the
   traditions of which it is the custodian and the trustee if it
   allowed another day to pass without making it clear that it
   does not mean to brook the greatest indignity, and, I will
   add, the most arrogant usurpation (loud cheers), to which for
   more than two centuries it has been asked to submit."

   After a short debate, the House divided on the motion, and it
   was adopted by 349 against 134.

   On the afternoon of the same day the King prorogued Parliament
   to the 15th of January, 1910, this being preparatory to the
   dissolution and appeal to the people which the action of the
   Lords had made necessary.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (January-March).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May).
   A Majority Vote in the Commons for removing Disabilities
   from Roman Catholics.

   A bill for the removal of remaining disabilities from Roman
   Catholics passed its second reading in the House of Commons on
   the 14th of May, by a vote of 133 to 123. Not being a
   Government measure, the crowded programme of business for the
   session gave no hope that it could be carried into law; but
   the vote was an encouragement.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May).
   Resolution of the House of Commons in favor of the Payment
   of Members and the public payment of election expenses.

   The following resolution was introduced in the House of
   Commons on the 12th of May, 1909, by Mr. Higham, of York:

   "That in the opinion of this House the non-payment of members
   and the liability of candidates for the returning officers’
   expenses render it impossible for many constituencies to
   exercise a free choice in their selection of candidates and
   election of members of Parliament; and this House is of
   opinion that any measure of general electoral reform passed
   before the dissolution of this Parliament, and coming into
   force upon or after the dissolution, should be accompanied by
   arrangements for the payment of members elected to serve in
   Parliament and for the transfer to the Imperial Exchequer of
   the financial responsibility for the returning officers’
   expenses incurred in the conduct of such elections."

   Mr. Harcourt, for the Government, accepted the motion at once.
   He pointed out that the expenditure entailed, if members were
   paid £300 a year, would be £200,000 annually; but this was not
   a valid argument against the change. For his part, he could
   not see why politics should be the only profession "run by
   amateurs." He was, therefore, not frightened by the prospect
   of an Assembly of professional politicians. The time had gone
   by when the country could select its legislators solely from
   the leisured class; public servants deserved to be paid.

   Most of the speakers in a debate of three hours favored the
   resolution, and it was then adopted, by 242 votes against 92.
   No legislation in accordance with it has yet been undertaken.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May).
   Reorganization of Passive Resistance to the Education Act
   of 1902.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: ENGLAND; A. D. 1909 (MAY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May-October).
   Consumption of whiskey diminished by increase of tax.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (June).
   The Imperial Press Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (July).
   Assassination of Sir W. Curzon-Wyllie by an Indian Anarchist.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (July-August).
   Imperial Defence Conference.
   Its conclusions and agreements.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (July-December).
   Decision against the right of Trade Unions to pay Salaries
   to Members of Parliament.

   On the 23d of July, 1909, an appeal from an order of the Court
   of Appeal was argued before five legal members of the House of
   Lords, on the question whether the payment of members of
   Parliament chosen to represent the interests of a trade union
   was a lawful application of the funds of such union. The
   complainant in the case had sued the Amalgamated Society of
   Railway Servants, of which he had been a member since 1892, to
   have it declared that one of the rules of the society, which
   provides, amongst other things, for Parliamentary
   representation and the enforced levy of contributions from the
   plaintiff and other members of the society, towards the
   payment of salaries, or maintenance allowance, to members of
   Parliament pledged to observe and fulfil the conditions
   imposed by the constitution of the Labour Party therein
   referred to, is ultra vires and void, and that the
   society may be restrained from enforcing it. And in the
   alternative that it may be declared that a certain amendment
   or addition made to the rules in 1906 be declared to be
   illegal and void. The added rule, thus complained of, was as
   follows; "All candidates shall sign and accept the conditions
   of the Labour Party and be subject to their Whip."

{246}

   The judgment of the Lords, rendered on the 21st of December,
   sustained the order from the court below, dismissing the
   appeal. Their decision rested mainly on considerations
   relating to the rule quoted above, and stated briefly by one
   of their bench, Lord James, as follows:

   "The effect of this rule and others that exist is that a
   member of the trade union is compelled to contribute to the
   support of a member of Parliament, who is compelled ‘to answer
   the Whip of the Labour Party.’ I construe this condition as
   meaning that the member undertakes to forego his own judgment,
   and to vote in Parliament in accordance with the opinions of
   some person or persons acting on behalf of the Labour Party.
   And such vote would have to be given in respect of all
   matters, including those of a most general character—such as
   confidence in a Ministry or the policy of a Budget—matters
   unconnected directly at least with the interests of labour.
   Therefore I am of opinion that the application of money to the
   maintenance of a member whose action is so regulated is not
   within the powers of a trade union. If your Lordships decide
   on this branch of the case that the respondent is entitled to
   judgment, it is unnecessary that any opinion should be
   expressed upon the very broad constitutional question raised
   for the first time in the Court of Appeal affecting the
   general support of members."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (August).
   The Prevention of Crimes Act brought into force.
   The Borstal System.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY, PROBLEMS OF.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (August).
   The Trade Boards Bill, to suppress "Sweating."

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES REGULATION.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (September).
   Imperial Congress of Chambers of Commerce.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (September).
   Marconi Wireless Telegraph Stations taken over
   by the Post Office.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRICAL.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (October).
   Organization of a Navy War Council.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (January-March).
   Dissolution of Parliament.
   An indecisive Election.
   No majority in the House of Commons for any single party.
   Precarious support for the Liberal Ministry.
   Uncertainties of the Situation.

   As expected, Parliament was dissolved by royal proclamation
   early in January, and new elections commanded, the first of
   which took place on the 15th of that month and the last on the
   14th of February. The result was generally disappointing,
   because wholly indecisive. The new House of Commons was found
   to be made up of 275 Liberals, 273 Unionists, 71 Nationalists
   (Irish), 11 Independent Nationalists, and 40 Labor members.
   Neither of the political parties arrayed on the main issues
   involved had won a majority. The people had rendered no
   recognizable verdict on the Budget, or on the tariff question,
   or on the abolition of the veto power claimed by the House of
   Lords.

   Even with the support of the Labor members the Asquith
   Ministry was in a minority. The balance was held by the Irish
   members, and it was only by compromise with them that either
   Liberals or Unionists could do anything. Had the Ministry been
   able to choose its own course it might have preferred,
   perhaps, to push the Budget question to a settlement before
   attempting to determine the future of the House of Lords; but
   the leader of the Nationalists, Mr. Redmond, gave prompt
   notice that they would allow no such second rating of the
   Lords’ veto question to go into the programme of legislation.
   Probably, therefore, there were negotiations between Liberals
   and Nationalists before Mr. Asquith announced the intentions
   of the Government, which he did on the 28th of
   February,—Parliament having been formally opened on the 15th.
   Up to the 24th of March, he claimed all the time of the House
   of Commons for immediate measures which must be adopted before
   the close of the financial year, to provide immediately
   necessary means for maintaining the national credit. Then,
   "when the House reassembled after Easter, on March 29, the
   Government would present their proposals on the relations
   between the two Houses. They would be presented, in the first
   instance, in the form of resolutions affirming the necessity
   for excluding the House of Lords altogether from the domain of
   finance, and inviting the House to declare that, in the sphere
   of legislation, the power of the veto now possessed by the
   Lords should be so limited as to secure the predominance of
   the deliberate and considered will of the Commons within the
   lifetime of a single Parliament. Further, it would be made
   plain that these constitutional changes were without prejudice
   to and contemplated in a subsequent year the substitution in
   our Second Chamber, of a democratic for an hereditary basis.
   When these resolutions had been agreed to, they would be
   submitted to the House of Lords, so as to bring the main issue
   to a trial at the earliest possible moment."

   This programme of procedure appears to have been hastened
   slightly; for despatches from London on the 21st of March
   announced that Mr. Asquith had brought forward his
   resolutions, and that their purport was as follows:

   "The first resolution provides for complete control of money
   bills by the House of Commons, thus unmistakably disposing of
   the question that was precipitated by the Lords’ rejection of
   the budget; the second precludes the Lords from rejecting any
   bill that, has been passed by the Commons at three successive
   sessions, provided the entire time the bill has been before
   the House is not less than two years; and in the same case the
   bill becomes a law without the royal assent."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (May).
   Death of King Edward VII.
   Accession of King George V.

   The political situation in England, which had become
   problematical, was probably changed with suddenness, on the
   night of May 6, by the death of King Edward, after a brief
   illness, consequent on chronic bronchial disorders. His son
   was proclaimed as King George V. Settlement of the pending
   political questions seems likely to be postponed for some
   time.

   ----------ENGLAND: End--------

ENJUMEN.

      See (in this Volume)
      ANJUMAN.

ENVER BEY.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

EQUADOR.

      See (in this Volume)
      ECUADOR.

EQUITABLE LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY.

      See (in this Volume)
      INSURANCE, LIFE.

ERDMAN LAW.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907 (APRIL).

ERICHSEN, DR. MYLIUS:
   Tragically ended survey of Greenland coast.

      See (in this Volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION.

{247}

ERICSSON, JOHN:
   Unveiling of a monument to his memory at Stockholm,
   September 14, 1901.

      See (in this Volume)
      SWEDEN: A. D. 1901.

ERIE CANAL:
   Popular vote for its enlargement to a capacity
   for boats of 1000 tons.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YOKE STATE: A. D. 1903.

ERITREA:
   Its habitability by whites.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA.

ESHER ARMY COMMISSION, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

ESNEH BARRAGE, Opening of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

ESPERANTO.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: ESPERANTO.

ESTOURNELLES DE CONSTANT D', BARON.

      See (in this Volume)
      Nobel Prizes.

ESTRADA, GENERAL JUAN:
   Revolutionary leader in Nicaragua.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.


ESTUPINIAN, DON BALTASER:
   Vice-President of Second International Conference of
   American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

ETHER OF SPACE, NEW CONCEPTION OF THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.

ETHIOPIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      ABYSSINIA.

EUCKEN, Rudolf.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

EUDISTES, THE CONGREGATION OF THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

EUGENICS.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: EUGENICS.

EULENBURG, PRINCE,
   The charges against.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1908.

EUPHRATES VALLEY:
   Railway building.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

EUPHRATES VALLEY:
   Irrigation projects.

      See in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

   ----------EUROPE: Start--------

EUROPE: A. D. 1850-1907.
   Growth and changes in population.
   The shifting of numerical weight among nations and peoples.

   Some statistical statements of surprising interest were set
   forth in an article published by Professor Sombart, of Berlin,
   in 1907. German statisticians have a reputation for accuracy,
   and we have no ground for questioning the figures submitted by
   this professor, which show that, notwithstanding the great
   flow of emigration from Europe within the last 60 years, its
   population has increased from about 250,000,000 to 400,000,000
   since the middle of the nineteenth century. The main growth,
   however, has been in Russia, from which the emigration has
   been slight.

   The exhibit of relative increase in the several countries and
   among the several races of Europe is more interesting and more
   important than the total growth. This comparison gives a heavy
   gain of weight to Russia since 1850, a considerable gain to
   Germany, slight gains to Austria-Hungary, Great Britain and
   Ireland (wholly on the British side of the United Kingdom),
   Belgium, and the Netherlands, with comparative losses in all
   the rest. The drop made by France in the scale of population
   is distressingly great. Out of every 1,000 inhabitants of
   Europe in 1850, 137 were in France; but out of the same number
   of Europeans in 1905 she counted but 94. Russia, in the same
   period, raised her share of the population of Europe from 215
   per 1,000 to 285; Germany from 138 to 145; Austria-Hungary
   from 114 to 117; Great Britain and Ireland from 104 to 105;
   Belgium from sixteen to seventeen; the Netherlands from twelve
   to thirteen. On the other hand, Italy dropped from 95 to 80;
   Spain and Portugal from 71 to 58; Sweden, Norway, and Denmark
   from 29 to 25; the Balkan States from 60 to 53; Switzerland
   from nine to eight.

   Carrying the comparisons of relative population back to the
   beginning of the last century, Professor Sombart finds that
   Germany, which gained ground in the last half of the period,
   had lost more in the first half than that gain made good. In
   1801 the Germans furnished 160 to each 1,000 of the population
   of Europe, against their present count of 145. But Great
   Britain and Ireland gave but 93 to that 1,000 in 1801 against
   the 105 of the present time. The gains of Russia and the
   losses of France, Italy, and Spain were alike continuous from
   the first to the latest date.

   As the result of these differences of advance in population,
   the Slavic peoples have been raised from the lowest to the
   highest weight in numbers; the Germanic have dropped just
   enough in the scale to take second place; while the Latinized
   folk of Southwestern Europe, or Latins as we call them, have
   fallen far from the share they had in the peopling of the
   continent 100 years ago. Of each 1,000 Europeans in 1801 the
   Slavs numbered 268, the Latins 355, the Germanics 375. In
   1850 the count was 310 for the Slav, 321 for the Latin, 369
   for the Germanic. The next 55 years brought the Slav to the
   front, with a great bound, and the figures in the column for
   1905 are 375 Slav, 373 Germanic, 251 Latin.

   These statistics hold a number of deep meanings; but they are
   especially eloquent in their showing of the deadly effects of
   the Napoleonic wars. For France there has been no recovery
   since those horrible years when the Corsican vampire sucked at
   her veins; and Spain and Italy are still sicklied from the
   same cause. But Germany’s languishing ended when the long
   peace of the last 36 years began. Her vitality had never been
   spent, even in the Thirty Years’ War and by the belligerency
   of Frederick, "called the Great," before Napoleon came to
   trample upon her, as that of France had been exhausted by her
   Bourbon and Corsican masters.

{248}

EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.
   Rate of Increase of Population in other countries
   compared with Germany.

   "During the last few decades, the population of Germany has
   been increasing with marvellous and unprecedented rapidity.
   From 1870 to the present time it has grown from 40,818,000
   people to more than 60,000,000 people, and has therefore
   increased by 50 per cent. During the same period, our own
   [British] population has increased from 31,817,000 people to
   43,000,000 people, or by but 32 per cent. No nation in the
   world excepting those oversea which yearly receive a huge
   number of immigrants from abroad multiplies more rapidly than
   does the German nation, as may be seen from the following
   figures:

   "Average Yearly Increase of Population
   between the Last and the Previous Census.

   Germany,        15,000 people per million of inhabitants.
   Russia,         13,600 people per million of inhabitants.
   Holland,        12,300 people per million of inhabitants.
   Switzerland,    10,400 people per million of inhabitants.
   Belgium,        10,100 people per million of inhabitants.
   Great Britain,   9,400 people per million of inhabitants.
   Austria-Hungary, 9,300 people per million of inhabitants.
   Spain,           8,800 people per million of inhabitants.
   Italy,           6,900 people per million of inhabitants.
   France,          1,700 people per million of inhabitants.

   "From the foregoing table it appears that not only the
   population of Germany, but that of all the chiefly Germanic
   nations, increases very much faster than that of all other
   nations, Russia excepted. However, Russia cannot fairly be
   compared with Germany, partly because her population
   statistics are not reliable, partly because the growth of her
   population is to some extent due to conquest. …

   "The proud boast of the Pan-Germans that it is the destiny of
   the German race to rule the world would appear to be correct,
   were it not for a singular phenomenon which, so far, has
   remained almost unobserved. Whilst the 60,000,000 Germans in
   Germany are increasing with astonishing celerity, the
   30,000,000 Germans who live in Austria-Hungary and in other
   countries are so rapidly losing all German characteristics and
   even the German language, that it seems possible that, forty
   or fifty years hence, the number of Germans outside Germany
   proper will be almost nil. …

   "The 90,000,000 Germans who live in Germany and in Greater
   Germany are distributed over the globe as follows:

   Germany                      60,000,000
   Austria-Hungary              11,550,000
   Switzerland                   2,320,000
   Russia                        2,000,000
   Various European countries    1,130,000
                                ----------
   Total in Europe              77,000,000

   United States and Canada     11,500,000

   Central and South America       600,000

   Asia, Africa, Australia         400,000

   Grand total                  89,500,000"


      O. Eltzbacher,
      Germany and Greater Germany
      (Contemporary Review, August, 1905).

   Later figures, relative to France, on this subject, were given
   by the Paris correspondent of the New York Evening Post,
   writing June 12th, 1909, when he said: "From 1901 to 1905 the
   birthrate was high enough to increase the population of France
   18 for every 10,000 yearly. During the same period the
   relative increase per 10,000 was 106 in Italy, 113 in Austria,
   121 in England, 149 in Germany, and 155 in Holland. … Coming
   back to single years, the birth rate of 1906 only increased
   the French population 7 per 10,000; that is, among every
   10,000 inhabitants there were as many births of living
   children as there were deaths taken altogether, plus seven
   births more. In 1907 there were five fewer births than deaths
   per 10,000 inhabitants. And now here comes 1908 jumping back
   to an excess of twelve births over deaths per 10,000. Such
   sudden fluctuations can be seized on by no theory; 1907 had
   its deficit because it had 19,892 more deaths than the
   average; 1908 recovers lost ground because it had 48,266 fewer
   deaths than 1907, or 28,374 fewer than the average of the
   preceding period of five years. Along with this slow but sure
   decrease in the absolute birth rate of France goes the happier
   decrease of deaths, owing to greater well-being in general and
   better popular hygiene in particular.

   "Statistics have something better than this to show. The
   steady increase in marriages, which I noted last year, has
   gone on. For 1908 it is the heaviest since 1873; the total
   number was 315,928—which is 1,172 more than in 1907 and 9441
   more than in 1906. Divorces, for all France, were 10,573 in
   1906 and 11,515 in 1908.

   "Why do Frenchmen have few children? Because they deliberately
   will not to have them. That is the answer which every
   intelligent observer who passes his life among Frenchmen—as
   one of themselves, not as an outsider—will give spontaneously;
   and it is the answer to which all statistics and all verified
   social facts lead up."

EUROPE: A. D. 1878-1909.
   Thirty-one Years of Peace, broken only by
   Thirty-one Days of War.

   In the spring of 1897 there were thirty-one days of war
   between Turkey and Greece. With that exception there have been
   no hostilities on the European continent since Russia fought
   the Turks in 1877-1878, a period of thirty-one years. In the
   preceding thirty years there had been nearly a score of
   serious insurrections and wars: the widespread revolutionary
   conflicts of 1848-1849, in France, Italy, Austria, Hungary,
   Germany, and Denmark; the coup d’etat of 1851 in France; the
   Crimean War of 1854-1856; the war of France and Sardinia with
   Austria in 1859; Garibaldi’s liberation of Sicily and Naples
   in 1861, and his attempt on Rome the next year; the Greek
   revolution of 1862; Polish revolts of 1861 and 1863; the
   Schleswig-Holstein war of 1864; the Austro-Prussian "Seven
   Weeks War" and the Austro-Italian war, in 1866; Garibaldi’s
   renewed attack on the Papal government at Rome in 1867;
   revolution in Spain in 1868; the Franco-German War and the
   insurrection of the Communists at Paris in 1870-1871; the
   revolts of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1875 and of Bulgaria in
   1876.

   There is no mistaking the hopeful significance of so striking
   a contrast as this; and if we look back through two more
   similar periods, each of which represents the average term
   reckoned for a generation, we find the key to a better
   understanding of its hopefulness. Behind the turbulent thirty
   years from 1847 to 1877 are thirty years during most of which
   Europe lay bleeding, panting, exhausted by thirty other years
   of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars; exhausted
   physically but stirred deeply in brain and heart, and
   gathering strength for the efforts toward freer and better
   institutions of government and more homogeneous organizations
   of nationality which most of the conflicts between 1847 and
   1877 represent.

{249}

   It is because those conflicts resulted in far better political
   conditions, and in much of satisfaction to racial affinities
   and national aspirations long resisted, that the people of
   Europe, in these last thirty years, have enjoyed the longest
   exemption from war on their own soil that their history
   records.

EUROPE: A. D. 1902-1907.
   Renewal and maintenance of the Triple Alliance.
   Its value to Italy.

   The Triple Alliance or Dreibund of Germany, Austria-Hungary
   and Italy, formed in 1882 and renewed in 1887 and 1891, was
   renewed for the third time in 1902, a year before the end of
   its term, by the Zanardelli Government. "The term of this
   renewal was for six or 12 years; that is to say, if the treaty
   were not denounced in 1907, five years after its actual
   renewal, it should be considered as holding good for the full
   term of 12 years. The treaty was not denounced by the Giolitti
   Ministry, with Signor Tittoni Minister of Foreign Affairs, and
   therefore is in force until 1914, 12 years after its third
   renewal by Prinetti. Except in the case of a very marked
   alteration in the friendly relations between the three
   contracting Powers there can be no question of its renewal or
   non-renewal at this date. That case has not arrived; the
   cordial relations between Italy and her allies, in spite of
   conjectured though unacknowledged differences of opinion,
   remain ostensibly unaltered, and may still be considered as
   correctly described in the words used in their speeches in
   Vienna by the Emperor of Austria and the German Emperor, and
   in the telegrams which they afterwards exchanged with the King
   of Italy.

   "Some Italian politicians, however, seem disposed to question
   the utility of an alliance which does not relieve Italy from
   the necessity of spending more money on her national defence.
   What, they ask, is the use of the alliance if we have to make
   these heavy sacrifices in order to increase our army and navy
   and put our frontier fortifications in order? The answer is
   more simple than agreeable. It is precisely the existence of
   the Triple Alliance that has permitted Italy to leave her
   Austrian frontier absolutely open to invasion, and to allow
   both her army and navy to fall below the standard which she
   had proposed to keep up. The alliance has secured her immunity
   for her neglect. But she has naturally paid for that combined
   neglect and immunity by accepting a subordinate role by the
   side of her allies."

      Rome Correspondence,
      London Times, May 15, 1909.

EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (April).
   The Entente Cordiale of England and France.

   In his interesting work on "France and the Alliances," founded
   on a course of lectures delivered at Harvard University in
   1908, M. André Tardieu reviews the long antagonism between
   England and France, which ran through their history, from
   early in the Fourteenth Century to the last year but one of
   the Nineteenth, when, in March, 1899, France, by treaty with
   the British Government, gave up her strong desire to extend
   her North African dominion eastward to the Nile. Then he asks:
   "How came it that within five years a sincere understanding
   was established between the two hereditary enemies?" He
   answers the question by saying: "Neither in England nor in
   France is the principle of the understanding to be sought.
   Rather was it the fear of Germany which determined England—not
   only her King and Government, but the whole of her people—to
   draw near to France." This, without doubt, is substantially
   the true explanation of the friendly agreements, forming what
   is known as the Entente Cordiale between England and France,
   which were signed on the 8th of April, 1904. They involved
   nothing in the nature of a defensive alliance against Germany,
   and they had been prepared for by a rapid growth of natural
   and real good feeling between English and French folk; but it
   is certain that they received their immediate prompting from
   the common recognition, in England and France, that Germany
   had become a rival in political and economic ambitions to both
   of them, more formidable than either could be to the other.
   This gave them a common reason for obliterating all their old
   differences and causes of difference, and exhibiting
   themselves to the world as friends.

   M. Tardieu credits the English King with the initiation of
   this most important rapprochement. "He it was," says the
   French writer, "who both conceived and facilitated it, while
   still many believed that the moment was premature. Edward VII.
   has been both praised and attacked without stint. Perhaps he
   deserves neither the ‘excess of honor nor yet the excess of
   abuse.’ Among present sovereigns, he has one superiority, that
   of having gained experience in life before reigning. … He is
   not afraid of taking the initiative; and so far his initiative
   has been a success. The boldest example of it was his visit to
   Paris in 1903. Putting aside all objections, and being
   convinced of his success, he arrived in France amidst an
   atmosphere of uncertainty. When the first platoons of
   cuirassiers rode down the Champs Elysées, embarrassment and
   anxiety weighed on the public. The Nationalists had declared
   their intention of hissing. What would be the result of a
   hostile manifestation? The King, as far as he was concerned,
   did not believe in the danger, and he was right. The Parisians
   accorded him, not an enthusiastic, but, from the first, a
   respectful, and soon a genial, reception. The road was clear.
   Two months later, Mr. Loubet paid King Edward a return visit.
   And, on welcoming his colleague, Mr. Delcassé, to London, Lord
   Lansdowne said to him: ‘Now we are going to have some
   conversation.’ As a matter of fact, there was conversation
   both in Paris and in London. … On the 8th of April, 1904, the
   agreement was signed, and its immediate publication produced a
   deep impression in Europe."

   Strictly speaking, there were three Agreements, or two
   Declarations and one formal Convention, signed on the 8th of
   April, 1904, constituting, together, the Anglo-French
   Entente. The first, a "Declaration respecting Egypt and
   Morocco," ran as follows:

   "Article I.
   His Britannic Majesty’s Government declare that they have no
   intention of altering the political status of Egypt. The
   Government of the French Republic, for their part, declare
   that they will not obstruct the action of Great Britain in
   that country by asking that a limit of time be fixed for the
   British occupation or in any other manner, and that they give
   their assent to the draft Khedivial Decree annexed to the
   present Arrangement, containing the guarantees considered
   necessary for the protection of the interests of the Egyptian
   bondholders, on the condition that, after its promulgation, it
   cannot be modified in any way without the consent of the
   Powers Signatory of the Convention of London of 1885. It is
   agreed that the post of Director-General of Antiquities in
   Egypt shall continue, as in the past, to be entrusted to a
   French savant. The French schools in Egypt shall
   continue to enjoy the same liberty as in the past.

{250}

   "Article II.
   The Government of the French Republic declare that they have
   no intention of altering the political status of Morocco. His
   Britannic Majesty’s Government, for their part, recognize that
   it appertains to France, more particularly as a Power whose
   dominions are conterminous for a great distance with those of
   Morocco, to preserve order in that country, and to provide
   assistance for the purpose of all administrative, economic,
   financial, and military reforms which it may require. They
   declare that they will not obstruct the action taken by France
   for this purpose, provided that such action shall leave intact
   the rights which Great Britain, in virtue of Treaties,
   Conventions, and usage, enjoys in Morocco, including the right
   of coasting trade between the ports of Morocco, enjoyed by
   British vessels since 1901.

   "Article III.
   His Britannic Majesty’s Government, for their part, will
   respect the rights which France, in virtue of Treaties,
   Conventions, and usage, enjoys in Egypt, including the right
   of coasting trade between Egyptian ports accorded to French
   vessels.

   "Article IV.
   The two Governments, being equally attached to the principle
   of commercial liberty both in Egypt and Morocco, declare that
   they will not, in those countries, countenance any inequality
   either in the imposition of customs duties or other taxes, or
   of railway transport charges. The trade of both nations with
   Morocco and with Egypt shall enjoy the same treatment in
   transit through the French and British possessions in Africa.
   An Agreement between the two Governments shall settle the
   conditions of such transit and shall determine the points of
   entry. This mutual engagement shall be binding for a period of
   thirty years. Unless this stipulation is expressly denounced
   at least one year in advance, the period shall be extended for
   five years at a time. Nevertheless, the Government of the
   French Republic reserve to themselves in Morocco, and His
   Britannic Majesty’s Government reserve to themselves in Egypt,
   the right to see that the concessions for roads, railways,
   ports, &c., are only granted on such conditions as will
   maintain intact the authority of the State over these great
   undertakings of public interest.

   "Article V.
   His Britannic Majesty’s Government declare that they will use
   their influence in order that the French officials now in the
   Egyptian service may not be placed under conditions less
   advantageous than those applying to the British officials in
   the same service. The Government of the French Republic, for
   their part, would make no objection to the application of
   analogous conditions to British officials now in the Moorish
   service.

   "Article VI.
   In order to insure the free passage of the Suez Canal, His
   Britannic Majesty’s Government declare that they adhere to the
   stipulations of the Treaty of the 29th October, 1888, and that
   they agree to their being put in force. The free passage of
   the Canal being thus guaranteed, the execution of the last
   sentence of paragraph 1 as well as of paragraph 2 of Article
   VIII of that Treaty will remain in abeyance.

   "Article VII.
   In order to secure the free passage of the Straits of
   Gibraltar, the two Governments agree not to permit the
   erection of any fortifications or strategic works on that
   portion of the coast of Morocco comprised between, but not
   including, Melilla and the heights which command the right
   bank of the River Sebou. This condition does not, however,
   apply to the places at present in the occupation of Spain on
   the Moorish coast of the Mediterranean.

   "Article VIII.
   The two Governments, inspired by their feeling of sincere
   friendship for Spain, take into special consideration the
   interests which that country derives from her geographical
   position and from her territorial possessions on the Moorish
   coast of the Mediterranean. In regard to these interests the
   French Government will come to an understanding with the
   Spanish Government. The agreement which may be come to on the
   subject between France and Spain shall be communicated to His
   Britannic Majesty’s Government.

   "Article IX.
   The two Governments agree to afford to one another their
   diplomatic support, in order to obtain the execution of the
   clauses of the present Declaration regarding Egypt and
   Morocco."

   The more formally designated Convention relates to questions
   concerning the Newfoundland fisheries and certain boundaries
   between French and English possessions in Africa. The articles
   respecting Newfoundland and the fisheries are as follows:

   "Article I.
   France renounces the privileges established to her advantage
   by Article XIII of the Treaty of Utrecht, and confirmed or
   modified by subsequent provisions.

   "Article II.
   France retains for her citizens, on a footing of equality with
   British subjects, the right of fishing in the territorial
   waters on that portion of the coast of Newfoundland comprised
   between Cape St. John and Cape Ray, passing by the north; this
   right shall be exercised during the usual fishing season
   closing for all persons on the 20th October of each year. The
   French may therefore fish there for every kind of fish,
   including bait and also shell fish. They may enter any port or
   harbour on the said coast and may there obtain supplies or
   bait and shelter on the same conditions as the inhabitants of
   Newfoundland, but they will remain subject to the local
   Regulations in force; they may also fish at the mouths of the
   rivers, but without going beyond a straight line drawn between
   the two extremities of the banks, where the river enters the
   sea. They shall not make use of stake-nets or fixed engines
   without permission of the local authorities. On the
   above-mentioned portion of the coast, British subjects and
   French citizens shall be subject alike to the laws and
   Regulations now in force, or which may hereafter be passed for
   the establishment of a close time in regard to any particular
   kind of fish, or for the improvement of the fisheries. Notice
   of any fresh laws or Regulations shall be given to the
   Government of the French Republic three months before they
   come into operation. The policing of the fishing on the
   above-mentioned portion of the coast, and for prevention of
   illicit liquor traffic and smuggling of spirits, shall form
   the subject of Regulations drawn up in agreement by the two
   Governments.

{251}

   "Article III.
   A pecuniary indemnity shall be awarded by His Britannic
   Majesty’s Government to the French citizens engaged in fishing
   or the preparation of fish on the ‘Treaty Shore,’ who are
   obliged, either to abandon the establishments they possess
   there, or to give up their occupation, in consequence of the
   modification introduced by the present Convention into the
   existing state of affairs. This indemnity cannot be claimed by
   the parties interested unless they have been engaged in their
   business prior to the closing of the fishing season of 1903.
   Claims for indemnity shall be submitted to an Arbitral
   Tribunal, composed of an officer of each nation, and, in the
   event of disagreement, of an Umpire appointed in accordance
   with the procedure laid down by Article XXXII of The Hague
   Convention. The details regulating the constitution of the
   Tribunal, and the conditions of the inquiries to be instituted
   for the purpose of substantiating the claims, shall form the
   subject of a special Agreement between the two Governments.

   "Article IV.
   His Britannic Majesty’s Government, recognizing that, in
   addition to the indemnity referred to in the preceding
   Article, some territorial compensation is due to France in
   return for the surrender of her privilege in that part of the
   Island of Newfoundland referred to in Article II, agree with
   the Government of the French Republic to the provisions
   embodied in the following Articles:"

   The provisions here referred to, contained in the subsequent
   articles, modify the former frontier between Senegambia and
   the English colony of the Gambia, "so as to give to France
   Yarbutenda and the lands and landing places belonging to that
   locality"; cede to France "the group known as the Isles de
   Los, and situated opposite Konakry"; and substitute a new
   boundary, to the east of the Niger, for that which was fixed
   between the French and British possessions by the Convention
   of 1898.

   The Declaration which concludes the series of Agreements has
   to do with matters in Siam, Madagascar, and New Hebrides. As
   to Siam, the two Governments "declare by mutual agreement that
   the influence of Great Britain shall be recognized by France
   in the territories situated to the west of the basin of the
   River Menam, and that the influence of France shall be
   recognized by Great Britain in the territories situated to the
   east of the same region, all the Siamese possessions on the
   east and southeast of the zone above described and the
   adjacent islands coming thus henceforth under French
   influence, and, on the other hand, all Siamese possessions on
   the west of this zone and of the Gulf of Siam, including the
   Malay Peninsula and the adjacent islands, coming under English
   influence. The two Contracting Parties, disclaiming all idea
   of annexing any Siamese territory, and determined to abstain
   from any act which might contravene the provisions of existing
   Treaties, agree that, with this reservation, and so far as either
   of them is concerned, the two Governments shall each have
   respectively liberty of action in their spheres of influence
   as above defined."

   The further agreements were, on the part of the British
   Government, to withdraw a protest it had raised against the
   customs tariff established in Madagascar, and, on the part of
   the two Governments, "to draw up in concert an arrangement
   which, without involving any modification of the political
   status quo, shall put an end to the difficulties arising from
   the absence of jurisdiction over the natives of the New
   Hebrides."

   In the British Parliamentary Paper (Cd. 1952, April, 1904)
   which gave official publication to these Agreements, they are
   accompanied by an explanatory despatch from the Marquess of
   Lansdowne, British Foreign Secretary, to Sir E. Monson,
   Ambassador at Paris, which affirms distinctly that "if any
   European Power is to have a predominant influence in Morocco,
   that Power is France." The language of the despatch on this
   subject is as follows:

   "The condition of that country [Morocco] has for a long time
   been unsatisfactory and fraught with danger. The authority of
   the Sultan over a large portion of his dominions is that of a
   titular Chief rather than of a Ruler. Life and property are
   unsafe, the natural resources of the country are undeveloped,
   and trade, though increasing, is hampered by the political
   situation. In these respects the contrast between Morocco and
   Egypt is marked. In spite of well-meant efforts to assist the
   Sultan, but little progress has been effected, and at this
   moment the prospect is probably as little hopeful as it ever
   has been. Without the intervention of a strong and civilized
   Power there appears to be no probability of a real improvement
   in the condition of the country.

   "It seems not unnatural that, in these circumstances, France
   should regard it as falling to her lot to assume the task of
   attempting the regeneration of the country. Her Algerian
   possessions adjoin those of the Sultan throughout the length
   of a frontier of several hundred miles. She has been compelled
   from time to time to undertake military operations of
   considerable difficulty, and at much cost, in order to put an
   end to the disturbances which continually arise amongst tribes
   adjoining the Algerian frontier—tribes which, although
   nominally the subjects of the Sultan, are, in fact, almost
   entirely beyond his control. The trade of France with Morocco
   is again—if that across the Algerian frontier be included—of
   considerable importance, and compares not unfavourably with
   our own. In these circumstances, France, although in no wise
   desiring to annex the Sultan’s dominions or to subvert his
   authority, seeks to extend her influence in Morocco, and is
   ready to submit to sacrifices and to incur responsibilities
   with the object of putting an end to the condition of anarchy
   which prevails upon the borders of Algeria. His Majesty’s
   Government are not prepared to assume such responsibilities,
   or to make such sacrifices, and they have therefore readily
   admitted that if any European Power is to have a predominant
   influence in Morocco, that Power is France."

{252}

   Of the reciprocal and equally important recognition by France
   of the paramount influence of Great Britain in Egypt, Lord
   Lansdowne wrote:

   "From the point of view of Great Britain the most important
   part of the Agreement which has been concluded in respect of
   Egypt is the recognition by the French Government of the
   predominant position of Great Britain in that country. They
   fully admit that the fulfilment of the task upon which we
   entered in 1883 must not be impeded by any suggestion on their
   part that our interest in Egypt is of a temporary character,
   and they undertake that, so far as they are concerned, we
   shall not be impeded in the performance of that task. This
   undertaking will enable us to pursue our work in Egypt
   without, so far as France is concerned, arousing international
   susceptibilities. It is true that the other Great Powers of
   Europe also enjoy, in virtue of existing arrangements, a
   privileged position in Egypt; but the interests of
   France—historical, political, and financial—so far outweigh
   those of the other Powers, with the exception of Great
   Britain, that so long as we work in harmony with France, there
   seems no reason to anticipate difficulty at the hands of the
   other powers."

EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.
   General Consequences in Europe of the Russo-Japanese War and
   the Weakening of Russia in Prestige and Actual Power.

   "Europe is apparently on the eve of such a new combination of
   the Great Powers as was caused by the Franco-German War of
   1870, and just as after that fateful event Berlin became the
   centre of the continental political system, so Paris bids fair
   to play this part in the near future. For France has never
   been so powerful a factor in politics since the fall of the
   Empire as to-day. Everyone recognises that her alliance with
   Russia was the first step from the isolation which followed
   her military reverses towards her reinstatement in the
   political hierarchy, and some of the most popular and
   statesmanlike politicians of the Republic hold that the
   dissolution of that partnership will be the second. For the
   good which it achieved, they allege, was largely accidental,
   while the cost it entailed was proportionately great. …

   "The chief aim of the French statesman who struck up an
   alliance with the Government of Alexander III. was to
   neutralise Teutonic aggressiveness, and if possible to recover
   the lost provinces as well. The latter part of this programme
   has turned out to be a will-o’-the-wisp, while the first item
   can now be realised independently of the Russian alliance.
   Moreover, France, far from being isolated to-day, counts among
   her friends and natural allies not only the Latin peoples but
   the smaller States of the Continent, to say nothing of Great
   Britain. …

   "The motives which induced Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy
   to enter into partnership have lost their force; the Triple
   Alliance has ceased to exist in aught but the name. Italy was
   the first of the three States to break away. And her adherence
   to the league was so obviously opposed to the sentiments of
   her people and the real interests of the nation, that only the
   strongest conceivable motive could keep her in the uncongenial
   society of her former oppressor. That motive had been supplied
   by Bismarck, who persuaded Crispi that clerical France was at
   the beck and call of the Vatican, and only awaited a
   prosperous moment to disunite Italy and restore Rome to the
   Pope. But to-day Germany herself has become the most trusty
   and perhaps the most helpful friend of the Holy See, while
   France has struck a vigorous blow on the line of cleavage
   between the political and ecclesiastical institutions which
   constitute the Catholic Church. The ruling body in
   Parliamentary Germany is the Ultramontane centre, and if any
   State in Europe could be conceived to be capable of breaking a
   lance for the temporal power of his Holiness, it would
   certainly be one of the two Teutonic Empires of Central
   Europe."

      E. J. Dillon,
      Foreign Affairs
      (Contemporary Review, August, 1904).

   The following is from a special correspondent of the New York
   Evening Post, who wrote from St. Petersburg on the 5th
   of March, 1909:

   "The international position of Russia has weakened greatly
   during the last five years. Before the Japanese war and the
   revolution her strength was enormous, and a Japanese officer
   who visited St. Petersburg in 1903 wrote in a Japanese paper
   that, judging by the attention which was paid to the Czar by
   every court in Europe and by the respect, almost awe even,
   with which he was regarded, that monarch might almost be
   styled the king of kings. The war and the revolution made
   short work, however, of this respect and awe. The Emperor
   William first took advantage of Russia’s weakness by springing
   the Morocco surprise on Europe; then Baron von Aerenthal
   annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina, which he would never, of
   course, have dared to do six years ago; while recently in the
   Duma Mr. Iswolsky frankly confessed that Russia can do
   absolutely nothing; that the war and the revolution have bled
   her white, and that no assistance or hope of assistance can be
   given to the Serbs and the Montenegrins."

EUROPE: A. D. 1905.
   Joint action of Powers in forcing Financial Reforms in
   Macedonia on Turkey.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Sudden hostility of Germany to the Anglo-French Agreement
   concerning Morocco.
   The Kaiser’s speech at Tangier.
   Threatening pressure on France.
   Demand for International Conference.
   Results at Algeciras.

   What use the French Government wished to make of the free
   exercise of influence in Morocco which Great Britain consented
   to, in the agreements of April 8, 1904, is stated by M. Tardieu
   in his "France and the Alliances," with more than probable
   truth, as follows:

   "There was no design of conquest, or of protectorate, or of
   monopoly. Conquest would have cost too dear. A protectorate
   would have served no purpose in face of the exclusiveness of
   the tribes. Monopolization would have been contrary to
   international treaties. To create police forces with Moroccan
   natives and Algerian instructors in all the principal towns;
   to restore finances by means of a more honest collection of
   taxes, a genuine checking of expenses, and the repression of
   smuggling; to increase the carrying trade by public works
   wisely planned and the construction of ports, bridges and
   roads—all this by contract law; to multiply hospitals,
   schools, educational and charitable institutions,—such was
   the tenor of the programme. … As Mr. Delcassé wrote: ‘Far from
   diminishing the Sultan’s authority, we were peculiarly anxious
   to enhance his prestige.’"

{253}

   For almost a year after the signing of the Anglo-French
   agreements of April, 1904, no objection was raised in Europe
   to the undertaking by France of such regenerative work in
   Morocco as they contemplated. Italy had assented to it before
   England did. Spain did the same a few months later. These were
   the Powers most concerned. The German Ambassador to France had
   been informed of the tenor of the agreement with England a
   fortnight before it was signed, and no criticism came from his
   Government. After the text of it had been published,
   Chancellor von Bülow said in the Reichstag: "We know of
   nothing that should lead us to think that this agreement is
   directed against any Power whatsoever. … From the point of
   view of German interests, we have no objection to make against
   it." During the eleven months that followed this utterance
   nothing appears to have been done by France in Morocco that
   changed the situation; but something changed the official
   attitude of Germany towards what it had found acceptable
   before, and changed it very suddenly. On the 31st of March,
   1905, the German Emperor, on a yachting cruise to the
   Mediterranean, disembarked at Tangier, and found occasion to
   address these remarks to a representative of the Sultan:

   "To-day, I pay my visit to the Sultan in his character of
   independent sovereign. I hope that, under the Sultan’s
   sovereignty, a free Morocco will remain open to the pacific
   competition of all nations without monopoly and without
   annexation, on a footing of absolute equality. My visit to
   Tangier is intended to make known the fact that I am resolved
   to do all that is in my power properly to safeguard the
   interests of Germany, since I consider the Sultan as being an
   absolutely free sovereign. It is with him that I mean to come
   to an understanding respecting the best way of safeguarding
   such interests. As regards the reforms which the Sultan is
   intending to make, it seems to me that any action in this
   direction should be taken with great precaution, respect being
   had for the religious sentiments of the population in order
   that there may be no disturbance of public tranquillity."

   All Europe read an emphasized threat in these words, and felt
   instantly that they meant hostile intentions towards France.
   That they came so quickly after the crushing defeat of Russia
   at Mukden; that Russia, ally of France in European politics,
   would need no longer to be counted, for some indefinite future
   time, as a military Power; that the Dual Alliance, which had
   been the prop of France in the recovery of her standing among
   the Powers, was thus suddenly a broken reed, and that
   circumstances were propitious, therefore, for humiliating her
   again,—here were facts for a bit of reasoning which suggested
   itself quickly to a multitude of minds.

   Twelve days after the speech of William II. at Tangier
   Chancellor Bülow addressed a circular to the Ambassadors of
   Germany at various capitals, directing them to demand an
   International Conference for the settlement of matters
   concerning Morocco. A little later the Moorish Sultan, Abd el
   Aziz, endorsed the demand, in the following missive, addressed
   to the several legations of foreign governments at Tangier:

   "We have been ordered by our master the Sultan (God strengthen
   him) to request all the great powers to hold a conference at
   Tangier, composed by its honorable representatives and those
   appointed by the Maghzen [the royal council or Cabinet] to
   discuss the manner for suitable reforms which His Shcreefian
   Majesty has determined to introduce into his Empire, and the
   expenses to carry out the same. We therefore beg to inform
   your excellency of this, so that you may notify your
   government and request them to permit your excellency to
   attend said conference for the above-mentioned purpose and let
   us know of its answer, and remain in peace and with joy.
   Written at the Holy Court at Fez on the 25th day of Rabe 1st,
   1905; corresponding to May 29, 1905.
      MOHAMMED BEN ARBY TORRES."

   Meantime, Germany was bringing pressure at Paris to force the
   resignation or removal of M. Delcassé, the Foreign Minister,
   whose policy was now said to be "A threat to Germany," and the
   French Government, unprepared for war, submitted to
   concessions which involved that result. It entered on
   preliminary pourparlers concerning the demand for an
   international conference, and allowed Minister Delcassé to
   resign.

   A fair-minded German’s view of the proceedings of the German
   Government in this matter was expressed by Mr. W. C. Dreher in
   his next annual review of "The Year in Germany" for The
   Atlantic Monthly. Frankly acknowledging that the Morocco
   controversy had "left with most other nations a distinctly
   disagreeable impression of the disturbing tendencies of German
   policy," and that the Kaiser’s famous speech at Tangier had
   "astonished the German people not less than other nations," he
   remarks: "For the Germans had learned to acquiesce in the
   Anglo-French settlement, under which France was to have a free
   hand for its scheme of pénétration pacifique in
   Morocco. The utterances of the Imperial Chancellor in the
   Reichstag clearly indicated that the Government accepted with
   good grace the general terms of that settlement. The people,
   too, had been schooled by the inspired press in the theory
   that Germany’s commercial interests in Morocco were so
   insignificant as not to warrant the inauguration of a large
   and energetic action to assert them; and this view had been
   generally accepted by them, barring the noisy little faction
   of Pan Germans.

   "The chief fault of Germany’s Morocco policy was, accordingly,
   that it was sprung upon the German people themselves without
   warning, without any preparation of their minds for it; hence
   they imperfectly comprehended it and never had any great
   interest in it. They did not feel that it was a matter
   intimately affecting the nation’s interests; and while the
   German Ambassador at Paris was asserting Germany’s solidarity
   with Morocco, the press at home was diligently occupied in
   convincing the outside world that Germany would never go to
   war on account of that remote and insignificant state.

   "Despite the abruptness and lack of skill in launching its new
   policy, however, the government’s position was logical and,
   within certain limits, reasonable. France and England had
   assumed to decide the fate of Morocco between themselves,
   whereas the Madrid Treaty of 1880, to which Germany was
   signatory, had explicitly given an international character to
   the Moroccan question. This was clearly an affront to
   Germany’s dignity and an attempt to isolate her, which ought
   to have been objected to at once."

      W. C. Dreher,
      The Year in Germany
      (Atlantic Monthly, November, 1906).

{254}

   On the 28th of September M. Rouvier, the French Premier, and
   Prince de Radolin, the German Ambassador at Paris, arrived at
   an agreement concerning the matters to be settled at the
   demanded Conference, and it was announced to other governments
   in the following Memorandum;

   The two Governments have agreed to submit to the Sultan the
   draft of the following programme elaborated in conformity to
   principles adopted by exchange of notes on July 8:

   "First.
   1. Organization, by way of international agreement, of the
   police outside the border region.

   "2. Regulations organizing the surveillance and suppression of
   the smuggling of arms. In the border region the enforcement of
   these regulations will exclusively concern France and Morocco.

   "Second.
   Financial reform.

   "Financial support given to the Maghzen through the
   establishment of a state bank with the privilege of issue,
   taking charge of treasury operations and acting as a medium
   for the coinage of money, the profits of which would belong to
   the Maghzen.

   "The said state bank would undertake to bring about a sounder
   monetary condition.

   "The credits opened to the Maghzen would be applied to the
   equipment and salaries of the public forces and to urgent
   public works, especially the improvement of the harbors and
   their facilities.

   "Third.
   Study of better proceeds from imposts and of new sources of
   revenue.

   "Fourth.
   Undertaking on the part of the Maghzen that no public service
   will be disposed of for the benefit of private interests.

   "Principle of letting contracts for public works to the lowest
   bidder, without preference for any nationality."

   In due time the further details were arranged, and
   representatives of thirteen governments, namely, of
   Austria-Hungary, Belgium, France, Germany, Great Britain,
   Italy, Morocco, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Russia,
   Sweden, and the United States, were assembled in Conference on
   the 15th of January, 1906, not at Tangier, but at the Spanish
   city of Algeciras, on the coast of the Straits of Gibraltar.
   The United States were represented by the American Ambassador
   to the French Republic, Henry White, and by the American
   Minister to Morocco, S. R. Gummeré. The instructions addressed
   to them from Washington by the Secretary of State, Mr. Root,
   were partly in these words:

   "The United States is a participant in the discussions of the
   conference solely by reason of being a treaty power, having
   conventional engagements with Morocco dating back to 1836, by
   which this country not only enjoys special privileges, but is
   entitled to the most-favored-nation treatment for the time
   being. This government also shares in the right of protection
   of certain native Moors as defined in the multipartite
   convention of July 3, 1880. Our interest and right comprise
   and are limited to an equal share in whatever privileges of
   residence, trade, and protection are enjoyed by, or may be
   hereafter conceded by, the Shereefian Government to aliens and
   their local agencies, and it follows that we have a like
   concern in the enlargement of those privileges in all
   appropriate ways. With the special political problems of
   influence and association affecting the relations of the
   Moroccan Empire, as a Mediterranean state, to the powers
   having interests in that great sea and whose concern lies
   naturally in the conservation and extension of its commerce
   for the common benefit of all, the United States have little
   to do beyond expression of its wish that equality and
   stability be secured. …

   "It is expected that your attitude in the proceedings of the
   conference will display the impartial benevolence which the
   United States feels toward Morocco and the cordial and
   unbiased friendship we have for all the treaty powers. Fair
   play is what the United States asks—for Morocco and for all
   the interested nations—and it confidently expects that
   outcome. The complete dissociation of the United States from
   all motives or influences which might tend to thwart a perfect
   agreement of the powers should, in case of need, lend weight
   to your impartial counsels in endeavoring to compose any
   dissidence of aims which may possibly develop in the course of
   the conference."

   Algeciras, the chosen seat of the Conference, had been three
   times a landing place of the Moors in their invasions of
   Spain. "The modern town," says one who wrote an account of the
   Conference, "dating only from 1760, has but one attraction, a
   magnificent English hotel, built by the owners of the
   picturesque railway which connects it with the rest of Europe,
   and of the corresponding steamer service across the bay to
   Gibraltar, placing it in touch with all the world. But this
   attraction sufficed, and the Reina Cristina Hotel was engaged
   for the delegates, while the town-hall was cleared and
   refitted for their deliberations. …

   "The meetings were held at irregular intervals, about three
   times a week, being summoned whenever the President was
   advised that sufficient instructions had been received, or
   that the drafting committee had some document to present for
   consideration. Formal sessions were held from ten to twelve in
   the morning, the Conference meeting in committee from three to
   five in the afternoon, the drafting and translating committees
   assembling when and where convenient to their members."

      Budgett Meakin,
      The Algeciras Conference
      (Fortnightly Review, May, 1906).

   The General Act of the Conference, finished and signed on the
   7th of April, 1906, is in 123 Articles, divided into 6
   Chapters, as follows:

   I. A Declaration relative to the Organization of the Police;

   II. Regulations concerning the detection and suppression of
   the Illicit Trade in Arms;

   III. An Act of Concession for a Moorish State Bank;

   IV. A Declaration concerning an Improved Yield of the Taxes,
   and the creation of New Sources of Revenue;

   V. Regulations respecting the Customs of the Empire and the
   suppression of Fraud and Smuggling;

   VI. A Declaration relative to the Public Services and Public
   Works.

   The first chapter provides for the organization of a police
   force, not less than 2000 nor more than 2500 in number,
   recruited from among Moorish Mussulmans and commanded by
   Kaids, but having Spanish and French officers and
   non-commissioned officers for instructors, nominated to the
   Sultan by their respective Governments, and their services
   given for five years.
{255}
   This police force, moreover, is subject to general inspection
   by a superior officer of the Swiss army. The regulations of
   the second chapter are minute and precise for their stated
   purpose. The Morocco State Bank, provided for in the third, is
   made subject to the law of France, and is to "discharge the
   duties of disbursing Treasurer of the Empire" and "financial
   agent of the Government." The Directors of the Bank are
   chosen, of course, by the shareholders; but one article
   stipulates that "the Shereefian Government shall exercise its
   high control over the Bank through a Moorish High
   Commissioner, whom it shall appoint after previous agreement
   with the board of directors," while another requires that
   "each of the following institutions, viz., the German Imperial
   Bank, the Bank of England, the Bank of Spain and the Bank of
   France, shall, with the approval of its Government, appoint a
   Censor to the State Bank of Morocco." The prescriptions in the
   fourth and fifth chapters of the act are not of general
   significance or interest. In the sixth, relating to "public
   services and public works," it is set forth that, "should the
   Shereefian Government consider it necessary to have recourse
   to foreign capital or to foreign industries for the working of
   public services or for the execution of public works, roads,
   railways, ports, telegraphs, or other, the Signatory Powers
   reserve to themselves the right to see that the control of the
   State over such large undertakings of public interest remain
   intact." On the signing of the Act Mr. Henry White, the chief
   delegate from the United States to the Conference, made the
   following Declaration on behalf of his Government:

   "The Government of the United States of America, having no
   political interests in Morocco, and having taken part in the
   present Conference with no other desires or intentions than to
   assist in assuring to all the nations in Morocco the most
   complete equality in matters of commerce, treatment, and
   privileges, and in facilitating the introduction into that
   Empire of reforms which should bring about a general state of
   well-being founded on the perfect cordiality of her foreign
   relations, and on a stable internal administration, declares:
   that in subscribing to the Regulations and Declarations of the
   Conference by the act of signing the General Act, subject to
   ratification according to constitutional procedure, and the
   Additional Protocol, and in consenting to their application to
   American citizens and interests in Morocco, it assumes no
   obligation or responsibility as to the measures which may be
   necessary for the enforcement of the said Regulations and
   Declarations."

EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).
   Convention between Great Britain and Russia, containing
   arrangements on the subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet.

   Parallel with the Agreements—the "Entente Cordiale"—of
   1904 between England and France, in its purpose and in its
   importance to Europe, was the Convention between England and
   Russia in 1907, which harmonized the interests and the policy
   of the two nations in matters relating to Persia, Afghanistan,
   and Tibet. In each case the dictating motive looked not so
   much to a settlement of the particular questions involved, as
   to a general extinguishment of possible causes of contention
   which might at some time disturb the peaceful or friendly
   relations of the peoples concerned. Taken together, the two
   formally expressed understandings, Anglo-French and
   Anglo-Russian, added to the Franco-Russian Alliance of 1895
   (see, in Volume VI. of this work, FRANCE: A. D. 1895)
   constituted, not a new Triple Alliance, set over against that
   of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy, but an amicable
   conjunction which bore suggestions of alliance, and which
   introduced a counterweight in European politics that makes
   undoubtedly for peace.

   The Anglo-Russian Convention, signed August 31, 1907,
   contained three distinct "Arrangements," under a common
   preamble, as follows:

   "His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
   and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas,
   Emperor of India, and His Majesty the Emperor of All the
   Russias, animated by the sincere desire to settle by mutual
   agreement different questions concerning the interests of
   their States on the Continent of Asia, have determined to
   conclude Agreements destined to prevent all cause of
   misunderstanding between Great Britain and Russia in regard to
   the questions referred to, and have nominated for this purpose
   their respective Plenipotentiaries. … Who, having communicated
   to each other their full powers, found in good and due form, have
   agreed on the following:

   Arrangement concerning Persia.

   "The Governments of Great Britain and Russia having mutually
   engaged to respect the integrity and independence of Persia,
   and sincerely desiring the preservation of order throughout
   that country and its peaceful development, as well as the
   permanent establishment of equal advantages for the trade and
   industry of all other nations;

   "Considering that each of them has, for geographical and
   economic reasons, a special interest in the maintenance of
   peace and order in certain provinces of Persia adjoining, or
   in the neighbourhood of, the Russian frontier on the one hand,
   and the frontiers of Afghanistan and Baluchistan on the other
   hand; and being desirous of avoiding all cause of conflict
   between their respective interests in the above-mentioned
   Provinces of Persia;

   "Have agreed on the following terms:

   "I. Great Britain engages not to seek for herself, and not to
   support in favour of British subjects, or in favour of the
   subjects of third Powers, any Concessions of a political or
   commercial nature—such as Concessions for railways, banks,
   telegraphs, roads, transport, insurance, &c.—beyond a line
   starting from Kasr-i-Shirin, passing through Isfahan, Yezd,
   Kakhk and ending at a point on the Persian frontier at the
   intersection of the Russian and Afghan frontiers, and not to
   oppose, directly or indirectly, demands for similar
   Concessions in this region which are supported by the Russian
   Government. It is understood that the above-mentioned places
   are included in the region in which Great Britain engages not
   to seek the Concessions referred to.

   "II. Russia, on her part, engages not to seek for herself, and
   not to support in favour of Russian subjects, or in favour of
   the subjects of third Powers, any Concessions of a political
   or commercial nature—such as Concessions for railways, banks,
   telegraphs, roads, transport, insurance, &c.—beyond a line
   going from the Afghan frontier by way of Gazik, Birjand,
   Kerman, and ending at Bunder Abbas, and not to oppose,
   directly or indirectly, demands for similar Concessions in
   this region which are supported by the British Government. It
   is understood that the above-mentioned places are included in
   the region in which Russia engages not to seek the Concessions
   referred to.

{256}

   "III. Russia, on her part, engages not to oppose, without
   previous arrangement with Great Britain, the grant of any
   Concessions whatever to British subjects in the regions of
   Persia situated between the lines mentioned in Articles I and
   II. Great Britain undertakes a similar engagement as regards
   the grant of Concessions to Russian subjects in the same
   regions of Persia. All Concessions existing at present in the
   regions indicated in Articles I and II are maintained.

   "IV. It is understood that the revenues of all the Persian
   customs, with the exception of those of Farsistan and of the
   Persian Gulf, revenues guaranteeing the amortization and the
   interest of the loans concluded by the Government of the Shah
   with the ‘Banque d’Escompte et des Prêts de Perse ’ up to the
   date of the signature of the present Arrangement, shall be
   devoted to the same purpose as in the past. It is equally
   understood that the revenues of the Persian customs of
   Farsistan and of the Persian Gulf, as well as those of the
   fisheries on the Persian shore of the Caspian Sea and those of
   the Posts and Telegraphs, shall be devoted, as in the past, to
   the service of the loans concluded by the Government of the
   Shah with the Imperial Bank of Persia up to the date of the
   signature of the present Arrangement.

   "V. In the event of irregularities occurring in the
   amortization or the payment of the interest of the Persian
   loans concluded with the ‘Banque d’Escompte et des Prêts de
   Perse’ and with the Imperial Bank of Persia up to the date of
   the signature of the present Arrangement, and in the event of
   the necessity arising for Russia to establish control over the
   sources of revenue guaranteeing the regular service of the
   loans concluded with the first-named bank, and situated in the
   region mentioned in Article II of the present Arrangement, or
   for Great Britain to establish control over the sources of
   revenue guaranteeing the regular service of the loans
   concluded with the second-named bank, and situated in the
   region mentioned in Article I of the present Arrangement, the
   British and Russian Governments undertake to enter beforehand
   into a friendly exchange of ideas with a view to determine, in
   agreement with each other, the measures of control in question
   and to avoid all interference which would not be in conformity
   with the principles governing the present Arrangement.

   Convention concerning Afghanistan.

   "The High Contracting Parties, in order to ensure perfect
   security on their respective frontiers in Central Asia and to
   maintain in these regions a solid and lasting peace, have
   concluded the following Convention:

   "Article I.
   His Britannic Majesty’s Government declare that they have no
   intention of changing the political status of Afghanistan. His
   Britannic Majesty’s Government further engage to exercise
   their influence in Afghanistan only in a pacific sense, and
   they will not themselves take, nor encourage Afghanistan to
   take, any measures threatening Russia. The Russian Government,
   on their part, declare that they recognize Afghanistan as
   outside the sphere of Russian influence, and they engage that
   all their political relations with Afghanistan shall be
   conducted through the intermediary of His Britannic Majesty’s
   Government; they further engage not to send any Agents into
   Afghanistan.

   "Article II.
   The Government of His Britannic Majesty having declared in the
   Treaty signed at Kabul on the 21st March, 1905, that they
   recognize the Agreement and the engagements concluded with the
   late Ameer Abdur Rahman, and that they have no intention of
   interfering in the internal government of Afghan territory,
   Great Britain engages neither to annex nor to occupy in
   contravention of that Treaty any portion of Afghanistan or to
   interfere in the internal administration of the country,
   provided that the Ameer fulfils the engagements already
   contracted by him towards His Britannic Majesty’s Government
   under the above-mentioned Treaty.

   "Article III.
   The Russian and Afghan authorities, specially designated for
   the purpose on the frontier or in the frontier provinces, may
   establish direct relations with each other for the settlement
   of local questions of a non-political character.

   "Article IV.
   His Britannic Majesty’s Government and the Russian Government
   affirm their adherence to the principle of equality of
   commercial opportunity in Afghanistan, and they agree that any
   facilities which may have been, or shall be hereafter obtained
   for British and British-Indian trade and traders, shall be
   equally enjoyed by Russian trade and traders. Should the
   progress of trade establish the necessity for Commercial
   Agents, the two Governments will agree as to what measures
   shall be taken, due regard, of course, being had to the
   Ameer’s sovereign rights.

   "Article V.
   The present Arrangements will only come into force when His
   Britannic Majesty’s Government shall have notified to the
   Russian Government the consent of the Ameer to the terms
   stipulated above.

   Arrangement concerning Thibet.

   "The Governments of Great Britain and Russia recognizing the
   suzerain rights of China in Thibet, and considering the fact
   that Great Britain, by reason of her geographical position,
   has a special interest in the maintenance of the status quo in
   the external relations of Thibet, have made the following
   Arrangement:—

   "Article I.
   The two High Contracting Parties engage to respect the
   territorial integrity of Thibet and to abstain from all
   interference in its internal administration.

   "Article II.
   In conformity with the admitted principle of the suzerainty of
   China over Thibet, Great Britain and Russia engage not to
   enter into negotiations with Thibet except through the
   intermediary of the Chinese Government. This engagement does
   not exclude the direct relations between British Commercial
   Agents and the Thibetan authorities provided for in Article V
   of the Convention between Great Britain and Thibet of the 7th
   September, 1904, and confirmed by the Convention between Great
   Britain and China of the 27th April, 1906; nor does it modify
   the engagements entered into by Great Britain and China in
   Article I of the said Convention of 1906.

{257}

   "It is clearly understood that Buddhists, subjects of Great
   Britain or of Russia, may enter into direct relations on
   strictly religious matters with the Dalai Lama and the other
   representatives of Buddhism in Thibet; the Governments of
   Great Britain and Russia engage, as far as they are concerned,
   not to allow those relations to infringe the stipulations of
   the present Arrangement.

   "Article III.
   The British and Russian Governments respectively engage not to
   send Representatives to Lhassa.

   "Article IV.
   The two High Contracting Parties engage neither to seek nor to
   obtain, whether for themselves or their subjects, any
   Concessions for railways, roads, telegraphs, and mines, or
   other rights in Thibet.

   "Article V.
   The two Governments agree that no part of the revenues of
   Thibet, whether in kind or in cash, shall be pledged or
   assigned to Great Britain or Russia or to any of their
   subjects.

   Annex to the Arrangement between Great Britain and Russia
   concerning Thibet.

   "Great Britain reaffirms the Declaration, signed by his
   Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-General of India and
   appended to the ratification of the Convention of the 7th
   September, 1904, to the effect that the occupation of the
   Chumbi Valley by British forces shall cease after the payment
   of three annual instalments of the indemnity of 25,000,000
   rupees, provided that the trade marts mentioned in Article II
   of that Convention have been effectively opened for three
   years, and that in the meantime the Thibetan authorities have
   faithfully complied in all respects with the terms of the said
   Convention of 1904. It is clearly understood that if the
   occupation of the Chumbi Valley by the British forces has, for
   any reason, not been terminated at the time anticipated in the
   above Declaration, the British and Russian Governments will
   enter upon a friendly exchange of views on this subject."

   As an Inclosure with the Convention, Notes were exchanged by
   the Plenipotentiaries, of which that from Mr. Nicolson was in
   the following words, M. Iswolsky replying to the same effect.

      "ST. PETERSBURG, AUGUST 18 (31), 1907.
      "M. LE MINISTRE,
   "With reference to the Arrangement regarding Thibet, signed
   to-day, I have the honour to make the following Declaration to
   your Excellency:

   "'His Britannic Majesty’s Government think it desirable, so
   far as they are concerned, not to allow, unless by a previous
   agreement with the Russian Government, for a period of three
   years from the date of the present communication, the entry
   into Thibet of any scientific mission whatever, on condition
   that a like assurance is given on the part of the Imperial
   Russian Government.

   "‘His Britannic Majesty’s Government propose, moreover, to
   approach the Chinese Government with a view to induce them to
   accept a similar obligation for a corresponding period; the
   Russian Government will as a matter of course take similar
   action.

   "‘At the expiration of the term of three years above mentioned
   His Britannic Majesty’s Government will, if necessary, consult
   with the Russian government as to the desirability of any
   ulterior measures with regard to scientific expeditions to
   Thibet.’ I avail, &c.
      (Signed) A. NICOLSON."

   In authorizing Sir A. Nicolson to sign the preceding
   Convention, Sir Edward Grey, the British Secretary for Foreign
   Affairs, wrote, on the 29th of August, as follows:

   "I have to-day authorized your Excellency by telegraph to sign
   a Convention with the Russian Government containing
   Arrangements on the subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and
   Thibet.

   "The Arrangement respecting Persia is limited to the regions
   of that country touching the respective frontiers of Great
   Britain and Russia in Asia, and the Persian Gulf is not part
   of those regions, and is only partly in Persian territory. It
   has not therefore been considered appropriate to introduce
   into the Convention a positive declaration respecting special
   interests possessed by Great Britain in the Gulf, the result
   of British action in those waters for more than a hundred
   years.

   "His Majesty’s Government have reason to believe that this
   question will not give rise to difficulties between the two
   Governments, should developments arise which make further
   discussion affecting British interests in the Gulf necessary.
   For the Russian Government have in the course of the
   negotiations leading up to the conclusion of this Arrangement
   explicitly stated that they do not deny the special interests
   of Great Britain in the Persian Gulf—a statement of which His
   Majesty’s Government have formally taken note.

   "In order to make it quite clear that the present Arrangement
   is not intended to affect the position in the Gulf, and does
   not imply any change of policy respecting it on the part of
   Great Britain, His Majesty’s Government think it desirable to
   draw attention to previous declarations of British policy, and
   to reaffirm generally previous statements as to British
   interests in the Persian Gulf and the importance of
   maintaining them.

   "His Majesty’s Government will continue to direct all their
   efforts to the preservation of the status quo in the
   Gulf and the maintenance of British trade; in doing so, they
   have no desire to exclude the legitimate trade of any other
   Power."

      Parliamentary Papers by Command.
      Russia. Number 1. 1907 (Cd. 3750).

EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.
   Treaties respecting the Independence and Territorial Integrity
   of Norway, and concerning the Maintenance of the Status Quo
   in the territories bordering upon the North Sea.

   Two Treaties of great importance to the security of peace in
   Europe, having for object a joint protection by several Powers
   of existing conditions on the North Sea and the Baltic exit to
   it, were concluded and signed on the 2d of November, 1907, and
   the 23d of April, 1908, respectively. The parties to the first
   of these Treaties were Great Britain, France, Germany, Norway,
   and Russia, and its purpose was "to secure to Norway, within
   her present frontiers and with her neutral zone, her
   independence and territorial integrity, as also the benefits
   of peace." It was signed at Christiania, where ratifications
   were deposited on the 6th of February following: The following
   is the text of the Treaty;

{258}

   "Article I.
   The Norwegian Government undertake not to cede any portion of
   the territory of Norway to any Power to hold on a title
   founded either on occupation, or on any other ground
   whatsoever.

   "Article II.
   The German, French, British, and Russian Governments recognize
   and undertake to respect the integrity of Norway. If the
   integrity of Norway is threatened or impaired by any Power
   whatsoever, the German, French, British, and Russian
   Governments undertake, on the receipt of a previous
   communication to this effect from the Norwegian Government, to
   afford to that Government their support, by such means as may
   be deemed the most appropriate, with a view to safeguarding
   the integrity of Norway.

   "Article III.
   The present Treaty is concluded for a period of ten years from
   the day of the exchange of ratifications. If the Treaty is not
   denounced by any of the parties at least two years before the
   expiration of the said period, it will remain in force, in the
   same manner as before, for a further period of ten years and
   so on accordingly.

   "In the event of the Treaty being denounced by one of the
   Powers who have participated with Norway in the conclusion of
   the present Treaty, such denunciation shall have effect only
   as far as that Power is concerned.

   "Article IV.
   The present Treaty shall be ratified and the ratifications
   shall be exchanged at Christiania as soon as possible."

   The second of the two Treaties was in two documents, styled
   "Declaration and Memorandum between the United Kingdom,
   Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden,
   concerning the maintenance of the Status Quo in the
   territories bordering upon the North Sea." They were signed at
   Berlin, where ratifications were deposited on the 2d of July,
   1908, and were in the following terms:

   "Declaration.
   The British, Danish, French, German, Netherland, and Swedish
   Governments,

   "Animated by the desire to strengthen the ties of neighbourly
   friendship existing between their respective countries, and to
   contribute thereby to the preservation of universal peace, and
   recognizing that their policy with respect to the regions
   bordering on the North Sea is directed to the maintenance of
   the existing territorial status quo,

   "Declare that they are firmly resolved to preserve intact, and
   mutually to respect, the sovereign rights which their
   countries at present enjoy over their respective territories
   in those regions.

   "Should any events occur which, in the opinion of any of the
   above-mentioned Governments, threaten the existing territorial
   status quo in the regions bordering upon the North Sea,
   the Powers Signatory of the present Declaration will
   communicate with each other in order to concert, by an
   agreement to be arrived at between them, such measures as they
   may consider it useful to take in the interest of the
   maintenance of the status quo as regards their
   possessions.

   "The present Declaration shall be ratified with the least
   possible delay. The ratifications shall be deposited at Berlin
   as soon as may be, and, at the latest, on the 31st December,
   1908. The deposit of each ratification shall be recorded in a
   Protocol, of which a certified copy shall be forwarded through
   the diplomatic channel to the Signatory Powers.

   "Memorandum.
   At the moment of signing the Declaration of this day’s date,
   the Under signed, by order of their respective Governments,
   consider it necessary to state—

   "1. That the principle of the maintenance of the status
   quo, as laid down by the said Declaration, applies solely
   to the territorial integrity of all the existing possessions
   of the High Contracting Parties in the regions bordering upon
   the North Sea, and that consequently the Declaration can in no
   case be invoked where the free exercise of the sovereign
   rights of the High Contracting Parties over their
   above-mentioned respective possessions is in question;

   "2. That, for the purposes of the said Declaration, the North
   Sea shall be considered to extend eastwards as far as its
   junction with the waters of the Baltic."

      British Parliamentary Papers by Command,
      Treaty Series No. 35, 1907, and 23, 1908
      (Cd. 3754 and 4248).

EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1909.
   The Situation in Crete as controlled by the Four Protecting
   Powers.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRETE: A. D. 1907-1909.

EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (October-March).
   Declaration of Bulgarian Independence.
   Austrian Annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
   Excitement of Servia.
   The menace to European peace.
   The question of a Conference.
   Attitude of Germany.
   Was Russia coerced to assent?
   Violation of the Public Law of Europe.

   On the 5th of October, 1908, the independence of Bulgaria as a
   Kingdom was formally proclaimed, the suzerainty of the Sultan
   of Turkey renounced, and Prince Ferdinand invested with the
   title of Tzar, or King. This proceeding was consequent on the
   revolution in Turkey, which had resurrected the suspended
   Constitution of 1876, broken the despotism of the Sultanate
   and subjected it to a Parliamentary system of government.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908, JULY-DECEMBER.

   Never having accepted the arrangements of 1878, made by the
   Congress of Berlin, which gave them self-government but kept
   them tributary and nominally subject to the over lordship of
   the Sultan, the Bulgarians had but waited for the opportunity
   which now seemed to invite this act.

      See, in Volume V. of this work,
      TURKS: A. D. 1878;
      and in Volume I.,
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1878, and 1878-1886)

   An immediate provocation to their declaration of independence
   was supplied by a thoughtless offence to them given by the new
   Ministry at Constantinople. To celebrate the triumph of the
   revolution a state dinner was given, the Sultan presiding, and
   all the diplomats at the Turkish capital were invited to it
   excepting the representative of Bulgaria. When he asked for an
   explanation of this exception he was told that he could not be
   recognized as an ambassador or envoy, but only as the agent of
   a subject province. This was enough to set Bulgaria aflame.
   Her affronted Minister at Constantinople was withdrawn and
   diplomatic intercourse with the Turkish Government dropped.
   The breach was accentuated further by the recent occurrence of
   a strike on the railway, owned by the Turkish Government,
   which traverses both Turkish and Bulgarian territory. The
   Bulgarians had taken possession of and were operating the
   section within their own domain, and when the strike was
   called off the Government announced its intention to retain
   that portion of the line, with due compensation to the company
   which leased it. This proceeding intensified and doubled the
   ferments produced by the proclamation of independence.
   Statesmen were disturbed by the violation of the Treaty of
   Berlin and capitalists by the danger which menaced their
   Turkish railway securities.

{259}

   But this tells of only half the threatening incidents of the
   time. Simultaneously with the Bulgarian defiance of the Treaty
   of Berlin and its signatory sponsors, the Government of
   Austria-Hungary broke away from its obligations, by a formal
   announcement that the simple occupation and administration of
   Bosnia, and Herzegovina, which that treaty had permitted the
   Dual Empire to undertake, was now to be complete annexation,
   by no other authority than the Imperial will to have it so.

   Many interests and ambitions, many jealousies and distrusts
   among the Powers, were disturbed and excited by this sudden
   disordering of the political geography of Southeastern Europe.
   Pan-Slavic feelings and hopes were profoundly antagonistic to
   the Austrian absorption of more Slavic populations and lands.
   Servia was alarmed to desperation by the aggrandizement of her
   dangerous great neighbor, and Russia was more than sympathetic
   with her alarm. What Turkey could or would do in vindication
   of her treaty rights over Bulgaria, Bosnia, and Herzegovina,
   was a question of little gravity compared with that which
   asked what Servia might attempt in resistance to the Austrian
   scheme, and what Russia would venture if an Austro-Servian war
   should break out. The situation very soon became one in which
   any act of hostility on any side could hardly fail to
   precipitate a great tempest of war; and thus the peace of
   Europe was held in a trembling balance for months. The state
   of affairs was described clearly and with ample knowledge at
   the time by Mr. Archibald R. Colquhoun, in a paper which he
   read in London, at a meeting of the Royal Society of Arts.
   "The more hot-headed Servians," he said, "undoubtedly felt
   that their whole future was imperilled, and that they might as
   well risk all on a desperate hazard, in the belief that
   intervention would come to their assistance should their
   independence be threatened. The close racial ties between the
   Bosnians, Servians, and Montenegrins made it impossible to say
   how far an armed movement might spread if it once broke out.
   While Turkey and Bulgaria might come to terms, and while
   Austria might effect an amicable arrangement with Turkey, it
   was difficult to see how the question of the Southern Slavs
   was to be finally adjusted unless Austria could placate them
   in sections, and so perhaps divide them. Concessions of a
   comparatively unimportant nature might induce Montenegro to
   keep quiet, and a liberal policy, with a promise of autonomy
   in the near future, would discount a good deal of the
   agitation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The more far-sighted
   Bosnians appreciated the fact that their shortest cut to
   comparative freedom lay through that local autonomy which they
   could legitimately demand from Austria. …

   "The spectacle of these Southern Slave countries, whose
   peoples exhibited so many splendid qualities, but yet did not
   have that instinct for government which characterized some far
   less gifted races, was rather a melancholy one. In the tangle
   of mountains, races, and religions which made up the Balkans
   the people needed peace above every other thing—a breathing
   space in which to develop themselves and their resources, and
   to get a truer perspective on their position in Europe. To the
   Great Powers who controlled the destinies of these small ones
   peace was no less essential, but it was not quite clear that
   Austria-Hungary, with the great military power of Germany
   behind her, realized this or was prepared to ‘seek peace and
   ensue it.’ It was this uncertainty which made many await with
   anxiety the melting of the Balkan snows, which put an end to
   enforced inactivity in those regions."

   Great Britain, France, Russia, and Italy were agreed in
   desiring a Conference of the Powers which had been parties to
   the Berlin Treaty of thirty years before, to adjudicate all
   the questions raised by the acts of Austria and Bulgaria, in
   contravention of that treaty. Austria was supported by Germany
   in holding back from such a conference, and nothing definite
   in that direction was done. Meantime Turkey was brought to
   negotiations with both of the trespassers on her ancient
   sovereignty, and within a few months she came to terms with
   both. The arrangement with Austria, determining an indemnity
   to be paid for the surrender of Turkish claims to Bosnia and
   Herzegovina, was quickened by a boycott of Austrian
   merchandise in Turkey, so extensive as to be felt very
   seriously in Austrian and Hungarian trade. By the terms of a
   protocol, which was signed on the 26th of February, 1909,
   Austria-Hungary paid £T2,500,000 ($10,800,000) of indemnity to
   the Ottoman Government; assured religious freedom and
   political equality to Mussulman Bosniaks who should choose to
   remain in the province, with liberty of emigration during
   three years to all who might choose to depart, and promised a
   commercial treaty on lines which the Turks desired. This
   cleared the situation as between Austria and Turkey, but
   intensified the Servian and Montenegrin bitterness of anger
   and dread, which menaced the peace of the continent for
   another month.

   Meantime the terms of a Turkish adjustment with Bulgaria had
   been practically settled, on the basis of a helpful suggestion
   from St. Petersburg. Bulgaria offered $16,400,000 of
   indemnity; Turkey claimed $24,000,000. The bargaining was at a
   standstill until Russia offered to remit a yearly
   war-indemnity of $1,600,000 which Russia owed her under the
   Berlin Treaty, until the Turkish claim on Bulgaria should be
   satisfied, while she would collect from Bulgaria in similar
   instalments until the offer of the latter had been made good.
   Inasmuch as the Turkish debt to Russia bore no interest, while
   Bulgaria would pay interest on the deferred payments to
   Russia, the Muscovite treasury would suffer no loss. The
   matter was so arranged, and the interests of peace were served
   by a most ingenious and happy device.

{260}

   But peace was made more than insecure for some weeks yet by
   the irreconcilability of Servia to the Austrian annexation of
   Bosnia and Herzegovina. Of course that small State could not
   hope to resist it successfully alone, or with Montenegrin aid;
   but a desperate venture of war, into which Russia might be
   dragged, and if Russia, then Germany,—and who could tell what
   other powers!—and out of the wreckage of which something
   better for Southeastern Europe than an Austro-Hungarian
   domination might be drawn,—this appeal to the lottery of
   battle seemed a dangerous temptation to the Servian mind. It
   was extinguished as such in the end by the decision of Russia
   to drop the project of a Conference of Powers, accept the
   action of Austria, and recognize, unreservedly, on her own
   part, the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an
   accomplished fact. This was announced on the 15th of March,
   and with the announcement came excited and exciting reports
   that Germany had extorted the concession from the Russian
   Government, by pressures that were humiliating, but which the
   Empire, in its present circumstances, was powerless to resist.
   Germany denied having exercised an illegitimate pressure in
   the matter, but made no concealment of the fact that she stood
   by Austria-Hungary with approval of what the Imperial
   Government at Vienna had done. In a speech on the 29th of
   March Chancellor Bülow was reported as saying:

   "In her quarrel with Servia Austria indisputably had right on
   her side. The annexation was no cynical act of robbery, but
   the last step on the road of the political work of
   civilization which had been followed for 30 years with the
   recognition of the Powers. Any offence against the form of the
   law had been disposed of by the negotiations with Turkey, and
   after this agreement between the parties most nearly
   interested the formal recognition of the other Powers
   signatory of the Berlin Treaty could not be withheld. The
   controllers of Russian policy, and especially the Emperor
   Nicholas, had earned the gratitude of all friends of peace in
   Europe. Concerning the Conference question, Germany still had
   no objection in principle to a Conference in which all the
   Powers took part and of which the programme was established in
   advance. They had been charged with inactivity, but they had
   no reason for special activity. They had done what they could
   and used influence, not without success, between Vienna and
   Constantinople, and also between Vienna and St. Petersburg.
   They had, however, carefully observed the limits prescribed by
   their interests and their loyalty. They had done nothing, and
   they would do nothing, which could afford the smallest doubt
   of their determination to sacrifice no vital interest of
   Austria-Hungary, and they would have nothing to do with
   suggestions to Austria which were incompatible with the
   dignity of the Hapsburg Monarchy. They had experiences of
   their own to inspire caution with regard to playing the part
   of the broker, even in the most honourable way. … To sum up,
   by loyalty to her ally Germany best secured her own interests
   and contributed most to the maintenance of the peace of
   Europe."

   On the day of this speech at Berlin the London Times
   expressed, in an editorial article, what was then and what
   continues to be the prevailing belief and judgment of the best
   informed political circles throughout Europe, when it said:
   "The decision of the Russian Government to recognize the
   annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was, of course, an
   admission of their inability, in present circumstances, to
   countenance the aspirations of the Southern Slavs. The intense
   and general indignation which it has excited in Russia is
   natural, and indeed, in the known state of public feeling,
   inevitable. We trust, however, that it may be kept within
   bounds, and that it will not find expression in useless and
   vehement invective. Those who are tempted to indulge in it
   without restraint should reflect upon the difficulties which
   confront the responsible rulers of the State, and should
   consider whether, as Statesmen answerable for the future, as
   well as for the immediate present, of the Empire and of the
   Slav race, those rulers could wisely have rejected the
   proposal peremptorily made to them by the German Ambassador.
   The cardinal fact in the situation—the fact upon which
   Austria-Hungary and Germany have based their calculations and
   determined their action throughout—is that Russia could not
   for some time to come engage in a great war without incurring
   unjustified risks. Nothing, we may be sure, but the
   overwhelming consciousness of this fact could have induced the
   Emperor and his advisers to adopt the decision to which they
   came a few days ago. They must have been well aware of the
   painful effect which it was certain to produce, in the first
   instance, abroad as well as at home. None can have realized
   more acutely than they that the presentation of the demand was
   humiliating, and that the circumstances attending it were
   eminently calculated to make that humiliation bitter. But they
   held, and rightly held, that it was their duty to accept
   humiliation rather than to jeopardize the great permanent
   interests which are committed to their keeping. They might,
   indeed, have been somewhat less precipitate. They might
   reasonably have asked for time for consulting the Powers with
   whom they have acted, and who have consistently supported
   them, upon the proposals which Germany sprang upon them. The
   fact that they did not do so is a significant indication that
   the pressure which Count Pourtalès was instructed to put upon
   them must have been of the most imperious and dictatorial
   kind.

   "As to the precise form of the intimation conveyed to M.
   Isvolsky by the German Ambassador no definite information is
   yet forthcoming, but of its nature there can be no possible
   doubt. Our Paris Correspondent learns that, immediately after
   his interview with Count Pourtalès, the Russian Minister
   summoned a Council, and, after a hasty audience with the Tsar,
   communicated to the German Ambassador Russia’s acquiescence in
   the demands of his Government. There was no alternative to
   this course, as we are told from St. Petersburg, unless Russia
   was prepared to face the consequences of the mobilization of
   the German Army. The matter, our Correspondent adds, was
   treated as of ‘supreme urgency,’ from which it may be inferred
   that a reply was required without delay. The Council of
   Ministers knew what ‘German mobilization’ in the circumstances
   would mean."

{261}

   In appearance, if not in reality, Germany or Germany’s Kaiser
   had again, as in the Morocco affair of 1905, taken advantage
   of the weakened circumstances of Russia to play a dictatorial
   part in European politics. The distrust and apprehension kept
   alive by such repeated performances of the military big stick
   at Berlin seem infinitely more dangerous to Europe than any
   possible explosion of the unstable compounds of race,
   religion, and lawless politics that are mixed in the Balkan
   magazine. For the time being, however, the sparks that
   sputtered alarmingly in the latter, throughout the winter of
   1908-1909, were easily extinguished by the sudden dash of cold
   water upon them from St. Petersburg. Great Britain, France,
   and Italy, accepting the situation, joined Germany and Russia
   in persuading the Government at Belgrade to be equally
   submissive to events. Their persuasions were effective, and a
   note to the following purpose, which the Powers in question
   had formulated, was signed by the Servian Ministry and
   presented to the Government at Vienna on the 31st of March:

   "(1.) Servia declares that her rights have not been violated
   by the annexation by Austria-Hungary of Bosnia and
   Herzegovina, and accepts the Powers’ decision to annul
   paragraph 25 of the Treaty of Berlin.

   (2.) Servia will not protest against the annexation of Bosnia
   and Herzegovina.

   (3.) Servia will maintain peaceful relations with
   Austria-Hungary.

   (4.) Servia will return her military forces to normal
   conditions, and will discharge the reservists and volunteers;
   she will not permit the formation of irregular troops or
   bands."

   The arbitrary annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was now
   legitimated; the Treaty of Berlin was revised by violations
   condoned; a serious precedent had been injected into European
   public law. What was said on the subject by the London
   Times on the morning after the delivery of the Servian
   note is hardly open to the least dispute. "The danger of war,"
   said the Times, "has thus, we may confidently hope, been
   averted. But the sense of immediate relief with which this
   deliverance may well be greeted cannot blind us to the cost at
   which it has been achieved. The first great international
   compact to which the new German Empire of the Hohenzollerns
   subscribed within a few months of its proclamation at
   Versailles was that which embodied the resolutions of the
   London Conference of 1871. The European Powers, rightly
   disputing Russia’s claim to denounce motu proprio the Black
   Sea Clauses of the Treaty of Paris, maintained that no
   revision of an international treaty could take place without
   ‘impartial examination’ and ‘free discussion.’ None upheld
   that principle more stoutly than Austria-Hungary. Russia
   herself finally accepted it, and it was solemnly placed on
   record by Lord Granville in his opening speech as President of
   the London Conference. It was embodied in a Protocol, signed
   by all the Plenipotentiaries of the Powers, laying down as ‘an
   essential principle of the law of nations that no Power can
   repudiate treaty engagements or modify treaty provisions,
   except with the consent of the contracting parties by mutual
   agreement.’ That instrument has, until recently, governed the
   public law of Europe. In conformity with its provisions,
   Russia, after her war with Turkey in 1877-1878, was fain to
   submit the Treaty of San Stefano to the Congress of Berlin;
   and again in 1885 a Conference was held at Constantinople to
   settle the question of the union of Eastern Rumelia with
   Bulgaria which had been effected in violation of the Treaty of
   Berlin. Five months ago, immediately after the annexation of
   Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary and the proclamation
   of Bulgarian independence, Great Britain, France, and Russia
   were agreed, after M. Isvolsky’s conversations with M.
   Clemenceau and Sir Edward Grey, that the same 'essential
   principle of the law of nations’ was once more at stake and
   must be upheld. Italy adhered subsequently to that agreement,
   which took shape in the suggestion for a conference, and
   neither Germany nor Austria-Hungary openly rejected it at the
   time. …

   "The terms of the submission now made by Servia at the
   instance of the Powers show how far we have travelled away
   from that ‘essential principle of the law of nations’ since
   October last. … Whether the formal ratification of the
   breaches of international law which were committed last autumn
   takes place now at a Conference, or by an exchange of Notes,
   is a matter of small moment. In substance the Powers have
   already conveyed their acquiescence in the abrogation of
   Article XXV. of the Berlin Treaty concerning Bosnia and
   Herzegovina, without the slightest show even of that
   ‘impartial examination’ and ‘perfectly free discussion’ which
   the London Conference of 1871 laid down as an essential
   preliminary to the revision of treaty engagements."

   There was an illuminating sequel to this transaction near the
   end of the year, in the trial of a libel suit, known as the
   Friedjung case, which uncovered many hidden circumstances of
   the annexation. One of the arguments by which the annexation
   of Bosnia-Herzegovina was defended at the time was the
   necessity of putting an end to an alleged conspiracy of the
   Southern Slavs against the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.

      See (in this Volume),
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.
      "Agram Trials", page 40.)

   At the trial it was proved that the "documents" which had been
   accepted as proving the existence of this conspiracy were
   forgeries of the clumsiest description.

EUROPE: A. D. 1909.
   Changed conditions making for peace.
   Three striking examples.

   Speaking at Sheffield, England, on the occasion of "the
   Cutlers’ Feast," October 21, Sir Edward Grey, the British
   Secretary for Foreign Affairs, called to mind, in a few
   admirable sentences, three illustrations in the past year of
   wonderfully changed conditions in Europe, making for peace. He
   said:

   "In the world at large to-day—if I may say a few words about
   the business of my own department—there is no doubt plenty of
   trouble, as there always is, but if you take the true measure
   of the situation by comparing it with what it was a short time
   ago, the outlook is distinctly favourable. I will give you
   three points which are, I think, subjects of congratulation.

   "It is only a year ago to this very month that we were at the
   beginning of what was called the Balkan crisis. I do not know
   whether the Budget has driven all recollection of it from your
   minds, but it did occupy a good deal of attention a year ago
   and for some months afterwards. For a long time it had been
   almost an axiom of the diplomacy of Europe that some day or
   other there would be trouble in the Balkans, and that, when
   that trouble came, there would be danger of a European war.
   The trouble came a year ago; it caused anxiety; there was a
   storm; and for some months some anxiety as to whether one or
   other of the Great European Powers might not drift from their
   moorings.
{262}
   But the anchors held, and now the swell has subsided, and
   though there may be trouble again in the future, the fact that
   the Great Powers of Europe have passed through the Balkan
   troubles of the last year and yet maintained their peace is a
   good augury that in future troubles the same may be done.

   "Then I will take the question of Persia. A few years ago, had
   any one foretold exactly what has happened in Persia in the
   last year—that there would be a revolution, that there would
   be great outbreaks of disorder throughout the country, and
   that the Shah would be deposed—he would certainly have said
   that it would be a time of considerable anxiety both for
   Russia and for ourselves. A few years ago the representatives
   of those two countries were watching each other in Persia with
   jealousy, suspicion, and distrust. Had what has happened in
   Persia in the last year happened a few years ago when those
   were the relations between the two countries, I do not say
   that there would actually have been war, but there would
   certainly have been considerable anxiety and considerable
   scares in the public opinion of both countries as to the
   effect upon their relations with each other. Now we have
   passed through the troubles of the last year in Persia, and in
   no section of the Press of either country, in no section of
   public opinion of either country, has there been a fear that
   relations between ourselves and Russia would be impaired by
   what was happening in Persia.

   "The third subject to which I would refer is that of Morocco.
   Morocco is to-day very full of trouble, and the trouble is a
   matter of concern and worry to those Powers who have
   conterminous frontiers in Morocco. That of course is so, but
   look back over the last few years and survey. The matter which
   occupied men’s minds in regard to Morocco was not the troubles
   in Morocco itself but the possible effect which events in
   Morocco might have upon the relations of the European Powers
   to each other. To-day the trouble continues in Morocco, but
   during the last year the anxiety that what was happening in
   Morocco might cause serious difficulties between European
   Powers themselves has greatly diminished if it has not
   entirely disappeared. That, again, is a satisfactory
   retrospect."

EUROPE: A. D. 1909.
   Contradictory feeling and action concerning War.
   Its causes.
   International Barbarism with Inter-personal Civilization.
   The two main knots of difficulty in the situation.
   Great Britain and Germany.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

EUROPE: A. D. 1909.
   Size and cost of its armies.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

   ----------EUROPE: End--------

EVANS, Rear-Admiral Robley D.:
   Commanding the American Battleship Fleet.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

EVICTED TENANTS ACT.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1907.

EXCLUSION OF ALIENS.

      See (in this Volume)
      IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION, AND RACE PROBLEMS.

EXPATRIATION:
   Its Rights.
   Principles maintained by the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      NATURALIZATION.

EXPLORATION, Polar.

      See (in this Volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION.

EXPOSITIONS, Industrial.

      See (in this Volume)
      BUFFALO; ST. LOUIS; CHARLESTON;
      JAMESTOWN; PORTLAND, OREGON; SEATTLE.

EZCURRA, COLONEL:
   Deposed President of Paraguay.

      See (in this Volume)
      PARAGUAY: A. D. 1904.


F.

FABIAN SOCIETY.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

FAIRBANKS, Charles W.:
   Elected Vice-President of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

FAKUMENN RAILWAY QUESTION, between Japan and China.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909.

FALLIÈRES, ARMAND:
   President of the French Senate.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

FALLIÈRES, ARMAND:
   President of the French Republic.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

FALL RIVER STRIKE, in the Cotton Mills.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1905.

FAMINES:
   In China.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1906-1907.

FAMINES:
   In India: The poverty they signify.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA; A. D. 1905-1908.

FAMINES:
   In Russia.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

FARADAY, MICHAEL:
   His Prophetic Conception of Radiant Matter.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM.

FARM COLONY, Cleveland, Ohio.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY, PROBLEMS OF.

FARMAN, Henri.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AERONAUTICS.

FARMERS’ ORGANIZATIONS.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909; and
      LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

FEDAKIARANS, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

FEDERAL PARTY.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 and 1907.

FEHIM PASHA, THE FATE OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908(JULY-DECEMBER), AND 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

FEJERVARY MINISTRY.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

FENGHUANGCHENG.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

FENSHUILING.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), AND (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

FERRER, Professor Francisco:
   His trial and execution.

      See (in this Volume)
      Spain: A. D. 1907-1909.

FERTILIZER TRUST:
   Dissolution and indictment.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

{263}

FETVA, of the Sheik-ul-Islam.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

FIALA ARCTIC EXPLORATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION.

FICHTE’S PROPHECY, of a World Commonwealth.

      See (in this Volume)
      WORLD MOVEMENTS.

FILIPINO CATHOLIC CHURCH, Independent.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.

   ----------FINANCE AND TRADE: Start--------

FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.
   A Review of the decade.
   The Sequence of Phenomena from the beginning of "the great
   Trade Boom" to the Collapse of 1907, and after.
   The Process of Recovery.

   On the 31st of December, 1908, the New York Evening
   Post gave an admirably studied and clear, though succinct,
   review of the sequence of phenomena in financial and
   commercial affairs that could be traced through "the series of
   years since the great trade boom began which collapsed in
   1907," and thence to the close of 1908. By permission of the
   proprietors of the Evening Post a considerable part of
   that review is quoted here. While it relates more especially
   to conditions and events in the United States, it affords
   substantially a summary of the financial history of the world
   from 1901 to 1908, both inclusive:

   "1901.
   This was preeminently the ‘boom year’—much more legitimately
   so, as events have proved, than 1905 or 1906, when
   overstrained capital resources gave an atmosphere of unreality
   to what seemed altogether real in the days of abundant capital
   in 1901. It is first to be said of 1901 that a probably
   unexampled surplus of ready capital in the United States, and
   a certainly unprecedented foreign credit balance—due to our
   amazing surplus of exports over imports—happened to coincide
   with a period of European trade reaction which released
   foreign capital from foreign industries and left it free for
   use in America. Presuming the foregoing influences, the six
   main causes for the phenomena of 1901 were:

   (1) The series of enormous company amalgamations, beginning
   with the billion-dollar Steel incorporation, and culminating
   in the purchase of the British steamship lines at wildly
   extravagant prices; these operations being based on issues of
   securities in unprecedented quantity;

   (2) Formation of ‘underwriting syndicates’ to float these
   securities, one of those syndicates receiving a bonus of
   $50,000,000 for one year’s use of $25,000,000, and all of them
   using freely for their purposes the surpluses of life
   insurance companies and the deposits of trust companies;

   (3) Acquisition of control of great railway companies by
   powerful millionaires, through purchase of stock of these
   railways in the open market, often at extravagant prices; the
   purchase-money being obtained through issue of bonds by
   railways already under control of the purchasers;

   (4) Wild speculation by the public;

   (5) Sudden fright of Europe at our excesses, withdrawal of its
   capital, and consequent severe reaction in our markets;

   (6) The failure of the corn crop, which in the summer applied
   a further check to this speculation, but which was itself
   offset by a wheat crop larger than any harvested in this
   country before or since, and sold at the highest average price
   since 1897.

   "1902.
   This year was one both of reaction and of further expansion;
   it was both a legitimate sequel to 1901 and a legitimate
   forerunner of 1903. …

   "Its salient phenomena were these:

   (1) Abundant harvests;

   (2) Overstraining of bank resources by financial ‘deals’ and
   Stock Exchange speculation, exhausting the bank surplus in
   September;

   (3) Enormous increase in imports and decrease in agricultural
   exports, along with Europe’s withdrawal of its capital;

   (4) Rapid advance in cost of raw material and labor;

   (5) Struggle of capitalists to so entrench themselves in
   control of corporate enterprises that they could not be
   dislodged.

   "1903.
   The year which followed was an entirely logical sequel. Its
   controlling factors were:

   (1) Forced liquidation by individuals and syndicates who were
   tied up in new securities at a time when the investing public
   withdrew from the market;

   (2) Inability of great corporations to sell bonds, and their
   resort to notes at a high interest rate;

   (3) Abundant grain crops, but an inadequate cotton crop, with
   great speculation, and famine prices;

   (4) Rapid fall in the price of steel and iron;

   (5) Severe contraction in profits of industrial combinations,
   with reduced dividends in some, reorganization of capital in
   others, and bankruptcy in still others.

   "1904.
   For obvious reasons, 1904 is an interesting year to compare
   with 1908. Both were in a sense 'after-panic years,’ though
   the strain of 1903, and the resultant financial and commercial
   reaction of 1904, were trifles compared with those of the past
   two years. It will be seen that 1904, which did in fact usher
   in another great boom in trade, paralleled closely in some
   respects the history of 1908, but in others diverged very
   widely from it. Its dominant influences were:

   (1) A huge surplus reserve at the New York banks, reaching in
   August a height only four times exceeded in the country’s
   history, and as a result a 1 per cent. call money market
   during two-thirds of the year;

   (2) The largest gold export movement in the history of the
   country;

   (3) A midsummer recovery on the Stock Exchange, with large
   investment buying;

   (4) A Presidential campaign, which hardly affected business;

   (5) Substantial, but not very rapid, trade revivals, without
   any of the extravagant optimism of 1908;

   (6) Famine prices for cotton during half the year, followed by
   a new crop unparalleled in history, and by a heavy fall in
   prices;

   (7) Virtual disappearance of our export trade in wheat, with
   the smallest harvest since 1900, the highest prices since
   1898, and the smallest shipment to Europe since 1872. The
   Russian war, which began in February, affected our markets
   only indirectly.

{264}

   " 1905.
   This year’s history is better understood to-day than it has
   been before. The testimony of the whole financial and
   commercial world now is, that the exploiting of capital in
   trade and speculation, which eventually brought about the
   recent panic, and the abnormal enhancement of cost of living,
   which lifted the average price of commodities as much in two
   years as it had risen in the eight preceding years, began in
   the middle of 1905. These were the salient incidents of the
   financial year:

   (1) Rapid and vigorous trade revival, with industry and
   production probably more active than at any previous period,
   and with profits and dividends enhanced;

   (2) Exposure of the use of life insurance funds by promoting
   and speculating millionaires, an exposure which ended in
   legislation preventing such use of them in future
   speculations;

   (3) World-wide money stringency, with the New York bank
   surplus twice exhausted, London’s bank position the weakest
   since 1890, and Berlin’s the weakest since 1897;

   (4) Excited stock speculation for the rise, in this country
   and in Germany, which in New York almost wholly disregarded
   the abnormal strain on money.

   "1906.
   Neither the $400,000,000 loss at San Francisco in April, nor
   the Treasury’s efforts to relieve an overstrained New York
   money market in September, was a fundamental cause for the
   events of 1906. They were a true sequel to 1905, and may be
   summarized as follows:

   (1) Enormous Volume of trade, the whole world over, with rapid
   rise in price of goods, but equally rapid rise in cost of raw
   material and labor;

   (2) Grain harvests, as a whole, never paralleled in Volume,
   and wheat crop second only to 1901;

   (3) Wild speculation by all classes of the community,
   particularly in land, mining shares, and Stock Exchange
   securities, but not as a rule in produce, the wealthiest
   capitalists in the country entering into stock speculation in
   the late summer, and using most unscrupulously their power
   over company finance to help along their purposes;

   (4) Overstrained bank resources as a result, with five
   deficits at New York, occurring in spring, autumn, and winter,
   two of these deficits being the largest since 1893;

   (5) Abnormally high money rates all the year, with the highest
   September rate for call loans ever reached in New York, and
   the highest rate for time loans and merchants’ paper reached
   at that time of year since 1872;

   (6) Sudden decision by Europe that American credit was
   unlimited, and the consequent placing of foreign capital
   unrestrictedly at our disposal;

   (7) Struggle between London and New York for possession of new
   gold arriving in London, resulting in our import of
   $40,000,000 gold from Europe in the spring, and $45,000,000 in
   the autumn, and leading to a rise of the Bank of England rate
   to 6 per cent. for the first time since the Boer war panic,
   and to an energetic effort on the Bank’s part to stop the
   wholesale equipping of the American speculation with London
   bank money.

   "1907.
   The panic year’s story may be told without further
   introduction, summing up thus its characteristic events:

   (1) Withdrawal by Europe of the capital loaned to us in 1906,
   leading, early in the year, to $32,000,000 gold exports to
   Europe, of which $25,000,000 went to France:

   (2) Partial withdrawal of their capital from Wall Street by
   interior markets, which were said to have had $400,000,000
   outstanding in New York during 1906;

   (3) Distress of the immensely wealthy capitalists who had tied
   themselves up in the Wall Street speculation of 1906, their
   forced liquidation on an enormous scale, and consequent
   demoralized Stock Exchange markets in March and August;

   (4) Very abnormal crop weather throughout the spring and over
   nearly all the world, with a resultant shortage of the whole
   world’s wheat crop, the deficit of supplies below expected
   requirements being probably the largest since 1890.

   "(5) Revelation of unsound banking practices at New York in
   October; leading to the failure of the Knickerbocker Trust, a
   formidable run on the banks, adoption of Clearing House
   certificates in all the larger cities and issue of emergency
   credit currency in many; to restriction of cash payments to
   depositors throughout the country, to a premium on currency,
   to complete demoralization of interior exchange, and to
   insolvency of several large industrial companies and numerous
   banks—neither, however, reaching the number which shortly
   followed the panic of 1893;

   (6) Import of $100,000,000 gold from Europe during November
   and December, most of it bought at a premium and some of it
   engaged with sight sterling at 4.91;

   (7) As a result, large inroads on the Bank of England’s gold
   reserve, rise in the bank rate from 4½ to 7 per cent., rapid
   advance of all continental bank rates, and loan of large sums
   of gold by the Bank of France to the Bank of England.

   "(8) Precarious position of financial Germany throughout the
   year, important failures at Hamburg, minor financial panics in
   Holland, Egypt, Italy, and Chili, many of them before our own;

   (9) Intervention of our Treasury, which wisely placed all its
   surplus on deposit with the banks in October, and most
   unwisely undertook to issue $150,000,000 bonds and notes in
   November to provide basis for new bank-note circulation;

   (10) Recovery in markets late in November, with slow return of
   the bank situation to normal, the currency premium at New York
   lasting longer than in either 1893 or 1873;

   (11) Discharge of laborers from employment all over the
   country, and the beginning of severe trade reaction—all this
   in spite of the largest annual gold output in the history of
   the world.

   "1908.
   Now comes the present remarkable after-panic year, of which
   the salient phenomena may be thus summed up:

   (1) Spasmodic and irregular recovery in trade activity,
   starting from a very low level, with merchants rushing in
   suddenly with orders—in February, in July, and in
   November—when their shelves were almost depleted, these buying
   impulses ceasing as suddenly as they had begun, leaving trade
   stagnation again;

   (2) Slow increase in consumption of merchandise, here and
   abroad, the ratio being below 30 per cent. of normal at the
   beginning of the year, and 60 to 75 per cent. on the average
   at its close;

   (3) Sudden shrinkage of our international commerce,
   merchandise trade in eleven months falling $478,000,000 from
   1907, a decline of 15 per cent., of which $326,000,000 was
   imports and $152,000,000 exports, experience of European
   nations being similar;

   (4) Enormous increase in the unemployed, leading, at the
   Atlantic ports, to an emigration 250,000 larger than
   immigration;

   (5) Severe contraction of railway earnings, resulting in
   twenty-four railway insolvencies, involving the largest
   capital of any receiverships since those of 1893, and causing
   many dividend reductions, but followed, after the middle of
   the year, by such enormous reduction in expenses that, in some
   cases, autumn net earnings actually increased over 1907;

{265}

   "(6) Sudden rush of currency into the banks, as a result,
   first of removal of restrictions on depositors and next of
   idle trade, with resultant change from a $20,000,000 New York
   bank deficit at the end of 1907 to a surplus of $40,000,000 at
   the end of January and of $66,000,000 on June 27—the latter
   being second only to the $111,000,000 maximum of 1894;

   (7) As a consequence, abnormally low rates for money, call
   loans going at 2 per cent. before the end of January, at 1 per
   cent. in eighteen weeks of the present year, and at less than
   1 per cent. in three weeks;

   (8) Export of $73,000,000 gold, the largest (except for 1904)
   since 1895, and net export of $45,000,000, the largest in
   thirteen years;

   "(9) In spite of the above recited facts, a constant spirit of
   optimism throughout the year, expressing itself, first in the
   organization of ‘Prosperity Leagues’ which held conventions
   and proclaimed that if people would only decide to be
   prosperous, they would be prosperous, and second by a series
   of extravagant speculative movements on the Stock Exchange, in
   the course of which it was declared in February, in July, and
   in November, that we were not only destined to get back into
   the boom of 1906, but that we were there already;

   (10) A wheat harvest which in midsummer promised to be the
   second largest on record, but which turned out only of average
   Volume, the quality and price for this and other cereals,
   however, being so good as to enhance very greatly the wealth
   of the agricultural West;

   (11) A Presidential election, the result of which the markets
   and all experienced people foresaw from the beginning, but of
   which it was alleged, for two weeks in November, that its
   outcome had totally changed for the better the entire aspect
   of American business affairs."

   1909.
   The following, from the New York Evening Post of
   December 31, 1909, continues the review:

   The noteworthy characteristics of "the year which ends to-day,
   … so far as they can now be discerned, have been as follows:

   (1) Rapid industrial recovery, beginning with the steel
   trade’s reduction of prices, leading in September to the
   largest monthly output of iron and steel in the history of the
   country, and to heavy demand from consumers, but contrasting
   singularly with the copper market, where signs of
   overproduction were visible throughout the year;

   (2) Very rapid increase in cost of necessaries of life,
   affecting chiefly food, clothing, and rent, leading in the
   autumn to bitter complaint and to numerous strikes for higher
   wages, notably on the railways;

   (3) Along with reviving trade, a speculation of great
   magnitude on the Stock Exchange, ascribed to the initiative of
   very powerful finance houses, and converging in a most
   peculiar way on United States Steel common shares, whose
   dividend was twice advanced, notwithstanding the fact that
   quarterly earnings had not recovered to the magnitude of 1906
   or 1907, when the dividend had been maintained at the old
   rate;

   (4) Largely as a result of the tying-up of capital in this
   speculation, severe autumn strain on bank reserves, turning a
   New York surplus of $34,000,000 on July 10 into one of only
   $1,600,000 on October 2, driving Wall Street to probably
   unprecedented borrowings from interior banks and from London,
   which latter market, under the influence of the Bank of
   England, threw back great amounts of these New York loans
   during October;

   "(5) Call money rates kept down by such expedients, 6 per
   cent. being the maximum up to the two closing days of
   December;

   (6) a wheat corner in June, in the course of which the New
   York cash price rose to $1.51 in June, the highest price since
   the Leiter corner of 1898, followed by a new wheat crop
   unsurpassed in magnitude except for 1901, yet with high prices
   continued in later autumn, despite an abundant crop in Europe
   also;

   (7) A very short crop of cotton, driving the price from 9½
   cents a pound, early in the year, to 16 cents in December, the
   latter being the highest December price since paper inflation
   days, and less than one cent below the highest price in the
   corner of 1904;

   (8) Import of foreign merchandise wholly unparalleled for
   magnitude in our history, causing, in June, July, and August,
   an excess of imports over exports for the first time since
   1897, and resulting, in the eleven first months of the year,
   in a total excess of exports over imports $340,000,000 less
   than in 1908, and very much the smallest of any year since
   1897;

   (9) As a partial consequence, the largest export of gold of
   any year in the country’s history, and the largest net export
   except for 1894 and the paper money days.

   "The prolonged tariff debate in Congress, which high financial
   authority declared would hold back financial activity, but
   which gave no evidence of doing so, can hardly be classed as a
   fundamental influence of the year. Whether Mr. Harriman’s
   death in September, with the resultant realignment of forces
   in high finance, deserves to be so classed, is a question
   which can hardly be passed upon as yet."

FINANCE AND TRADE:
   America: Proposal of an International American Bank.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

FINANCE AND TRADE: Asia; A. D. 1909.
   Disturbance of Trade by the Fall in Silver Exchange.

   The following is a Press telegram from Ottawa, Canada,
June 23, 1909:

   "The serious check to American exports to the Orient resulting
   from the great fall in the silver exchanges last year is
   attracting increasing attention on the Pacific Coast. A League
   which describes itself as the Fair Exchange league has been
   organized in Ottawa to keep the issues before the Dominion
   parliament. It advocates the adoption of the Goschen plan of
   1891 jointly by the British empire and the United States with
   open mints in India as before 1893. The new movement has
   secured a qualified endorsement from J. J. Hill of the Great
   Northern railway. Mr. Hill says: ‘We must await the proposals
   of the monetary commission at Washington. The silver problem
   is full of difficulties. I wish it were possible to ignore it.
   But our consuls in Asia warn us that at the present rate of
   silver exchange Asia has ceased to import our wheat or flour
   or lumber; that the Shanghai merchants who eighteen months
   since bought the sovereign or five gold dollars with five
   taels, must now pay near eight taels; the result is disaster;
   he no longer buys.’"

FINANCE AND TRADE: British Empire: A. D. 1909.
   Imperial Congress of Chambers of Commerce.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

FINANCE AND TRADE: England: A. D. 1909.
   The Budget of Mr. Lloyd-George.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

{266}

FINANCE AND TRADE: Germany: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Industrial Crisis and Period of Depression.

   The extraordinary industrial development of Germany between
   1895 and 1900 had its usual sequel in a sudden collapse,
   followed by a period of depression and slow return to
   productive activity. According to Dr. Braun, writing in the
   Yale Review of May, 1902, "the cause of the crisis lay
   undoubtedly in extreme overproduction, which had continued for
   a long time without its significance having been discovered by
   any one. Enormous quantities of commodities had been
   accumulated, numberless new industrial undertakings had come
   into being, or were about to be started, and every one was
   counting on further development of production by leaps and
   bounds. But a feeling of uncertainty, which should pass into a
   crisis, was bound to arise the moment certain unhealthy
   conditions of German economic life, which had been covered up
   during the period of prosperity, made their appearance.

   "The conditions which did arouse this widespread feeling in
   German capitalistic circles lay far from the industrial market
   itself. Great losses suddenly appeared in the field of
   mortgage investments, whose securities had been accepted by
   the public as, next to government bonds, the safest form of
   investment, and the freest from speculation. These
   developments caused a panic among the investing public. This
   feeling of panic began, according to my view, at the time when
   the authorities found themselves forced to arrest two
   directors of the Pomeranian Mortgage Bank (Pommersche
   Hypothekenbank), who occupied the highest social position. …
   The extraordinary result of the action of the authorities
   against the leaders of certain mortgage banks is explained
   only by the facts that at the end of 1900, six and two-third
   billion marks of mortgage debentures were in circulation, and
   that within ten years the amount invested in such debentures
   had increased by three billion marks. The great majority of
   the small and middle-class capitalists, who wished to invest
   their money in safe securities, had put it into mortgage
   debentures of this kind. The greatest confidence had been
   placed in them, and now, for the first time, the eyes of the
   public were open to the fact that great losses could also
   ensue from such investments. The five principal offending
   banks had at the end of 1900, 692,670,950 marks of mortgage
   debentures in circulation. Every one had invested in these,
   from the smallest capitalist to the German Empress. The public
   and pretentious piety of the directors of the Prussian
   Mortgage Stock Bank, who were later placed under arrest, had
   induced even church-building associations to place their money
   in these debentures."

   "Then came the failure of the Dresdener Kreditanstalt, which,
   with a capital of 20,000,000 marks, had loaned a single
   industrial company, the Dresden Electrical Company, 9,000,000
   marks; and this failure was followed by that of the famous
   Leipsic Bank, which had loaned 84,000,000 marks to a concern
   which had used up its own capital, and was paying fraudulent
   dividends of 50 per cent. These two failures frightened the
   public into a general withdrawal of deposits from banks of
   every class."

FINANCE AND TRADE: Japan: A. D. 1909.
   State of the War Debt and its Payment.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

FINANCE AND TRADE: Mexico: A. D. 1905.
   Currency Reform.
   Cessation of Free Coinage of Silver.

      See (in this Volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.

FINANCE AND TRADE: United States: A. D. 1908.
   The Emergency Currency Act.

   What is known as the Emergency Currency Act was passed by
   Congress in May, 1908, and received the approval of the
   President on the 30th of that month. It is a temporary
   measure, for exigencies that may repeat the monetary
   experience of 1907 before an adequate reform of the banking
   and currency system of the country is effected, and will
   expire by limitation on the 30th of June, 1914. It does not
   disturb the present National bank note currency of the
   country, based on Government bonds, but provides a means by
   which an additional Volume, amounting to a total of
   $500,000,000, if necessary, may be issued by the National
   banks in case of a currency stringency.

   There are two ways in which emergency circulation may be
   issued. A bank may make an application through the Currency
   Association of which it is a member, or, where State and
   municipal bonds are offered as security, the application may
   be made directly. A Currency Association may be formed by ten
   or more banks having an aggregate capital and surplus of at
   least $5,000,000. Only one may be formed in any city, and no
   bank may belong to more than one. It must be formed by banks
   located in territory as contiguous as convenient.

   All applications for emergency currency are to be passed upon
   by the Secretary of the Treasury after recommendation by the
   Comptroller of the Currency. The Secretary will also determine
   whether business conditions in the locality warrant the
   issuance of such circulation. The distribution of the notes is
   likewise left to him. Where application is made through an
   Association, the securities are deposited with it; where a
   direct application is made, they are deposited with the
   Treasurer or any Assistant Treasurer of the United States. All
   the members composing an Association are jointly and severally
   liable to the United States for the redemption of all
   emergency circulation taken out by its members.

FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1908.
   Banking and Currency Questions in the Party Platforms.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1909.
   The "Wall Street Investigation."
   Report on the Operations of the Stock Exchange and other
   Exchanges of New York City.

   In December, 1908, a Special Committee of nine experienced
   gentlemen, having Mr. Horace White for its chairman, was
   appointed by Governor Hughes, of the State of New York, to
   investigate and report "what changes, if any, are advisable in
   the laws of the State bearing upon speculation in securities
   and commodities, or relating to the protection of investors,
   or with regard to the instrumentalities and organizations used
   in dealings in securities and commodities which are the
   subject of speculation." On the 7th of the following June the
   Committee submitted to the Governor an extended report,
   describing and discussing the organizations, the
   instrumentalities and the methods employed in the dealings
   with which their inquiry had to do. The following excerpts
   from this important report (known commonly as the "report on
   Wall Street") may suffice, perhaps, to convey the main matters
   of information afforded by it and the more valuable
   conclusions at which the Committee arrived:

{267}

   "In law, speculation becomes gambling when the trading which
   it involves does not lead, and is not intended to lead, to the
   actual passing from hand to hand of the property that is dealt
   in. … The rules of all the exchanges forbid gambling as
   defined by this opinion [of the New York Court of Appeals,
   case of Hurd vs. Taylor, 181 New York 231; but they make so
   easy a technical delivery of the property contracted for, that
   the practical effect of much speculation, in point of form
   legitimate, is not greatly different from that of gambling.
   Contracts to buy may be privately offset by contracts to sell.
   The offsetting may be done, in a systematic way, by clearing
   houses, or by ‘ring settlements.’ Where deliveries are
   actually made, property may be temporarily borrowed for the
   purpose. In these ways, speculation which has the legal traits
   of legitimate dealing may go on almost as freely as mere
   wagering, and may have most of the pecuniary and immoral
   effects of gambling on a large scale.

   "A real distinction exists between speculation which is
   carried on by persons of means and experience, and based on an
   intelligent forecast, and that which is carried on by persons
   without these qualifications. The former is closely connected
   with regular business. While not unaccompanied by waste and
   loss, this speculation accomplishes an amount of good which
   offsets much of its cost. The latter does but a small amount
   of good and an almost incalculable amount of evil. In its
   nature it is in the same class with gambling upon the
   race-track or at the roulette table, but is practised on a
   vastly larger scale. Its ramifications extend to all parts of
   the country. It involves a practical certainty of loss to
   those who engage in it.

   "The problem, wherever speculation is strongly rooted, is to
   eliminate that which is wasteful and morally destructive,
   while retaining and allowing free play to that which is
   beneficial. The difficulty in the solution of the problem lies
   in the practical impossibility of distinguishing what is
   virtually gambling from legitimate speculation. The most
   fruitful policy will be found in measures which will lessen
   speculation by persons not qualified to engage in it. In
   carrying out such a policy exchanges can accomplish more than
   legislatures. …

   "The New York Stock Exchange is a voluntary association,
   limited to 1,100 members, of whom about 700 are active, some
   of them residents of other cities. Memberships are sold for
   about $80,000. The Exchange as such does no business, merely
   providing facilities to members and regulating their conduct.
   The governing power is in an elected committee of forty
   members and is plenary in scope. The business transacted on
   the floor is the purchase and sale of stocks and bonds of
   corporations and governments. Practically all transactions
   must be completed by delivery and payment on the following
   day. The mechanism of the Exchange, provided by its
   constitution and rules, is the evolution of more than a
   century. …

   "The Volume of transactions indicates that the Exchange is
   to-day probably the most important financial institution in
   the world. In the past decade the average annual sales of
   shares have been 196,500,000 at prices involving an annual
   average turnover of nearly $15,500,000,000; bond transactions
   averaged about $800,000,000. This enormous business affects
   the financial and credit interests of the country in so large
   a measure that its proper regulation is a matter of
   transcendent importance. While radical changes in the
   mechanism, which is now so nicely adjusted that the
   transactions are carried on with the minimum of friction,
   might prove disastrous to the whole country, nevertheless
   measures should be adopted to correct existing abuses.

   "It is unquestionable that only a small part of the
   transactions upon the Exchange is of an investment character;
   a substantial part may be characterized as virtually gambling.
   Yet we are unable to see how the State could distinguish by
   law between proper and improper transactions, since the forms
   and the mechanisms used are identical. Rigid statutes directed
   against the latter would seriously interfere with the former.
   The experience of Germany with similar legislation is
   illuminating.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

   But the Exchange, with the plenary power over members and
   their operations, could provide correctives, as we shall show.

   "Purchasing securities on margin is as legitimate a
   transaction as a purchase of any other property in which part
   payment is deferred. We therefore see no reason whatsoever for
   recommending the radical change suggested, that margin trading be
   prohibited. … In so far as losses are due to insufficient
   margins, they would be materially reduced if the customary
   percentage of margins were increased. The amount of margin
   which a broker requires from a speculative buyer of stocks
   depends, in each case, on the credit of the buyer; and the
   amount of credit which one person may extend to another is a
   dangerous subject on which to legislate. Upon the other hand,
   a rule made by the Exchange could safely deal with the
   prevalent rate of margins required from customers. In
   preference, therefore, to recommending legislation, we urge
   upon all brokers to discourage speculation upon small margins
   and upon the Exchange to use its influence, and, if necessary,
   its power, to prevent members from soliciting and generally
   accepting business on a less margin than 20 per cent.

   "‘Pyramiding,’ which is the use of paper profits in stock
   transactions as a margin for further commitments, should be
   discouraged. The practice tends to produce more extreme
   fluctuations and more rapid wiping out of margins. If the
   stock brokers and the banks would make it a rule to value
   securities for the purpose of margin or collateral, not at the
   current price of the moment, but at the average price of, say,
   the previous two or three months (provided that such average
   price were not higher than the price of the moment), the
   dangers of pyramiding would be largely prevented.

   "We have been strongly urged to advise the prohibition or
   limitation of short sales, not only on the theory that it is
   wrong to agree to sell what one does not possess, but that
   such sales reduce the market price of the securities involved.
{268}
   We do not think that it is wrong to agree to sell something
   that one does not now possess, but expects to obtain later.
   Contracts and agreements to sell, and deliver in the future,
   property which one does not possess at the time of the
   contract, are common in all kinds of business. The man who has
   ‘sold short’ must some day buy in order to return the stock
   which he has borrowed to make the short sale. Short-sellers
   endeavor to select times when prices seem high in order to
   sell, and times when prices seem low in order to buy, their
   action in both cases serving to lessen advances and diminish
   declines of price. In other words, short-selling tends to
   produce steadiness in prices, which is an advantage to the
   community. No other means of restraining unwarranted marking
   up and down of prices has been suggested to us. …

   "A subject to which we have devoted much time and thought is
   that of the manipulation of prices by large interests. This
   falls into two general classes:

   (1.) That which is resorted to for the purpose of making a
   market for issues of new securities.

   (2.) That which is designed to serve merely speculative
   purposes in the endeavor to make a profit as the result of
   fluctuations which have been planned in advance.

   The first kind of manipulation has certain advantages, and
   when not accompanied by ‘matched orders' is unobjectionable
   per se. …

   "The second kind of manipulation mentioned is undoubtedly open
   to serious criticism. It has for its object either the
   creation of high prices for particular stocks, in order to
   draw in the public as buyers and to unload upon them the
   holdings of the operators, or to depress the prices and induce
   the public to sell. There have been instances of gross and
   unjustifiable manipulation of securities, as in the case of
   American Ice stock. While we have been unable to discover any
   complete remedy short of abolishing the Stock Exchange itself,
   we are convinced that the Exchange can prevent the worst forms
   of this evil by exercising its influence and authority over
   the members to prevent them. When continued manipulation
   exists it is patent to experienced observers.

   "In the foregoing discussion we have confined ourselves to
   bona-fide sales. So far as manipulation of either class
   is based upon fictitious or so-called ‘wash sales’ it is open
   to the severest condemnation, and should be prevented by all
   possible means. These fictitious sales are forbidden by the
   rules of all the regular exchanges, and are not enforceable at
   law. They are less frequent than many persons suppose. … There
   is, however, another class of transactions called ‘matched
   orders,’ which differ materially from those already mentioned,
   in that they are actual and enforceable contracts. We refer to
   that class of transactions, engineered by some manipulator,
   who sends a number of orders simultaneously to different
   brokers, some to buy and some to sell. These brokers, without
   knowing that other brokers have countervailing orders from the
   same principal, execute their orders upon the floor of the
   Exchange, and the transactions become binding contracts; they
   cause an appearance of activity in a certain security which is
   unreal. Since they are legal and binding, we find a difficulty
   in suggesting a legislative remedy. But where the activities
   of two or more brokers in a certain securities become so
   extreme as to indicate manipulation rather than genuine
   transactions, the officers of the Exchange would be remiss
   unless they exercised their influence and authority upon such
   members. …

   "The subject of corners in the stock market has engaged our
   attention. The Stock Exchange might properly adopt a rule
   providing that the governors shall have power to decide when a
   corner exists and to fix a settlement price, so as to relieve
   innocent persons from the injury or ruin which may result
   therefrom. The mere existence of such a rule would tend to
   prevent corners."

   Speaking in a general way, it may be said that the Committee
   holds the directorate of the Stock Exchange responsible for
   evils connected with the operations that are centralized by
   it. "It has almost unlimited power over the conduct of its
   members," says the report, "and it can subject them to instant
   discipline for wrongdoing." As a voluntary organization it is
   more free in the exercise of this power than it would be if
   incorporated and brought under the authority and supervision
   of the State and the process of the courts. Hence the
   Committee refrains from advising the incorporation of the
   Exchange; but it does so only on the assumption that it "will
   in the future take full advantage of the powers conferred upon
   it by its voluntary organization." In the past it has failed
   to do so.

   At the same time, the Committee corrects an erroneous public
   notion that Wall Street and the Stock Exchange are one and the
   same thing. "An investigation was made of the transactions on
   the Exchange for a given day, when the sales were 1,500,000
   shares. The returns showed that on that day 52 per cent. of
   the total transactions on the Exchange apparently originated
   in New York city, and 48 per cent. in other localities."

   The operations of the various other trading exchanges in New
   York,—the Consolidated Stock Exchange, "the Curb," so called,
   and the several "commodity exchanges," where dealings in
   produce, cotton, coffee, etc., are centered,—are discussed in
   the report, with disapproval of some. The abuses which find
   their opportunity in the unorganized Curb market,—carried on
   within a roped-off section of Broad Street,—are set forth with
   distinctness, and are traced clearly to the tolerance and
   encouragement afforded to them by the Stock Exchange. "About
   85 per cent, of the business of the Curb," says the report,
   "comes through the offices of members of the New York Stock
   Exchange, but a provision of the constitution of that Exchange
   prohibits its members from becoming members of, or dealing on,
   any other organized Stock Exchange in New York.
   Accordingly, operators on the curb market have not attempted
   to form an organization. The attitude of the Stock Exchange is
   therefore largely responsible for the existence of such abuses
   as result from the want of organization of the curb market.
   The brokers dealing on the latter do not wish to lose their
   best customers, and hence they submit to these irregularities
   and inconveniences. Some of the members of the Exchange
   dealing on the curb have apparently been satisfied with the
   prevailing conditions, and in their own selfish interests have
   maintained an attitude of indifference toward abuses. We are
   informed that some of the most flagrant cases of discreditable
   enterprises finding dealings on the curb were promoted by
   members of the New York Stock Exchange. The present apparent
   attitude of the Exchange toward the curb seems to us clearly
   inconsistent with its moral obligations to the community at
   large."

{269}

   On the much debated question, whether dealing in
   "futures,"—the selling of agricultural products for future
   delivery,—should be prohibited or otherwise interfered with,
   the report of the Committee is strongly in favor of letting it
   alone. It says, "The subject was exhaustively considered by
   the Industrial Commission of Congress which in 1901 made an
   elaborate report (Volume VI.), showing that selling for future
   delivery, based upon a forecast of future conditions of supply
   and demand, is an indispensable part of the world’s commercial
   machinery, by which prices are, as far as possible, equalized
   throughout the year to the advantage of both producer and
   consumer. The subject is also treated with clearness and
   impartiality in the Cyclopedia of American Agriculture, in an
   article on ‘Speculation and Farm Prices’; where it is shown
   that since the yearly supply of wheat, for example, matures
   within a comparatively short period of time, somebody must
   handle and store the great bulk of it during the interval
   between production and consumption. Otherwise the price will
   be unduly depressed at the end of one harvest and
   correspondingly advanced before the beginning of another.
   Buying for future delivery causes advances in prices; selling
   short tends to restrain inordinate advances. In each case
   there must be a buyer and a seller, and the interaction of
   their trading steadies prices. Speculation thus brings into
   the market a distinct class of people possessing capital and
   special training who assume the risks of holding and
   distributing the proceeds of the crops from one season to
   another with the minimum of cost to producer and consumer."

FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1909-1910.
   The "Central Bank" Question.

   In Boston, at the outset of President Taft's tour of the
   country in the fall of 1909, he made a speech on financial
   subjects which touched the old question of the need in the
   country of a Central Bank of Issue, as an instrument for the
   automatic or natural regulation of its currency, in quantity
   and distribution. This gave the opening to a revival of
   discussions which have been seldom heard since Jackson’s time.
   A clear, succinct statement of the banking conditions which
   have revived this question, with explanations of what it
   involves, appears in the following, borrowed from a monthly
   financial letter sent out in November by the National City
   Bank of Chicago:

   "The creation of a Central Bank of Issue as a cure for the
   defects of our financial system is of such importance that a
   brief review of the proposition may be of interest to our
   clients:

   "The business of banking is probably as sound in this country
   as in any other. Our individual banks are, as a rule,
   prudently, honestly and capably managed. During normal times
   they deserve and enjoy the confidence of the public which they
   efficiently serve. Yet only two years ago they practically
   suspended because the system—that is the relation of one bank
   to all the others—had collapsed. This occurred while there was
   more gold in the country than existed in several of the other
   leading commercial nations combined, and while nearly all of
   the twenty or more thousand banks in the United States were
   sound, solvent, and in normal condition. With over
   $900,000,000 of gold in the United States Treasury, and
   several hundred millions more in the country, we imported at
   great cost about $100,000,000 chiefly from the coffers of the
   Bank of England, which itself only held $105,000,000.

   "The loss on investments and to general business by such a
   panic as that of 1907 is beyond computation. When we consider
   that we have had several such panics within the memory of
   living men, and that other and poorer countries possess the
   means of avoiding such conditions, we naturally ask what is
   wrong or lacking in our financial system as compared to
   theirs?

   "In times of trouble our reserves scatter. Theirs are massed.
   Our currency is rigid and cannot be quickly expanded to meet
   an emergency. Their currency is capable of instantaneous
   expansion. Our chief gold reserves are in the United States
   Treasury unavailable as a basis for such expansion. Their
   reserves are in great central banks—immediately available for
   currency expansion. Besides, under our national banking
   system, a bank in a non-reserve city with deposits of, say
   $1,000,000, keeps six per cent, or $60,000 in its own vault,
   and nine per cent, or $90,000, to its credit with a reserve
   city bank. In the reserve city bank, however, the $90,000 is
   merely a deposit against which it keeps an actual reserve of
   about $20,000. When trouble comes, therefore, and the bank in
   the non-reserve city decides to increase its cash reserves
   from six to eight per cent it calls upon its reserve agent for
   $20,000 cash, and when the reserve city bank has forwarded
   that amount, it has parted with all the actual reserve it has
   belonging to the non-reserve city bank, and it still has a
   deposit liability on its books of $70,000 against which it
   holds no reserve whatever.

   "As it is a very natural and prudent thing for banks in
   non-reserve cities to increase their cash reserves by at least
   two per cent when trouble threatens, nearly all try to do so
   at the same time, and the result is that the threatened
   trouble becomes a reality. In short, when financial trouble
   threatens in any other great country the system
   provides relief and the danger is avoided, whereas,
   unfortunately, with us every step we take increases the
   trouble and helps it along until it is beyond control.

   "Financial stringency existed in all the leading countries in
   1907. Suspension of specie-payments and actual panic occurred
   only in the United States. They stopped abruptly at our
   borders, and Canada and even Mexico knew nothing of them.
   Manifestly, we need something! There is little difference of
   opinion on that score. But when we begin to discuss the remedy
   we have a wide divergence of views.

   "Many favor asset or credit currency similar to that
   prevailing in Canada. The Canadian System of asset currency is
   excellent when joined to the branch banking system. But it is
   felt that it would be almost impossible to apply it to a
   system containing thousands of individual banks. The
   difficulty is that of providing adequate redemption
   facilities, without which the danger of currency inflation
   could scarcely be avoided. Several schemes to meet this
   difficulty have been suggested, but the best of them seem
   rather unwieldy.

{270}

   "The proposal which seems to be gaining most ground is to
   establish a great semi-government bank to be added to our
   present system. To this bank would be transferred at once the
   government deposits now in national banks, and later a large
   part of the reserves of the banks in the central reserve, and
   possibly also the reserve cities. Like everything else, the
   bank would have to be an evolution. Years would pass before it
   would work into its proper position and exercise its full
   powers. Gradually, it is hoped, the United States Treasury
   could be done away with, and the government taken out of the
   banking business. Then all government funds would be deposited
   with the Central Bank. Its branches would take the place of
   our Sub-Treasuries. It would be a bank of banks, where other
   banks could re-discount their bills, or borrow on securities,
   receiving therefor currency to be issued by the Central Bank.
   This currency would be partly secured by a gold reserve, and
   partly by the general assets of the bank.

   "If the $900,000,000 gold in the United States Treasury in
   1907, held against an equal amount of notes, had been in a
   Central Bank it would have formed a sufficient basis for the
   issue of an additional $900,000,000 of currency, for fifty per
   cent reserve against currency would be ample. For such
   additional issue the Central Bank would, of course, receive
   acceptable banking assets. A far smaller amount, however, than
   $900,000,000 would have averted the panic. It seems clear that
   such an institution would provide the elasticity to our
   currency which we so much need, not only in times of stress,
   but every crop-moving season.

   "There are many details which would require careful study, but
   to many competent to judge, the Central Bank idea seems to be
   the correct solution of the difficulty. The fact that all the
   other important countries of the world have adopted it ought
   to give it weight. Even little Switzerland came to it four
   years ago, and Japan, after adopting a system copied from
   ours, has established a Central Bank patterned after the
   Imperial Bank of Germany.

   "Most of the objections raised seem to be largely based on
   sentiment rather than on argument. It is said to be
   ‘un-American,’ or that it would be ‘used by Wall Street.’ or
   that ‘it would get into politics.’ It would seem to us that if
   the system is the best, it should not be ‘un-American’ to
   adopt it, and that an illegitimate use of it by ‘ Wall Street’
   could easily be guarded against in its organization. To say
   that we cannot trust our government to properly use, and not
   abuse, the powers of a Central Bank is to say that it is
   inferior to the governments of Europe which have wisely used
   such powers for generations.

   "There seems some danger that the bank would not pay unless it
   entered into competition with existing banks for regular
   commercial business; but we must remember that Central Banks
   are not expected to earn large dividends.

   "We predict a long campaign of discussion before the right
   course appears clear to the American people; but it seems to
   us that the arguments advanced for a Central Bank are well
   worthy of the most earnest study."

FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1909-1910.
   Powerful Combination of Banking Interests by J. P. Morgan & Co.

   Early in December, 1909, the powerful banking house of J. P.
   Morgan & Co. obtained control of the Guaranty Trust Company
   and the Equitable Life Assurance Company, which latter
   controls the Equitable and Mercantile trust companies. In the
   former case it purchased the holding of the Harriman estate,
   and in the latter that of Thomas Ryan. At the beginning of the
   following month, by another deal with Mr. Ryan, the same firm
   acquired the Morton and the Fifth Avenue trust companies. The
   combined assets of the Guaranty, Morton, and Fifth Avenue
   trust companies were reported to be $259,000,000. Joined to
   the vast resources of the Equitable Life Assurance Company and
   to those previously controlled by the Morgan Company, the
   financial combination seems overpowering.

FINANCE AND TRADE.

      See,(in this Volume),
      TARIFFS, AND COMBINATIONS.

   ----------FINANCE AND TRADE: End--------

FINLAND: A. D. 1901.
   The Russianizing of the Finnish Army.
   Resistance to the Violation of Constitutional Rights.
   Despotic measures of the Tsar.
   M. de Plehve’s defence.

   The shameful overthrow, in 1899, by the present Tsar of
   Russia, of the ancient constitution of Finland, which had
   preserved its distinct nationality ever since it came, in
   1809, under the Russian crown, is related in Volume VI. of
   this work. Among the measures then undertaken for Russianizing
   Finland—reducing it substantially to the status of a Russian
   province—the most serious was the practical incorporation of
   the Finnish army with the Russian, the law for accomplishing
   which had not been fully carried through when the account of
   events in Volume VI. was closed. It was opposed very
   strenuously by M. Witte, then rising to influence in the
   councils of the Tsar, and seemed not unlikely to be put aside.
   But the worse influences prevailed in the end over the wiser,
   and the proposed measure became law on the 11th of July, 1901.
   It placed all Finnish troops under the orders of the Russian
   commander in Finland, authorized the putting of Finnish
   conscripts into the Russian regiments stationed in Finland,
   and subjected Finnish regiments to service, when required,
   outside of Finland, from which service they had been
   constitutionally exempt hitherto.

   The resistance to this gross violation of time-honored rights
   was universal and determined. Conscripts refused to answer the
   call to military service, subjecting themselves to the
   penalties for desertion, and practically the whole population
   stood ready to protect them. Extensive movements of emigration
   to America and elsewhere were begun. At the same time the
   Tsar’s authority, as the common sovereign of Finland and
   Russia, was used in many ways as autocratically in his
   constitutional realm as in that where his absolutism knew no
   bounds. The powers of the Russian Governor-General of Finland
   were enlarged; the Finnish archives were removed to St.
   Petersburg; Cossacks were sent into the abused country with
   their knouts to quell resistance to the army law; but the
   resistance went on, taking presently a more passive form.
   Communes refused to elect the conscription boards which the
   law prescribed for carrying out the levy of recruits, and
   heavy fines were imposed on them without effect. In November,
   1902, a convention of delegates from all parts of Finland,
   composed largely of peasants and workmen, resolved to
   "continue everywhere, unswervingly, and until legal conditions
   are restored to the country, the passive resistance against
   all measures conflicting with, or calculated to abolish, our
   fundamental laws."

{271}

   An elaborate defence of these Russianizing measures in Finland
   was addressed, in August, 1903, by the Russian Minister of the
   Interior, M. dePlehve, to Mr. W. T. Stead, editor of the
   English Review of Reviews, by way of reply to an "open
   letter" to himself on the subject, by Mr. Stead, published in
   the Review of that month. Concerning the military law,
   M. Plehve wrote:

   "This law, in its application to the new conscription
   regulations, has alleviated the condition of the population of
   Finland. Contrary to the information you have received, the
   military burden laid on the population of the land has not
   been increased by 5,000 recruits annually, but has been
   decreased from 2,000 men to 500 per annum, and latterly to
   280. As you will see, there is in reality no opposition
   between the will of the Emperor of Russia as announced to
   Finland in 1899 and his generous initiative at The Hague
   Conference." At the end of a long exposition of the principles
   of Russian imperial policy, which left it far from clear, the
   Minister said: "I shall give the following answer to your
   entreaty to put an end to the present policy of Russia in
   Finland, which you are pleased to call the policy of General
   Bobrikoff. First of all, it is incorrect to connect the
   present course of Russian policy in Finland with the name of
   the present Governor-General of Finland alone, for, as regards
   the fundamental purpose of his labors, all the advisers and
   servants of his Imperial Majesty who have to do with the
   government of Finland are at one with him in their firm
   conviction that the measures now applied in Finland are called
   for by the pressing requirements of our state. With regard to
   the essence of the question, I repeat that in matters of
   government temporary phenomena should be distinguished from
   permanent ones. The incidental expression of Russian policy,
   necessitated by an open mutiny against the government in
   Finland, will, undoubtedly, be replaced by the former favor of
   the sovereign toward his Finnish subjects, as soon as peace is
   finally restored and the current of social life in that
   country assumes its normal course. Then, certainly, all
   repressive measures will be repealed. But the realization of
   the fundamental aim which the Russian Government has set
   itself in Finland,—i. e., the confirming in that land of the
   principle of imperial unity,—must continue, and it would be
   best of all if this end were attained with the trustful
   cooperation of local workers under the guidance of the
   sovereign to whom Divine Providence has committed the
   destinies of Russia and Finland."

FINLAND: A. D. 1904.
   Assassination of Governor-General Bobrikoff.

   On the 15th of June, 1904, Governor-General Bobrikoff, who had
   been the executor of the Russianizing policy in Finland, and
   was hated accordingly, was shot by a Finnish member of the
   Parliamentary opposition.

FINLAND: A. D. 1905.
   Successful Revolt against the Russianizing Oppressions.
   The Tsar’s Concessions.
   Restoration of Ancient Liberties.

   Taking advantage of the situation in Russia, which tied the
   hands of the Autocrat (see (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D.
   1904-1905), the Finns, by a sudden general rising, drove out
   the Russian officials in their country, took possession of the
   military posts and Government building, and forced the
   Governor, Prince John Obolenski, to send to the Tsar their
   demand for a restoration of their ancient constitutional
   rights which he had taken away (see, in Volume VI. of this
   work, FINLAND: A. D. 1898-1901). The helplessness to which
   their Russian master had been reduced was signified by the
   prompt amiability of his response, in successive manifestoes,
   the first of which bore the following command:

   "By the grace of God, we, Nicholas II., etc., command the
   opening at Helsingfors, December 20, of an extraordinary Diet
   to consider the following questions.

   "First.
   The proposals for the budget of 1906-1907, provisional taxes,
   and a loan for railway construction.

   "Second.
   A bill providing, by a new fundamental law, a parliament for
   Finland on the basis of universal suffrage, with the
   establishment of the responsibility of the local authorities
   to the nation’s deputies.

   "Third.
   Bills granting liberty of the press, of meeting, and of
   unions."

   A subsequent manifesto announced:

   "We have ordered the elaboration of bills reforming the
   fundamental laws for submission to the deputies of the nation,
   and we order the abrogation of the manifesto of February 15,
   1899; the ukase of April 15, 1903, concerning measures for the
   maintenance of public order and tranquillity; the imperial
   ukase of November 23, 1903, according exceptional rights to
   the gendarmerie in the grand duchy; Article 12 of the ukase of
   July 13, 1902, on Finnish legislation; the ukase of September
   21, 1902, on the reform of the Senate and the extension of
   powers of governors; the ukase of April 8, 1903, on
   instructions for the governor-general and the assistant
   governor of Finland; the law of July 25, 1901, on military
   service; the ukase of August 13, 1902, on the duties of civic
   officials in Finland; the ukase of August 27, 1902, on the
   resignation of administrative officials and judicial
   responsibility for offenses and crimes of officials, and the
   ukase of July 15, 1900, on meetings.

   "We further order the Senate to proceed immediately with the
   revision of the other regulations enumerated in the petition,
   and we order the immediate suppression of the censorship.

   "The Senate should prepare bills granting liberty of speech,
   of the press, of meeting, and of union; a national assembly on
   the basis of universal suffrage, and the responsibility of the
   local authorities as soon as possible, in order that the Diet
   may discuss them.

   "We trust that the measures enumerated, being dictated by a
   desire to benefit Finland, will strengthen the ties uniting
   the Finnish nation to its sovereign."

   An article quoted from a Danish magazine tells in a few words
   how the bloodless revolution was accomplished:

   "The weapon used for the purpose of paralyzing the government
   was the general strike. It may be questioned to which class
   belongs the chief part of honor in this struggle. A marvelous
   unity characterized the whole movement. While post, telegraph,
   and railroad traffic was stopped the entire light supply was
   cut off. The strike extended even into the private kitchen,
   and this was one of the reasons which hastened the departure
   of the Russian officials. In the meantime the question was not
   only should Russian guns be directed on Helsingfors, but also
   should personal safety be maintained. That so few
   transgressions of the law occurred with the whole police force
   on strike is a splendid testimony for the Finnish people. The
   revolution in Finland stands hence as an unparalleled example
   of a popular upheaval."

{272}

FINLAND: A. D. 1906.
   Political Enfranchisement of Women.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Russian Measures for the Destruction of the
   Constitutional Autonomy of Finland.

   The reactionary determinations of the Russian Government,
   since it mastered the revolutionary movements of 1905-1906, are
   revealed in nothing else more plainly than in its steady
   pursuance of measures to extinguish the degree of autonomy
   which belongs to Finland, under the constitution that was
   confirmed to its people by the Tsar Alexander I., after he had
   taken their country from the Swedish crown.

      See, in Volume IV. of this work,
      SCANDINAVIAN STATES: A. D. 1807-1810.

   One of the most arbitrary of the early measures in this
   direction was the assumption by the Tsar, in June, 1908, of a
   right to confer on the Russian Council of Ministers certain
   powers of control over Finnish legislation. The protests of
   the Diet and Senate of Finland against this and other attacks
   on their constitutional rights led to a dissolution of the
   Diet, and the election of a new representative body, early in
   May, 1909. The election produced substantially the same
   popular representation in the new Diet that had characterized
   its predecessor, and its attitude toward the autocratic
   invasion of Finnish rights was the same. The Socialists
   received 79,447 votes. The party of the Old Finns which
   inclines to submissiveness polled a total of 52,396. The
   Constitutional parties, the Young Finns and the Swedes,
   received respectively 28,711 and 15,885 votes, while the
   Agrarian-Socialists got 13,648 and the Christian Workmen 6172.
   The Old Finns stand alone against the other parties.

   Meantime, the Tsar, in sanctioning an Act of the previous
   Diet, after its dissolution, had done it in terms that were
   deemed contrary to the Constitution of Finland, and the
   Senate, which is composed of members appointed by the Tsar,
   petitioned him for a modification of them. His reply was a
   rebuke and a command that they promulgate the law, and thus
   accept his misconstruction of the Constitution. Thereupon the
   Vice-President of the Senate and four of its members resigned.
   The remaining five, pliant to the imperial will, voted with
   the presiding Governor-General for the promulgation of the
   law.

   In the course of the next few months other demands were made
   on the Finns which even the imperial appointees of the Senate
   could not yield to. In October, an Imperial rescript decreed
   that military service legislation for Finland should be
   withdrawn from the competence of the Finnish Diet and
   transferred to the Imperial Legislature; and that until such
   legislation is enacted Finland should pay into the Russian
   exchequer an annual contribution of 10,000,000 marks
   ($2,000,000), to be increased gradually to 20,000.000 marks.
   This left the Finnish Diet no voice in the appropriation. The
   five members who had remained in the Senate when their four
   colleagues resigned now intimated their intention to withdraw.
   On the 14th of October the four vacant seats were filled by an
   appointment of naval and military officers who were said to be
   "technically Finnish citizens," but all of whom, save one, had
   spent their lives in Russia. A month later, November 17, a
   Press despatch from Helsingfors made the following
   announcement: "At an all-night session which ended to-day the
   Finnish Diet rejected the government bill providing for
   Finland’s contribution to the Russian military appropriation.
   A resolution was adopted requesting the Emperor to reintroduce
   the measure in a constitutional form. The dissolution of the
   Diet is expected. The Emperor has accepted the resignations of
   the Finnish Senators who refused to remain in office if the
   Russian demand for a big military appropriation by Finland was
   pressed." The expectation of another dissolution of the Diet
   by the Tsar, as the consequence of this action, was realized
   the next day.

   Some months prior to this time a joint committee of Russians
   and Finns had been appointed to formulate rules or principles
   that should apply with authority in future to legislation for
   Finland. Agreement between the two constituents of this
   Russo-Finnish committee appears to have been impossible from
   the beginning. They were hopelessly opposed in their views of
   the relation existing between the constitutional Grand Duchy
   of Finland and the autocratic Empire of Russia, by virtue of
   their having a common sovereign. Toward the end of November
   their failure to come to any agreement was made known; and on
   the 22d of December a despatch from St. Petersburg announced
   that "the conclusion of the labours of the Russo-Finnish
   Commission, resulting in a perfunctory majority vote of the
   Russian members in favour of the reduction of the Finnish
   Constitution to a provincial autonomy, is deplored by most of
   the newspapers. The Finnish members apprehend a military
   dictatorship."

   The St. Petersburg correspondent of The Times had
   previously stated what the prescription of the Russian
   majority of the Committee would be. They maintain, he wrote,
   that "there never was a Constitution granted to Finland
   binding on Russia as the Sovereign Power, and that, therefore,
   a new order of procedure can be established independently of
   the Finnish authorities by an Act of legislation passed by the
   Russian Legislature alone. They have drawn up a list of
   matters to come under the new procedure. According to this
   list all legislation on such matters as the Russian language
   in Finland, the principles of Finnish administration, police,
   administration of justice, public education, formation of
   business companies and of associations, public meetings,
   Press, importation of foreign literature, Customs tariffs,
   literary and artistic copyright, monetary system, means of
   communication, including pilot and lighthouse service, and
   many other subjects, shall be enacted by the Imperial
   legislative organs. The Finnish Diet shall be entirely ignored
   in such matters, while there is a provision for some cases
   that the opinion of the Finnish Senate shall be taken.

   "It is difficult to understand what legislative matters are to
   be left for the Finnish Diet to deal with; but it seems that
   the Russian members are not sure that they have covered the
   whole ground, for their project contains a clause to the
   effect that additions to their list may be made by means of
   Imperial legislation.

{273}

   "It is proposed that Finland shall be represented in the
   Russian Duma by five members, one of whom shall be elected by
   Russian residents in Finland who are not Finnish citizens,
   whilst the Finnish Diet shall send one member to the Council
   of Empire."

   The first movement, probably, on these new lines of imperial
   government for Finland, was that reported in a Reuter message
   from St. Petersburg, December 24, as follows:

   "The Cabinet has approved new regulations whereby all
   documents issued by the Chancellery of the Governor-General of
   Finland shall be worded in Russian without a Finnish or
   Swedish translation."

FINLAND: A. D. 1910.
   Fresh Elections to the Finnish Diet.
   The Russian Duma assuming authority over Finland.

   A new Diet, chosen at elections held early in February, 1910,
   is composed as follows:
   Old Finns, 42;
   Young Finns, 28;
   Swedish People’s party, 26;
   Social Democrats, 86;
   Agrarians, 17;
   Christian Labor party, 1.

   Fifteen women were elected, nine of them by the Social
   Democrats.

   Just as this matter goes into type, a despatch from St.
   Petersburg, March 30, 1910, announces the introduction of a
   bill in the Russian Duma assuming authority in that body over
   Finland.

FINSEN, Niels Ryberg.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

FIRE, Great calamities of.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALTIMORE;
      CHICAGO;
      NEW YORK CITY;
      SAN FRANCISCO;
      OSAKA.

FISCAL REFORM, Mr. Joseph Chamberlain’s programme of.

      See (in this Volume)
      England: A. D. 1903 (May-September).

FISCHER, Emil.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

FISHER, Andrew:
   Prime Minister of Australia.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA; A. D. 1908, and 1909 (MAY-JUNE).

FISHERIES:
   Newfoundland.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND.

FISHES, FOOD:
   Convention for their Preservation and Propagation in the
   Waters contiguous to the United States and Canada.

      See (in this Volume)
      FOOD FISHES.

FIVE CIVILIZED TRIBES:
   End of their Autonomy.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIANS, AMERICAN.

FLOODS.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA; A. D. 1906-1907, and
      FRANCE: A. D. 1910.

FOLK, Joseph Wingate:
   Prosecutor of Municipal Thievery and Corruption in St. Louis.
   Governor of Missouri.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

FOOD FISHES:
   Convention respecting their Protection, Preservation, and
   Propagation in the Waters contiguous to the United States
   and Canada.

   The following are the articles of a Convention negotiated at
   Washington and signed by Ambassador James Bryce, for the
   Government of Great Britain, and by Secretary Elihu Root, for
   that of the United States, on the 11th of April, 1908.
   Ratifications of the Convention were exchanged on the 4th of
   June:

   "ARTICLE 1.
   The times, seasons, and methods of fishing in the waters
   contiguous to the United States and Canada as specified in
   Article 4 of this Convention, and the nets, engines, gear,
   apparatus, and appliances which may be used therein, shall be
   fixed and determined by uniform and common international
   regulations, restrictions, and provisions; and to that end the
   High Contracting Parties agree to appoint, within three months
   after this Convention is proclaimed, a Commission to be known
   as the International Fisheries Commission, consisting of one
   person named by each Government.

   "ARTICLE 2.
   It shall be the duty of this International Fisheries
   Commission, within six months after being named, to prepare a
   system of uniform and common International Regulations for the
   protection and preservation of the food fishes in each of the
   waters prescribed in Article 4 of this Convention, which
   Regulations shall embrace close seasons, limitations as to the
   character, size, and manner of use of nets, engines, gear,
   apparatus, and other appliances; a uniform system of registry
   by each Government in waters where required for the more
   convenient regulation of commercial fishing by its own
   citizens or subjects within its own territorial waters or any
   part of such waters; an arrangement for concurrent measures
   for the propagation of fish; and such other provisions and
   measures as the Commission shall deem necessary.

   "ARTICLE 3.
   The two Governments engage to put into operation and to
   enforce by legislation and executive action, with as little
   delay as possible, the Regulations, restrictions, and
   provisions with appropriate penalties for all breaches
   thereof; and the date when they shall be put into operation
   shall be fixed by the concurrent proclamations of the
   President of the United States and the Governor-General of the
   Dominion of Canada in Council.

   "And it is further agreed that jurisdiction shall be exercised
   by either Government, as well over citizens or subjects of
   either party apprehended for violation of the Regulations in
   any of its own waters to which said Regulations apply, as over
   its own citizens or subjects found within its own jurisdiction
   who shall have violated said Regulations within the waters of
   the other party.

   "ARTICLE 4.
   It is agreed that the waters within which the aforementioned
   Regulations are to be applied shall be as follows:
   (1) The territorial waters of Passamaquoddy Bay;
   (2) the St. John and St. Croix Rivers;
   (3) Lake Memphremagog:
   (4) Lake Champlain;
   (5) the St. Lawrence River, where the said River constitutes
       the International Boundary;
   (6) Lake Ontario;
   (7) the Niagara River;
   (8) Lake Erie;
   (9) the waters connecting Lake Erie and Lake Huron,
       including Lake St. Clair;
   (10) Lake Huron, excluding Georgian Bay but including
        North Channel;
   (11) St. Mary’s River and Lake Superior;
   (12) Rainy River and Rainy Lake;
   (13) Lake of the Woods;
   (14) the Strait of San Juan de Fuca, those parts of
        Washington Sound, the Gulf of Georgia and Puget Sound
        lying between the parallels of 48° 10' and 49° 20';
   (15) and such other contiguous waters as may be
        recommended by the International Fisheries Commission and
        approved by the two Governments.

   It is agreed on the part of Great Britain that the Canadian
   Government will protect by adequate regulations the food
   fishes frequenting the Fraser River.

   "The two Governments engage to have prepared as soon as
   practicable charts of the waters described in this Article,
   with the International Boundary Line indicated thereon; and to
   establish such additional boundary monuments, buoys, and marks
   as may be recommended by the Commission.

{274}

   "ARTICLE 5.
   The International Fisheries Commission shall continue in
   existence so long as this Convention shall be in force, and
   each Government shall have the power to fill, and shall fill
   from time to time, any vacancy which may occur in its
   representation on the Commission. Each Government shall pay
   its own Commissioner, and any joint expenses shall be paid by
   the two Governments in equal moieties.

   "ARTICLE 6.
   The Regulations, restrictions, and provisions provided for in
   this Convention shall remain in force for a period of four
   years from the date of their executive promulgation, and
   thereafter until one year from the date when either the
   Government of Great Britain or of the United States shall give
   notice to the other of its desire for their revision; and
   immediately upon such notice being given the Commission shall
   proceed to make a revision thereof, which Revised Regulations,
   if adopted and promulgated by the President of the United
   States and the Governor-General of Canada in Council, shall
   remain in force for another period of four years and
   thereafter until one year from the date when a further notice
   of revision is given as above provided in this Article. It
   shall, however, be in the power of the two Governments, by
   joint or concurrent action upon the recommendation of the
   Commission, to make modifications at any time in the
   Regulations.

   "ARTICLE 7.
   The present Convention shall be duly ratified by His Britannic
   Majesty and by the President of the United States, by and with
   the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and the
   ratifications shall be exchanged in Washington as soon as
   practicable."

FOOD LAWS.

      See (in this Volume )
      PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS.

FORESTS, Conservation of.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

FORMOSA:
   Earthquake in.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES: FORMOSA: A. D. 1906.

FORMOSA:
   Japanese Dealing with the Opium Problem.

      See (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

FORTIS MINISTRY.

      See (in this Volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1905-1906.

FOSTER, John W.:
   On the American Violation of Treaties with China.

      See (in this Volume )
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

FOSTER, Volney W.:
   Delegate to Second International Conference of
   American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

FOUNDATION FOR THE PROMOTION OF INDUSTRIAL PEACE.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

   ----------FRANCE: Start--------

FRANCE: A. D. 1870-1905.
   Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

FRANCE: A. D. 1896-1906.
   Encroachments of the French Algerian Boundary on Morocco.

      See Morocco: A. D. 1896-1906.

FRANCE: A. D. 1900.
   Comparative Statement of the Consumption of Alcoholic Drink.
   Its Increase.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

FRANCE: A. D. 1902.
   Purchase of Franchises and Property of the French Panama
   Canal Company by the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      PANAMA CANAL.

FRANCE: A. D. 1902.
   Favored footing in Abyssinia.
   Railway Projects.

      See (in this Volume)
      ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

FRANCE: A. D. 1902.
   French Central Africa.
   Explorations.
   A Land-locked Empire.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: FRENCH CENTRAL.

FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (April-October).
   Elections to the Chamber of Deputies.
   Resignation of Waldeck-Rousseau.
   Formation of a Radical Ministry under M. Combes.
   Enforcement of the Law of Associations.
   Closing of unauthorized schools.

   The first ballot in elections to the Chamber of Deputies was
   cast on the 27th of April, producing 413 conclusive elections
   and leaving 178 to be decided by a second vote. The new
   Chamber met on the 1st of June, and elected for its president,
   M. Leon Bourgeois, by a vote of 303 against 267. On the
   following day M. Waldeck-Rousseau, who had been at the head of
   the Ministry for three years—an exceptional term of
   premiership in France—resigned, on the plea that his task was
   done. A new Radical Cabinet was then formed by M. Émile
   Combes, which announced a moderate programme on the 10th, and
   received the declared support of 312 members, against 116 in
   opposition and 149 who took neutral ground. Of the previous
   Cabinet, M. Delcassé retained the portfolio of Foreign Affairs
   and General Andre that of War. The session was short and
   little was done.

   In the following months great excitement and much disorder in
   parts of the country, especially in Brittany, was caused by
   proceedings taken to enforce the law concerning Associations,
   passed in the previous year.

      See in Volume VI.
      FRANCE: A. D. 1901.

   Some religious orders—teaching orders and others—had refused
   or neglected to register themselves and obtain authorization,
   as required by the law, and these were now to be closed. In
   many cases there was resistance to the closing of the
   unauthorized schools. In a few cases there was a refusal by
   military officers to obey commands for the assistance of their
   soldiery in enforcing the law. Magistrates, too, opposed the
   government, and a majority of the councils in the departments
   of France withheld their support. Nevertheless the government
   proceeded firmly in the matter and the provisions of the law
   were carried out. When the Chambers were reconvened in October
   the burning subject came up for fierce discussion, and the
   attitude and acts of the Combes Ministry were approved in the
   Chamber of Deputies by 329 against 233.

FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (May).
   Courtesies at the unveiling of a Monument to
   Marshal de Rochambeau, at Washington.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (October).
   Strikes in the Coal Mines and on the Docks at Marseilles.

      See (in this Volume)
      Labor Organization:
      FRANCE: A. D. 1902.

FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (October).
   Treaty with Siam.
   Acquisition of more territory.

      See (in this Volume)
      SIAM: A. D. 1902.

{275}

FRANCE: A. D. 1903.
   Elections to the Senate.
   Execution of the Associations Law.
   Closing of Schools and Houses of the Religious Orders.
   Resistance and Rioting encouraged by Magistrates.
   State Monopoly of Education established.
   Building new Schoolhouses.

   Elections for a section of the Senate, occurring early in
   January, 1903, went favorably for the Government. M. Fallières
   was reëlected President of that body, while M. Bourgeois was
   seated again in the presiding chair of the lower Chamber. The
   Combes Ministry was strengthened in its hold of power by the
   continued agitation that attended the execution of the
   Associations Law as applied to the religious orders and
   brotherhoods.

      See in Volume VI. of this work,
      FRANCE: A. D. 1901.

   Its support was a shifting one, made up sometimes by one
   combination of the many party divisions in the Chambers and
   sometimes by another; but it did not fail throughout the year
   to find somewhere a majority that would not allow a political
   crisis to be brought on. Everywhere the closing of the schools
   and houses of the unauthorized associations was resisted with
   increasing determination, and the proceeding became too much
   retarded to satisfy the supporters of the law. Objection was
   raised to the separate dealing with questions of authorization
   for this and that order or congregation, and the Government
   was called upon to name at once to the Chambers the whole list
   of institutions which it would have authorizations refused to.
   In March this demand was acceded to, so far as concerned the
   male congregations, and a great debate, of a fortnight’s
   duration, in the Chamber of Deputies, resulted in the refusal
   of authorization to all the teaching, preaching, and
   contemplative orders, of Redemptorists, Capuchins,
   Benedictines, Dominicans, and Passionists. A few months later
   the same entire refusal of authorization to the teaching
   orders of women was voted, but by a diminished majority.

   The Clericals, on their side, were as energetic as the parties
   of the Government, and were supported very generally by the
   magistracy of the country at large, which dealt so leniently
   with the resistance and rioting provoked by the enforcement of
   the law that the Government was left practically dependent on
   the army and the police. The army, too, was a doubtful
   instrument of authority in many cases, numerous officers of
   all grades resigning to escape the repugnant mandate of law.
   The most threatening situation arose in Brittany, consequent
   on the inauguration of a monument to Renan, which the
   Catholics regarded as an insult to the Church.

   One final step in the secularizing of education in France was
   taken late in the year, by the passing of a bill which
   practically established a State monopoly of education, by
   repealing a law of 1850 that abolished such monopoly. By the
   new law all members of any religious order, authorized or
   unauthorized, were forbidden to engage in teaching.

   The extent to which the schools of the religious congregations
   were being closed involved a great expenditure for building
   new schoolhouses, and the Government had difficulty in passing
   an Act which laid the cost of this provision on the communes,
   instead of accepting it for the state at large. It carried the
   Act, however, notwithstanding the opposition of M.
   Waldeck-Rousseau.

FRANCE: A. D. 1904.
   Rivalry with England in the Persian Gulf.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1904.

FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (April).
   The Agreements of the Entente Cordiale with England.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (June-July).
   Groundless charges against the Premier.

   A great public scandal was raised in June by charges against
   the Premier, M. Combes, that he had tried to force the
   Chartreux monks to buy the right of remaining in France.
   Investigation showed that bold swindlers had attempted to
   obtain money from the monks on the pretence of being able to
   buy such permission for them. As the result of the
   investigation the President of the Council and his colleagues
   were vindicated by an almost unanimous vote of the Chamber of
   Deputies.

FRANCE: A. D. 1904-1909.
   General Consequences in Europe of the Weakening of Russia in
   the Russo-Japanese War.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

FRANCE: A. D. 1905.
   Action with other Powers in forcing Financial Reforms in
   Macedonia on Turkey.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
   The Separation of Church and State.
   Preceding Contentions.
   Measures and Proceedings of the Separation,
   as recounted by writers of each Party.

   The separation of Church and State in France involved the
   nullification of the Concordat, negotiated by Napoleon I. with
   Pope Pius VII. in 1802, and of what are known as the Organic
   Statutes, promulgated by the French Government at the same
   time.

      See (in Volume IV. of this work)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1808-1814.

   The former was in the nature of a treaty; the latter was not.
   The French Government claimed rights under both; the Roman
   Church acknowledged no force in the Statutes that could be
   binding on itself. This difference, which entered into much of
   the controversy preceding the measures taken by the Government
   to separate the State from the Church, is explained in the
   first quotation below,—following which, two accounts are
   given of some among those controversies, and of the
   proceedings connected with the adoption and execution of the
   Act of Separation,—one account written from the view-point of
   the Government and the other from that of the Church:

   "The Concordat consists of a preamble and seventeen statutes.
   It is a reciprocal contract between the temporal and spiritual
   powers, and is therefore at the same time State law and Church
   law. The preamble states that the Catholic, Apostolic, and
   Roman religion is that of the great majority of the French
   people; it does not say that it is ‘the religion of France,’
   as the Holy See would have wished, and consequently it does
   not restore to the Catholic religion its former character of
   being a State religion. After establishing a new distribution
   of the French dioceses, it directs that the bishops shall be
   ‘nominated’ by the Government and ‘installed’ by the Pope. The
   alienation of ecclesiastical property, effected by the
   Revolution, is definitely sanctioned. In return the Government
   undertakes, as had already been done by the Constituent
   Assembly, to secure ‘a reasonable allowance to the bishops and
   curés, whose dioceses and parishes will be included in the new
   arrangement,’ and to take ‘measures to allow French Catholics
   to make foundations in favour of churches if they wish.’

{276}

   "As regards the Organic Statutes, promulgated at the same
   time as the Concordat, 18th April, 1802, they proclaim that no
   bull, pastoral letter, or writing of any kind from the Holy
   See shall be published in France without the authority of the
   Government; no council, general or special, shall be held
   without this authority. There must be no other delegate from
   Rome in France besides the Nuncio, the official representative
   of the Sovereign Pontiff. Any infraction on the part of the
   clergy of the provisions either of the Concordat or of French
   law is referred to the Council of State, who must decide if
   there has been any abuse. The Organic Statutes were equally
   concerned with questions relating to discipline, doctrine, and
   even dogma—which are purely spiritual questions. They
   therefore not only upheld the Declaration of 1682 as a
   declaration of the principles of the Gallican Church, but also
   expected all the professors to teach it in the seminaries.
   According to the Concordat, bishops had a right to appoint
   curés; the Organic Statutes obliged them to obtain the
   approval of the Government for their appointments.

   "Although the Organic Statutes are, with the Concordat, part
   of one and the same State law, they must not be considered to
   be entirely on the same footing. The Concordat concluded
   between the two powers binds them together; the Organic
   Statutes, an exclusive product of the French Government, never
   received the sanction of the Papal authority. They were, on
   the contrary, a source of further quarrels with the Roman
   Court. Even in our days, they frequently lead to conflict, the
   representatives of the Church having refused, on various
   occasions, to recognise the validity of decisions made in
   virtue of these Statutes by the French Government."

      Jules Legrand,
      Church and State in France
      (Contemporary Review, May, 1901).

FRANCE:
   Measures and Proceedings of the Separation as recounted
   by its Advocates.

   "The action of the Republic in suppressing the religious
   orders had produced strained relations between it and the
   Vatican. This was intensified by the ‘nominavit nobis’
   controversy. In the Bulls instituting some bishops whom the
   President had nominated, and which had to have the sanction of
   the Government before they could be published and be valid in
   France, the Vatican had inserted the word ‘nobis,’ implying
   that the President had merely nominated the bishop to the Pope
   for appointment and that the appointment was really in the
   hands of the Pope. The French Government, under the guidance
   of M. Combes, the Premier and Minister of Public Worship,
   insisted that this word must be removed before the bull was
   sanctioned, and as both sides refused to yield no bishop was
   instituted. Relations were still further strained by the visit
   of the President to the King of Italy. … To visit the King was
   to insult the Pope by disregarding the protest made by him
   against the occupation of Rome. President Loubet was the first
   Roman Catholic ruler who ventured to disregard the feelings
   and protests of the Pope. From the 24th to the 28th April,
   1904, M. Loubet was the guest of King Victor Emmanuel, and
   gave no intimation to the Pope of his intention to visit Rome,
   and did not include a visit to the Vatican in his programme.
   On the 28th of April, Cardinal Merry del Val sent to the
   representatives of the Curia at the Courts of all the Roman
   Catholic powers in the world, to be communicated to the
   Governments to which they were commissioned, a protest against
   the action of the French Government. … The French Government
   replied by recalling its ambassador from the Vatican and
   breaking off diplomatic relations with the Pope.

   "In the summer of the same year the friction between the
   French Government and the Vatican was increased by the cases
   of the bishops of Laval and Dijon. Bishop Geay of Laval, in
   his opening discourse in his cathedral, had proclaimed his
   adherence to the Republic and his desire to be the shepherd of
   all his flock. He denounced Orleanism and refused to support
   reactionaries at the elections. … He was summoned to appear at
   Rome. He submitted the summons to the Government, as he was
   required by the Organic Articles to do, and he was refused
   permission to leave his diocese. Subsequently, under threats
   of excommunication, he went, and was immediately informed by
   the Minister of Public Worship that his salary was stopped
   from the day he left his diocese without permission. A similar
   summons to Mgr. Le Nordez, Bishop of Dijon, led to similar
   results. …

   "In the month of October, 1904, M. Combes, replying to several
   interpellations addressed to the Government, reviewed the
   history of the relations of the Vatican to the Republic since
   its foundation in 1870, and showed that there had been a
   continuous disregard of the Concordat and of the Organic
   Articles by the Vatican, and that clericalism had been the
   most inveterate enemy of the Republic. He showed that no
   stipulations could safeguard the rights of the State, which
   were denied by the doctrines of the Catholic Church. The
   confidence of the Chamber was expressed by a vote of 548 to
   88. In November he introduced a Bill for the separation of
   Church and State, which was referred to a Commission, by which
   it was adopted on the 2nd December. In the middle of January,
   1905, M. Combes, owing to resentment at certain incidents in
   connection with the administration of the army, carried a vote
   of confidence by a majority of only ten votes and resigned.
   Before the end of the month a new Cabinet under the presidency
   of M. Rouvier, retaining several members of M. Combes’
   administration, was formed, which asserted its determination
   to carry out the policy of its predecessor in its relations
   with the Vatican. The Chamber of Deputies referred to a new
   Commission all the Bills dealing with the question of Church
   and State which had been presented to it, including that of M.
   Combes. Instead of adopting any one of them, the Commission
   decided to draft its own Bill, and shortly afterwards
   presented to the Chamber a Bill which engaged the close
   attention of the deputies for several months in the spring and
   summer of the year 1905. It passed through the Chamber on the
   3rd of July, and was sent to the Senate the following day. …
   The Senate made no alterations in the Bill, and it became law
   on the 6th of December, 1905."

      John A. Bain,
      The New Reformation, chapter 17
      (T. and T. Clark, Edinburgh, 1900).

{277}

   "The law of the 9th of December, 1905, which put an end to the
   regime of the Concordat and substituted that of separation
   between Church and State, had been promulgated on the 11th of
   December, 1905. It was to come into effect a year after its
   promulgation. The Protestants and the Israelites had accepted
   it even before it was passed; but they represented an
   infinitesimal minority, and it was not that minority that the
   legislators had had in view when they framed the law of
   separation. The one question in the matter was that of the
   attitude that would be taken by the Catholics,—the counsels
   that would come to them from Rome.

   "In the French Episcopate there were two opposing currents of
   opinion, one for acceptance of the law, under certain
   reserves, the other for resistance. In the latter part of
   November, 1905, some bishops met in Paris and agreed that
   energetic efforts must be made to prevent action at Rome on
   misinformation as to the situation of the Church in France and
   the state of mind prevailing in it. Monseigneur Fulbert Petit,
   Archbishop of Besançon, was their chosen envoy, and in the
   following January he repaired to Rome. There he met other
   bishops who had come to give counsels to the Pope that were
   not pacific; and he met, also, the Père Le Doré, former
   superior of the dissolved congregation of the Eudistes, well
   known for his uncompromising opinions and his aggressive
   temper, but who had been commissioned to convey to Rome the
   proceedings of the meeting of French cardinals at Paris, on
   the 28th of December, which showed a majority in favor of the
   acceptance of the law. At the same time, an important meeting
   of bishops was held at Albi, under the presidency of Monsignor
   Mignot, the majority at which meeting, notably the Archbishop
   who received them and the Archbishop of Toulouse, Monsignor
   Germain, made no secret of their desire to adjust themselves
   to the law, according to the expression of Cardinal Lecot.

   "But nothing said or done drew the Pope from the silence which
   he kept. Then it was rumored that the head of the Church would
   reserve his decision until a general assembly of the French
   episcopate, which the French cardinals had advised, could be
   held, to propose a solution of the question. This, however,
   was contradicted positively by the party which urged
   resistance to the law.

   "Such was the situation when the Government, obliged to
   act,—since the period of delay fixed by the law was only a
   year,—came to the first proceedings which the Act prescribed.
   Article 43 of the law provided for administrative rules, of
   which the part relating to inventories appeared logically the
   first, that being the operation which needed consideration
   before all others. The second part of the regulations had to
   do with the life pensions and temporary provisions accorded to
   the ministers of religion. The regulation concerning pensions
   and provisions was published in the Journal Official of
   January 20, 1906. [Article 11 of the Act assigned to priests
   or ministers of more than sixty years of age, who had been not
   less than thirty years in an ecclesiastical service salaried
   by the state, a yearly life pension of three-fourths of their
   former stipend. To those under sixty years of age and above
   forty-five, whose service had been for less than thirty years
   but not less than twenty, it assigned one-half of their
   previous compensation.] …

   "The first executive act imposed on the Government was the
   inventorying of the property, movable and fixed, belonging to
   the State, to the departments or to the communes, of which the
   establishments of public worship had had the use. Article 3 of
   the law required this to be proceeded with immediately after
   its promulgation. This article had been voted in the Chamber
   and in the Senate by very large majorities, and, so to speak,
   without discussion, so rational and judicial it seemed to be.
   In fact, as the existence of the public establishments of
   worship came to an end with the regime of the Concordat, the
   succession to them was left open, and an inventory,
   descriptive and estimative, of their property, was a necessary
   measure preliminary to any devolution of such property,
   dependent on that succession. … Being one of those
   conservative measures which attack no right and leave a
   continuous state of things, there was no expectation of much
   feeling about it among Catholics. … Apparently, the consistent
   attitude on the part of Catholics, provisionally, at least,
   and until the Pope had spoken, would be one of calm, of
   prudence, of expectancy. Such was the purport of the
   instructions given by the bishops, even by the most combative.
   These latter, while condemning the law with vehemence, did not
   counsel a recourse to force against the agents appointed to
   make the inventory. They required but one thing of their
   priests and of the administrators of parish property, which
   was that they should not coöperate in the work, and that they
   should make declaration that their non-resistance did not
   imply acceptance of the law.

   "On the 29th of December, 1905, a first decree for regulating
   the procedure was issued by the Council of State. This was
   followed by a circular from the Minister of Finance which, it
   must be confessed, roused a justifiable feeling among the
   Catholics. From one phrase in that circular it could be
   understood that the officials making the inventory were
   authorized to demand the opening of the tabernacles. M.
   Groussau questioned the Minister on the subject, and M. Merlou
   cleared away all misunderstanding by replying that officials
   were to accept the declaration of the curé of a church as to
   the contents of its tabernacle; and that they had been
   instructed to avoid everything that could give pain to pious
   minds. The Abbé Gayraud recognized that these decisions of the
   Government were in conformity with the instructions of the
   Cardinal Archbishop of Paris, and the interpellation was
   withdrawn.

   "The inventories were begun at once after this decision of the
   question of the tabernacles. At first there was no disorder.
   The bishops, notably those of Toulouse, of Rouen, of Albi, of
   Besançon, of Arras and Chartres, and their curés, from their
   example, confined themselves to the reading of a protestation
   to the receiver of the registration, after which the receiver
   was left free to fulfil his mission. But soon, in some
   dioceses, particularly in Paris, in the West, and in one part
   of the Center, the inventorying was made the pretext for
   demonstrations more political than religious, organized by
   enthusiasts or by political cliques. Generally the clergy were
   passively present at these demonstrations. …
{278}
   These tumultuous manifestations, at the head of which the most
   conspicuous personalities of the reactionary opposition were
   often seen, ended by degenerating into veritable riots,
   necessitating the intervention of troops, and leading finally
   to bloody conflicts."

      René Wallier,
      Le Vingtième Siècle Politique, Annee 1906,
      pages 123-132.

   It was not until the 17th of February that the silence of the
   Pope on the matters that were agitating France and the Papal
   Church was broken. Then the "Encyclical Vehementer," so named,
   according to custom, from its first word, was published.

FRANCE:
   Measures and proceedings of the separation as recounted
   by opponents.

   "In the first period of his premiership M. Combes was not
   prepared either to denounce the Concordat or to separate the
   churches from the State, simply because he found public
   opinion not yet ripe for either measure. Later he thought he
   saw in adopting this course a means of prolonging his official
   existence, a matter of considerable importance to a country
   doctor like himself without large private resources. Having
   slaughtered nearly all religious congregations or prepared
   their ultimate extinction, Combes appeared to seek no further
   occupation for himself and to fortify his position by
   attacking the Church itself, whose secular clergy he had so
   recently praised and sought to protect from unfair and ‘unjust
   concurrence or competition with the regulars!’ Like
   Waldeck-Rousseau, Combes saw here an opportunity to ‘save’ the
   Republic from ‘clerical reaction.' Throughout its whole
   discreditable history this third Republic of France has only
   been kept alive by being periodically ‘saved’ by some clever
   politician from ‘perils’ conjured up to terrorize the
   peasantry, who still recall the misery of their ancestors in
   the old régime and the misfortunes of France in the
   downfall of the first and second Empires. … The Pope
   protested, in March, 1904, against the bad faith and infamous
   aggressions of the French Government in the matter of
   religious education and those imparting it, and M. Delcassé,
   through the French Ambassador at the Vatican, protested
   against the Papal protest. In the following month M. Loubet,
   as President of the French Republic, visited the King of Italy
   at Rome, at the same time politely, but significantly,
   ignoring the existence of the Pope and the Vatican, at which
   court France then had accredited an Ambassador! Then followed
   the protest of the Vatican, addressed directly to the French
   Government, and the protest simultaneously sent to all the
   powers where Papal Nuncios are in residence. …

   "In March, 1904, had arisen the trouble in the Diocese of
   Dijon, France, which culminated in students of the diocesan
   seminary refusing to receive ordination from the hands of the
   Bishop, Monsignor Le Nordez. The Bishop of Dijon was,
   unfortunately, not the only one of the French episcopate
   claiming to be a ‘victim of hatred, deceit and calumny.’
   Almost from the commencement of his episcopate Monsignor Geay,
   Bishop of Laval, was attacked by accusations filed at Rome,
   charges which were examined into during the Pontificate of Leo
   XIII., and which led the Holy Office to advise the Bishop to
   resign his see. It was then (in 1900) thought at Rome that in
   the local conditions actually then existing it was impossible
   for Monsignor Geay to govern the diocese with the necessary
   authority and efficacy. Monsignor Geay agreed to resign,
   provided he received another bishopric in France. This
   condition appeared unacceptable to the Vatican, but no further
   action was taken in this case until May 17, 1904, when by
   order of Pius X. the request for the Bishop’s resignation was
   renewed, and in case it was not forthcoming within a specified
   time an ecclesiastical trial was intimated as inevitable.
   Notwithstanding the secret and private character of this last
   letter emanating from the Holy Office, Monsignor Geay
   communicated its contents to the French Government. Combes and
   Delcassé, jealous of the prerogatives of the French State and
   presumably caring little for the honor of the French
   episcopate, notified Cardinal Merry del Val (by the acting
   Charge d’ Affaires) ‘that if the letter of May 17 is not
   annulled the government will be led to take the measures that
   a like derogation of the compact which binds France and the
   Holy See admits of.’ The Papal Nuncio at Paris explained to M.
   Delcassé that this was not a threat of deposition of the
   Bishop without a decision of the French Government, but an
   invitation to the Bishop to meet the charges by a voluntary
   resignation.

   "As regards Monsignor Le Nordez and Monsignor Geay,
   respectively Bishops of Dijon and Laval, their long hesitation
   between the wishes of the French Government and the will of
   the Holy See ended by the departure of both of them for Rome.
   The government then promptly suppressed their salaries and
   after they had (under virtual pressure) placed their
   ‘voluntary resignation’ in the hands of the Holy Father, an
   allowance from the funds of the Vatican was made to each of
   them. They have since lived in France in a retirement, varied
   at first by interviews of Monsignor Geay with reporters that
   have since happily ceased. The severance of diplomatic
   relations with the Vatican was completed by a note from M.
   Delcassé to the Papal Nuncio at Paris stating that in
   consequence of the rupture of diplomatic relations between
   France and the Vatican ‘the mission of the Nuncio would
   henceforth be deprived of scope.’ In the parliamentary session
   of November 26, 1904, the credit for the Embassy at the
   Vatican was stricken from the budget. …

   "After the downfall of Combes, through the odium attaching to
   his spy system, the Minister of the Interior and of Public
   Worship presented to the Chamber of Deputies on behalf of the
   Rouvier Ministry a project of law to establish the separation.
   If for Combes separation had signified little else than
   spoliation, aggravated by oppression, the Rouvier plan sought
   to render spoliation less unjust, less intolerant. The
   ministerial project having been somewhat altered by the
   commission, conferences were held and a final agreement having
   been obtained, the proposed law was reported to the Chamber of
   Deputies in March, 1905. It is unnecessary to follow the
   parliamentary evolution of this immature project, forced as an
   issue by two successive Premiers who had far less solicitude
   for the permanent interests of their country than to assure
   their own continuance in power. M. Briand, speaking for the
   commission, took great trouble to throw upon the Pope the
   responsibility of a law which he at the same time declared to
   be perfectly good, beneficent for the Republic and honorable
   for its authors! Alas! for separatists, in an unguarded moment
   Combes betrayed the utter falsity and ridiculous insincerity
   of this pompous and solemn pretence of the anti-religious
   majority, that the Pope forced the separation upon France. In
   the parliamentary session of January 14, 1905, Combes
   declared: ‘When I assumed power I judged that public opinion
   was insufficiently prepared for this reform. I have judged it
   to be necessary to lead it to that.’

{279}

   "When the law of separation, as finally adopted in the Chamber
   of Deputies, was referred to the Senate, the Senatorial
   commission, under ministerial pressure, adopted the law as
   passed in the Chamber, without change of a single word.
   Although the law was the most important of any passed in
   France for a hundred years, and though it is fraught with
   grave influences upon the destinies of the country, this
   hastily matured, ill-framed measure, with all its unjust and
   vexatious provisions, was swallowed whole by a commission of
   cowardly, truckling Senatorial politicians, who disregarded
   their plain duty at the dictation of Radicals and Socialists
   on the outside. Separationists both in and out of Parliament
   were eager to see the law become operative before the
   universal suffrage of France could have an opportunity of
   passing judgment upon the principle of the separation in the
   parliamentary elections of May, 1906. …

   "In the Papal Consistory of December 11, 1905, the Pope
   pronounced an allocution protesting against the law of
   separation in mild and temperate language, announcing his
   intention of again treating upon the same subject ‘more
   solemnly and more deliberately at an opportune time.’ The Holy
   Father evidently waited for the regulations of public
   administration that would indicate in what manner the
   Government of France intended to administer and enforce the
   law. …

   "Immediately after the adoption of the law of separation the
   government appointed a special commission to elaborate rules
   of public administration by which the law was to be
   interpreted and applied. This commission being stuffed with
   the anti-religious element, its work was worthy of its
   authors. … The first details of the regulations officially
   promulgated governed the taking of inventories of all movable
   and real property of churches, chapels and ecclesiastical
   buildings, including rectories, chapter houses, homes of
   retreat for aged and infirm priests (even pension endowments),
   etc., ostensibly to facilitate the transfer of these
   properties to such associations for the maintenance of public
   worship as might be formed under the provisions of the law of
   separation. These inventories were imposed upon all religious
   bodies—Catholic, Protestant and Jewish—and the law was made
   applicable to Algiers, where there is a large Mahomedan
   population. Viewed in the abstract, the taking of inventories
   was a formality necessary to an application of principles
   inscribed in the law. As estimates of value such inventories
   are worthless, because compiled by agents of the
   administration of Public Domains or treasury agents, unaided
   by experts in art, architecture and archivial paleography. The
   Director General of the Register prescribed to agents taking
   these inventories a request for the opening of tabernacles in
   churches and chapels to facilitate completeness and accuracy.
   This order aroused a storm of indignation throughout France
   and the government realized that a stupid blunder had been
   made, and it was announced that agents would content
   themselves with gathering and incorporating into their report
   declarations of the priests upon the nature and value of
   sacred vessels contained in the tabernacles.

   "The taking of inventories of churches and their contents
   commenced simultaneously in many parts of France in the latter
   part of January, 1906. Instead of the simple formality hastily
   accomplished without general observation, of which separatists
   had dreamed, this proceeding was characterized in various
   places by scenes of the wildest disorder. When officials of
   the Registry presented themselves for the taking of the
   inventories, the clergy, surrounded or attended by trustees of
   the building, read formal protests against what most of them
   styled ‘the first step in an act of spoliation.’ … If these
   protests had not been accompanied by physical violence, the
   country might have been spared the shocking scenes that took
   place in Paris and the provinces. In many churches free fights
   took place between militant Catholic laymen, opposed to an
   inventory, and police, firemen and troops, who burst open the
   doors of churches or broke them down with fire axes in order
   to make an inventory possible. While at the doors chairs and
   fragments of broken confessionals were flying through the
   air, pious women within sang:

   ‘We will pray God that the Church may be able to teach the
   truth, to combat error which causes division, to preach to all
   charity!’"

      F. W. Parsons,
      Separation of Church and State in France
      (American Catholic Quarterly Review, July, 1906).

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
   The Morocco Question.
   Sudden hostility of Germany to the Anglo-French Agreement.
   Demand for an International Conference.
   The Conference at Algeciras.
   The resulting Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Claims against Venezuela.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909.

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
   President Fallières succeeds Loubet.
   Fall of the Rouvier Ministry.
   Rise of M. Clemenceau.
   The Elections of May.
   Conformity to the Separation Law prohibited by the Pope.
   Sequestration of Church Property.
   The Socialists and the Bourgeois.
   Justice at last to Dreyfus.
   Honors to Picquart.

   The presidential term of M. Loubet, who had been elected on
   the 19th of February, 1899, would expire on the 18th of
   February, 1906. M. Loubet declined a reflection, and M.
   Fallières, the chosen candidate of the various groups of
   Republicans, was elected President of the French Republic at a
   joint session of the two chambers of the National Assembly, on
   the 17th of January, by 449 votes of a total 848. The new
   President was inducted into office on the 18th of February,
   and, according to usage, was offered the resignations of the
   existing Ministry, under M. Rouvier, which, however, he did
   not accept. M. Rouvier and his colleagues continued in office
   until the 7th of March, when a vote in the Chamber of Deputies
   which expressed want of confidence compelled a resignation
   that could not be declined.

{280}

   The new Ministry then formed, and announced on the 14th, was
   nominally presided over by M. Sarrien, President of the
   Council and Minister of Justice, but its real chief was known
   to be M. Clemenceau, Minister of the Interior. Other important
   members of this Cabinet were M. Bourgeois, Minister of Foreign
   Affairs, and M. Aristide Briand, Minister of Public
   Instruction and of Worship. Sarrien and Bourgeois were classed
   politically as Radicals, Briand as a Socialist, and Clemenceau
   as a Socialist-Radical. The Ministerial declaration read in
   both chambers on the 14th was criticised as colorless, and as
   indicating an incongruity of political material in the make-up
   of the administration. On the burning question of the
   execution of the law for the separation of Church and State
   its language was:

   "The law on the separation of Church and State has met, in the
   execution of the provisions relating to the inventories, a
   resistance as unexpected as it is unjustified. There is no one
   among us who wishes to assail in any manner whatever the
   freedom of religious belief and worship. The law will be
   applied in the same liberal spirit in which it was adopted by
   the Parliament. … But it is our duty to insure the execution
   of all laws throughout the land. Under a republican government
   the law is the highest expression of national sovereignty; it
   must everywhere be respected and everywhere obeyed. The
   Government intends to apply with all necessary circumspection,
   but with inflexible firmness, the new legislation which
   certain parties of opposition strive vainly to misrepresent."

   On the 14th of April the Chamber of Deputies was adjourned
   sine die, and fresh elections to it were to be held in
   May. "The seventh legislature held under the Constitution of
   1875 came to an end amid a domestic confusion unparalleled in
   France since 1871. In the Nord and the Pas de Calais there
   were miners’ strikes, at Clermont-Ferrand strikes in the
   building trade; at Lorient and Toulon there was a general
   strike, and there were strikes also at Alais and Bordeaux. At
   Paris the compositors, the excavators and the railway men on
   the Metropolitan had left work, and the postmen also had
   joined the movement, though they were servants of the State.
   M. Clemenceau paid two visits to Lens to treat with the
   strikers; following his example and by his orders the
   magistrates, officers and soldiers exhibited admirable
   coolness as well as energy in controlling the excited crowds
   without resorting to force. … Attempts were made to form what
   were virtually revolutionary governments, and these announced
   openly that on May 1, capitalism would be assailed, a general
   strike proclaimed in Paris, and the Government swept away if
   it showed signs of attempting to interfere. These threats set
   up an unprecedented panic, which was intensified by the
   measures taken by the Government to get rid of it. Troops
   guarded the Metropolitan Railway workshops, the printing
   establishments, the bakeries. All the cavalry and infantry
   available were concentrated at Paris, and schools and empty
   houses taken up for their accommodation."

      Annual Register, 1906,
      page 270.

   In the midst of these distractions the political canvass for a
   new representation of the Republic in its legislature was
   carried on, and the elections were but slightly disturbed.
   They went so sweepingly in favor of the Government that only
   176 seats in the Chamber, out of 589, were carried by the
   opposition. The victory of the Government was more complete
   and decisive than the most sanguine had expected. Said a
   writer in The Fortnightly Review:

   "It is the end of the long struggle between the Republic and
   its internal enemies, those Emigres de l’intérieur as M. Paul
   Sabatier has happily called them. The political power of the
   Church is broken forever; the parties of reaction are finally
   crushed, and their future will be that of the Jacobites after
   Culloden. … It may perhaps be useful to record the relative
   strength of parties in the new Chamber as compared with the
   old. Precise accuracy is difficult, owing to the uncertainty
   as to the exact group to which a few of the deputies should be
   attributed, but the following figures are as near exactitude
   as possible:—

                                       New Chamber. Old Chamber.
   Ministerialists: (The Bloc):--
   Republicans of the Left
   (Alliance Démocratique
   and Gauche Démocratique)                  90         83

   Radicals                                 117         98

   Radical-Socialists                       132        119

   Independent Socialists                    20         14

      Total                                 359        314

   Unified Socialists                        54         41

   Opposition:—
   Republicans of the Centre
   (Union Républicaine and Progressists)     68         97

   Nationalists                              30         53

   Conservatives and Clericals               78         84

      Total                                 176        234

   "But the mere figures do not bring out the full significance
   of the election. Even more important than the fact that only
   108 Clerical and Nationalist deputies were returned is the
   fact that these 108 represent, with very few exceptions, the
   most ignorant and backward districts in France. Immediately
   after the election the Matin published an electoral map
   of France, in which the districts represented by Opposition
   deputies were left white. It is an instructive document. The
   whole of central France is a solid mass of black, in the north
   and south the white spots are few and scattered, in the east
   black very greatly predominates; only in the west is there any
   conspicuous show of white."

      Robert Dell,
      France, England, and Mr. Bodley
      (Fortnightly Review, September, 1906).

   Manifestly the majority in France approved the severance of
   religious institutions from the political organization of the
   State. In recognition of the fact, the General Assembly of
   French Bishops, sitting soon afterwards at Paris, petitioned
   the Pope, by the vote of a large majority, to permit the
   forming of Public Worship Associations under the Separation
   Law. The papal reply, given late in the summer, was a new
   Encyclical, formally forbidding French Catholics to form such
   Associations for taking the offered use of the church
   buildings and property, as provided for continued exercises of
   religion by the law. A little later the prohibition was
   carried farther, and French Catholics were forbidden to
   conform to the Associations Law of 1891, as well as to the
   Separation Law.
{281}
   There seems to have been a disposition in the Government to
   extend, from one year to two, the period allowed for
   conformity to the latter enactment; but this attitude on the
   part of the head of the Church dispelled it. Accordingly, on
   the 11th of December, 1906, when the term fixed by the law
   expired, sequestration of the property of the vestries was
   pronounced, and buildings occupied in connection with the
   churches by bishops, rectors, seminaries, etc., were ordered
   to be vacated with no further delay.

   Before matters reached this stage M. Sarrien had resigned, on
   account of ill health, and the premiership had passed to
   Clemenceau. The Cabinet underwent a degree of reconstruction
   soon afterwards, and the upright, courageous Picquart,
   formerly Colonel, now Brigadier-General, who had stood so long
   almost alone in army circles as a champion of justice to the
   foully wronged Dreyfus, had been given the portfolio of War.

      See, in Volume VI. of this work,
      FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899)

   To Dreyfus himself the Republic had made all the reparation
   that it could. On the 12th of July in this year its highest
   court had pronounced a decision which branded with falsity and
   forgery every document and the whole testimony on which he had
   been convicted, and declared that "the accusation against
   Dreyfus was completely unjustified." Thereupon he was
   reinstated in the army with the rank of major, and not many
   days later, on the spot where the ceremony of his degradation
   had been performed, in 1894, he received the insignia of a
   Chevalier of the Legion of Honor.

   In the May elections for the Chamber of Deputies the
   Socialists had been heavily reinforced, and their most
   strenuous leader, M. Jaurès, was inspired to say in his
   journal, L'Humanité:

   "There is no more time to be lost. This time we must give the
   finishing blow to the Reaction, to all parties of the past, to
   Clericalism and Cæsarism. After clearing the battleground of
   all its litter, the Proletariat must be able to say to the
   face of the Republican Democracy, the Radical Democracy which
   at last is master of public power: ‘What are you going to do
   for workmen? What reforms, what guarantees, are you going to
   give them? How are you going to help French society out of the
   deep crisis in which it struggles? How, by what organization
   of Property and Labor, will you put an end to the exploiting
   of men, to the war of classes let loose by the Capitalist form
   of property?’" Quoting these words, soon afterwards, a writer
   in The Atlantic Monthly remarked:

   "Such words are not the mere rhetoric of a Parliamentary
   dictator who has just suffered a year’s eclipse in the
   retrograde combinations given to the Radical majority by Prime
   Minister Rouvier. Almost physiologically, certainly socially,
   the millions of French workmen stand over against
   property-holders in a way to which there is nothing comparable
   in the Northern and Western United States, with all their
   labor difficulties. They form a separate class in society,
   because French property-holders form an exclusive caste. It
   was the middle classes, the property-holding bourgeois and the
   peasant proprietors bound up with them, who profited by the
   great Revolution against the privileged classes of that
   day,—royalty, clergy, and nobles. During the century which has
   elapsed the triumphant bourgeois have steadily persisted in
   throwing around themselves a practically impenetrable wall of
   legal and social privilege in their turn. And now there is a
   spontaneous upheaval of the excluded, unprivileged, inferior
   class."

      Stoddard Dewey,
      The Year in France
      (Atlantic Monthly, August, 1906).

   Mainly, it appears, from the prompting and the influence of
   the Socialist and Labor organizations, France obtained, in
   1906, a law making Sunday a day of rest from most descriptions
   of industry and commerce, exceptions being made to allow
   travel and transportation companies, lighting and water works,
   newspaper offices, and some other performers of public
   services, to continue their operations, while hotels,
   restaurants, wine shops, drug stores, and the like, were
   exempted from closing their doors.

      See (in this Volume)
      SUNDAY OBSERVANCE.

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
   Woman Suffrage Movement.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
   The Thrift and consequent loanable Wealth of the country.
   The power that it makes for peace.

   "In the world at large, however, France has also come to a
   consciousness of her real power. An English financier had
   already said that if the French people continue to live on the
   principle, ‘where you have four sous spend only two,’ they
   will end by having in their possession all the coined gold in
   the world. The great portion of it which they already possess,
   and the distress caused to German finance and industry by the
   patriotic refusal of the united French banks to allow their
   gold to be drawn until peace was secure, had a great and
   probably decisive influence in the happy termination of this
   entangled affair of Morocco. The floating of the latest
   Russian loan has since come to show yet further the riches of
   France, to which tourists alone, it is estimated, add two
   billion francs in gold each year. This money power and money
   need should tend to the keeping of European peace more than
   all the theories of the pacifists who clamor for a disarmament
   impossible to obtain."

      Stoddard Dewey,
      The Year in France
      (Atlantic Monthly, August, 1906).

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
   Deposition of the insane King of Anam.

      See (in this Volume)
      ANAM.

FRANCE: A. D. 1906 (February).
   The Papal Encyclical "Vehementer Nos."

      See PAPACY: A. D. 1906 (February).

FRANCE: A. D. 1906-1907.
   The Separation of Church and State.
   Further measures and proceedings, as related from opposite
   standpoints.

   From the Separationist Standpoint:

   "The practical question, what course the French Catholics were
   to adopt when the law should go into effect, was first
   answered by the pope in his encyclical Gravissimo, published
   August 10, 1906, eight months after the promulgation of the
   law. The gist of the document is in two sentences: ‘After
   having condemned as was our duty this iniquitous law, we
   examined with the greatest care whether the articles of the
   aforesaid law would leave at least some means of organizing
   religious life in France so as to rescue the sacred principles
   upon which rests the Holy Church.’ Having consulted the
   bishops, and addressed 'fervent prayers to the Father of
   Light,’ the pope came to the following conclusion:

   ‘As for the associations of worship, as the law organizes
   them, we decree that they can absolutely not be formed without
   violating the sacred rights which are the very life of the
   church.’

{282}

   "Is there any other form of association which might be both
   legal and canonical? Pius X did not see any. Therefore, as
   long as the law remained as it was, the Holy Father forbade
   the French Catholics to try any form of association which did
   not promise, in an ‘unmistakable and legal manner, that the
   divine constitution of the church, the immutable rights of the
   Roman pontiff and the bishops, as well as their authority over
   the property necessary to the church, especially over the
   sacred edifices, will be forever insured in those
   associations.’ …

   "For this decision there were, from the ecclesiastical point
   of view, three grounds. One was the failure of the law of 1905
   to recognize, in so many words, the authority of the
   ecclesiastical hierarchy. Another was the abrupt fashion in
   which the French government broke off its diplomatic relations
   with the Vatican. The fact that the government consistently
   ignored the pope during the drafting of the bill was a third.
   …

   "Under what regime the churches were to live was at first
   somewhat uncertain; but M. Briand speedily discovered in
   existing legislation all that was needed to insure the
   continuance of religious worship. He was willing to admit that
   the church was not obliged to avail herself of the privileges
   that the new law provided for her. Law imposes duties on
   citizens, but it does not force them to make use of rights or
   privileges. Everything that is not forbidden is lawful. … The
   minister stated that the priests could make use of the
   churches after having filed such an application or declaration
   as is required for ordinary meetings by the law of 1881. These
   declarations would be valid for a whole year instead of for
   one meeting. But under this regime the priests would be simply
   temporary occupants of the buildings of worship without any
   legal title.

   "This compromise proved no more satisfactory to the Vatican
   than the law of 1905. …

   "The pope refused to sanction this arrangement. He objected to
   the scheme of yearly declaration. In the first place he
   complained that this broad interpretation of the law on public
   meetings was merely a personal fancy of M. Briand which might
   not bind his successors. In the second place, the dignity of
   the priests did not allow them to accept the humiliating
   position of simple occupants of the churches. …

   "The government, however, could not leave several million
   Catholics in a position in which opportunity to perform their
   religious duties depended upon uncertain texts and the
   circulars of a temporary minister of worship. It therefore set
   out to draft a bill that would be acceptable to the church
   without any recourse to the discarded associations of worship.
   The new bill was submitted to Parliament December 15, 1906;
   was accepted by the Chamber December 21 and by the Senate
   December 29, and was promulgated January 2, 1907. …

   "Most of the privileges granted in the law of 1905 are
   withdrawn; and the law of associations of 1901, combined with
   the law of public meetings of 1881, forms the basis of the new
   regime. …

   "Of all the catastrophes prophesied or feared by foes or
   friends none has occurred. The new regime so violently
   attacked in and out of France is being gradually acclimated."

      Othon Guerlac,
      The Separation of Church and State in France
      Political Science Quarterly, June, 1908.

FRANCE: A. D. 1906-1907.
   The Separation of Church and State.
   Further measures and proceedings, as related from opposite
   standpoints.

   From the Standpoint of the Church:

   "The third meeting of the French episcopate, held at the
   Château de la Muette, Paris, January 15-19, resulted in a
   declaration (approved by the Holy See) of their unanimous
   consent to essay the organization of public worship in
   churches to be placed at the Bishops’ disposal free; an
   essential condition being a legal contract (authorized by
   Government) between themselves or their clergy and the
   Prefects or Mayors to whom such churches (sequestrated in
   December) have been handed or will be handed over; the
   contract to be for a term of eighteen years, during which term
   (being fixed by the common law of municipal leases of communal
   properties) neither Mayors nor Prefects shall in any way
   interfere either in parochial administration or in regard to
   the conditions of occupancy of the edifices, which must be, as
   regards police, under control of the priest in charge, the
   mayor intervening only on grave occasions when his official
   duties require him according to law to re-establish disturbed
   order.

   "This document, published on January 29, was immediately, with
   a form of contract, sent by each Bishop to the Parish priests
   in his diocese with a request to be informed immediately
   whether the proposed contract would be entered into by their
   respective mayors, and instructing them if possible to get it
   signed at once and return it to the Bishop. Of course, from
   every parish where Catholics are strong and zealous the signed
   contracts were quickly obtainable or obtained. But so soon as
   the Minister of Worship learned these proceedings, he
   circularized the Prefects of France on February 1:

   "‘You will shortly receive instructions concerning the
   application of the Article in the Law of January 2, 1907,
   providing that free use of Communal buildings intended for
   worship, and of their fittings, may, subject to the
   requirements of Article 13 in the Law of 9 December, 1905, be
   accorded by an administration act of the mayors to the
   ministers of worship specified in declarations of
   worship-meetings. It is extremely urgent, to prevent mayors
   being entrapped into giving their signatures, that you should
   telegraphically warn them, they are not entitled to enter into
   a contract of this kind without preliminary deliberation by
   their municipal council, and that they should, pending the
   vote of that body, confine themselves, if asked for it, to
   giving an acknowledgment of receipt of any request for use of
   edifices they may have received. You will also assure them
   they shall at a very early date receive instructions defining
   the conditions to be observed to render such contracts valid,
   and will direct them to do nothing until those instructions
   reach them.’

   "It is due to M. Briand to acknowledge: first, that he lost no
   time whatever in fulfilling this promise; second, that his new
   circular on the application of the law of January 2, 1907,
   which bears date Paris, February 3rd, and was published the
   following evening, lays down regulations concerning the leases
   of Churches and Communal Chapels which on the face of these
   are fair, reasonable, and likely to be universally acceptable.
{283}
   The main conditions are, approval of the agreements by the
   municipal councils, failing which mayors cannot enter into
   them; maximum term to be eighteen years; the lessee (whether a
   curé, or a worship association) to keep the buildings in
   proper repair; leases for longer periods than eighteen years
   to be sanctioned by the prefect; that the curé acts by
   permission of his ecclesiastical superior may be stated in the
   lease, but such superior is not to be entitled in any way,
   once the document is signed, to interfere, or exercise
   authority. …

   "In Paris the appearance of the circular was hailed with
   satisfaction by Catholics and reasonable men. … Cardinal
   Richard deems it proper and useful to direct his priests to
   make the declaration, after the contract is duly signed, and
   when His Eminence shall authorize them to make it. …

   "His Eminence lost no time in submitting to the Protestant
   prefect of the Seine, M. de Selves, a draft lease of the Paris
   Cathedral (Notre Dame) and the historical St. Denis Basilica.
   It was understood that, if settled and signed, this contract
   should serve as the model to be followed in the remaining
   eighty-five French dioceses. The Cardinal Secretary of State
   at the Vatican authorized these negotiations, against his
   personal judgment, without any illusions as to the result,
   simply to satisfy the French episcopate and a minority in the
   Sacred College. …

   "After negotiations extending over three weeks, the Prefect
   informed the Cardinal (in writing, on February 23) that His
   Eminence’s proposals were inacceptable, but the government
   invited amended ones based on ministerial declarations made in
   the Chamber during a stormy debate on February 19, when M.
   Briand found himself forced to confess the churches were left
   open in view of the truth that a parliamentary majority had
   ‘no right to hinder millions of Catholic compatriots from
   practising their religion.’ The Cardinal Archbishop replied
   immediately that the text of the draft submitted embodied the
   extreme limits of possible concessions."

      J. F. Boyd,
      The French Ecclesiastical Revolution
      (American Catholic Quarterly Review, January-April, 1907).

FRANCE: A. D. 1907.
   Effects of the Separation Law.
   The Catholics of France lose all Legal Organization.

   "The Church Separation Law has failed to do the particular
   work for which it was voted by the preceding Parliament.
   Catholic citizens have chosen to undergo its penalties, with
   new pains and reprisals voted by the present Parliament,
   rather than accept that civil reorganization of their religion
   which it imposed on them. The result has been to deprive
   French Catholics, not only of the church property which had
   been restored to them after the confiscations of the
   Revolution, but also of all church property of whatever kind,
   even such as had since been gathered together by their private
   and voluntary contributions. It is impossible to foresee how
   they are legally to constitute new church property for
   themselves. By the automatic working of separation, Catholics,
   so far as any corporative action might be intended, are left
   quite outside their country’s laws.

   "The Associations Law had previously suppressed their
   religious orders and congregations, that is, all those
   teaching and other communities which combined individual
   initiatives into a working power for their religion. In virtue
   of that law, their convents and colleges and the other
   properties of such religious associations have ‘reverted’ to
   the State, which is gradually liquidating them for its own
   purposes.

   "No example of temporal sacrifices for religion’s sake on such
   a scale has been seen since Catholics in the France of the
   Revolution chose to lose all, in many cases life itself,
   rather than accept the schismatical civil constitution of
   their clergy, which was accompanied by a like nationalizing of
   all their church property."

      Stoddard Dewey,
      The Year in France
      (Atlantic Monthly, August, 1907).

FRANCE: A. D. 1907.
   Rapid Development of the Syndicalist Labor Union Movement.
   The Confederation Generate du Travail.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1907.

FRANCE: A. D. 1907.
   Popular Vote on the Greatest Frenchman of the
   Nineteenth Century, awarding the distinction to Louis Pasteur.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.

FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (May-July).
   The revolt of the Wine-growers of the Midi.

   From various causes, the wine-growers of Southern France have
   suffered from an increasing decline in the market for their
   products. They attributed this wholly to the extensive
   manufacture of adulterated and counterfeited wines, though it
   came partly, without doubt, from the increasing use of beers
   and spirituous liquors among the French. The struggling
   cultivators of the grape, who could hardly obtain a living
   from their vineyards, accused the government of neglect to
   make and enforce effective laws for the suppression of the
   adulterating frauds. They demanded new measures for the
   suppression of all vinous beverages that were not the pure
   product of the grape. In the spring of 1907 their attitude
   became seriously threatening; for a leader named Marcelin
   Albert, having an eloquent tongue, a bold spirit, and a
   capacity for command, had risen among them. Alarming
   demonstrations of popular excitement occurred in the cities of
   Perpignan, Montpellier, Narbonne, and others.

   Then, in May, the discontented people gave formal notice that
   they would refuse to pay taxes if all adulterate wine-making
   was not summarily stopped by the 10th of June. At the
   appointed time the threat was even more than made good, for
   most of the municipal officers in the four departments of
   Gard, Aude, Hérault, and the Pyrenees Orientales resigned and
   the machinery of local government was dissolved. The
   troublesome situation thus created was handled ably by Premier
   Clemenceau. On one hand he secured new legislation from
   Parliament against wine adulteration, while promptly ordering
   troops to the region of revolt on the other. Marcelin Albert
   and another leader, Dr. Ferroul, Mayor of Narbonne, were
   arrested, and order was soon restored, though a few collisions
   with turbulent crowds were attended with some loss of life.

   The new laws enacted for the occasion were intended in part to
   secure an annual record of the vineyard product of the country
   that would enable the Government to keep knowledge of it from
   the vine to the wine cask, and make fraudulent tampering with
   it more difficult, at least.

{284}

FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (September).
   Convention with Great Britain concerning Commercial Relations
   with Canada.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1907-1909.

FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (November).
   Treaty with Great Britain, Germany, Norway, and Russia,
   guaranteeing the integrity of Norway.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (November).
   Treaty with England concerning Death Duties.

      See (in this Volume)
      DEATH DUTIES.

FRANCE: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Operation in Morocco.
   Bombardment of Casablanca.
   Fresh irritation of Germany.
   Arbitration of the Casablanca incident.
   Dethronement of Sultan Abd el Aziz by his brother, Mulai Hafid.
   Franco-German Agreement.

      See (in this Volume)
      Morocco: A. D. 1907-1909.

FRANCE: A. D. 1908.
   North Sea and Baltic Agreements.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

FRANCE: A. D. 1908.
   The Situation of the Catholic Church since the Separation
   of Church and State.
   A Church Organization impossible.

   "To question whether the Catholics in France, who have alone
   done more than the Catholics in any other nation for foreign
   missions and for the propagation of the faith, will succeed in
   maintaining the Church in their own country by private
   contributions, will perhaps arouse astonishment. Nevertheless
   it may be questioned. We do not doubt the generosity of our
   people, but that which does give us concern is the
   impossibility of organizing any revenue which can be
   permanent. … The Church would be able to surmount the
   difficulty if she had endowments, revenues, or property, as in
   other countries. But that of course demands some regular
   organization, some corporation or some body recognized by the
   laws of the country and capable of acquiring, possessing, and
   exercising ordinary property rights. We cannot state too
   emphatically that such an organization for the Church is not
   possible to-day in France. On one side the only body
   authorized by the law to look after the material side of the
   religious interests is the association cultuelle, or
   local committee of public worship, as defined and regulated by
   the Law of Separation. On the other side, this association
   cultuelle has been declared by the Pope incompatible with
   the hierarchical constitution of the Church of Rome, and the
   bishops, the priests, and the Catholic laity, in obedience to
   their Supreme Head, have abstained and will continue to
   abstain from forming any such organization. Not only, then,
   have there been no Catholic associations cultuelles to
   receive from the state the portion of the former religious
   property (the half perhaps) which we might have kept; but
   there will be none in the future to receive a gift of any
   kind. In the eyes of the law there is no diocese, no parish,
   no corporation representing diocese or parish. The bishop and
   the pastor are only individual citizens, Messrs. So-and-So.
   They cannot hold property except as individuals, and what they
   might receive for religious purposes cannot be handed down to
   their successors,—it must revert only to their legal heirs. In
   brief, no permanent body whatever can provide for the
   maintenance of public worship.

   "This is the situation with its almost insurmountable
   difficulties. In all probability it will be a long time before
   we escape from it."

      Felix Klein,
      The Present Difficulties of the Church in France
      (Fortnightly Review, April, 1908).

FRANCE: A. D. 1908 (April).
   Treaty with England, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, and
   Sweden, for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

FRANCE: A. D. 1908 (June).
   Treaty with Japan, adjusting interests of each country
   in the East.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1907 (JUNE).

FRANCE: A. D. 1908 (June).
   Purchase of the Western Railway.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: FRANCE.

FRANCE: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Operations in and around Morocco.
   French Mauritanie.
   Pushing French lines toward the West.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

FRANCE: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Attitude on the question of the Austrian Annexation of
   Bosnia and Herzegovina.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
   Socialism and the Socialist Parties.
   The classes appealed to.
   The leaders and the followers.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIALISM: FRANCE.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
   A late awakening to the need of better Technical
   and Industrial Training.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
   Coöperative Organization in Agriculture.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: COOPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (January).
   Elections to one-third of the French Senate.
   Success of the Socialist-Radicals.
   Endorsement of the Clemenceau Ministry.

   Elections to the one-third of the French Senate which goes out
   every third year were held on Sunday, the 3d of January, and
   resulted heavily in favor of the party which calls itself
   Socialist-Radical, holding a middle ground between the extreme
   Socialists and the Moderate Republicans. M. Clemenceau, the
   Premier, is of this party, and his administration had given it
   great strength. He was one of the Senators whose term had
   expired, and his constituents of the Var re-elected him by a
   majority of 390, 46 more than they had formerly given him. Of
   the 103 Senators chosen at this election the
   Socialist-Radicals and Radicals (who work together) won 60,
   giving them secure control of the Senate, where the Moderate
   Republicans had been holding the balance of power. The latter
   lost eighteen seats, while the Conservatives or Reactionists
   of the Right added 1 to the 4 they had previously held. The
   strength in France of a politically and practically restrained
   sympathy with the economic ideas of Socialism was proved
   signally in this election.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (January).
   Amended Convention with Great Britain concerning Commercial
   Relations with Canada.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1907-1909.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (March).
   Appointment of Abbé Loisy to the Professorship of the
   History of Religions in the College of France.

   Early in March, 1909, the Abbé Loisy, most conspicuous of the
   "Modernists" who had been condemned and denounced by the Pope,
   was appointed by the Minister of Public Instruction to be
   Professor of the History of Religions in the College de
   France, filling the chair vacated by the death of M. Réville.
   The appointment had been recommended by the authorities of the
   College, which is reputed to be an institution entirely
   devoted to "disinterested scientific research." Nevertheless,
   the choice was looked upon at once as being prompted by a
   motive of offensive antagonism to the Papacy.
{285}
   The Abbé has had distinction for years among the masters of
   the higher criticism, and five of his books were placed on the
   "Index" by the church in 1903. The propositions characterized
   as "Modernism" and condemned by the Pope in 1907 were largely
   drawn from his writings. The Abbé replied to the condemnation,
   and was excommunicated.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (March-May).
   Serious strike of Government employés in the Telegraph and
   Postal Service.
   Overcome by the firmness of the Government.
   Disciplinary proceedings.
   Court decision against Trade Unions among
   employés of the State.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH-MAY).

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (March-June).
   Report of Parliamentary Commission on the Naval Administration.
   Alarming conditions.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (April).
   Reported reanimation of Clerical Anti-Republicanism.

   "I learn on excellent authority," said an English
   correspondent of the Press, writing from Paris in April, "that
   the leaders of anti-clericalism in the French political world
   are becoming somewhat concerned as to the rapid recrudescence
   of the political religious orders, which, although suppressed,
   are somehow managing to reestablish themselves in France. As
   was recently pointed out by M. André Mater, in a Volume, ‘La
   Politique Religieuse de la République Française,’ published
   under the auspices of the ‘Committee for the defence abroad of
   the religious policy of France,’ the French monks, and not the
   French Bishops and priests, were almost entirely responsible
   for the Vatican’s refusal to accept the three Separation Laws
   which M. Briand, the then Minister of Public Worship, framed
   in a conciliatory spirit towards the Roman Catholic Church,
   and often with the assistance of the French Bishops
   themselves. The French Government will certainly not allow the
   religious orders to revive the old campaign of
   anti-Republicanism, which has, in the opinion of many French
   Roman Catholics, done so much to compromise the interests of
   Roman Catholicism in this country."

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (June).
   Earthquake on the Mediterranean coast.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES: FRANCE.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (June-July).
   Revised Naval Programme.
   Changes in the Department of the Marine.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (July).
   Discussion of the Navy Report in the Chamber of Deputies.
   M. Clemenceau’s outbreak of passion.
   His flings at M. Delcassé resented by the Chamber.
   He is driven from office by its vote.
   His Successor, M. Briand, and the New Cabinet.
   A Socialist Statesman at the head of the Government.

   When the report of the Parliamentary Commission on the Navy
   and the Naval Administration came up for discussion in the
   Chamber of Deputies, in July, it brought about the overthrow
   of Prime Minister Clemenceau and his Cabinet in a singular
   way.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

   The report itself had not been seriously threatening to the
   stability of the Ministry. Responsibility for the weaknesses
   found in the Naval administration belonged evidently, in large
   measure, to the predecessors of M. Clemenceau and his
   colleagues, and they were united in maintaining that M.
   Picard, who held the Marine portfolio, had done all that could
   be done since he came to office towards reforming his
   department. M. Picard himself spoke with an aggressive
   boldness of self-justification in the debate. His speech, made
   on the 20th of July, called out M. Delcassé, president of the
   investigating Commission, who mounted the tribune and
   delivered an attack on the Government, fierce with the
   animosities of a long antagonism between M. Clemenceau and
   himself. This angered the Premier to a degree, apparently,
   which overpowered his usually clear judgment, and he retorted
   in a speech which taunted M. Delcassé with references to that
   Morocco affair in which he and France were subjected to
   mortifications at the hands of Germany.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906).

   It is a matter on which sore feeling exists naturally in
   France, and concerning which the sympathy of the nation is
   with M. Delcassé. Hence the Chamber resented Clemenceau’s
   allusions to it, and Delcassé was cheered when he made a
   passionate but dignified reply. The Premier would have needed
   to be blind if he did not see that his own party was against
   him in the tone he had given to the controversy; and yet he
   proceeded to a repetition of the taunt he had flung at his
   opponent before. What followed was thus described to the
   readers of the London Times the next morning, by its
   Paris correspondent:

   "M. Clemenceau rose in face of a hostile Chamber, which had
   been profoundly impressed by M. Delcassé, although on entering
   the Palais Bourbon before the debate this afternoon not a
   single member of the House had contemplated the possibility of
   a division which would entail the fall of the Ministry and
   expose all parties to the necessity of readjustments of
   electoral arrangements under a new and untried Cabinet within
   less than a year of the general election. M. Clemenceau said:—

   "‘M. Delcassé has taken a great deal of trouble not to reply
   to the only question which I put to him—namely, you were
   Minister and you followed a policy which was bound to carry us
   to one of the greatest humiliations.’

   "It seemed, as one gazed down upon the House, that the entire
   Chamber leapt as one man in indignant repudiation of this
   sentence, which, moreover, had been truncated by this
   spontaneous and concerted interruption. When the noise of the
   slamming desks had died down, M. Clemenceau was heard to say:

   "‘Oh, a truce to false indignation, I beg of you. You led us,
   M. Delcassé, within a hair’s breadth of war and you did
   nothing to prepare for any such policy by taking military
   precautions. Everybody is aware that the Ministers of War and
   of Marine were questioned, and that they declared that we were
   not ready. (Loud protests.) I have not humiliated France, M.
   Delcassé humiliated her.’

   "As M. Clemenceau returned to his place, there could be no
   doubt as to the temper of the House. A division was
   immediately announced on an order of the day of confidence,
   proposed by M. Jourde and accepted by the Government.

{286}

   "The vote took place on priority in favour of this order of
   the day amid the liveliest agitation. By 212 votes to 176
   priority was rejected. As soon as the President had read out
   the figures, M. Clemenceau and the Ministers rose, and leaving
   the Government Bench filed out into the lobbies. Loud cheers
   from the Right and the Extreme Left followed them to the door.
   It was the fall of the Ministry which has enjoyed the longest
   lease of life of any under the Third Republic.

   "After holding a consultation at the Palais Bourbon, the Prime
   Minister and his colleagues immediately proceeded to the
   Elysee in order formally to tender their resignation.
   President Fallières, who was at dinner and who had not heard
   the result of the vote in the Chamber, was taken by surprise
   and expressed regret at the departure of M. Clemenceau, with
   whom he had collaborated so long. The short interview, which
   lasted only ten minutes, concluded with a formal request on
   the part of the President that M. Clemenceau and his
   colleagues would continue to discharge the duties of their
   respective Departments until the appointment of their
   successors."

   Though his colleagues went out of office with him, it was M.
   Clemenceau, alone, who could be said to have "fallen." Even
   that characterization of the occurrence was criticised by one
   of his opponents, who said: "M. Clemenceau did not fall; he
   plunged out of office." "The Chamber had no intention of
   upsetting the Government," said one of the Republican journals
   of Paris, "and an hour earlier, in fact, had loudly cheered
   the Minister of Marine, M. Picard." In these circumstances it
   was certain that the change of Ministry would make little
   change in the character or policy of the Government. It did,
   in fact, make no extensive change in even the personnel of the
   Ministry; for six members of the Cabinet of M. Clemenceau
   reappeared in its successor, and these included the new
   Premier, M. Aristide Briand.

   The choice of M. Briand for leadership in the Government
   appears to have been made by a common consensus of opinion
   that he was the one man pointed to by all the circumstances of
   the case. As Minister of Public Worship he had shown a
   temperateness of disposition and a political capacity, in
   steering the country through the stormy achievement of the
   separation of the State from the Church, which won high
   admiration and esteem both at home and abroad. He had been
   known as distinctly a Socialist, according to the full meaning
   of the term in France, and had come into public life with the
   prejudices raised against that brand of radicalism to contend
   with. But he had given good proof that he could be practically
   a statesman as well as theoretically a Socialist, and France
   appeared to be fully willing to see the helm of Government put
   into his hands. He is the first fully professed Socialist to
   attain that position in a great State. In making up his
   Cabinet he called into it two others of his own Socialist
   sect, namely, M. Millerand, to be Minister of Public Works,
   Posts, and Telegraphs, and M. Viviani to be Minister of Labor,
   as he had been before. For himself he retained the Ministry of
   Public Worship, and, with it, the Ministry of the Interior. Of
   other important departments of the Government, that of Foreign
   Affairs was reassumed by M. Pichon and that of Public
   Instruction by M. Domergue. General Brun became Minister of
   War and Admiral Boué de Lapcyrère, Minister of Marine. The
   Cabinet appears to have been generally recognized as one of
   exceptional strength.

   On the 27th of July the new Premier spoke as such to the
   Chamber of Deputies for the first time, and did so, it was
   manifest, with impressive effect. "If I deemed my person to be
   an element of discord in the Republican party," he said, "I
   should ask you not to follow me. I could not suppose that
   serious men would come to ask me to sort out, as it were, from
   my old ideas those which experience has confirmed within me
   and those which it has made me discard. If I had been base
   enough to do that, my interpellators would be right if they
   refused me their confidence. I come before you just as I am, a
   man whom you all know. I have been working with you of the
   majority for the last seven years. You know that I am not
   afraid of ideas, and that my way of thinking is daring. The
   Republic seems to me to be the germ of all progress, but I
   admit only such ideas as are feasible. Je suis un homme de
   réalisation. Those who have watched me know that full
   well. If there be among you any who are still ignorant of
   these facts, let them vote against me. I have as yet no
   mandate from you. Tonight I may have one, but at present there
   is still time for you to refuse to invest me with one."

   At the close of the Premier’s address a motion of confidence
   was made, and carried by 306 votes against 46.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (July).
   French Deputies to lose pay when not in attendance
   at the Chamber.

   Voting by proxy is permitted in the French Chamber of
   Deputies, and this encourages absenteeism. To correct that
   result a remarkable rule was adopted by the Chamber at its
   session of July 17. "The Socialist Deputy for the Cher, M.
   Berton, aided by the Socialist Radical M. Dumont, induced the
   House to adopt, by 441 votes to 77, a measure in virtue of
   which ‘any Deputy who shall not have signed during six
   consecutive sittings a certificate of attendance shall be
   regarded as being absent without permission’ and deprived of
   his pay. M. Pelletan, ex-Minister of Marine, who is, with men
   like M. Brisson, President of the Chamber, the type of the old
   Parliamentary hand of the Republican régime, protested
   in vain against a conception of Parliamentary work which, as
   he said, humiliated the representatives of France to the
   position of schoolboys who have to be ruled with a rod of iron
   lest they play truant. M. Brisson himself pointed out that the
   proposal of the Socialist Deputies was seriously wanting in
   respect for the national sovereignty, and he reminded his
   colleagues that mere attendance in the Chamber was by no means
   the only, nor necessarily the most effective, way of doing
   one’s duty as Deputy.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (July).
   The Pensioning of State Railway Employés.
   The Pending Workman’s Pension Bill.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY: ITS PROBLEMS: FRANCE.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (October).
   Abrogation of Commercial Agreements with the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (October).
   Clerical attack on the Secular or Neutral Schools.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

{287}

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (November).
   Contemplated Reform in Criminal Court Procedure.

      See (in this Volume)
      LAW AND ITS COURTS: FRANCE.

FRANCE: A. D. 1910.
   Destructive Floods in France, most seriously
   in and around Paris.

   Many parts of France suffered heavily from extraordinary
   floods in the later half of January and the early days of
   February, 1910; but Paris had the worst of the calamity to
   bear. In its long history the city has been cruelly dealt with
   many times by the waters of the Seine, which its quays and
   bridges constrict and obstruct; but this latest experience
   proved nearly the climax. It was comparable, at least, with a
   historic flood that dates back to 1615. Large districts were
   uninhabitable for days; half the streets and squares of the
   city were under water: foundations of many of the grandest
   buildings were being sapped, while sewers, subways, and
   pavements were extensively destroyed. It was not until the
   beginning of February that any subsidence of the waters
   occurred, and far into the month before much restoration of
   conditions could be taken in hand. The suffering meantime was
   very great and the pecuniary damage immense.

   ----------FRANCE: End--------

FRANCO, JOÃO:
   His drastic Government of Portugal.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

FREDERICK VIII.:
   Succession to the Crown of Denmark.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1906.

FREE CHURCH, of Scotland.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.

FREE ZONE, Mexican:
   Its abolition.

   For an account of the Free Zone:

      See Volume VI. of this work,
      MEXICAN FREE ZONE.

   It went out of existence in 1905.

      See (in this Volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.

FRIEDJUNG CASE, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

FRIARS’ LANDS, Governmental purchase of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902-1903.

FRY, Sir Edward.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: England: A. D. 1907-1909.

FULLER, Sir Bampfylde, Resignation of.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

FULTON CELEBRATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.

FURNESS, Sir Christopher:
   His plan of Profit-sharing with Workmen.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: PROFIT-SHARING.


G.

GAELIC LEAGUE.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1893-1907.

GAGE, Lyman J.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905.

GALSTER, Vice-Admiral:
   Argument for Submarines against "Dreadnoughts."

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1909.

GALVESTON PLAN OF MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
DES MOINES PLAN OF MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: GALVESTON.

GAMBLING:
   Its suppression in Siam.

      See (in this Volume)
      SIAM: A. D. 1905.

GAMBLING: Race-track:
   Legislation for its Suppression in the State of New York.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1908.

GAMBLING:
   Legislation for its Suppression in Louisiana and
   the District of Columbia.

   In June, 1908, Louisiana followed the example of New York in
   passing an Act for the suppression of race-track gambling.
   There, as in New York, only exactly enough votes to pass the
   bill were secured; one Senator was present for the final vote
   in spite of illness which subjected him to the most serious
   inconvenience, and one Senator had to be sought by messenger
   with a motor-car and brought by an all-night ride ninety miles
   through the Louisiana marshes. Within a few months past the
   gamblers of the race track had been similarly placed under the
   ban of the law in the District of Columbia.

GAMBLING:
   Its Suppression in Japan.

   The following was reported from Tokio, March 27, 1909:

   "A tremendous effort has been made by the race-track element
   in Japan to induce the government to retract and permit
   betting upon the tracks, but Marquis Katsura, the premier, has
   stood firm, and, for another year, at least, the race tracks
   of the Empire will be without their favorite Pari Mutuel or
   any other form of betting. This means in Japan practically an
   end of horse-racing, and necessarily a heavy loss to the
   stockholders in the various race tracks. The development of
   racing in Japan was extremely rapid. From a single course
   established at Yokohama by foreigners, at least half a dozen
   tracks were in full swing when gambling was prohibited. So
   flagrant were the cases of fraud and so numerous the examples
   of ruin brought about by reckless betting that the government
   suddenly put its foot down upon the whole thing."

GAMBLING:
   Stock, and other Speculative Dealing.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

GAPON, Father George.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

GARCIA, Lugardo:
   Deposed President of Ecuador.

      See (in this Volume)
      ECUADOR.

GARFIELD, HARRY A.: President of Williams College.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

GARFIELD, JAMES R.:
   Commissioner of Corporations and Secretary of the Interior.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

GARFIELD, JAMES R.:
   Investigation of the "Beef Trust," so-called.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

GARFIELD, JAMES R.:
   Investigation of the Standard Oil Company, and Report.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

GASOLINE ENGINE.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION.

GATUN DAM.

      See (in this Volume)
      PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905-1909.

GAUNA, JUAN:
   Revolutionary President of Paraguay.

      See (in this Volume)
      PARAGUAY: A. D. 1904.

GAUTSCH, BARON.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

{288}

GAYNOR, WILLIAM J.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D). 1909.

GEAY, Bishop.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

GENERAL EDUCATION BOARD.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

"GENERAL SLOCUM," Burning of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1904.

GEORGE, David Lloyd.

      See (in this Volume)
      LLOYD-GEORGE, DAVID.

GEORGE V., KING OF GREAT BRITAIN:
   His accession to the Throne.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (MAY).

GEORGE JUNIOR REPUBLIC.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

GEORGEI POBIEDONOSETS, MUTINY ON THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

GEORGIA: A. D. 1908.
   Abolition of the Convict Lease System.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

GEORGIA: A. D. 1908.
   Suffrage Amendment to the Constitution.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

GEORGIA: A. D. 1909.
   Railroad Strike.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

GEORGIAN BAY CANAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1909.

GERMAN EAST AFRICA:
   Its parts suitable for European Settlement.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA.

GERMAN SOUTHWEST AFRICA.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: GERMAN COLONIES.

   ----------GERMANY: Start--------

GERMANY:
   Industrial Combinations, called Cartels.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: IN GERMANY.

GERMANY:
   Matters relating to the Use of Alcoholic Liquors.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

GERMANY:
   State and Municipal Dealings with the
   Problems of Poverty and Unemployment.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1870-1905.
   Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

GERMANY: A. D. 1898-1904.
   Rise of Commercial Universities.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1898-1904.

GERMANY: A. D. 1900.
   Comparative Statement of the Consumption of Alcoholic Drink.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (December).
   Claims and Complaints against Venezuela communicated to the
   United States.
   The Reply.
   Interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA A. D. 1901.

GERMANY: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Industrial Crisis and succeeding Depression.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: GERMANY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (March-May).
   Measures for Germanizing the Polish Provinces of Prussia.

   For many years past the Prussian Government had been exerting
   itself to dilute the Polish population of its Polish
   provinces, by settling German colonists in them and by buying
   land from Polish owners. It now assumed a more aggressive
   attitude of hostility toward that portion of its subjects, as
   appeared from the temper of a speech by Count Bülow in the
   Prussian legislature, in January of this year, on what he
   characterized as "the most important concern of Prussian
   politics at the present time." German property, be said "was
   steadily passing into Polish hands," and "Polish lawyers,
   Polish doctors, Polish contractors, were united in the attempt
   to thrust the German element into the background." In support
   of the Count’s position it was averred by others in the debate
   that not only was Eastern Prussia being made Polish by the
   rise of a vigorous Polish middle class, but that the Poles
   already formed 10 per cent of the whole population of Prussia,
   and were spreading in other parts of the Empire, holding
   themselves generally apart from their German neighbors and
   cultivating a national patriotism of their own.

   In March the Prussian Government issued orders forbidding the
   admission of immigrants from Russian Poland into Prussia
   unless they brought not less than 400 marks of money in hand.
   Two months later a bill was brought forward appropriating
   250,000,000 marks for the purchasing of land in the Polish
   provinces and for settling German colonists upon it. In
   connection with this measure it was reported that, since the
   buying of land for these purposes began, in Posen, the Poles
   had acquired more from Germans than Germans had acquired
   from Poles, to the extent of 76,611 acres. Hence more money
   must be put into the game if it was to be played with effect.
   The money was voted, though opposition to the policy which
   makes enemies of the Poles, instead of Germanizing them by
   friendly treatment, made a show of much strength.

   "It was in 1886 that the Iron Chancellor started the fight
   against the Poles by the expulsion of more than 50,000 Polish
   labourers, natives of Austria and Russia. This measure not
   only hit the poor people who were driven away, it also and
   principally was directed against the Polish owners of large
   landed estates in the Eastern provinces, who thereafter
   experienced great difficulty in obtaining the necessary number
   of farm-hands. This artificial scarcity of labour, together
   with the great decrease in price of agricultural products
   which had just taken place, entirely ruined many owners of
   large estates, and there were therefore a great number who
   wanted to sell. Bismarck then appointed a Committee of
   Colonisation to buy Polish estates and parcel them out to
   German peasant farmers. The necessary funds were provided for
   by a sum of 100,000,000 marks (equal to £5,000,000) which was
   placed at the disposal of the Committee.

   "At the first moment the Poles were paralysed. What were they
   to do to ward off such an attack aimed at the poorest among
   them? But they kept up a good heart and did the only
   reasonable thing: some wealthy Polish noble men furnished a
   sum of 3,000,000 marks (equal to £150,000) whereby to fight
   the mighty Prussian Government, with its Committee of
   Colonisation and well-nigh inexhaustible financial resources.
   With this capital of 3,000,000 marks a Polish land bank was
   started for the purpose of buying estates and reselling them
   in small holdings to Polish colonists. …

{289}

   "It maybe guessed from what is already stated that the Poles
   have not only been able to maintain their former hold on the
   land, but actually as peaceable conquerors are marching
   triumphantly westwards. This is also the case, but we need not
   restrict ourselves to a guess, the ‘Statisches Jahrbueh für
   den Preussischen Staat’ for 1903 containing ample
   corroboration of it. According to this official handbook there
   were parcelled out in the years 1896 to 1901, in the Provinces
   of Posen and West Prussia, 7,828 estates by German activity,
   containing 617,200 hectares, and 9,079 estates by Polish
   activity, containing 213,700 hectares. Although the Germans
   have parcelled out a very considerably larger area, the Poles
   have bought and parcelled out a far greater number of
   properties. The advantage thus obtained is put into an even
   stronger light when we learn that during the same period by
   this parcelling out there have been created only 15,941 German
   farms, with an area of 155,200 hectares, as against 22,289
   Polish farms, with an area of 95,800 hectares, for these
   figures show that during these six years more than 6,000
   Polish homes have been established over and above the number
   of German homes planted on old Polish soil. Moreover the
   advantage thus gained by the Poles has been increased during
   the last two years."

      Erik Givskov,
      Germany and her Subjected Races,
      Contemporary Review, June, 1905.

GERMANY: A. D. 1902.
   The Imperial Pension Fund for Veterans.

   A statement of the condition of the imperial pension fund for
   the veterans of the wars of 1864, 1866, and 1870 showed that
   this fund, which was established by setting apart $138,000,000
   out of the war indemnity paid by France, had not for years
   past been able to meet the claims made upon it out of the
   income it produced. Recourse was had to appropriations of
   capital, and the fund would consequently be exhausted in
   course of time, probably not earlier than 1908 and not later
   than 1910. All the expenses now covered by the fund would then
   have to be incorporated in the ordinary estimates for the
   Empire. The Prussian Minister for War had estimated that about
   600,000 veterans of the former wars were still surviving.
   Allowing 10,000 for those who had died since this estimate was
   made, and allowing both for the 45,000 who already received a
   pension and the 12,000 who depended upon the special fund at
   the disposition of the Emperor, there remained over half a
   million veterans who as yet received no support from the fund.

GERMANY: A. D. 1902.
   New Tariff Law and changed Commercial Policy.
   Attitude toward the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      TARIFFS, CUSTOMS: GERMANY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (March-September).
   Discussion of Alcoholic Drinking.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: GERMANY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (June).
   Renewal of the Triple Alliance.

      See (in this Volume)
      TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (August).
   Curtailment of visits to their native country of
   Expatriated Germans.
   Principles asserted by the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      NATURALIZATION.

GERMANY: A. D. 1902-1903.
   Concessions for building the Bagdad Railway.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

GERMANY: A. D. 1902-1904.
   Coercive proceedings against Venezuela concerted with
   Great Britain and Italy.
   Settlement of Claims secured.
   Reference to The Hague.
   Recognition given to the American Monroe Doctrine.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

GERMANY: A. D. 1903.
   Elections for the Reichstag.
   Large gains by the Socialists.
   Their disability in Prussia.
   Strong combination supporting the Imperial Government.
   Brutality in the Army.
   Prosecutions for Lèse Majesté.
   State of Colonies.

   General elections for the Reichstag, on the 16th of June,
   1903, took notable significance from the fact that the
   representation of the Social Democrats was increased from 58
   to 81, and that these figures gave no full measure of their
   actual gain in strength, since their votes in the election
   rose in number from 2,107,000 in 1898 to 3,010,771. Had the
   distribution of seats in the imperial legislature been fair to
   the towns, instead of favoring the agricultural interests, the
   Socialists would have gained more. In Berlin they won every
   seat but one. Nevertheless, in the elections for the lower
   house of the Prussian Landtag, which took place in November,
   they could not carry a single seat in the kingdom, owing to
   the ingenious disfranchisement of the common people which the
   Prussian constitution accomplishes by its classification of
   votes. Socialist gains in the Reichstag were made at the
   expense of the Radicals, from whom it drew votes which
   expressed, not so much conversion to Socialism as bitterness
   of opposition to the government. Socialist and Radical
   representatives together numbered only 111, against 224 in the
   combination of Conservatives, Clericals, and National
   Liberals, which gave the Ministry a more than ample support.

   "The Social Democrats in Germany are increasing in power at
   once steadily and rapidly; for, as Herr Bebel declares, every
   speech the Emperor makes secures for them thousands of
   adherents, adherents of whom quite a fair percentage now
   belong to the Intelligentia—are lawyers, professors,
   journalists, artists, etc. Already the party numbers nearly
   seven million members; it owns seventy-five journals, of which
   some thirty are issued daily; and the Berlin branch alone has
   under its control a revenue of £20,000 a year. At the General
   Election in 1874, their candidates received 351,671 votes; in
   1884, although the Exceptional Laws were then in force, they
   received 549,990 votes; and in 1893, 1,786,738. Thus, already
   at that time they were numerically the strongest party in the
   Empire, as the Ultramontanes received only 1,468,000 votes;
   and the Conservatives, 1,038,300. At the 1898 General Election
   no fewer than 2,120,000 votes were recorded for the
   Socialists; and, at the last Election, that held only the
   other day, some 3,000,000. Thanks to the Emperor’s speeches,
   thanks, too, to the new Tariff, Herr Bebel and his friends
   practically swept everything before them in the first ballot,
   and captured seats everywhere—five out of the six in Berlin,
   and, what is much more notable, eighteen out of the
   twenty-three seats in Saxony, the most ultra-Conservative and
   clerical of all the States. Were every constituency of equal
   size in Germany, and thus every vote of equal value, the
   Socialist Party would already to-day be the dominant party in
   the Reichstag."

      Edith Sellers,
      August Bebel
      (Fortnightly Review, July, 1903).

{290}

   Throughout the year 1903 much excitement of feeling was caused
   by the many complaints that were brought against officers of
   the army for brutal and insolent treatment of soldiers. No
   less than 180 convictions are said to have been obtained in
   the course of the single year, for cruelty in the use of the
   power which military rank confers. Several soldiers were found
   to have committed suicide to escape from the suffering and
   humiliation of their life in the service. Another excitement
   of angry discussion came often from the many prosecutions for
   lèse-majesté that were instituted at this time. In both
   matters, a potent corrective was applied, without doubt, by
   the public feeling stirred up.

   An official report at the end of the year 1903 showed the
   total number of Germans in the German colonial possessions in
   Africa and the South Seas was only 5,125, more than a fourth
   of the number being officials or in the military force. Since
   1884 Germany had expended on its colonies about $75,000,000.

GERMANY: A. D. 1903.
   Adoption of a new Child Labor Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS WORKERS.

GERMANY: A. D. 1903 (October).
   Opposition to Socialism among Workmen.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIALISM: GERMANY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1904.
   Arrangement of Professorial Interchanges between German
   and American Universities.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

GERMANY: A. D. 1904.
   Rivalry with England in the Persian Gulf.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1904.

GERMANY: A. D. 1904-1905.
   Wars with Natives in German African Colonies.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1904-1905, and 1905.

GERMANY: A. D. 1904-1905.
   Startling Increase of Labor Conflicts,
   compared with previous five years.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1905.
   The Emperor’s Statement of his Peace Policy based
   on Preparation for War.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

GERMANY: A. D. 1905.
   Effect of the Russo-Japanese War on the Triple Alliance.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

GERMANY: A. D. 1905.
   Action with other Powers in forcing Financial Reforms
   in Macedonia on Turkey.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Raising the Morocco Question.
   The Kaiser’s Speech at Tangier.
   Demand for an International Conference.
   The Conference at Algeciras.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1909.
   The Spirit of the Struggle between Workmen and Capitalists.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1909.

GERMANY: A. D. 1906.
   Extensions of Popular Rights in Würtemburg, Baden, Bavaria,
   Saxony, Saxe Weimar, and Oldenburg.
   A Comedy of Election Reform in Prussia.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

GERMANY: A. D. 1906.
   Enormous Results derived from Technical Education.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: GERMANY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1906.
   German Settlements in Brazil.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.

GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.
   Popular Demand for better Representation in Prussia
   and elsewhere.
   School "Strike" in Polish Provinces.
   Dissatisfaction with Colonial Policy.
   Refusal in the Reichstag of Increased Appropriations.
   Dissolution by the Emperor.
   Result of the Elections.
   Popular Vote heavily against the Government.
   Incongruous Coalition or "Bloc" secured by the Chancellor.

   The democratic demand in Prussia and in some other German
   States, for a better representation in the legislatures than
   is afforded by their odious schemes of class election, became
   turbulent in the early part of 1906, and was met by strong
   military preparations for resistance by the Government.
   Notable demonstrations of popular feeling occurred in several
   cities, but with proceedings of violence only at Hamburg.
   Nothing was yielded to the demand; it was simply defied.

   The hard Prussian determination to crush out Polish sentiment
   in the Prussian provinces of the kingdom was relentlessly
   pursued. Polish children in the schools were required to
   receive religious instruction in the German language, and
   punished if they refused to answer questions in that tongue.
   This provoked a "strike" which took over 100,000 pupils out of
   the schools. In dealing with it, the Government both fined and
   imprisoned parents, and even sent children to a reformatory,
   on the ground that their parents were incapable of giving them
   proper care.

   The affairs of the German colonies in Africa became the
   subject of most heated and important discussion in the
   Reichstag during the last months of 1906. Both in German
   Southwest Africa and in German East Africa the obstinate
   revolts of native tribes were unsubdued, and the wars in the
   former were still requiring nearly 15,000 troops. The total
   German losses in Southwest Africa since the beginning of the
   outbreak of Hereros, Hottentots, and Witbois, were reported to
   have been 1750 killed, 900 wounded, 2000 disabled by disease.
   Popular feeling seemed to be turning very strongly against the
   whole colonial policy of the Empire. The economic promises of
   the undertaking were not looked upon as satisfactory.
   Statistical reports of the German capital invested in all
   German colonies excepting Kiao-chau, in China, showed a total
   of 370,000,000 marks ($92,500,000) of which 250,000,000 marks
   were classed as remunerative, 100,000,000 as
   "underdevelopment," 12,000,000 as unremunerative, and
   8,000,000 as missionary property. The capital value of the
   total productions of German colonies was estimated at
   616,000,000 marks ($154,000,000), half of which came from the
   Kameruns and Togo; but the revenue was only balancing the cost
   of administration. Ugly stories, moreover, of barbarity in the
   treatment of the natives, of official misconduct in other
   forms, and of private monopolies permitted, were told. On the
   whole, the colonial situation had created a temper in the
   Reichstag which was not friendly to the demand of the
   Government for increased appropriations to that department of
   administration. Even the Centrum or Clerical party, on which
   the Ministry counted for the reinforcing of the Conservatives
   of "the Right," refused the grant, and joined the Liberals,
   the Socialists, the Polish deputies, and other discontented
   groups in voting it down. As soon as the vote was announced,
   Chancellor Bülow arose and read a decree dissolving the House,
   which the Emperor had signed, in expectation of the defeat,
   that morning, December 13.

{291}

   It is a provision of the Constitution of the German Empire
   that "in the case of a dissolution of the Reichstag, new
   elections shall take place within a period of sixty days".

      See (in Volume I.)
      CONSTITUTION OF GERMANY.

   The elections were appointed accordingly for the 25th of
   January, 1907. The preparatory canvass, compressed within six
   weeks, was one of extraordinary vigor, especially on the side
   of the Government, even the Emperor, as well as the
   Chancellor, making personal appeals. The efforts of the latter
   were directed especially against the party of the Center, from
   its past dependence on which for support the Government was
   most anxious to escape. These efforts were so little
   effective, however, that the Centrists gained two seats in the
   election, carrying 110. The heaviest losers were the
   Socialists, who, though they gained a quarter of a million of
   electoral votes, yet secured 36 fewer representatives in the
   Reichstag than they had before, electing only 43.

   Regarded as a plebiscite, the election went heavily
   against the government. That is to say, if the elected
   Reichstag had been truly representative of the popular vote,
   the Government could have made no combination of parties in it
   that would have given it support. As it was, the voters were
   so unequally represented that Chancellor Bülow was able, by
   dexterous compromises, to make up a precarious coalition, or
   "bloc," of Conservatives with National Liberals, and even
   Radicals, against Socialists, Clericals or Centrists, Poles,
   etc., which carried his administration through nearly three
   subsequent years.

   Somewhat detailed, the election resulted as follows: The
   parties which gave subsequent support to the Government for a
   time secured 215 seats in the Reichstag, gaining 33, thus
   distributed:

      Conservatives     108 (gain 13);
      National Liberals  56 (gain  5);
      Radicals           51 (gain 15).

   The parties in opposition won 182 seats,—a net loss among
   them of 33,—thus:

      Center                110 (gain  2);
      Socialists             43 (loss 36);
      Poles, Alsatians, etc. 29 (gain  1).

   The popular vote in the election was divided among these
   parties as follows:

   In the parties of the "bloc"—

      Conservatives (including Agrarians,
      Anti-Semites, etc.)                    2,235,000

      National Liberals                      1,655,000

      Radicals                               1,226,000

      Total for Government                   5,116,000

   In the Opposition—

      Socialists                             3,259,000

      Center                                 2,262,000

      Poles, etc.                              626,000

      Total against the Government.          6,147,000

   To show what the Socialist vote really indicated, the
   following statement of the vote cast and the seats won by that
   party in successive elections of the past twenty years is
   interesting.

          Vote.     Seats won.   Seats that equal apportionment
                                 would have given.

   1887    763,000     11            40
   1890  1,427,000     35            80
   1893  1,787,000     44            92
   1898  2,107,000     56           108
   1903  3,011,000     79           125
   1907  3,259,000     43           116

   It is evident that the surface-show of results in the election
   cannot be taken for a true indication of the prevalent state
   of mind in the Empire. The Centrists or Clericals, for
   example, elected more than twice as many deputies as the
   Socialists, by nearly 1,000,000 votes less. The Socialists
   polled about 250,000 votes more than in 1903, and yet lost 36
   seats. The inequity in the apportionment of representatives
   which produced this travesty of representation had some
   beginning, no doubt, in the organization of the imperial
   system, thirty-six years before; but it had been aggravated by
   the enormously disproportionate growth of cities ever since.
   That one constituency in Berlin, with a present population of
   nearly 700,000, had the same representation as a town of
   60,000 people, is doubtless an extreme instance of the
   inequalities that had come about, but the distortion was
   universal, and altogether in favor of the country landowning
   class. The Socialists polled some 250,000 more votes than in
   1903, and this was reckoned as an increase substantially
   commensurate with the general growth of population in four
   years. Hence socialism may be said to have neither gained nor
   lost footing in the empire; but hitherto it had been showing
   rapid gains.

   "The Centrum is one of the queerest, most paradoxical parties
   to be found in any country. It is usually called ultramontane
   by its enemies because it has its raison d’être in
   safeguarding the interests of the Catholic Church; yet it has
   not scrupled at times to disregard the wishes of the Vatican
   in respect to German internal affairs; and the Vatican, on its
   part, carefully avoids identifying its interests with those of
   the Centrum, since it is sure of getting better results
   through direct diplomatic action at Berlin. ‘The Centrum is an
   incalculable party,’ said Prince Bülow last winter in a
   campaign letter; ‘it represents aristocratic and democratic,
   reactionary and liberal, ultramontane and national policies.’
   The party lives upon a reminiscence, its defeat of Bismarck in
   the Kulturkampf; but since that time it has been
   without any sound reason for its existence. …

      See, in Volume II. of this work,
      GERMANY: A. D. 1873-1887.

   "The government’s attempt to break the power of the Centrum
   had already been tried by Bismarck in 1887 and again by
   Caprivi in 1893, and it had failed. Bülow’s step was
   accordingly a display of courage which the country had not
   been accustomed to expect from him. His breach with the
   Centrum, however, proved a most popular issue with the
   non-Catholic electorate; a thrill of exultation was its first
   response to the dissolution, and this feeling persisted
   throughout the campaign. Many of the most intelligent voters
   had hitherto stood aloof from politics owing precisely to the
   predominance of the Centrum; but they now greeted with
   enthusiasm the opportunity to extricate the government from
   its yoke. University professors, artists, and literary men
   organized an ‘Action Committee’ which plied these stay-at-home
   Intellektuellen with campaign literature."

      W. C. Dreher,
      The Year in Germany
      (Atlantic Monthly, December, 1907).

{292}

   As stated and illustrated above, the election gave the
   Government no majority of natural supporters. For the carrying
   of its measures it was left dependent on a coalition of
   Liberal with Conservative votes. The alliance was an
   incongruous one, produced by nothing but a common opposition
   to Socialists and Clericals, and it brought the Liberals into
   an utterly false position. Within the first year there were
   signs of a Liberal revolt from it: whereupon the chancellor
   made known that he would resign if the supporting coalition or
   "bloc" was not maintained. To avoid such a governmental crisis
   the Liberals were said to have given promises of continued
   support.

   The attitude thus assumed by the German chancellor toward the
   Reichstag is practically that of an English prime minister
   toward the House of Commons, and it creates a precedent which
   must make it very difficult, if not impossible, for imperial
   ministers to recover the defiantly independent posture of
   former times. Without verbal amendment, perhaps, but
   incidentally and informally, by force of circumstances, the
   absolutist features of the German constitution are manifestly
   dropping away.

GERMANY: A. D. 1907.
   Statistics of Population.
   Birth Rate and Death Rate.

   "The official report upon public health in Prussia for the
   year 1907 has just been published [May, 1909], and includes
   the latest available statistics regarding the movement of the
   population of Germany. The figures confirm the view, which is
   not always admitted, that a satisfactory decrease in the
   death-rate is still accompanied by a persistently
   unsatisfactory decrease in the birth-rate.

   "Prussia may be regarded, roughly, as comprising two-thirds of
   the German Empire. The population of the empire on December 1,
   1905, was 60,641,278, and the population of Prussia was
   37,293,324. On January 1, 1907, the population of Prussia was
   37,908,104. During the year 1907 the excess of births over
   deaths was 578,687, as compared with 595,942 in 1906, 514,941
   in 1905, 562,387 in 1904, and 527,263 in 1903. Although the
   Prussian figures are not always a sufficient index, it may be
   estimated that the excess of births over deaths in the whole
   empire during 1907 did not exceed 900,000. The comparatively
   satisfactory total increase of population is due to a decline
   in the death-rate to 17.96 per 1,000 of the population—the
   lowest rate ever recorded. In Silesia, in Hohenzollern, and in
   both West and East Prussia the rate exceeds 20 per 1,000. In
   the city of Berlin, on the other hand, the rate is 15.62, and
   in Berlin (outside the city) only 14.79. For the most part a
   high death-rate is set off by a high birth-rate. In Westphalia
   and the Rhine Province alone is a high birth-rate accompanied
   by a death-rate below the average. As regards ages at which
   death occurred, the statistics show a considerable decrease in
   infant mortality, although deaths under the age of one year
   were 31.14 per cent., or nearly one-third, of the whole number
   of deaths. While the death-rate was in 1907 the lowest ever
   recorded in Prussia, the birth-rate was the most
   unsatisfactory. The total number of births was less by 10,621
   in 1907 than in 1906, and was actually less by 1,058 than in
   the year 1901. The birth-rate per 1,000 inhabitants declined
   to 33.23, as compared with 34.00 in 1906, 33.77 in 1905, and
   35.04 in 1904."

      Berlin Correspondence London Times,
      May 27, 1909.

   The same correspondent reported, June 19, a further
   publication of statistics, which prove the Prussian returns,
   previously given, "to have been a fairly accurate index to the
   movement of population in the whole Empire. There is a marked
   decline in the birth-rate, which fell to 33.2 per 1,000
   inhabitants, as compared with 34.08 in 1906. The death-rate
   fell to 18.98, as compared with 19.20 in 1906. The excess of
   births over deaths was 882,624, as compared with 910,275 in
   1906. The excess, however, of births over deaths (natural
   increase of population) was greater in 1907 than in any
   previous year except 1906 and 1902 (902,243). The decline in
   the birth-rate, which stood at 41.64 in 1877, 38.33 in 1887,
   and 37.17 in 1897, as compared with 33.2 in 1907, as now
   attributable to a falling off in the number of births in every
   part of the Empire except Westphalia, and in Westphalia the
   number of births is not quite keeping pace with the total
   growth of population. The decrease in the number of births in
   the whole Empire in 1907 was 23,766, or 1.1 per cent. In
   Saxony the decrease was 3 per cent., and East Prussia, West
   Prussia, and Pomerania show about the same percentage. As
   regards the death-rate, which stood at 28.05 in 1877, 25.62 in
   1887, and 22.52 in 1897, as compared with 18.98 in 1907, there
   is a steady decline in the infant mortality rate in all parts
   of the Empire, but especially in large towns."

GERMANY: A. D. 1907.
   Rapid Decrease of Agricultural Population.

   "The results of a census of occupations, taken in December of
   1907, has just been published and shows a remarkably rapid
   shifting of the population of Prussia from agriculture to
   industry and trade. The number of persons engaged in industry
   and trade was increased by 1,500,000 from 1895 to 1907, while
   the number engaged in agriculture was decreased by 500,000.
   This means that the non-farming population rose from 50 to 66
   per cent. in twelve years."

      Press Report from Berlin,
      February, 1909.

GERMANY: A. D. 1907.
   Financial Situation.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

GERMANY: A. D. 1907 (November).
   Treaty with Great Britain, France, Norway, and Russia,
   guaranteeing the Integrity of Norway.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1908.
   The Scandals connected with the Trials of Editor Harden.

   Maximilian Harden, editor of the Zukunft, made attacks
   on the character of Prince Eulenburg and Count Kuno von
   Moltke, in 1907, on account of which the latter brought a
   libel suit against him. "The charges not only affected the
   character of the persons accused, but affirmed that they had
   constituted a kind of kitchen cabinet, or ‘Camarilla,’ and had
   again and again given the Emperor misleading information and
   had exerted a very unfortunate influence over him. The case
   aroused intense interest throughout Germany, and indeed
   throughout Europe; and in spite of the unspeakable nature of
   the charges, the testimony was widely reprinted, and much more
   frankly, it may be said in passing, than would have been
   possible for the yellowest journalism in this country. Harden
   was acquitted, and the plaintiff was sentenced to pay the cost
   of the suit.
{293}
   Taking into account the exalted political position of the
   accused, and the great respect in which the Imperial court is
   held in Germany, this action of a German judge was regarded as
   sustaining the high character of the German courts for
   independence. A criminal suit was then brought by the public
   prosecutor, at the instigation of Count von Moltke and his
   associates, on the charge that Harden had committed an offense
   against public morals. On this trial the same witnesses
   appeared as on the former trial, but a great change had taken
   place in their memory of the transactions to which they had
   testified on the first trial. They either contradicted or
   repudiated their former statements to such a degree that their
   evidence was discredited and Harden’s defense was broken down.
   Harden was found guilty and sentenced to four months’
   imprisonment. What changed the attitude of the witnesses is a
   matter of guesswork. It has been charged that their change of
   front was due to very powerful influences brought to bear upon
   them."

      The Outlook,
      January 18, 1908.

   An appeal was taken by Harden to a higher court. Official
   investigations which followed the trials resulted in the
   court-martialing of Count Lynar and General Hohenau, the
   former of whom was sentenced to fifteen months’ imprisonment,
   while the latter was acquitted. In May, 1908, Prince Eulenburg
   was arrested on charges of immorality, but appears to have
   been so shattered in health that he could not be brought to
   trial. Substantially, Editor Harden has been vindicated.

GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Opposition to the "Navy Fever."
   Views of Herr von Holstein and Admiral Galster.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1909.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
   Maintenance of the "Bloc."
   Two good measures of legislation.
   Revision of the Bourse Law and the law regulating meetings
   and association.
   More vigorous Germanizing of Polish Prussia.

   "Although many members of the Bloc thought its enemies
   justified in predicting that it would speedily break down, the
   combination did hold together during the past session. It did
   more; it passed at least two good laws. It revised the Bourse
   Law in a manner fairly satisfactory to the financial
   community, so that swindling speculators will henceforth find
   it less easy to get the sanction of the courts for repudiating
   debts incurred in stock operations. Another law regulates for
   the first time on a national basis the right of assembly and
   association, which had hitherto been in the hands of the
   individual states. It is interesting to note that this is
   another important step in the centralizing tendency in
   Germany. …

   "The measure foreshadowed in my last article for the forcible
   acquisition of Polish estates was duly laid before the Diet.
   The discussion of the bill brought out intense antagonisms,
   and the line of cleavage between the parties was not along
   Bloc lines. The Radicals joined with the ‘Centrum’ in opposing
   the dispossession of the Poles. As finally passed, the bill
   gives the Government the right to acquire, under the law of
   eminent domain, a maximum of 174,000 acres in the provinces of
   Posen and West Prussia, and to borrow $65,000,000 for this
   purpose and for further prosecuting settlement work. The final
   reading of the bill in the House of Lords stirred that usually
   somnolent body to a remarkable degree. The vote there showed
   how deeply, and on what uncommon lines, this radical measure
   had divided the minds of the people. While most of the titled
   lords of the land, including many intimate friends of the
   Kaiser, voted against dispossession, the university professors
   and mayors of liberal municipalities voted mostly for it."

      W. C. Dreher,
      The Year in Germany
      (Atlantic, January, 1909).

   In his advocacy of this measure Prince Bülow proclaimed the
   reasons for it without reserve. "Can we " he asked, "do
   without the two Polish provinces, one of which begins within
   75 miles of Berlin? That is the crucial point of the
   situation; there is no doubt about it. Our eastern provinces
   constitute the point of least resistance in the public body.
   We dare not wait until the grave disease, with its probable
   irreparable consequences, sets in." An English view of the
   measure is presented in the following:

   "Prince Bülow is only developing the policy of Bismarck, who
   perceived, as Frederick the Great did before him, that the
   possession of Posen was vital to the Prussian State, and who
   held that the surest way to secure that province was to plant
   German settlers on Polish land. The strategical importance of
   Posen has been a cardinal article in the political and
   military creed of all Prussian statesmen and soldiers for
   generations. Posen is of far more importance to Prussia than
   is Ireland to Great Britain, and the true motives which have
   induced Prussian statesmen to make the agrarian proposals
   embodied in Prince Bülow’s Bill are to be found not in their
   comparatively trifling difficulties with Liberals, Radicals,
   and Revolutionists at home, but in the foreign policy of the
   Court of Berlin. …

   "That portion of Poland which was given to Prussia by the
   Congress of Vienna has been administered by that Power in
   accordance with the spirit of Frederick the Great. The object
   of Frederick was to develop the intellectual and material
   resources of his Polish possessions, making them an integral
   part of the Prussian monarchy, and gradually eliminating all
   recollections on the part of the Poles of their having once
   been an independent nation. This policy to be successful
   should be carried out by officials with intellects as clear,
   if not as powerful, as that possessed by Frederick himself.
   The Prussian officials, however, who have administered Posen
   since 1815, have not always risen to the height of their
   mission. Edward Henry v. Flottwell, who was charged with the
   government of the province from 1830 to 1840, alone understood
   the conditions of success. He knew that in politics it is as
   mischievous as it is futile to endeavour to reconcile the
   irreconcilable. The efforts made in that direction after 1815
   strengthened the revolutionary spirit in Posen. On the
   retirement of Flottwell, Frederick William IV. tried again to
   propitiate Polish national feeling, with the result that the
   irreconcilable forces grew in strength, and in March, 1848,
   the Poles were the driving-power of the Revolutionary movement
   in Berlin. …

   "As far as international life is concerned the true
   significance of the Polish question is in the relations it has
   created between the three great Northern Powers. Those between
   Prussia and Russia have in consequence become extremely
   intimate. At the present moment that intimacy is as great, if
   not greater, than at any previous time.
{294}
   Besides the German Ambassador at St. Petersburg and the
   Russian Ambassador at Berlin, there is a German military
   officer at St. Petersburg, and a Russian military officer at
   Berlin, who are especially charged to convey intimate
   communications between the Czar and the Kaiser. In spite of
   the alliance between Russia and France, which was concluded by
   the former Power, mainly for financial reasons, and which has
   never much disturbed the equanimity of Berlin, it is quite
   certain that in no conceivable circumstances will there be a
   real breach between Prussia and Russia. The Government of the
   Kaiser must and will make every possible concession to Russia
   rather than provoke a serious breach. This is the true
   inwardness of the policy as regards Poland. As long as Posen
   continues Polish Germany will be largely dependent on Russia."

      Rowland Blennerhassett,
      The Significance of the Polish Question
      (Fortnightly Review, March, 1908).

   Dr. Dillon, who reviews European politics regularly for the
   Contemporary Review, says with positiveness that the
   Polish expropriation bill was passed "against the better
   judgment of press, bar, gentry, political parties and people."
   He cites it as an illustration of the absolute domination
   under which the Prussian legislature is held, and maintains
   that national feeling and opinion have, practically, no
   influence over Prussian policy and no weight in the conduct of
   Prussian affairs. Concerning motives behind the Polish
   expropriation, this well-informed writer reports it to be a
   prevalent belief in Austrian and other political circles that
   the bill was driven through as a military measure, in
   anticipation of some future hostile alliance between Russia
   and Great Britain. It seems to be the belief that the Kaiser,
   if not his ministers, is haunted with the expectation of a war
   to be fought with those powers in combination, and is
   determined that, if a British fleet in the Baltic is ever
   coöperating with a Russian army, there shall be a population
   of patriotic Germans instead of disaffected Prussian Poles
   between them and Berlin.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
   The leading motive of German Foreign Policy officially stated.
   The Principle of the "Open Door."
   Colonial Expansion unnecessary.

   "Usually it has been stated that Germany has an annual
   increase of population of 800,000, that these new masses must
   be supported by manufactories, and that the German Empire will
   thus be forced, with or against its will, into expansion, in
   order to procure the raw material and to establish the
   requisite markets for its industrial growth. The annexation of
   Holland and Flemish Belgium, containing Antwerp, is described
   as a mere preliminary necessary to make possible such measures
   of expansion. Germany must enlarge its maritime basis, and
   should have control of the Lower Rhine and its harbors. To the
   alien, these arguments may seem plausible enough. Whoever is
   acquainted with existing conditions, however, knows that,
   though seemingly plausible, this is not the truth.

   "In the first place, it is not true that colonial expansion is
   a necessity for Germany, resulting from its industrial growth.
   The impetus given to German commerce and German manufactures
   is to be ascribed far more to the increase in the buying
   capacity of other nations—England, France, Russia or
   America—than to all the German colonies combined. Germany
   needs no colonies; what she wants is merely free competition
   on all seas, the open door, and the right to cooperate freely
   on an equal footing with all other commercial and industrial
   nations, in opening up new and as yet unopened districts and
   markets. Hence the principle of the open door is the leading
   motive of the foreign policy pursued by Germany. It is the red
   thread that winds itself through the Eastern-Asiatic, the
   Oriental and the Moroccan policy of the German Empire. The
   high quality of all German products obviates the necessity of
   unfair preferences accruing to political power. All they need
   is a fair chance to compete on equal terms with other
   countries. The world is large enough, and rich enough, in
   still dormant possibilities, to admit of a pacific
   co-operation by all nations in this great work."

      Baron von Speck-Sternburg,
      Imperial German Ambassador to the United States,
      The Truth about German Expansion
      (North American Review, March, 1908).

GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
   Amendment to Industrial Code.
   Hours of Labor.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
   Remarkable Decrease of Emigration.

      See (in this Volume)
      IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: GERMANY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
   North Sea and Baltic Agreements.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (January).
   Institution of Juvenile Courts.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (April).
   Passage of Law defining for the Empire at large the Rights
   of Association and Public Meeting.

   The rights of association and public meeting were determined
   for the Empire at large by an enactment of the Reichstag, for
   the first time, in April, 1908. Hitherto each State had
   regulated these fundamental matters of political freedom by
   legislation of its own, some with considerable latitude, and
   others, especially in the North German States, with a narrow
   restraint, subject, in an intolerable degree, to the
   discretion or will of the police. The national law now brought
   into force, superseding the local legislation, enlarged
   greatly the liberty of citizens to associate themselves for
   legitimate purposes and to hold public meetings. An attempt to
   forbid the use of any foreign language at public meetings was
   defeated; but public speaking in other languages was
   sanctioned only in districts where 60 per cent, of the
   population use the foreign tongue. This does not apply,
   however, to international congresses in Germany, or to
   meetings of electors for the election of legislative
   representatives, Federal or State; and the States have some
   privilege of modifying the rule.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (April).
   Treaty with Denmark, England, France, the Netherlands, and
   Sweden, for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (November).
   Excitement in Europe over a published Interview
   with the Emperor.

   What may fairly be called a "row" in the European world, and
   of the greatest liveliness in Germany itself, arose, early in
   November, 1908, from the appearance in the London
   Telegraph of a reported interview with the Emperor by
   "a representative Englishman who long since passed" it was
   said, "from public into private life."
{295}
   The writer characterized it as "a calculated indiscretion,"
   which was expected to prove of great public service, by
   removing misconceptions of the Emperor’s feelings toward the
   English. The effect produced by the publication left no doubt
   of its indiscretion, but proved likewise that it had been very
   badly miscalculated. In his anxiety to convince the English of
   his friendliness to them the talkative Emperor made known that
   France and Russia, during the Boer War, had invited him to
   join them in a demand on England to stop it, and claimed
   credit for having prepared for the British army in that war a
   plan of campaign, which could be found at Windsor Castle, and
   which was on lines that Lord Roberts had followed in his
   subsequent operations to a large extent.

   How flattering this story was to English pride, and how
   pleasing to the Governments of Russia and France, might be
   imagined very easily; but it would not have been so easy to
   anticipate the outbreak of anger that it exploded in Germany.
   The Empire itself was surprised by that. It had been
   submissive to so many "indiscretions" of speech from its
   Kaiser that it could hardly have expected to be moved
   excitedly by anything from the imperial lips. But, with the
   indiscretion in this case, there seemed to be a reckless
   interference with the appointed organs provided for dealing
   with foreign affairs, doing mischief to the whole system of
   governmental administration. This proved, however, to be less
   the fact than appeared. According to subsequent explanations,
   the Emperor had sent the manuscript of the interview (which
   embodied the substance of a number of conversations with
   several Englishmen) to the Chancellor, Prince von Bülow, for
   his judgment on it, and the latter, not recognizing its
   character, had not read it, but passed it to a subordinate,
   who simply verified the facts stated in it and returned it to
   the Emperor as approved.

   This revelation convicted the Chancellor very clearly of a
   careless performance of duty in his office, and laid on him a
   large share of responsibility for the mischievous publication.
   He offered his resignation to the Emperor and it was refused.
   Constitutionally he was responsible only to the Emperor; the
   Reichstag could not hold him to account, in any practical way,
   nor did it attempt to do so; but there was such plain speaking
   in the Chamber from all parties, Conservative, Liberal, and
   Radical, during two days of debate, November 11 and 12, as
   never had been heard in Germany before. Whatever the language
   of the Constitution might be, it was made known beyond a
   question, then and in a later discussion, that Germany
   expected the crowned head of its Government to conduct
   himself—in the words of one speaker—as "the first servant of
   the State," preserving his own august irresponsibility only by
   acting and speaking in public matters, through ministers
   responsible to the elected representatives of the people. "We
   wish," said Herr Bassermann, leader of the National Liberals
   "so far as it is possible, for trustworthy guarantees against
   the intervention of the personal regime," and before he sat
   down he declared with the approval of the House; "It is the
   desire of my friends that the Kaiser should be thoroughly
   informed with regard to these proceedings. … Although fully
   convinced that even these utterances of our Kaiser sprang from
   his deep anxiety for the welfare of his people, we must give
   expression to the earnest desire that the Kaiser will, in his
   political activity, impose upon himself the reserve proper to
   a Constitutional ruler."

   Dr. Wiener, for the Radicals, corroborated the previous
   speaker by declaring that the article in question had filled
   the entire nation with embitterment, consternation, and rage,
   because it was felt that "confidence in our trustworthiness
   had been shaken. Everywhere it had been recognised that
   Germany’s prestige had received a severe blow." The trend of
   his speech was to show that the so-called "interview" had been
   interpreted in Germany as a crass specimen of personal regime
   which was distasteful to the nation in its entirety.
   Constitutional Government was what was wanted: the Minister,
   not the Sovereign, should be responsible to the people.

   Prince Hatzfeld, of the Imperial party, who stands in great
   favor with the Kaiser, impressed upon the House that the
   Chancellor and not the wearer of the crown was the responsible
   personage in the State. Prince von Bülow, speaking on the
   first day of debate, declared that grave injury had been
   caused by the publication in the Daily Telegraph. He
   added that immediately on reading the article in question, as
   to the disastrous consequences of which he could not for a
   moment be in doubt, he sent in his resignation, taking upon
   himself full responsibility for the mistakes which had been
   made in handling the manuscript. And he followed this up with
   the following significant statement: "Gentlemen! recognition
   that the publication of these utterances has not in England
   had the effect anticipated by his Majesty the Emperor, and, on
   the other hand, in Germany has called forth great excitement
   and painful regret, will—this firm conviction I have won in
   these sad days—induce his Majesty the Kaiser in future to
   impose upon himself, even in his private conversations, that
   reserve which is indispensable to a consistent policy and to
   the authority of the Crown. If that were not so, neither I nor
   any of my successors could accept responsibility for it."

   Proposals of amendment to the Constitution, carrying such
   ministerial responsibility into the fundamental law, were
   advocated without success; but the unwritten constitution
   which public opinion moulds slowly in every country took a
   notable shaping from these debates.

   For some time the Emperor was very silent, and kept himself
   unusually retired. Having occasion to speak publicly at Berlin
   on the 21st of November, when the centennial of the formation
   of the City Council was celebrated, it was reported that
   "Prince von Bülow stepped forward and impressively handed him
   a printed sheet," from which, contrary to his custom, he read
   his remarks.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Attempted Reform of Imperial Finance and its Defeat.
   Breaking of Chancellor Bülow’s "Bloc" in the Reichstag by
   the Government’s project of New Taxes.
   Triumph of the Agrarian Interests in renewed Coalition
   with the Center.
   Resignation of Chancellor Bülow.
   His successor.

   Expenditure outrunning income from year to year—thanks mainly
   to the burden of army and navy—with deficits made good by
   loans, mortgaging the future in an ever-growing public debt,
   had forced the Government, in 1908, to a resolution, not that
   the imperial expenditure on armament must be cut down, but
   that imperial taxation must be increased.
{296}
   The Governments of the Federated States, which are directly
   represented, as such, in the Federal Council, were assenting
   parties to this conclusion, and the resulting measure was
   regarded, in all the proceedings which followed, as emanating
   essentially from that senatorial branch of the Parliament of
   the Empire.

   Preparatory to the undertaking, a new Minister of Finance,
   Herr Reinhold Sydow, was brought into office, and early in
   November, 1908, he submitted to the Reichstag a bill providing
   for new taxes that were estimated to add 500,000,000 marks
   ($125,000,000) yearly to the Treasury of the Empire. The
   scheme included an extended and augmented inheritance tax, new
   methods of deriving revenue from spirits and tobacco, added
   excise duties on beer and bottled still wines, taxes on
   electricity, gas, advertisements, etc. The bill went to the
   Finance Committee of the Reichstag and developed there, during
   the next five months, an antagonism of class interests, and
   consequently of parties, which completely shattered the
   "bloc," or coalition, which Chancellor Bülow had contrived to
   organize in 1906 for the support of his administration. The
   proposed new inheritance tax or death duty was especially
   obnoxious to the land-owning classes,—the agrarian core of
   German conservatism,—and no influence from the Government
   could save it from being stifled in their hands. Other
   oppositions were rallied against the proposals which touched
   spirits, tobacco, electricity, gas, and newspaper
   advertisements, and by the 20th of March, 1909, it was known
   that the Finance Committee had rejected or would reject all
   but about one-fifth of the new taxation which the Government
   and the Federal Council claimed from it.

   A month later the Government signified its abandonment of a
   present expectation, at least, of financial reform, by
   inviting subscriptions to a fresh loan. The budget wrangle in
   Committee went on, however, until the 13th of May, when the
   National-Liberals, the Radicals, and the Socialists of the
   Committee withdrew from it, the Chairman, Herr Paasche, a
   National-Liberal, resigning, refusing to take any further part
   in proceedings which they wholly disapproved. This left the
   Conservatives, the Center or Clerical party, and the Poles,
   who seem to have practically organized an opposition "bloc,"
   which proceeded to frame a budget on entirely different lines
   from that which the Government desired, one of its
   contemplated features being a tax on purchases and sales of
   stocks. On the 18th of May the Reichstag was adjourned until
   the 15th of June, and a month of rest from the controversy was
   enjoyed.

   When the Reichstag reassembled the Government laid before it
   several proposals of taxes to be substituted for those which
   the Committee had rejected. Inheritance taxation was still
   prominent in the revised scheme, but considerably modified in
   its range and reduced in productiveness. With it went an
   extensive readjustment of stamp duties, applied to bonds,
   stock certificates, transfers of real estate, bills and checks
   and a tax on policies of fire insurance. This revised budget
   of additions to the Imperial revenue was estimated to yield
   about $35,000,000. It fared no better than the original
   proposals of the Government. A week after its introduction the
   Reichstag adopted the tax on securities (called the
   Cotierungssteuer) which the Government disapproved, and
   on the 24th of June it rejected the new inheritance tax bill,
   by 194 votes to 186, the minority being composed of
   National-Liberals, Radicals and Socialists, with a few from
   the Conservative side. On the next day, rumors of the intended
   resignation of Prince Bülow were checked by the publication of
   the following semi-official statement:

   "Prince von Bülow will remain as chancellor of the empire. The
   Reichstag will not be dissolved. The chancellor holds that his
   duty is to be in accord with the conviction of the Federal
   Council of the necessity to bring about the passage of a
   taxation measure, but with the exclusion therefrom of duties
   on stock transfers, the output of the grain mills, and the
   exports of coal. Financial reform must now come into
   operation. What the chancellor will do after this has been
   accomplished is his personal affair."

   Nevertheless, it was made known on the 27th that the
   Chancellor had offered his resignation to the Emperor, who had
   declined to accept it, pointing out "that in the unanimous
   conviction of the Federal Governments the early achievement of
   finance reform is a vital question for the internal welfare of
   the Empire, as well as for its position in relation to foreign
   countries. In the circumstances he could not take into closer
   consideration the fulfilment of Prince Bülow’s wish to be
   relieved of his offices until the labours for the reform of
   the Imperial finances should have produced a result of a
   positive kind which the Federal Governments could accept." To
   this statement there was added, semi-officially, next day, the
   following: "Subject to the rejection of those taxation
   proposals which would be injurious to the general interest,
   and therefore impossible of acceptance by the Federal
   Governments, the Imperial Chancellor was unwilling not to
   comply with the Emperor’s desire. Nevertheless, having regard
   to the political development which was manifested by the
   division on the inheritance tax, he is irrevocably resolved to
   retire from office immediately after the accomplishment of
   finance reform."

   Then followed negotiations with the Conservative-Clerical
   majority now fully in control of the Reichstag, the Government
   yielding step by step, and the Federal Council coming openly
   into the management of the negotiations, the Chancellor
   falling into the background, and waiting only for permission
   to lay his office down. In the resulting budget of new taxes
   there was very little saved of the "financial reform" which
   the Federal Council and the Chancellor had undertaken to
   introduce. On most points the land-owners had their way. The
   character and effect of the legislation accomplished in the
   early days of July were described thus by a Berlin
   correspondent of the New York Evening Post, who wrote
   on the 11th of the month:

   "The leitmotif of the bill is that property shall be
   protected and industry shall pay. Even on the reckoning of the
   new majority the ratio between indirect and direct taxation in
   the scheme is as 14 to 34, but in reality property comes off
   far better. … The large land-owners will not be hit at all.
   The only tax that could touch them to any appreciable extent
   is the stamp duty on transfers of real estate.
{297}
   But the remedy lies in their hands; they need not sell, and,
   in any event, of the $10,000,000 at which the returns are
   estimated only $1,250,000 at most falls on landed property. If
   the spirits bounty to be paid by the Government to the spirit
   distilleries (which are in agrarian hands) is set against this
   sum, it will be seen that the agrarians do not only not
   suffer, but net a profit of some ten millions of dollars. Most
   of all it is the consuming classes that are the victims of the
   new majority's taxation proposals. Every cup of coffee, the
   staple nourishment of the German workingman’s family, every
   cup of tea, every glass of beer and schnapps, the staple
   refreshment of the German workingman, will cost more, the
   total sum to be derived from these sources reaching
   $54,250,000, which, with the duty on the poor man’s cigar,
   amounts to over $60,000,000. Adding to this 30 per cent. for
   the increase in the middleman’s prices, the total burden of
   the consuming classes reaches over $80,000,000, or an increase
   of $7.50 on the workingman’s household expenses a year."

   On the 13th of July the session of the Reichstag was closed by
   Imperial decree. On the 14th the following announcement
   appeared in the Imperial Gazette: "His Majesty the
   Emperor and King has been graciously pleased to accede to the
   request of the Imperial Chancellor, the President of the
   Ministry, and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Prince Bülow, to
   be relieved of his offices, and has conferred upon him the
   High Order of the Black Eagle with brilliants. His Majesty has
   been graciously pleased to appoint Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg,
   Secretary of State for the Interior, Minister of State, to be
   Imperial Chancellor, President of the Ministry, and Minister
   for Foreign Affairs." Herr Sydow now resigned from the
   secretaryship of the Imperial Treasury, and was made Prussian
   Minister of Commerce, in place of Herr Delbruck, who succeeded
   the new Chancellor as "Imperial Secretary of State for the
   Interior and representative of the Imperial Chancellor." Herr
   Sydow’s place in the department of the Imperial Treasury was
   taken by Herr Wermuth.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909 (September-May).
   The Casablanca Incident and its Arbitration at The Hague.
   Friendly Agreement with France.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

GERMANY: A. D. 1909.
   Accelerated Naval Construction.
   Excitement in Great Britain.
   Parliamentary Debates.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

GERMANY: A. D. 1909.
   Extent of Trade Unionism.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1909.
   Proposed Amendments of the System of Workingmen’s Insurance.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS;
      also,
      LABOR PROTECTION: ACCIDENT AND SICKNESS INSURANCE.

GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (January).
   Rejection of Proposed Reforms of the Elective Franchise
   in Prussia.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: PRUSSIA.

GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (April).
   Economic Conditions.
   Gain of Fifteen Years in National Wealth.
   Increased Cost of Living.
   Diminished Savings.
   Check on the Overcrowding of Towns.

   A report by the British Consul-General on the trade and
   commerce of the consular district of Frankfort-on-the-Main for
   the year ending April 30, 1909, gave the following items of
   interest touching general economic conditions of the year:

   Early in 1909 the national wealth of Germany, which had been
   estimated at 220,000,000,000 marks 15 years ago, was estimated
   to have reached 350,000,000,000 marks—i. e., an increase of 59
   per cent. in half a generation.

   "The cheapening of all manufactured commodities in comparison
   with the price they had reached during the end of the boom has
   failed until now, in spite of an unprecedented supply of cash,
   because the development which had taken place behind the wall
   of protection—the system of syndication—has killed free
   competition at home and has unduly raised the cost of the raw
   material needed by the finishing industries. The agricultural
   protection as well as the industrial has, moreover, increased
   the cost of living and has narrowed down the margin of profit
   which might have been used like a safety valve for reductions
   of price to revive trade at home or facilitate competition
   abroad. Syndication and protection have in fact combined to
   deprive German manufacture of that elastic cheapening power
   which ought chiefly to revive trade during the period
   succeeding a commercial high tide. At the same time the
   increased protection of the home market has admittedly
   rendered foreign markets more difficult for the German
   manufacturer."

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES, &C.

GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (September).
   Speech of the Emperor on the Pride of his Subjects in
   "the Game of War."

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (September).
   Latest Statistics of the Social Democratic Party.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIALISM: GERMANY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (October-December).
   Socialist Gains in By-elections, etc.
   Changed relations between Parties and the Government.

   Several by-elections for the Reichstag and elections to the
   diets of Saxony and Baden in these months showed somewhat
   startling gains for the Socialists. In the Saxon Diet they won
   25 seats, whereas in the late chamber, elected in 1907, they
   had held but 1. Both the Conservatives and the National
   Liberals were losers in the contest, the former most heavily.
   The Radicals shared a few of the gains. In the Baden Diet the
   Socialist gain was 8. At a by-election in one of the
   Brandenburg divisions the Socialists increased their vote by
   more than a thousand.

   The Reichstag was reopened by the Emperor on the 30th of
   November. On the organization of the House, Dr. Herman S.
   Paasche, National Liberal, declined election as Second
   Vice-President, stating that the National-Liberal party had
   decided unanimously not to accept office in the reorganization
   of the House. The Imperial party, or free Conservatives, also
   declined to take part in the organization, while the Radicals
   went so far as to decide that they would cast blank votes.
   These three parties are determined to place the full
   responsibility for the coming legislation upon the German
   Conservatives and Clericals.

{298}

   This new attitude of parties, as one side of the sequence to
   the dissolution of the bloc of the past two years, and to the
   retirement of Chancellor Bülow, was responded to most
   appositely on the side of the Government by the new Imperial
   Chancellor, Dr. von Bethmann Hollweg, when he made his first
   speech in that capacity to the Reichstag, December 9th. In not
   many words he made it plain that the Imperial Government’s
   policy now was "to stand aloof from parties and groups of
   parties; in short, that the government of Germany was not a
   government by party. Governmental measures would be submitted
   to the Reichstag for adoption, but he was not disposed to
   define the constellation of parties which, he thought, would
   support these measures. The recent political crisis over the
   taxation bill had made no change in German institutions, he
   continued. Radicalism strove to divide all Germany into two
   political camps, but the existence of such a dualism was a
   fiction devised for party objects. It could not contribute to
   the sound development of the country for every proposal to be
   classified as either radical or reactionary. Germany, the
   chancellor affirmed, needed continuous and steady policies,
   both at home and abroad, to satisfy the people to the end that
   their work, either material or intellectual, might be
   undisturbed by disorders or experiments." His words in part
   were as follows:

   "As decidedly as the separate parties have ever refused, and
   still refuse, to be Government parties—and I personally can
   thoroughly understand it—so little will a Government in
   Germany ever be able to be a party Government. With the
   difficulties which arise from this fact every German statesman
   has had to fight, and in this relation of things, which is
   historic and based upon the peculiarity of our party life and
   of our State institutions, the last crisis has altered nothing
   whatever. I do not shut my eyes," continued the Chancellor,
   "to the excitement of party politics which pervades the
   country." But he believed that there were wide circles of the
   German people who did not wish to live permanently on
   political excitement and recrimination. "What our people
   desires in the first place is not to be disturbed in its
   actual work, whether economic or intellectual, either at home
   or abroad, in the markets of the world, by unrest or
   experiments. It wishes to be supported and encouraged by a
   policy of continuity and stability at home and abroad." As in
   the past there had never been a single party which had given
   its stamp to German policy, so all parties must work together
   in the future. The question was not one of "actual
   collaboration" or of nervous anxiety about the creation of a
   temporary Parliamentary majority, but of the conviction that
   there was an obligation to work imposed by the community upon
   each of its representatives, and the certainty that this
   obligation would survive the present turmoil.

   It is an interesting experiment which the new Chancellor is
   venturing on; but it seems to require a Bismarck in the
   Chancellor’s shoes.

GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (December).
   The Mannesmann Concession Question.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

GERMANY: A. D. 1910 (March).
   Demand of the Reichstag for Ministerial Responsibility.

   On the 15th of March, 1910, it was reported from Berlin that
   the Reichstag had adopted a motion, made by a Socialist
   member, demanding the introduction of a bill making the
   chancellor responsible to the Reichstag for his official acts
   and also extending his responsibility to cover all of the acts
   and documents made by the Emperor, for which responsibility he
   shall be answerable in a court of law.

   [Transcriber's note: The First World War was fought from
   July 28, 1914 to November 11, 1918, between the Allies
   (France, the United Kingdom, Russia, the United States,
   Italy, and Japan) and the Central Powers (Germany,
   Austria-Hungary, the Ottoman Empire, and Bulgaria).]

   ----------GERMANY: End--------

GHENT: A. D. 1900.
   Municipal organization of Insurance against Unemployment.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT.

GHOSE, Dr. Rash Bihari.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

GIBBONEY, D. Clarence.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: PHILADELPHIA.

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
   Of Andrew Carnegie:

   To Building for the Bureau of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS, BUREAU OF.

   For Court House and Library for Permanent Court of
   Arbitration at The Hague.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1903.

   To Foundation for the Improvement of Teaching.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

   To Hero Funds.

      See (in this Volume)
      CARNEGIE HERO FUNDS.

   To Institute at Pittsburg.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

   To Institution of Washington.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

   To Scottish Universities.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
   Of George Crocker for Cancer Research.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH: CANCER RESEARCH.

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
   Of Edwin Ginn to Fund for the Peace Propaganda.

      See (in this Volume)
      War, The Revolt against: A. D. 1909.

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
   Of Mrs. Harriman and others to the State of New York for
   a State Park on the Hudson.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909-1910.

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
   Of Miss Anna T. Jeanes to Schools for Southern Negroes.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
   Of Mr. John Stewart Kennedy.

   Nearly $30,000,000, out of an estate valued close to
   $60,000,000, was left to public institutions by John Stewart
   Kennedy, banker and railroad builder, who died early in
   November, 1909. The remainder of the estate was bequeathed to
   relatives and employés. The larger bequests to religious,
   educational, and benevolent institutions were the following:

   Board of Foreign Missions of the
   Presbyterian Church in the United States   $2,250,000

   Board of Home Missions of the
   Presbyterian Church in the United States    2,250,000

   Board of Church Erection Fund of the
   General Assembly of the Presbyterian
   Church in the United States                 2,250,000

   Presbyterian Hospital in New York City      2,250,000

   New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox,
   and Tilden Foundations                      2,250,000

   Metropolitan Museum of Art                  2,250,000

   Columbia University                         2,250,000

   Church Extension Committee of the
   Presbytery of New York                      1.500,000

   Trustees of Robert College,
   Constantinople, Turkey                      1,500,000

   University of the City of New York            750,000

{299}

   American Bible Society                       750,000

   Presbyterian Board of Aid for Colleges       750,000

   Charity Organization Society of the City
   of New York for its School of Philanthrophy,
   "to which I have already given an endowment
   of $250,000, or to the said school if the
   same be separately incorporated at the time
   of my death,"                                750,000

   United Charities, a corporation of
   the State of New York                      1,500,000


GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
   Of Letchworth Park to the State of New York.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK STATE; A. D. 1907.

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
   Of Rhodes Scholarships.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS.

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
   Of John D. Rockefeller to the General Education Board.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
   The Russell Sage Foundation.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIAL BETTERMENT. UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

   From Mrs. Russell Sage to Yale University.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910.

   Of Mrs. Russell Sage to the U. S. Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      Constitution Island.

GINN, EDWIN:
   Great Gift to Fund for the Peace Propaganda.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

GIOLITTI, SIGNOR GIOVANNI:
   Minister of the Interior and then Premier of
   the Italian Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1901, 1903, and after.

GIORGIS, GENERAL DE:
   Command of Gendarmerie in Macedonia.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

GLADSTONE, HERBERT J.:
   Secretary of State for Home Affairs.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

   First Governor-General of United South Africa.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

GOBAT, ALBERT.

      See (in this Volume)
      Nobel Prizes.

GOETHALS, LIEUTENANT-COLONEL GEORGE W.:
   Chief Engineer of the Panama Canal.

      See (in this Volume)
      PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905-1909.

GOLGI, CAMILLO.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

GOLUCHOWSKI, Count.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

GOMEZ, José Miguel:
   President of Cuba.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.

GOMEZ, General Maximo:
   Military head of the last Cuban Rising against Spain.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1902.

GOMEZ, General:
   Acting President of Venezuela.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909.

GOMPERS, Samuel:
   Sentence for alleged Violation of an Injunction.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

GORDON MEMORIAL COLLEGE, at Khartoum.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: EGYPT.

GOREMYKIN, Ivan Logginovich.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

GORGAS, Dr. W. C., United States of America:
   In charge of the Sanitation of the Panama Canal Zone.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH: PANAMA CANAL.

GOVERNORS’ CONFERENCE, on Conservation of Natural Resources.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

"GRAFT," so called, in Municipal Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

GRAND TRUNK PACIFIC RAILWAY PROJECT.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1903.

GRAY, Justice George:
   On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

GREAT BRITAIN.

      See (in this Volume and Volume II)
      ENGLAND.

GREECE: A. D. 1905.
   Assassination of Prime Minister Delyannis.
   His successors.

   Theodoros Delyannis, the Premier of Greece, was assassinated
   on the 13th of June, 1905, by a revengeful gambler whose place
   had been closed by the police. A new Ministry formed by M.
   Ralli conducted the Government until December, when its defeat
   in the election of a president of the representative assembly
   forced a resignation. It was succeeded by a Cabinet formed
   under M. Theotokis, the leader of the Opposition.

GREECE: A. D. 1905-1908.
   Barbarities of Greek bands in Macedonia.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

GREECE: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Insurrection in Crete.
   Demand for Union with "her Mother Greece."
   Investigation by the Powers.
   Resignation of Prince George.
   Appointment of M. Zaimis.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRETE; A. D. 1905-1906.

GREECE: A. D. 1907-1909.
   The Cretan Situation as dealt with by the
   Four Protecting Powers.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRETE: A. D. 1907-1909.

GREECE: A. D. 1909 (July).
   Destructive Earthquake in Ellis.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES: GREECE.

GREECE: A. D. 1909.
   The Government dominated by a Military League.
   Its submission to the Dictatorship.

   Whatever vitality may previously have animated the forms of
   constitutional government in Greece was extinguished suddenly
   in July, 1909, by a demonstration of power on the part of a
   league of army officers to give orders to it. The Military
   League was backed, evidently, by a strong popular feeling
   against the Government, partly well founded, perhaps, but
   largely due to an unreasoning desire for rash undertakings to
   secure the annexation of Crete. The revolution in Turkey had
   stimulated this by seeming to open opportunities for breaking
   the island away from the claimed sovereignty of the Turks.
   What Bulgaria had been able to do in the situation for
   herself, and what Austria had done in annexing Bosnia and
   Herzegovina, it must be that the Powers which held Crete in
   commission, so to speak, could do for Greece, in the present
   state of things, if Greece had a competent Government to deal
   with affairs. This seems to have been the feeling, to a large
   extent, which produced the Military League and the popular
   threatenings whereby the Ministry of M. Theotoki was impelled
   to resign office on the 17th of July. The new Cabinet
   constructed by the King, under M. Ralli, held the semblance of
   power a little more than a month, and then had to choose
   between dropping it and taking orders from the League.
{300}
   When it hesitated, and ventured an arrest of several leaders
   of the military combination, the latter, in a body, to the
   number of over 500, with about 2000 of the men of their
   commands, took possession of a hill outside of Athens, on the
   27th of August, and established there a menacing camp. Parley
   was then opened with them and they submitted a programme of
   demands which M. Ralli declined to accept, and resigned.

   According to a manifesto published by the League on the 27th,
   its demands, summarized in a letter from Athens, were as
   follows: "The officers belonging to the Military League
   respectfully ask the King and the Government to carry out
   radical reforms, and especially to proceed with the
   reorganization of the army and navy, in order that Greece
   might not in the future have to undergo any more humiliations
   such as she had had to tolerate in the past. The commands held
   by the Royal Princes in the army and navy are considered by
   the league to be prejudicial to their own prestige and to the
   accomplishment of their duties. The officers consequently
   insist that the Crown Prince, who is commander-in-chief of the
   army, and the other Royal Princes, should not hold any command
   in the army. They demand that the army shall be controlled by
   a council composed of the commanders of the three divisions
   under the presidency of the eldest of them, and the
   superintendence of the Crown Prince. They further ask that the
   two War Ministries should be invariably entrusted to the best
   officers in the army and navy and not to civilians. Among the
   detailed features of their programme they ask that four
   classes of the reserve should be called to the colours
   annually for manoeuvres, that a battleship of not less than
   10,000 tons, and eight destroyers of not less than 150 tons
   each, should be constructed, that the existing three cruisers
   should be repaired, that all the useless small ships should be
   sold, including the Royal yachts, with the exception of one
   for the King, that a war school should be established, that a
   foreign general with some officers should be called in to
   organize a Staff service and to look after the theoretical and
   practical training of the army and navy, and that a more
   efficient corps of Gendarmerie should be organized. In
   order to provide the necessary funds to carry out these
   reforms the league suggests that large retrenchments should be
   made in the general Budget."

   The King found a compliant premier, M. Mavromichalis, who
   submitted to these dictations in principle, amnestied the
   whole League, and took one of its leaders, Colonel
   Lapathiotis, into his Cabinet, as Minister of War. Since that
   day the actual Government of Greece has been transferred from
   the King, his Constitutional Ministers and the "Boule," or
   Legislative Chamber, to the Military League. The nominal
   Government turned a cheerful face to the world by publishing a
   semi-official explanation which began as follows:

   "Now that the situation has become clearer it becomes plain
   that the sole object of the military movement was the
   reorganization of the army and the reform and improvement of
   the Administration. The movement was at no time directed
   against the King or the dynasty, nor had it as its object the
   diminution of the rights and privileges of the Crown or the
   violation of the Constitution. The request of the Military
   Committee that the Crown Prince and the Royal Princes should
   be relieved of their high commands in the army was only
   formulated in their Highnesses’ interests, and with a view to
   relieve them of grave responsibilities likely to injure their
   prestige and in order to avert the discord and hatred which
   personal favoritism and the sympathies of the Princes would
   inevitably have engendered among the officers serving under
   them."

   That the League had strong backing in the country was shown by
   popular demonstrations, one of which, at Athens, on the 27th
   of September, brought 50,000 people, it was said, to the Champ
   de Mars, to pass a resolution and to convey it to the King.
   "The resolution began by expressing profound satisfaction at
   the initiation of the struggle by the Military League against
   the mischievous influence of parties on State affairs, and
   against the misuse of interest in the army and navy, and …
   concluded by declaring the determination of the people to
   exercise constant supervision over the Government and the
   Chamber until their demands had been completely fulfilled.

   "The demonstrators then marched to the Royal Palace, where the
   committee were received by the King and handed his Majesty the
   resolution. The King, after congratulating them upon the
   orderly and lawful way in which the people had made known
   their wishes, expressed his conviction that his Government and
   the Chamber would consider them and would vote the requisite
   laws."

   The Chamber, however, was less compliant, and showed marked
   signs of refusing legislation for the removal of the royal
   Princes from active service in the army. This angered the
   military dictators, and fresh trouble was threatened. It was
   averted by the resignation of the Princes, and by the speedy
   adoption of the whole series of measures demanded by the
   League, no less than twenty-three bills being enacted within
   the space of an hour.

   The dictatorial work of the League, however, had not gone far
   enough to satisfy one of its chiefs, a Lieutenant Typaldos,
   commander of a fleet of torpedo-boats and submarines, who
   suddenly set on foot a naval revolt of his own, withdrawing,
   with a few other officers and men, to Salamis and seizing the
   arsenal there. But, having the League against him, Typaldos
   was easily put to flight, and was captured eventually in
   ignominious disguise. For a time after this all went smoothly,
   and the Government was credited with a number of good
   measures, which its military masters permitted it to adopt.
   The situation was ruffled again toward the end of December by
   some offensive words in the Chamber from the Minister of War,
   Colonel Lapathiotis, which a large part of the deputies
   resented. These gave notice that they would not enter the
   Chamber again while the Colonel remained in the Ministry.
   Fortunately, just at this time, the obnoxious Minister gave
   offense to his associates of the League, by promoting several
   officers without consulting them, and they were willing that
   he should be dismissed.

{301}

GREECE: A. D. 1910.
   Agreements for a restored Constitutional Regime.

   The dismissal of Colonel Lapathiotis emboldened the party in
   the Chamber which follows the lead of ex-Premier Rallis to
   make some show of an independent opposition, and provoked
   thereby the most arrogant reminder yet given of the
   dictatorial power of the Military League. On the 2d of January
   two officers from the League appeared in the Chamber, bearing
   letters addressed to the Prime Minister and to the two leaders
   of Opposition parties, M. Rallis and M. Theotokis, requiring
   the Chamber to pass twenty-seven specified measures, besides
   the pending budget, and requiring the Government to recall its
   diplomatic representatives from Paris, Berlin, Vienna, and
   Rome. The messengers announced that they would return at 2 p.
   M. for a reply, and when they did so they were assured that
   the commands received would be obeyed. A few hours later the
   Premier received a fresh mandate to dismiss his Minister of
   the Interior. On this, he and his colleagues attempted to
   resign, but were so entreated by the King to remain and submit
   to the humiliating situation, rather than bring the country to
   a state of complete political wreck, that they did so,
   excepting the Minister of the Interior, who withdrew.

   In the succeeding four weeks, negotiations appear to have
   been effected between the League and the leaders of political
   parties, with the result announced as follows in a telegram
   from Athens to the American Press, January 28:

   "An agreement was reached to-day by the Theotokis party, the
   Rallis party, and the Military League to convoke the National
   Assembly for a revision of the Constitution, with the
   condition that the league shall first be dissolved. The powers
   of the National Assembly will be limited as to the sections of
   the Constitution to be revised, and no interference with the
   royal prerogatives will be permitted."

   King George assented to the proposed convocation of a National
   Assembly for the revision of the Constitution, though the
   existing Constitution would be violated by the method of
   procedure to be taken, since the choice seemed to lie between
   this and a complete wreckage of constitutional government. A
   Cretan leader, M. Venezelo, of high reputation for political
   sagacity, came to Athens on invitation and conducted a
   settlement of the affair with apparent success. The
   Mavromichalis Ministry gave way to another, formed under M.
   Dragoumis; a programme of constitutional changes to be laid
   before the contemplated National Assembly was agreed upon; the
   election of the Assembly was appointed for August next and its
   meeting for September, and the dissolution of the Military
   League was pledged. Such was the situation in the later days
   of March, 1910.

GREEN HILLS, Capture of.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

GREY, ALBERT HENRY GEORGE, EARL:
   Governor-General of Canada.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1904.

GREY, SIR EDWARD:
   Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (December), 1905-1906; and
      TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

GREY, SIR EDWARD:
   Correspondence on American Fishing Rights
   in Newfoundland waters.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

GREY, SIR EDWARD:
   On the Changed Conditions in Europe that make for Peace.

      See EUROPE: A. D. 1909.

GREY, SIR EDWARD:
   On the Budget of 1909 and the House of Lords.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April-December).

GROCERS’ ASSOCIATION, Dissolution of the.

   See (in this Volume)
   COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

GROSSCUP, JUDGE PETER S.:
   Decision in the Case of the
   United States v. Swift & Co., et al.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

GROSSCUP, JUDGE PETER S.:
   Opinion in Standard Oil Case.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

GRUITCH, GENERAL:
   Head of Radical Servian Ministry.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA: A. D. 1903.

GUANTANAMO:
   Coaling and Naval Station leased to the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1903.

GUATEMALA.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA.

GUERRA, COLONEL PINO:
   Leader of Insurrection in Cuba.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

GUIANA, BRITISH: A. D. 1904.
   Settlement of Brazilian boundary dispute.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.

GULLY, W. C.:
   Resignation of the Speakership of House of Commons.
   Elevation to the Peerage.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (JUNE).

GUMMERÉ, S. R.:
   American Delegate to the Alegeciras Conference
   on the Morocco Question.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

GUTHRIE, GEORGE W.:
   Mayor of Pittsburg.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

H.

HAAKON VII., King of Norway.

      See (in this Volume )
      NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.

HABIBULLAH, Ameer of Afghanistan.

   See (in this Volume)
   AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

HAECKEL, Ernst Heinrich.
   Eminent German scientist, retired from his Professorship
   at Jena University on his 75th birthday, February 10, 1909.

HAGEN-HAGEN, LIEUTENANT:
    Tragically ended Greenland Coast Survey.

       See (in this Volume)
       POLAR EXPLORATION.

HAGOPIAN, H.:
   On the Turkish Revolution.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

HAGUE TRIBUNAL, The: A. D. 1902.
   Decision of the Pious Fund Question between Mexico and
   the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

HAGUE TRIBUNAL, The: A. D. 1903.
   Decision on Venezuela Question.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D 1902-1903.

HAGUE TRIBUNAL, The:
   Carnegie Gift to it of a Court House and Library.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1903.

HAGUE, The: A. D. 1907.
   The Second Peace Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

HAICHENG, RUSSIAN EVACUATION OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

HAKKI BEY: Grand Vizier.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (MAY-DECEMBER).

{302}

HALDANE, Richard B.:
   Secretary of State for War.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

HALE vs. HENKEL, The case of.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1906.

HAMID EDDIN, Sheik of the Hadramaut:
   His claims to the Caliphate, against the Sultan.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.

HAMLIN, Reverend Dr. Cyrus.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: TURKEY, &c.

HANKAU-SZE-CHUAN RAILWAY LOAN.
   The question of American participation.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1904-1909.

HANSEN, Ole.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1901.

HARBIN,
KHARBIN: A. D. 1905.
   Opened to all commerce.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER).

HARCOURT, VERNON.

      See VERNON-HARCOURT.

HARDEN, Maximilian:
   The Trials of.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1908.

HARDIE, KEIR.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906;
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1903; and
      SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.

HARRIMAN, Edward H.:
   His extraordinary Accumulation and Organization of
   Railway Properties.
   His death.

   See (in this Volume)
   RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

HARRIMAN, Mrs. E. H.
   Gift of land to New York for a State Park.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909-1910.

HARVARD UNIVERSITY:
   Interchanges of Professors with French and German Universities.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

HASSAN FEHMI EFFENDI,
   Assassination of.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

HATSUSE,
   Sinking of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

HATTI HUMAYUN, The Turkish.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

HAUSA LAND.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (NIGERIA).

HAVANA: A. D. 1907.
   Population.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1907.

HAY, John:
   Secretary of State.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

HAY, John:
   Negotiation of the Hay-Bond Reciprocity Treaty.

      See NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.

HAY, John:
   Negotiation of Treaty with China to open two new Ports
   to Foreign Trade.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

HAY, John:
   Honorary President of Second International Conference
   of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

HAY, John:
   Proclamation of his death.

      See UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (JULY).

HAY-PAUNCEFOTE CANAL TREATY, Interoceanic.

      See (in this Volume)
      PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1901-1902.

HAITI: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Participation in Second International Conference of
   American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

HAITI: A. D. 1902.
   Revolution and Civil War produced by a Blunder of Law.
   Resignation of President Sam.
   Election of General Nord Alexis.

   An outbreak of revolution in Haiti occurred under singular
   circumstances on the 12th of May, 1902. As related in a
   despatch of a few days later by Mr. W F. Powell, United States
   Minister to Haiti, the circumstances were these: When, in
   April, 1896. General Theresias Simon Sam was elected President
   of the Republic (see, under HAYTI, in Volume VI. of this
   work), on the sudden death of President Hypolite, "Congress
   enacted a law requiring him to enter upon the duties of the
   Presidential office at once, and to remain in office until May
   15, 1903. This law, it seems now," wrote Mr. Powell, "was not
   constitutional, as the constitution states: ‘That upon the
   death, resignation, malfeasance in office, or removal
   therefrom of the President before the 15th of May (in any
   year) the cabinet or council of ministers is charged with
   these functions until the 15th of May, when the newly elected
   President shall assume the duties of the Presidency; but if a
   President should accept office or enter upon the duties of the
   same prior to this time (15th of May), then his term of office
   must expire on the 15th of May of the year preceding the time
   that it actually expired, thus not allowing the incumbent to
   remain in office the full seven years, the time for which he
   was elected.’

   "For some reason this provision of the constitution was not
   thought of, or else forgotten, at the time General Sam was
   elected. No mention was made of this section until about a
   year ago, when the question was launched upon the public view
   by the enemies of the Government. The more this question was
   discussed the more potent it became, until it occupied the
   attention of all classes to the exclusion of all other
   matters. … The several political arrests and the exile of many
   persons within the past two years have been on account of this
   discussion, they demanding that this article of the
   constitution should be literally followed, the Government, on
   its part, believing that in the arrest and exile of all such
   persons all discussions and agitation of this matter would
   cease. But this rigor on the part of the Government produced,
   instead of friends, enemies, who were daily gaining strength.

   "At the several interviews I had with the President up to the
   time I left for Santo Domingo (February 10) he stated that it
   was his intention to remain in office until he had finished
   his term (to May 15, 1903) and that he would not resign or
   cease to be President prior to that time. He had also
   impressed this fact upon the members of his cabinet up to May
   1 of the present year, when it was learned that it was his
   intention to resign at an early day." This announcement
   brought a number of candidates into the field, and Mr. Powell,
   on returning to Port au Prince on the 11th of May, found a
   precarious situation there. He secured an interview with
   President Sam the following morning, and "was informed that he
   had determined to resign, that his resignation was ready to be
   sent to Congress, that he was tired of this constant
   agitation, and that he would leave by the French steamer then
   in port for France, where he would pass the remainder of his
   life in quietness and peace; that since it was the wish of the
   people to have a new President he would not oppose them, but
   would abide by article 93 of the national constitution, and if
   the chambers did not elect a President to-day, Monday, the
   country would be without a President."

{303}

   One of the candidates, General Leconte, a member of the
   Government about to be dissolved, "felt certain that he would
   be elected, as he had sufficient votes pledged in both houses
   to elect him. This news spread rapidly, the streets became
   full of armed citizens wending their way toward the chambers
   to prevent, forcibly if necessary, his election. At first it
   was difficult to get the members together. The streets in the
   neighborhood of the legislative halls were thronged with
   people and the Government troops, the latter to protect the
   members in case of violence. Several secret meetings of the
   members were held. At last the doors were opened, and as soon
   as opened every available space not occupied by the two houses
   was filled by the friends and foes of General Leconte. As the
   balloting was about to commence some one in the chambers fired
   his revolver. In an instant shooting commenced from all parts
   of the room. One or two were killed and the same number
   wounded. The members all sought shelter in the most available
   places they could find—under benches or desks. Others forgot
   the way they entered and sought exit by means of the windows.
   By this means the populace prevented the election of General
   Leconte, forcibly adjourned the chambers without date, and
   dispersed the members of both chambers. The Government troops
   immediately retired to the palace, the arsenal, the barracks,
   or the arrondissement, as it was thought that an attack would
   be immediately made on each place.

   "A committee of safety was at once formed to safeguard the
   interests of the city, and as the news reached the other
   cities of the Republic similar committees were named with like
   duties. The next object was to secure the palace, arsenal, and
   the Government buildings. A concerted attack was made on each
   of the above places at 10 p. m., lasting about twenty minutes,
   in which the Government troops were the victors. It is
   supposed that in these engagements about one hundred persons
   were either killed or wounded."

   The next day, on the ex-President’s request, Mr. Powell, as
   dean of the diplomatic corps, arranged with his associates to
   escort General and Mrs. Sam, together with General Leconte, to
   the steamer on which they wished to embark, and their
   departure was undisturbed.

   On the 26th of May a Provisional Government, with General
   Boisrond Canal for its President, was established by delegates
   sent from "the several sections of the Republic." Elections
   for a new Chamber of Deputies were appointed to be held early
   in July; though the Constitution had declared that such
   elections "must occur during the first weeks in the month of
   January." This gave a fine opening for future troubles.
   Meantime, irregular skirmishing, preliminary to positive civil
   war, was bringing all business to an end. On the 26th of July
   Mr. Powell reported to Washington that civil war had been
   declared. The contest for the Presidency seemed narrowed to
   two candidates. General Nord Alexis, Minister of War and
   Marine in the Provisional Government, and Mr. A. Firmin, whose
   cause was supported by the Haytian navy, of two gunboats,
   commanded by Admiral Killick. It is needless to give details
   of the hostilities that ensued.

   The elections were determined and the Chamber of Deputies was
   organized about the 20th of August. The Deputies had then to
   choose the Senatorial body, and the strife of factions among
   them prevented that election until late in the year, when the
   forces of the Provisional Government had achieved successes
   which brought the civil war practically to an end. General
   Nord Alexis, who had been campaigning for months, returned
   triumphantly with his army to Port au Prince on the 14th of
   December; was acclaimed President by the Army on the 17th, and
   was formally elected by the National Assembly on the 21st. He
   was then reported to be 85 years old.

HAITI: A. D. 1908.
   Revolution once more.
   Overthrow and expulsion of President Nord Alexis.
   General Antoine Simon his elected successor.

   The Government under President Nord Alexis was maintained for
   six years, by its own unsparing use of power, it would seem,
   rather than by the good will of the country. Revolutionary
   projects had been crushed with prompt vigor before they had
   much chance of development, until November, 1908, when one,
   led by a displaced military commander, General Antoine Simon,
   ran so rapid a course that it arrived at complete success on
   the 2d of the following month. The aged but indomitable Nord
   Alexis strove hard to resist it, even to the last inch of
   fighting in his own palace; but Port au Prince rose against
   him; his partisans fell away; his soldiers deserted; and
   finally, on the afternoon of December 2d, he consented to be
   taken on board a French training-ship, then in port. In doing
   this there was difficulty in saving him from an angry city
   mob. The escape of the fallen President was described in a
   Port au Prince despatch to the Associated Press as follows:

   "So serious was the situation that the French minister, M.
   Carteron, and other foreign representatives, with members of a
   specially appointed committee, forced themselves upon the
   President, who finally consented to withdraw. Shouts greeted
   him as he stepped to his carriage. M. Carteron, carrying the
   French tri-color, threw the folds of the flag over the
   shoulders of the de posed president to protect him. All along
   the route the people who lined the streets shouted, jeered and
   cursed the fallen President, but when the landing stage was
   reached, the mob lost all restraint. The scene was tragic and
   shameful. Infuriated women broke through the cordon of troops
   and shrieked the coarsest insults into the very face of the
   President, who strove bravely to appear undismayed. They
   hurled themselves, fighting with hands and feet, against the
   soldiers, who found difficulty in forcing them back. One woman
   with a murderous knife, got to the President’s side and made a
   sweep at his body, but the blow fell short, and, before she
   could follow it with another, she was seized by a soldier. A
   man struck the President a glancing blow with his fist on the
   neck. Alexis, shaking his head, so, turned to M. Carteron and
   said: ‘I told you your excellency.’

{304}

   "To clear space, the troops fired several volleys over the
   heads of the mob. For a moment, they gave way, and Alexis,
   with the French colors draped about him, was bustled into a
   skiff, in tow of a steam launch, his disordered suite tumbling
   in after him. As the launch drew away, three Haytian gunboats
   and the American warships in the harbor fired a salute to the
   fallen President.

   "A trunk which was left behind on the precipitate departure of
   the President and his party from the wharf, was seized upon by
   the rioters and broken open. It was found to contain some
   $10,000 in gold and 20,000 Haytian gourdes. The specie was
   scattered about and promptly pillaged."

   According to a despatch of the next day, "riot and pillage
   swept through the night following the flight of the fallen
   President, Nord Alexis. The populace, maddened by a taste of
   revolt, gave themselves over to absolute license, They looted
   stores and residences and then fought among themselves over
   the booty until an armed force, hastily gathered together by
   General Poitevin, fired a volley into the mob and finally
   drove them into hiding. In all, twelve persons were killed and
   many wounded before order was restored. …

   "Past 90 years of age—how many years beyond nobody knows—Nord
   Alexis had faced his foes with the strength and determination
   of a man in the very prime of life. To-day he said: ‘The
   courageous conduct of M. Carteron (the French minister) saved
   my life.’ … The President was broken-hearted over the attitude
   of his people, of whose hostility he was entirely ignorant.
   ‘They always cheered me when I appealed in the streets,’ he
   said mournfully, ‘and I have always labored for their good.’

   "He protested against the ‘legend’ that he ever had shown any
   enmity toward the whites, and, for the first time, expressed
   his views with regard to the summary executions which took
   place on March 15th last, when many men were shot to death by
   order of General Leconte. He had always been convinced, he
   said, that the men had been killed during an attack upon the
   palace. His officials and those upon whom he depended had kept
   back the truth from him.

   "With regard to his destination, Nord Alexis said that he
   would wait until he could be transported to Jamaica, Saint
   Thomas or Martinique."

   General Simon and his victorious army of rebellion entered the
   capital on the 5th. Some degree of order had been restored by
   a Committee of Safety, under ex-President Legitime, but fresh
   strifes were imminent between rival candidates for the vacant
   presidency. Simon, with his military following, brushed them
   aside, and obtained a unanimous election by the Haitian
   Congress on the 17th, assuming office as President on the
   20th.

HAITI: A. D. 1909.
   The Haitian People.
   The splendid industry of the Women.
   The curse of the country in its Military Government.

   "Four-fifths of the Haitians—the peasantry of the country,
   that is to say—are hard working, peaceable country people.
   These four-fifths of 3,000,000 are entirely negro in race, and
   probably represent a mingling of West African types from
   Senegambia, Dahomé, and the Congo. It is a race which
   exhibits, away from the towns, a fine physical development;
   its skin colour is much darker and the negro type more
   pronounced than in the United States. … The women are the best
   part of the nation They are splendid, unremitting toilers. In
   the face of all discouragements with, which a bad Government
   clouds their existence the women of Haiti almost remind one of
   certain patient types of ant or termite, who, as fast as you
   destroy their labour of months or days, hasten to repair it
   with unslacking energy.

   "The curse of Haiti from the day she established her
   independence in 1804 to the present time is the tyrannical and
   wasteful Government of the military party. … Scarcely a
   President in the history of Haiti has not been a military man
   and the favourite leader, for the time being, of the major
   portion of the army. … That President Antoine Simon will
   follow in the bloody footsteps of all his Presidential
   predecessors is improbable. He is a man of obviously kindly
   nature, with a record of 22 years’ essentially clement
   government of the great southern province of Haiti; but he is
   an old man of imperfect education, and though he may turn out
   a complete surprise, yet so far he has done nothing to improve
   the conditions of political elections. The whole power of the
   country is still entirely based on the soldiers."

      Sir Harry Johnston,
      in The London Times, April 13, 1909.

HEARST, William R.:
   Candidacy for Mayor of New York.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905 and 1909.

HEARST, William R.:
   Candidacy for Governor of New York State.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910.

HEDERVARY MINISTRY.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903.

HENEY, FRANCIS J.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO,
      and UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

HENRIQUES, CAMPOS.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

HENRY PHIPPS INSTITUTE.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH: TUBERCULOSIS.

HENRY, Prince of Prussia:
   Visit to the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

HEPBURN ACT.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908, and 1906-1909.

HERMANN, BINGER:
   U. S. Commissioner of the Land Office, involved in Land Frauds.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

HERO FUNDS.

      See (in this Volume)
      CARNEGIE HERO FUNDS.

HERREROS, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1904-1905, and
      GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

HERRING, A. M.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

HERVÉ, Gustave:
    Apostle of Anti-Militarism in France.

       See (in this Volume)
       WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

HERZEGOVINA.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

HETCH HETCHY PROJECT, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1901-1909.

HICKS-BEACH, SIR MICHAEL:
   Retirement from the English Chancellorship of the Exchequer.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

HIGHBINDER ASSOCIATIONS, CHINESE.

      See (in this Volume)
      SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1902.

{305}

HILL, David Jayne:
   Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

HILL, James J.:
   His connection with the Northern Securities Case.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

HILMI PASHA.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903; 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

HINDU DISAFFECTION.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

HINDU IMMIGRATION:
   The Resistance to in South Africa, Australia, and elsewhere.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS.

HISGEN, Thomas L.:
   Nominated for President of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

HITCHCOCK, Ethan Allen:
   Secretary of the Interior.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, 1903-1906, and 1905-1909.

HITCHCOCK, Frank H.:
   Postmaster-General.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

HOFF, JACOBUS HENRICUS VAN’T.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

HOHENLOHE, Prince.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

"HOLDING COMPANY," The:
   Decision of its Illegality as a method of Combination
   between Corporations.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

HOLLAND.

      See (in this Volume and Volume III)
      NETHERLANDS.

HOLSTEIN, Herr von:
   On the German "Navy Fever."

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1909.

HOLSTEIN-LEDREBORG MINISTRY.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.

HOLY SEE.

      See (in this Volume and Volume IV)
      PAPACY.

"HOLY WAR," IN ARABIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.

HOMEL, JEWISH MASSACRE AT.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

HONDURAS.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA.

HORUP, M.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1901.

HOTTENTOTS, REVOLT OF THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

HOURS OF LABOR.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902;
      GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
      Also,
      LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR; and
      LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES AND COST OF LIVING.

HOUSING AND TOWN-PLANNING ACT.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIAL BETTERMENT: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

HSIHOYEN, BATTLE OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

HSUAN-TUNG:
   Child-Emperor of China.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

HUDSON BAY REGION: A. D. 1903-1904.
   Canadian measures to establish Sovereignty over Land and Sea.

      See (in this Volume )
      CANADA: A. D. 1903-1904.

HUDSON BAY REGION:
   Projected Railway from the Canadian Northwest.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: CANADA: A. D. 1908-1909.

HUDSON-FULTON COMMEMORATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.

HUDSON TUNNELS.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1909.

HUGHES, Charles Evans:
   Counsel of the Legislative Joint Committee to Investigate
   Life Insurance Companies in New York.

      See (in this Volume)
      INSURANCE, LIFE.

HUGHES, Charles Evans:
   Governor of the State of New York.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910.
      Also,
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES, and PUBLIC UTILITIES.

HUGHES, Charles Evans:
   On the Proposed Income Tax Amendment to the Constitution
   of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

HUMPHREY, Judge:
   Immunity Decision in "Beef Trust" Case.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

HUNGARY.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.

HYDE, Dr. Douglas:
   Founder of Gaelic League.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1893-1907.

HYDE, HENRY B.:
   Founder of the Equitable Life Assurance Society.

      See (in this Volume)
      INSURANCE, LIFE.

HYDE, James Hazen:
   Relations to the Equitable Life Assurance Society.

      See (in this Volume)
      INSURANCE, LIFE.


I.

ICELAND:
   Its Ancient Claims to Nationality.

   Within the last few years the Icelanders have been asserting
   their ancient right to a national life of their own so
   seriously that the King of Denmark has exerted himself to
   soothe their discontent with but partial success. For many
   historical reasons Iceland ought to have an independent
   standing among the European states. For some of those reasons
   its people seem fairly entitled to recognition as the foremost
   representatives of the old Norse or Scandinavian race. Their
   ancestors were men of the best blood of Norway, who quitted
   that country in the ninth century and took possession of the
   arctic island, because they would not submit to the despotism
   established by Harold the Fairhaired. That they took with them
   the best culture of their race and time is proved by the fact
   that almost everything we know of the old Norse literature,
   and of the mythology and history embedded in it, was preserved
   by their pens. Learning was cherished and cultivated among
   them from the first: and they had the capacity and the spirit
   for self-government from the first. Before the end of the
   tenth century they had adopted a republican constitution and
   founded a commonwealth which endured for about 300 years. This
   antedated the rise of the city republics of Italy and the free
   cantons of the Swiss by one or two centuries at the least.

   The Icelandic republic was destroyed at last by feuds among
   its leading families, which invited Norwegian intervention
   from time to time, and subjected the island to the parent
   kingdom in the end. Late in the fourteenth century the three
   Scandinavian kingdoms of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark were
   joined in a union which did not endure.
{306}
   Its dissolution left Norway, with Iceland as a dependency,
   attached to Denmark, and that connection was maintained till
   1814. Norway was then transferred from the Danish to the
   Swedish crown; but Iceland was still kept as a part of the
   dominion of the Danish King. Norway regained national
   distinctness and independence in 1905, and now it is to be
   hoped that Iceland will have its just turn.

   The island has never been governed as a mere province of
   Denmark, but always under its own laws. Its old representative
   assembly, the Althing, was suspended during most of the first
   half of the last century, but revived in 1845 as a merely
   consultative assembly. As such it voiced very steadily the
   claim of the Icelanders to more of autonomy and political
   distinctness than their Danish lord was willing to yield. In
   1874, however, at the 1,000th anniversary of the Icelandic
   settlement, he granted a constitution which reinvested the
   Althing with legislative powers, and met the wishes of the
   island in other important ways; but not so far as to produce
   content.

IDAHO: A. D. 1905-1907.
   Murder of ex-Governor Steunenberg.
   Trial and acquittal of Haywood.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899-1907.

IDE, HENRY CLAY:
   Governor-General of the Philippine Islands.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1906-1907.

IGNATIEFF, COUNT ALEXEI:
   Assassination.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

ILLINOIS: A. D. 1899.
   Enactment of the first Juvenile Court Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

IMAM, ALI.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

   ----------IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Start--------

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Australia: A. D. 1909.
   The needs of the country.
   The attitude of the people toward Immigration.
   The difficulties.

   Speaking at a dinner in his honor, given in London, after his
   return from five years of service as Governor-General of
   Australia, Lord Northcote touched on what he described as "the
   Aaron’s rod of all political questions in Australia, which, if
   it does not swallow up the others, at all events the others
   depend upon it,"—meaning the increase of Australia’s
   population. As to the attitude of Australia to the immigration
   question he said: "No doubt, from time to time certain
   over-zealous officials have made mistakes which have
   prejudiced Australia in the eyes of the British public, but I
   do not believe that anything in the nature of a fixed desire
   to keep out men who are able to sustain themselves by their
   labour has ever existed. Of course, Australia has her number
   of unemployables, and is not prepared to import more from the
   old country. Then I come to the very important question of
   coloured immigration, and that is a question we should look at
   from an Australian as well as from a British point of view. …

   "Suppose Australia or Canada confronted by the presence of a
   large number of Asiatics, men of ability enough to hold their
   own, men who, if they come there, come to stay, and it is
   quite conceivable from an Australian point of view that if
   they do not rigidly secure themselves against the possibility
   of being swamped by Asiatic labour, they may be presented with
   a problem even more serious than is the great negro question
   in the United States. I say this to show that there is more to
   be said for the Australian point of view than some people are
   inclined to suppose. Of course a great deal depends upon
   whether the huge northern territory can be populated by white
   men. Upon that I hesitate to pronounce a definite opinion. I
   believe it is possible for a white man, if he is steady,
   sober, and careful, to colonize for a time this great tropical
   land; but it is a very serious matter how far the climate is
   suitable for women and children, and whether we can hope from
   generation to generation that a healthy and virile race can
   continue to live and breed in that climate. The territory is
   over half a million square miles in extent, and the white
   population is well under 2,000 people. …

   "There is plenty of land all through Australia for men who
   are willing to go there and will be steady and sober and work
   hard. I have been North, South, East, and West. I can claim
   for myself the credit that I have travelled fairly hard, and I
   have seen in every State of Australia plenty of land available
   for close settlement. If the great landowners are disinclined
   to sell their holdings—and I quite acknowledge that a great
   deal of the best land in Australia is in comparatively few
   hands—at all events the State Governments have very large
   reserves of land; and by the application of irrigation and
   other methods of scientific farming they could compete on even
   terms at least with these squatters, and they could turn these
   waste lands into fertile country fit for settlers. I am very
   glad to think that both in New South Wales and Victoria very
   large irrigation works are in progress and will be completed
   in a very short time, adding enormously to the acreage of land
   fit for cultivation; and I say deliberately and advisedly, I
   care not for reports of Commissions or individuals, that there
   is land and to spare for generations for men who are ready to
   undertake the cultivation."

   A correspondent of the London Times, writing from
   Sydney in January, 1909, on the subject of the vast quantity
   of fertile land in Australia that is locked up by private
   owners in vast sheep runs, to the exclusion of settlement, had
   this to say: "You may take it as an axiom that immigration to
   Australia will do no good till the fertile lands are thrown
   open. And a very large proportion of the closed land is
   controlled from London, either by ex-Australians who live
   there and draw their income from Australian property, or by
   big British companies. … It is necessary to warn seriously
   shareholders and directors of the big companies that they must
   put pressure on their officials out here, or prepare to have
   more drastic pressure forced on themselves. At present, those
   officials are often responsible for Australian dislike of the
   absentee company."

{307}

   In another letter to the same paper it was said: "Somehow or
   other the locked-up lands must be opened for agricultural
   uses. No one now doubts that, and only a few owners, usually
   either absentees or corporations, pretend to doubt it. The
   Labour recipe is a Federal land tax on estates over £5,000 in
   value, of such a kind that fair use of the land will produce
   profit on which the tax will be a mere fleabite, while it will
   be a serious charge on fertile land that is used only for
   sheep runs. The proposed tax is to be Federal simply because
   there is no hope of passing the requisite Bill through several
   of the State Upper Houses; otherwise it is more properly a
   State concern. Now what we have to remember is that this is
   not only Labour’s remedy. I believe it would be quite possible
   to carry such a proposal in the present Federal Parliament, so
   definitely has public opinion swung round against the big
   owners who keep their land idle. If it is not carried next
   session, it will be because Mr. Deakin gave his word two years
   ago that he would not introduce the subject in this
   Parliament; but Mr. Deakin’s attitude is this—that he wishes
   the States would do it, that he does not consider this
   Parliament has any mandate to legislate for it, but that he
   personally has always favoured such a tax, and, if the
   States take no steps in that direction, he will support, or
   even propose, the measure when it has been submitted to the
   country at a general election. It is useless, therefore, for
   any one to decry the tax as merely a Labour idea, a
   ‘Socialistic’ nostrum. The support given it in Australia is
   far wider than that. And, apart from the many who advocate it
   as the best remedy for the present land-hunger, there is an
   increasing body of electors who are being forced into
   supporting it because no other remedies seem practicable."

   The attitude of the Australian Labor Party on the inseparable
   immigration and land questions was stated very clearly and
   succinctly in a letter to the London Times, dated at
   Newcastle, New South Wales, June 30, 1909, by a member of the
   Party, Frank Pittock, who signs himself "a Magistrate of the
   Territory." He writes: "We cannot at present obtain land for
   our own genuine land-seekers, skilled in the peculiar
   requirements of pastoral and agricultural work on the
   Australian soil. We certainly are unable to give our own
   unemployed a chance on the land. Any importations of labour
   from over the seas merely serve to render more distressful the
   unfortunate position of the colonial out-of-works. On the
   other hand, we do now, and always have, welcomed new arrivals
   who may be able, in the near future, to effectively augment
   our productive wealth. The party fully recognizes the need of
   population—of the right sort. We have vast empty spaces all
   over the continent, now grazing grounds for sheep, yet
   eminently suitable for intense settlement. The Australian
   Labour party seeks the support, at the forthcoming general
   election, of all who believe, as does your own Australian
   Correspondent, that the satisfying of the earth-hunger of our
   people is the great outstanding need of the day. Can we but be
   authorized to force the huge monopolists to surrender portions
   of their holdings we shall have, not only land for our own
   landless, but land and to spare for those who seek it from the
   British Isles. … We dare not, as a conscientious and
   humanitarian party, invite our kith and kin from other parts
   to come here now. We should be traitors to the Empire,
   betrayers of the race, if we endorsed in any way the attitude
   of those who seek, apparently, to flood this fair land with
   any population at all, regardless of the evil consequences to
   the immigrants themselves, and alike regardless of the grave
   injustice thereby done to native-born landless and, in many
   cases, at present, work-seeking Australians."

   A Press despatch from Sydney, October 30, made the following
   announcement: "Under the closer settlement amendment Bill,
   which is now before the Legislative Council of New South
   Wales, the Government will be empowered by proclamation to
   earmark estates in the vicinity of towns which might impede
   settlement. When such estates are of the value of £10,000 and
   upwards the Government may agree with the owners to subdivide
   them on terms and areas to be agreed upon, so as to ensure
   bona fide settlement. If the owners fulfil the
   agreement, the proclamation will be cancelled; if the owners
   refuse to subdivide within five years, the Government reserves
   the power to resume at the value on the date of proclamation."

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Brazil: 1908-1909.
   Increasing Influx.

   "During the year [1908] 112,234 persons came into the country,
   of which 17,539 were visitors and 94,695 immigrants. This
   shows a notable increase of 26,908 immigrants, or about forty
   per cent. over the number registered in 1907. Of these 74,999
   came at their own expense and 11,109 at the cost of the Union.
   The increase continues this year, as will be seen from the
   record of the Port of Rio de Janeiro alone, which received
   13,580 immigrants during the first quarter of this year, as
   compared with 8,607 in 1908 and 5,943 in 1907. In spite of the
   small grant allotted to this service, it has been conducted
   with the greatest efficiency. The Department for the Peopling
   of the Soil has effected the location of immigrants in 26
   colonies, situated respectively in the States of Espirito
   Santo, Rio de Janeiro, Minas Geraes, São Paulo, Parana, Santa
   Catharina, and Rio-Grande-do-Sul, eleven of which are directly
   under the supervision of the Union. All the nucleus colonies
   founded last year enjoy unrestricted prosperity, and it has
   been even necessary to acquire neighbouring lands in order to
   satisfy the constant demand for more land on the part of the
   families settled."

      President’s Message to Congress,
      May 3, 1909.

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Canada: A. D. 1896-1909.
   The "American Invasion" of the Northwest.
   Immigration of the last decade.

      See (in this Volume )
      CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: England: A. D. 1905-1909.
   The Aliens Act.
   Restrictions on the admission of Aliens.
   A new policy.

   Until 1905, England offered practically an open door to the
   aliens who sought either a permanent home or a temporary
   residence on her island soil. Little scrutiny was given to
   them and almost no restriction on their coming in. But some
   years before that date a growing criticism of such
   unconditioned hospitality was begun.
{308}
   In 1888 it induced the appointment of a Select Committee of
   the House of Commons "to inquire into the laws existing in the
   United States and elsewhere on the subject of the immigration
   of destitute aliens, and the extent and effect of such
   immigration into the United Kingdom, and to report whether it
   is desirable to impose any, and if so, what, restrictions on
   such immigration." The Commission reported in 1889 that it
   thought "the alien population was not numerous enough to
   create alarm," and that it was "not prepared to recommend
   legislation at present," but saw "the possibility of such
   legislation becoming necessary in the future." Several
   proposals of restrictive measures were urged without success
   in the course of the next dozen years, and, in 1902, a Royal
   Commission was appointed, "to inquire into—

   (1) the character and extent of the evils which are attributed
   to the unrestricted immigration of aliens, especially in the
   Metropolis;

   (2) the measures which have been adopted for the restriction
   and control of alien immigration in foreign countries and in
   British colonies."

   The Commission produced an elaborate report in 1903
   (Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 1741). Reviewing the hospitality of
   the past, it found that the migrant aliens of former
   generations had made the English people "their debtors"; but
   they were of a different stamp from the immigrants of the
   present movement, which "may be said to have begun about 1880,
   and is drawn mainly from the Jewish inhabitants of Eastern
   Europe." The causes of this recent exodus have been partly
   economic and partly due to oppressive measures; and the result
   of the Commission’s investigation of it was the expressed
   opinion that "in respect of certain classes of immigrants,
   especially those arriving from Eastern Europe, it is necessary
   in the interests of the State generally, and of certain
   localities in particular, that the entrance of such immigrants
   into this country and their right of residence here should be
   placed under conditions and regulations coming within that
   right of interference which every country possesses to control
   the entrance of foreigners into it. Such regulations should,
   in our opinion," the report went on to say, "be made in order
   to prevent so far as possible this country being burdened with
   the presence of ‘undesirable aliens’ and to provide for their
   repatriation in certain cases.

   "But we think that the greatest evils produced by the presence
   of the alien immigrants here are the overcrowding caused by
   them in certain districts of London, and the consequent
   displacement of the native population. There seems little
   likelihood of being able to remedy these great evils by the
   enforcement of any law applicable to the native and alien
   population alike. We therefore think that special regulations
   should be made for the purpose of preventing aliens at their
   own will choosing their residence within districts already so
   overcrowded that any addition to dwellers within it must
   produce most injurious results. On this point the Commission
   recommended specifically that if it be found that the
   immigration of aliens into any area has substantially
   contributed to any overcrowding, and that it is expedient that
   no further newly-arrived aliens should become residents in
   such area, the same may be declared prohibited area.

   "We are also of opinion that efforts should be made to rid
   this country of the presence of alien criminals (and other
   objectionable characters)."

   An Act embodying substantially the recommendations of the
   Commission passed Parliament in 1905. Both the Act and the
   administration of it have been criticised since, as lacking
   stringency. Its working was reviewed at considerable length in
   The Times of February 9, 1909 which made the following
   statements, among others, on the subject:

   "The Act, as now administered, does not subject all alien
   immigrants, or even all steerage immigrants, to inspection. To
   begin with, the regulation of alien immigration is confined,
   practically, to the traffic between the United Kingdom and
   ports in Europe or within the Mediterranean Sea."

   In fact, according to The Times, "the vast majority of
   aliens are not affected by the Act. A foreigner may enter this
   country unchallenged—If he comes from an ‘extra-European’
   port (with some exceptions); if he is a cabin passenger; if he
   is an exempted second-class passenger; if he is a
   transmigrant; if he is a passenger in a ship containing fewer
   than 21 ‘alien steerage passengers.’

   "Then also, though nominally a subject for inspection, he is
   not called upon to satisfy the full requirements of the Act,
   if he is proceeding to a destination outside the United
   Kingdom; if he holds a return ticket; if he is a seaman; if he
   is fleeing from religious or political persecution."

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Germany: A. D. 1904-1908.
   Remarkable decrease of Emigration.

   "German emigration has dwindled so steadily and rapidly that
   at present it would seem to have reached the low-water mark in
   its downward trend. A glance at the official statistics of
   emigration will indicate the remarkable extent of this
   retrogression. In 1852, Germans, to the number of 145,918, and
   in 1854, to the number of 215,009, went to the United States
   alone. In 1872, just after the unification of the Empire, the
   grand total of German emigration amounted to 128,152; in 1873,
   to 110,438; in 1881, to 220,902; in 1882, to 203,585 persons.
   During the years succeeding 1882 up to 1892, the figures, in
   the average, still surpassed 100,000, but since then they have
   shown a notable falling off. Thus only 22,309 in 1900; 22,073
   in 1901; 32,098 in 1902; 36,310 in 1903; 27,984 in 1904—were
   recorded as having gone from Germany to lands beyond the sea.

   "This retrogressive tendency appears the more surprising when
   it is remembered that Germany’s population, mainly as a result
   of the excess of births over deaths, but partly through its
   inland migration, has, since the foundation of the Empire,
   increased at an average annual rate of over half a million,
   during recent years at the still higher rate of 800,000 per
   annum. The cause for this seeming anomaly lies in the
   extraordinary economical development of Germany during the
   last decade, in the consequent steady improvement of the
   social status of its laboring classes, brought about by a
   progressive rise in wages, and in the elimination, thereby, of
   one of the strongest incentives to emigration in former days."

      Baron Speck von Sternburg,
      The Phantom Peril of German Emigration and
      South American Settlements
      (North American Review, May, 1906).

{309}

   Of the emigrants from Germany in 1908, the United States
   Consul-General reported that they numbered only 19,880, being
   11,816 less than in 1907.

   "From 1897 to 1907 the yearly mean average was 27,526, or 0.47
   per cent. of the population. Altogether since 1871 the German
   Empire has lost only 2,750,000 people by emigration, or as
   many people as can be made good in four years by the excess of
   births over deaths."

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Italy: A. D. 1908.
   Great falling off in the Movement of Emigration.

   As reported in a Press despatch from Rome, in June, 1909, the
   statistics of 1908 showed a marked falling off in Italian
   emigration. "In 1907 the total number of emigrants was
   704,675; in 1908 it was only 486,674. The most notable
   reduction is in the number of emigrants to the United States,
   which has fallen from 298,124 in 1907 to 131,501 in 1908. This
   chiefly affects Southern Italy, the Abruzzi, Campania,
   Calabria, Basilicata, and Sicily; the northern emigration,
   which for the most part is directed towards European
   countries, is also diminished, but in a less proportion.
   Unfortunately, this change is not due to more favourable
   labour conditions in Italy, but to a smaller demand for labour
   in North America. The number of emigrants to Argentina has
   slightly increased from 78,493 to 80,699; but the great market
   for Italian labour, the United States, is, to judge from the
   figures of this year as well as last year, surely and
   irretrievably growing smaller."

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Peru: A. D. 1906.
   Decree for the Encouragement of Immigration.

   The following decree was promulgated by President Pardo the
   10th of August, 1906:

   "First.
   The State will provide third-class passages for the natives of
   Europe and America who may wish to introduce industrial or
   private enterprises, provided that they fulfill the following
   conditions:

   (a) That they are from 16 to 50 years of age, if they
   are males, and from 10 to 40 if they are females, fulfilling
   the conditions of morality and health laid down in the rules
   now in force.

   (b) That they come to engage in agriculture, in mining,
   or in other industries, or to devote themselves to these
   occupations for account of colonization, immigration, or
   irrigation enterprises.

   "Second.
   The payment of the passages will be made through the consuls
   of the Republic in the ports of shipment in view of the orders
   cabled by the ministry of fomento, to which office must be
   presented in writing the request of the interested parties for
   such payment, indicating at the same time the number of
   immigrants, the agricultural estate or industrial
   establishment to which they are destined, and declaring
   themselves obliged to provide lodging, board, and medical
   attendance for the immigrants from the port of landing to the
   place of destination.

   "Third.
   The consuls of the Republic, on receipt of the order from the
   minister of fomento, shall make the payment of the passages to
   the steamer companies direct, with previous personal and
   individual evidence that the immigrants fulfill the conditions
   set forth in Article 1 of this decree, and for this purpose
   they shall give a certificate to each immigrant, which shall
   be collected by the maritime authorities of the port of
   landing and afterwards forwarded to the ministry of fomento.

   "Fourth.
   A general register of immigrants shall be opened in the
   agricultural section of the ministry of fomento, in accordance
   with the models and instructions obtained from that
   department."

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1868-1908.
   Chinese Exclusion Laws vs. Treaties with China.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1868-1900, and 1905-1908.

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: A. D. 1905-1909.
   National Conference of 1905.
   The New Immigration Law.
   Excluded Classes.
   Congressional Commission to investigate Immigration.
   Its Preliminary Report.
   Information for Immigrants.
   Measures for distributing them.
   Backward turn of the tide in 1908.

   At a National Conference on the subject of Immigration, held
   at New York in December, 1905, under the auspices of the
   National Civic Federation, the Commissioner-General of
   Immigration, Mr. Frank P. Sargent, presented some facts of the
   immigration of the preceding statistical year which claimed
   very grave consideration. During the twelve months ending June
   30 there had been 1,026,499 arrivals in this country, and of
   this number seven hundred and seventy-seven thousand, or 76
   per cent., settled in six States—New York, Pennsylvania,
   Massachusetts, Illinois, New Jersey, and Ohio. New York
   received over three hundred and fifteen thousand, while the
   West received only forty three thousand; Pennsylvania received
   over two hundred and ten thousand, while the South received
   only forty-six thousand. Fifty-seven thousand came to New
   Jersey, while North Carolina’s share was one hundred and
   eighty-three. These figures gave point to Mr. Sargent’s
   statement that the immigrants go where their friends are.
   Their only sources of information concerning this country are
   the agents of the transportation companies and their friends
   who have come here before. The resulting lack of knowledge
   concerning those parts of the country in which they are most
   needed is the chief cause of the congestion in the large
   cities and the more densely populated States which is one of
   the most serious aspects of the immigration problem.

   Nearly twelve thousand immigrants were refused admission
   during the year, of whom eight thousand were paupers, two
   thousand diseased, and one thousand brought in violation of
   the contract labour law. "It is right," said Mr. Sargent,
   "that they should be denied admission, wrong that they ever
   should have been started from home."

   In the new Immigration Law enacted by Congress in February,
   1907, provision was made for giving information to immigrants,
   after their landing in the country, such as may guide them in
   the choice of their place of settlement. It authorized the
   Commissioner-General of Immigration to establish a Division of
   Information, the duty of which shall be "to promote a
   beneficial distribution of aliens admitted into the United
   States among the several States and Territories desiring
   immigration." To which end "correspondence shall be had with
   the proper officials of the States and Territories, and said
   division shall gather from all available sources useful
   information regarding the resources, products, and physical
   characteristics of each State and Territory, and shall publish
   such information in different languages and distribute the
   publications among all admitted aliens who may ask for such
   information at the immigrant stations of the United States and
   to such other persons as may desire the same." Agents
   appointed by any State or Territory to represent to arriving
   immigrants the inducements it can offer to them are to have
   perfect freedom and opportunity to do so.

{310}

   For checking the immigration of prohibited classes of aliens
   at the foreign starting-points of their journey to America,
   instead of at the landing places on this side of the ocean,
   the new law only lays more rigid restrictions and heavier
   penalties on the transportation companies, to make them
   exercise a more careful discrimination in their acceptance of
   passengers. It adds several classes to the former list of
   aliens to be excluded from admission to the United States. The
   list now reads: "All idiots, imbeciles, feeble-minded persons,
   epileptics, insane persons, and persons who have been insane
   within five years previous; persons who have had two or more
   attacks of insanity at any time previously; paupers; persons
   likely to become a public charge; professional beggars;
   persons afflicted with tuberculosis or with a loathsome or
   dangerous contagious disease; persons not comprehended within
   any of the foregoing excluded classes who are found to be and
   are certified by the examining surgeon as being mentally or
   physically defective, such mental or physical defect being of
   a nature which may affect the ability of such alien to earn a
   living; persons who have been convicted of or admit having
   committed a felony or other crime or misdemeanor involving
   moral turpitude; polygamists, or persons who admit their
   belief in the practice of polygamy, anarchists, or persons who
   believe in or advocate the overthrow by force or violence of
   the Government of the United States, or of all government, or
   of all forms of law, or the assassination of public officials:
   prostitutes, or women or girls coming into the United States
   for the purpose of prostitution or for any other immoral
   purpose; persons who procure or attempt to bring in
   prostitutes or women or girls for the purpose of prostitution
   or for any other immoral purpose,"—together with contract
   laborers, so called, assisted immigrants, and children under
   sixteen years of age unaccompanied by one or both of their
   parents.

   The new law created a Commission to investigate the subject of
   immigration and to report its findings and recommendations to
   Congress. The Commission to be composed of three Senators,
   three Representatives, and three persons to be appointed by
   the President. A preliminary report from this Commission was
   presented to Congress on the 1st of March, 1909. This
   indicated no more than the progress that had been made in a
   most exhaustive investigation, which probably would require
   the greater part of another year to carry it to completion. It
   was covering every phase of the immigration question,
   including Oriental aliens and other excluded classes, peonage,
   charity among immigrants, white slave traffic, conditions of
   steerage, anthropology, congestion in large cities, alien
   criminality, competition of immigrants, school inquiries,
   administration of the immigration laws, distribution of
   immigrants, and other questions. In its work the Commission
   had employed 198 persons, of whom 82 were in Washington, 2 in
   New York, 2 in San Francisco, 92 in field work, and 20 in
   special lines of inquiry.

   The preliminary report of the Commission indicates that the
   present provisions of law for the exclusion of undesirable
   persons are stronger in theory than they are effective in
   practice, and that thousands of very undesirable immigrants
   enter the country every year. The Commission expresses a
   confident expectation of finding means of prevention that will
   be effective. It is conducting an inquiry of great importance
   into the subject of alien criminality. The higher criminal
   courts of New York city are keeping records, at its request,
   in detail, of each person convicted of crime, and it is
   intended that a study of foreign-born criminals, and criminals
   of the second generation, will be made in that city. The
   investigation, however, is not confined to the larger cities.

   The Division of Information in the Department of Commerce and
   Labor which the new Immigration Law provided for was organized
   with Mr. Terence V. Powderly, former Commissioner-General of
   Immigration, as its Chief. In July, 1909, there was an
   announcement of its undertaking to bring about coöperation
   with the Governors of States and Territories, in organized
   measures to accomplish a better distribution through the
   country of the foreigners that come to it.

   Dr. L. Pierce Clark has lately called attention to the fact
   that the increase of immigration into the United States has
   reached the point of making the influx of aliens the principal
   source of population, and that "its character has changed so
   fundamentally that it has assumed an entirely new relation to
   American social problems. Up to 1900 the average annual
   immigration had not exceeded one-half of one per cent of the
   population of the United States, and the races which had made
   the first settlement in the country were still contributing
   more than 75 per cent. of the whole number of arrivals. By
   1901 the new immigration had fairly started, the English,
   Irish, German, and Scandinavian had been supplanted by
   Hebrews, Slavs, and Italians, and the impetus had been
   received which, four years later, was to carry immigration
   past the million-a-year mark. More than one-fifth of all the
   immigrants who have come to this country have arrived since
   1900, and, with the changed source of immigration, a
   remarkable transformation in the composition of our
   foreign-born population is in progress."

   The industrial depression of 1907, however, produced evidence
   that much of this later immigration has not been for permanent
   settlement; that the facilitation and cheapening of travel
   have brought about extensive movements of people, from
   southern and southeastern Europe, especially, who come to
   America only to earn and save a little fund which suffices for
   a comfortable remainder of life in their own land. The check
   to such earning which occurred in 1907 turned the tide of
   migration instantly back from America to Europe. According to
   statistics prepared by Mr. Watchorn, the late
   Commissioner-General of Immigration, the excess of departures
   over arrivals at the port of New York, in the half year from
   January 1 to July 1, 1908, was 129,511. In the whole fiscal
   year that ended June 30, 1908, the departures from New York
   were 631,458; the arrivals 689,474; showing the gain of
   population to the country that year from incomers through the
   port of New York to have been only 58,016, even if all became
   permanent inhabitants.

      See, also (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS, AND CANADA.

   ----------IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: End--------

{311}

IMPERIAL CONFERENCE.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

IMPERIAL PRESS CONFERENCE, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

INCOME TAX:
   Proposed amendment to the U. S. Constitution.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

INDEMNITY FOR THE BOXER RISING:
   Remittance of part of it by the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

INDEPENDENCE LEAGUE.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905, and
      NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910.

INDEPENDENCE PARTY, or KOSSUTH PARTY.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903, and 1904.

INDEPENDENT FILIPINO CHURCH.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.

INDEPENDENT LABOR PARTY, BRITISH.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1903, and 1905-1906; also,
      SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.

INDEPENDENTS.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

INDEPENDISTAS.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

INDETERMINATE SENTENCES.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

   ----------INDIA: Start--------

INDIA: A. D. 1902-1903.
   Ravages of the Bubonic Plague.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE.

INDIA: A. D. 1902-1904.
   Forced opening of Tibet to trade.
   The mission and expedition of Colonel Younghusband.

      See (in this Volume)
      TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.

INDIA: A. D. 1903.
   The question of Indian Labor in South Africa.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903.

INDIA: A. D. 1903 (January).
   Great Durbar at Delhi.

   A great Durbar or reception was held at Delhi, on the
   first of January, 1903, by the Viceroy and by the Duke and
   Duchess of Connaught, specially deputed to represent their
   majesties the Emperor and Empress of India. About 100 ruling
   chiefs were in attendance, and the visitors drawn by the
   spectacle were estimated to number 173,000.

INDIA: A. D. 1903-1908.
   Hostility in the Transvaal to British Indian Immigration.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1908.

INDIA: A. D. 1904-1909.
   Coöperative Industrial Movement.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: INDIA.

INDIA: A. D. 1905 (April).
   Terrific earthquake in the Punjab and United Provinces.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES: INDIA: A. D. 1905.

INDIA: A. D. 1905 (August).
   Resignation of Lord Curzon.

   Announcement of the resignation of the Viceroyalty by Lord
   Curzon was made August 21. The immediate cause of his action
   was understood to be the refusal of the Home Government to
   approve his nomination of an officer, General Barrow, whom he
   wished to have placed on the Viceroy’s Council. But friction
   between Lord Curzon and the Commander-in-Chief in India, Lord
   Kitchener, over questions of military administration and the
   authority belonging to their respective offices had been
   troublesome for some time past, and the Viceroy had seemed to
   regard the attitude of the government at home as more
   favorable to Lord Kitchener than to himself.

INDIA: A. D. 1905 (August).
   Agreement concerning India between Great Britain and Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      Japan: A. D. 1905 (August).

INDIA: A. D. 1905-1908.
   The Starving Poverty of the Mass of the People.

   "Suppose we divide the past century into quarters, or periods
   of twenty-five years each. In the first quarter there were
   five famines, with an estimated loss of life of 1,000,000.
   During the second quarter of the century were two famines,
   with an estimated mortality of 500,000. During the third
   quarter there there were six famines, with a recorded loss of
   life of 5,000,000. During the last quarter of the century,
   what? Eighteen famines, with an estimated mortality reaching
   the awful totals of from 15,000,000 to 26,000,000. And this
   does not include the many more millions (over 6,000,000 in a
   single year) barely kept alive by government doles.

   "What is the cause of these famines, and this appalling
   increase in their number and destructiveness. The common
   answer is, the failure of the rains. But there seems to be no
   evidence that the rains fail worse now than they did a hundred
   years ago. Moreover, why should failure of rains bring famine?
   The rains have never failed over areas so extensive as to
   prevent the raising of enough food in the land to supply the
   needs of the entire population. Why then have people starved?
   … Because they were so indescribably poor. All candid and
   thorough investigation into the causes of the famines of India
   has shown that the chief and fundamental cause has been and is
   the poverty of the people,—a poverty so severe and terrible
   that it keeps the majority of the entire population on the
   very verge of starvation even in years of greatest plenty. …

   "And the people are growing poorer and poorer. The late Mr.
   William Digby, of London, long an Indian resident, in his
   recent book entitled, Prosperous India, shows from
   official estimates and Parliamentary and Indian Blue Books,
   that, whereas the average daily income of the people of India
   in the year 1850 was estimated as four cents per person (a
   pittance on which one wonders that any human being can live),
   in 1882 it had fallen to three cents per person and in 1900
   actually to less than two cents per person. Is it any wonder
   that people reduced to such extremities as this can lay up
   nothing? …

{312}

   "One cause of India’s impoverishment is heavy taxation.
   Taxation in England and Scotland is high, so high that
   Englishmen and Scotchmen complain bitterly. But the people of
   India are taxed more than twice as heavily as the people of
   England and three times as heavily as those of Scotland.
   According to the latest statistics at hand, those of 1905, the
   annual average income per person in India is about $6.00,
   and the annual tax per person about $2.00. …

   "Notice the single item of salt-taxation. Salt is an absolute
   necessity to the people, to the very poorest; they must have
   it or die. But the tax upon it which for many years they have
   been compelled to pay has been much greater than the cost
   value of the salt. Under this taxation the quantity of salt
   consumed has been reduced actually to one-half the quantity
   declared by medical authorities to be absolutely necessary for
   health. …

   "Another cause of India’s impoverishment is the destruction of
   her manufactures, as the result of British rule. … Great
   Britain wanted India’s markets. She could not find entrance
   for British manufactures so long as India was supplied with
   manufactures of her own. So those of India must be sacrificed.
   England had all power in her hands, and so she proceeded to
   pass tariff and excise laws that ruined the manufactures of
   India and secured the market for her own goods.

   "A third cause of India’s impoverishment is the enormous and
   wholly unnecessary cost of her government. …

   "Another burden upon the people of India which they ought not
   to be compelled to bear, and which does much to increase their
   poverty, is the enormously heavy military expenses of the
   government. …

   "Perhaps the greatest of all the causes of the impoverishment
   of the Indian people is the steady and enormous drain of
   wealth from India to England, which has been going on ever
   since the East India Company first set foot in the land, three
   hundred years ago, and is still going on with steadily
   increasing Volume. … Says Mr. R. C. Dutt, author of the
   Economic History of India (and there is no higher
   authority), ‘A sum reckoned at twenty millions of English
   money, or a hundred millions of American money [some other
   authorities put it much higher], which it should be borne in
   mind is equal to half the net revenues of India, is remitted
   annually from this country [India] to England, without a
   direct equivalent.’"

      J. T. Sunderland,
      The New Nationalist Movement in India
      (Atlantic Monthly, October, 1908).

INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.
   The Partition of Bengal.
   Resentment and Disaffection of the Bengalese.
   The Swadeshi Movement.
   Reported improvement of conditions in the new province of
   Eastern Bengal and Assam.

   The partition of Bengal, in October, 1905, one of the latest
   measures of Lord Curzon’s administration of the Government of
   India, gave rise to much native agitation and disaffection,
   and is still under criticism in England, but not likely to be
   undone. In the view of the Anglo-Indian Government the
   partition was a necessity, because of the magnitude of the
   province, in territory and population, which made the task of
   provincial administration too difficult. It was far the
   largest of the administrative divisions of British India,
   containing nearly a third of the Indian subjects of the
   English King. Assam, formerly joined with it, had been
   separated from it administratively in 1874, under a Chief
   Commissioner. Fifteen of the eastern districts of Bengal,
   adjacent to Assam, were now united with the latter to form a
   new province, called Eastern Bengal and Assam, and this
   disruption of the old province was resented very passionately
   by a large part of the Bengalese. They refused to believe the
   reasons given for the partition, but gave it an offensive
   explanation, which one of the native journals in Calcutta put
   briefly as follows: "The objects of the scheme are, briefly,
   first, to destroy the collective power of the Bengali people;
   secondly, to overthrow the political ascendency of Calcutta;
   and, thirdly, to foster in East Bengal the growth of a
   Mohammedan power which it is supposed will have the effect of
   keeping in check the rapidly growing strength of the educated
   Hindu community." In the official British view, on the other
   hand, the whole stir of Bengalese feeling was artfully wrought
   up for mischievous ends; but it is easier to believe that
   something in the nature of a historic sentiment of nationality
   was really hurt and angered by the partition. Yet Bengal
   cannot be said to have had anything that resembled a distinct
   national history for many centuries before it came under the
   rule of the British East India Company, in 1765. Nor had its
   name been precisely and continuously attached to any
   well-defined territory.

   Whatever the source of excited feeling may have been, however,
   it was ardent and persistent, especially in the educated
   class, and it gave a start to what received the name of the
   Swadeshi or national movement of hostility to all things
   English, directed mainly to the boycotting of English
   merchandise, and to the organization of efforts for promoting
   home production in all industrial fields. The Swadeshi
   movement soon spread beyond Bengal; but its stimulations have
   been centered there. The intensity of the feeling in Bengal
   was such that on the 16th of October, 1905, when the partition
   took effect, the Hindus of Calcutta put on mourning garments,
   suspended business and work, and vowed that its anniversaries
   should be memorial mourning days. Pupils in native schools
   became so offensive in their anti-English demonstrations that
   the Lieutenant-Governor of the new province, Sir Bampfylde
   Fuller, in February, 1906, unwisely requested the Calcutta
   University to disaffiliate two schools in the Pabna district,
   taking away the pecuniary aid they received. The request was
   disapproved by Lord Curzon’s successor in the Viceroyalty,
   Lord Minto, and rather than withdraw it the
   Lieutenant-Governor resigned.

   In the winter of 1909 the London Times sent a special
   correspondent into Eastern Bengal to study the results of the
   partition, so far as developed in three years. His
   observations and conclusions were communicated in a long,
   interesting letter from Dacca, February 15th. He wrote:

   "No one can visit the new province, and endeavour to inquire
   impartially into its condition before the ‘partition,’ without
   realizing that some administrative division of Bengal had
   become imperative. Until five years ago, Eastern Bengal was
   the ‘Cinderella’ of the provinces of India. Good
   administration stopped short on the line of the Ganges. Beyond
   that line officers were few, and the interest of the central
   authorities in their work and in the welfare of the people in
   their charge was comparatively limited. …
{313}
   Land revenue administration was persistently neglected in the
   temporary settled tracts. Calcutta and its immediate vicinity,
   and the more accessible districts of Old Bengal, absorbed the
   greater part of the time and attention of the Bengal
   Government. Money was poured out upon Calcutta and its
   environs, and Eastern Bengal was financially starved. Very
   little was spent upon education, and the whole riverain region
   was most inadequately policed. Crime was far more rife in the
   southern districts of the province than in any other part of
   India. The peasantry groaned beneath the exactions of the
   representatives of absentee landlords, and they were left
   unregarded and unprotected. The whole province suffered
   because its rulers were immersed in the preoccupations of
   Calcutta. The very railways were constructed, not to serve the
   needs of these 30 millions of people, but to meet the
   requirements of the city on the Hughli. …

   "It is remarkable to note how, in the short space of three
   years, the old deplorable conditions of Eastern Bengal have
   already undergone a satisfactory process of modification. The
   province is no longer content to be dragged at the tail of Old
   Bengal. A new and independent provincial spirit is springing
   up. Eastern Bengal is beginning to recognize all that a
   separate existence means to it. Its Civil servants, from the
   Lieutenant-Governor downwards, take a pride in the great work
   of regeneration which has been entrusted to them. Their task
   is enormous, and the workers are far too few. They are like
   men who have been set to create a new colony out of a land of
   chaos. They have before them almost as formidable an
   undertaking as the making of modern Egypt, but it is an Egypt
   of green rice-fields with half-a-dozen Niles. …

   "The demand for higher education in Eastern Bengal is perhaps
   greater than in any other part of India. The admirable
   Government College at Dacca has now been provided with
   splendid buildings, begun, however, before the 'partition.'
   The whole province is being supplied with a set of colleges
   adequate to its needs. The staffs of the colleges are being
   augmented and their administration overhauled. The principal
   private colleges are also being assisted with liberal grants
   and transformed into institutions which will give a sound
   education. The exceptionally large number of 'high' English
   schools in Eastern Bengal had also been greatly neglected,
   both those under the Government and those in private hands.
   All are now being improved, and are receiving liberal
   assistance. …

   "Another important task undertaken by the new Government is
   that of conducting an elaborate survey and framing a Record of
   Rights in the zemindari tracts which constitute the bulk of
   the province. The undertaking was devised before the
   ‘partition,’ but it has been expedited by the change. It is an
   extraordinary thing that in all these permanently settled
   areas there has been hitherto no record and no map. The
   consequence was that the cultivators were constantly bullied
   and harassed by the agents of the absentee zemindars, and were
   never able to feel any reasonable security of tenure of the
   land they tilled. Land disputes were incessant, and were
   constantly accompanied by loss of life. In the Backergunge
   district, the most turbulent area in India, there were
   frequent riots, of which murders were an almost invariable
   feature. Since the framing of the Record of Rights in
   Backergunge this class of crime has already decreased by 50
   per cent.

   "I have yet to meet anybody, English or Indian, who can tell
   me in what respect the ‘partition’ has injured a single living
   soul; while one has only to visit this province, invigorated
   with new life and inspired by new aspirations, to realize the
   benefits the severance has conferred upon millions of
   neglected people. To alter or to modify it now would be
   suicidal folly; it would be worse, for it would be a criminal
   blunder. It would not placate the wordy ‘patriots’ of
   Calcutta, who have used the ‘partition’ as a rallying cry for
   lack of a better grievance; and it would alienate the 18
   millions of backward Mahomedans in the province who have
   placed their alliance in British honour and British pledges.
   The Nawab of Dacca, with whom I had a long conversation on the
   subject, declared that any attempt to meddle with the
   ‘partition’—an attempt he still seemed to fear was
   possible—would produce the most deplorable results among his
   co-religionists. … Nor is there the slightest need for change
   or modification. The ‘partition’ is already thrice justified
   in the eyes of all men, save only a few malcontent members of
   Parliament who know nothing of present conditions in Bengal.
   Even in Calcutta the outcry, which was always less against the
   fact of the ‘partition’ than against the motive which the
   Bengalis erroneously believed to have prompted it, has long
   ago died away. Yet, justifiable and necessary though the
   ‘partition’ was, it remains to be added that, apart from its
   complex administrative problems, Eastern Bengal will never be
   a very easy province to control. The high-caste Hindus, the
   Brahmins, the Baidyas, and the Kayasths—the Brahmins and the
   lesser Brahmins,—rule the roast, and it will be long years
   before the teeming millions of Mahometan cultivators emerge
   from their depressed condition. The few Mahomedan families who
   can claim noble birth are decadent and disappearing. The
   Hindus have absorbed their lands, the clever lawyers have
   converted themselves into rich landowners. It is from the
   ranks of these high-caste Hindus that are drawn the members of
   the revolutionary societies to which I alluded in a
   telegraphic despatch sent from this city yesterday. These
   classes show a persistent and increasing spirit of hostility
   to the British Raj which no amount of conciliatory measures
   will overcome. It is impossible to move about the province and
   to converse with the men who know it best without feeling that
   the situation is full of dangerous possibilities. The men of
   Eastern Bengal are more courageous, more determined, more
   persistent than their compatriots in Old Bengal; and the
   better classes of Hindus have qualities which are not easily
   discernible in the Calcutta babu. They approach more
   nearly to the spirit of the Mahrattas of the Deccan than any
   other section of the people on this side of India. It is a
   significant fact that most of the prisoners now under trial at
   Alipur in connexion with the anarchist conspiracy came from
   Eastern Bengal. But even as one writes one realizes how
   difficult it is to generalize in this country of startling
   paradox.
{314}
   Yesterday, in Dacca, 200 Hindu pundits assembled to present a
   Sanscrit address to the Lieutenant-Governor, Sir Lancelot
   Hare. Many of them had come long distances. They were all old
   men with great nobility of countenance, some with long beards,
   others with the face of the Cæsars. And at the conclusion of
   the ceremony each kindly and venerable scholar advanced, and
   with great dignity presented the Lieutenant-Governor with a
   rose. From the bombs of last week to the roses of yesterday,
   what a gulf lies between the two!"

INDIA: A. D. 1907.
   Hostility in Western Canada to Hindu Laborers.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.

INDIA: A. D. 1907 (December).
   Meeting and Resolution of the All-India Moslem League.
   Mahomedan loyalty to the British Government.
   A new factor in Indian politics.

   "On December 30th last a Mahomedan Conference, in session at
   Dacca, the capital of the newly-created Province of Eastern
   Bengal, departing absolutely from its traditions, openly
   discussed the question of the protection of Mahomedan
   interests from a political standpoint, and finally carried
   unanimously a motion for the formation of an ‘All-India Moslem
   League’ to promote among the Mahomedans of India feelings of
   loyalty to the British Government, and to remove any
   misconceptions that may arise as to the intentions of
   Government with regard to any of its measures; to protect and
   to advance the political rights and interests of the
   Mahomedans of India, and respectfully to represent their needs
   and aspirations to Government, and to prevent the rise among
   Mahomedans in India of any feelings of hostility towards other
   communities, without prejudice to the other objects of the
   League. A strong Provisional Committee was formed, with power
   to add to its number, and the joint secretaries appointed were
   the Nawabs Vicar-ul-mulk and Mohsin-ul-mulk, two of the most
   important members of the Mahomedan community in India and men
   of great intellectual capacity. The Committee was charged to
   frame a constitution within a period of four months, and
   further to convene a meeting of Indian Mahomedans at a
   suitable time and place to lay the constitution before such
   meeting for final approval and adoption. The Rubicon has been
   crossed; the Mahomedans of India have forsaken the shades of
   retirement for the political arena; henceforth a new factor in
   Indian politics has to be reckoned with."

      E. E. Lang,
      The All-India Moslem League
      (Contemporary Review, September, 1907).

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.
   The Outbreak of Anarchism.
   Summary Measures of Suppression.

   The native disaffection in Bengal which became anarchistic in
   its violence in 1907, and which perpetrated a number of
   murders before it was suppressed, culminated on the 10th of
   February, 1909, in the assassination of a prominent native
   lawyer, Ashutosh Biswas, who had taken part in the prosecution
   of some of the anarchists. Writing of that crime, from
   Calcutta, a special correspondent of the London Times,
   who had been pursuing an investigation of the terrorist
   conspiracy from its beginning, gave an extended account of
   what he had learned, part of which is given in the following:

   "All that can be said with certainty is that the gospel of
   violence, the creed which advocates the use of any form of
   force against the British, is Mahratta in its origin; but so
   far it is the Bengalis alone who have put it into practice. It
   was conceived in Poona, which city has always continued to
   inspire and direct it; it was transferred to Baroda, where it
   flourished in secret among a limited circle; and it was
   transplanted to Calcutta, where it grew apace, somewhere
   between the years 1902 and 1904. Certain classes of Bengalis,
   who are all adepts at intrigue, took up the new idea with
   enthusiasm; but not all who knocked were admitted to the inner
   circle. The real conspirators were still probably few in
   number when the ‘partition’ of Bengal gave the politicians
   their opportunity. The anarchists were furious at the
   partition agitation. They were quite content that less
   militant persons should prepare the ground for them, by
   preaching to the people of the iniquities of the British Raj;
   but they were reluctant to see the popular mind actively
   diverted to such minor issues as swadeshi and the
   boycott. The extermination of the British was their one and
   only aim.

   "However, as the Congress politicians had succeeded in
   arousing intense excitement about the partition, the anarchist
   gang sought to turn the situation to their own advantage. …
   Recruits were, however, only gradually admitted into the inner
   ring; and there were many people who associated with the
   anarchists, and sometimes furnished them with funds, who never
   took part in their operations. Propaganda formed a prominent
   feature of the anarchists’ work. In this department the worst
   types of seditious journals, which have now disappeared,
   played a great part. Such newspapers as the Yugantar
   started ‘messes’ and ‘hostels,’ to which subscribers,
   particularly those residing up-country, were invited to come
   free of charge. They stayed for a day or two, heard the new
   gospel preached, and then made way for others. …

   "The existence of this considerable organization was not
   really suspected by the police until after the attempt to
   wreck Sir Andrew Fraser’s train in December, 1907. Some of the
   anarchists were under suspicion, and were being watched as
   notoriously disaffected persons, but even the shooting of Mr.
   B. C. Allen, District Magistrate of Dacca, in the same month,
   did not reveal the conspiracy. The police were, however, on
   the right track; and a couple of days after two unfortunate
   ladies had been killed by a bomb at Muzaffarpur, on April 30,
   1908, they acted. At a house in Calcutta, and in a garden on
   the outskirts, large seizures of bombs, explosives, and
   revolvers were made and about 30 alleged anarchists were
   arrested. Other arrests followed. The famous Manicktollah
   garden was the principal scene of anarchist activity. It is so
   secluded that one wonders it was ever discovered. Far on the
   confines of Calcutta, through a network of mean huts beneath
   waving palms, a series of winding paths leads to a couple of
   mouldering gate-pillars innocent of any gate. Within, under
   shady trees, stands a small building in the last stage of
   disrepair. It is mean and dirty and squalid, the true squalor
   of anarchism. If it is only in such a spot that any movement
   can be hatched for the overthrow of the British Raj, then the
   British Raj is safe for a long time.

{315}

   "The prisoners were taken to the Alipur Gaol, and their trial
   was commenced at the Alipur Police Court. I visited the Court
   one day—I think it was the seventieth day of the trial—and
   marvelled afresh. They were ranged in rows, about 50 men, all
   young, all huddled together and squatting on their haunches.
   The only man among them with an intellectual face was Arabindo
   Ghose, the alleged leader, who sat in a far corner. He has the
   face of a dreamer, as indeed he is, and with his long hair and
   short beard might very well pass for a certain type of
   artistic Frenchman. Whether he be guilty or not is no affair
   of mine, but his record excites pity. He went to England with
   brilliant gifts and high hopes, and he had a distinguished
   career at school and University. But men who profess to know
   say that he had more than the ordinary share of the rough and
   tumble of juvenile life amidst alien and often thoughtless
   comrades, and that those years were made thoroughly unhappy
   for him. When at last, after he had passed for the Civil
   Service, he was rejected because he could not pass the
   horsemanship test, one can perhaps understand that a man of
   his temperament returned to India with black rage and despair
   at his heart. But his associates seemed to be mere boys,
   haggard, wild looking youths of a peculiarly low physical
   type."

   The trial of the prisoners described above, at Alipur,
   resulted in the condemnation of two to death, six to
   transportation for life, one to imprisonment for life, and
   five to imprisonment for terms ranging from one to ten years.
   The remainder, including the alleged leader, Arabindo Ghose,
   were acquitted. With the sanction of Lord Morley, the
   Secretary for India, summary measures were taken to silence
   the seditious journalism and speech which took a terroristic
   tone and instigated crime. Loud protests against these
   measures were called out in England, and one hundred and
   forty-six Liberal, Labor, and Irish Members of Parliament
   addressed a note in May last to the Prime Minister, asking his
   attention to "the fact that ever since the 8th December last
   nine British subjects in India have been deported from their
   homes and detained in prison without having been charged with
   any offence or informed even of the grounds of suspicion
   entertained against them by the Government of India. Some of
   them are admitted to be men of high character. None are
   alleged to have been previously convicted of any crime. Under
   these circumstances," said the writers, "we may venture to
   make an urgent appeal to you that they may be either brought
   to trial or set at liberty."

   In his reply Mr. Asquith said: "Such an appeal is perfectly
   natural, and I am not surprised to find that it is widely and
   influentially supported. Deportation without trial as a method
   of dealing with political agitation must necessarily be
   repugnant to Englishmen, and to no one has the necessity of
   resorting to such a measure been more repugnant than to Lord
   Morley. When, however, I am appealed to on behalf of the
   persons so deported, I must ask you and those who are acting
   with you to bear in mind that deportation has been resorted to
   for the sole purpose of preserving the country from grave
   internal commotion. It is a preventive not a punitive measure,
   and the responsibility for fixing the period of detention
   must, therefore, rest with those who are charged with the
   arduous and anxious duty of maintaining order in India.

   "The Secretary of State and the Government of India are, I
   submit, the only possible judges of the circumstances which
   may warrant the release or the further detention of the
   persons deported, and the decision is one which, in my
   view—and I hope that you and your co-signatories may find
   yourselves in agreement with me—may be left with absolute
   confidence in their hands.

   "It is particularly necessary at a moment when a great
   extension of popular representative elements in Indian
   administration has just been sanctioned by Parliament that
   none of the various forms of anarchical violence should be
   tolerated, and that no lawful instrument for suppressing them
   should be discarded."

   One of the trials for seditious journalism which caused most
   excitement throughout India did not arise from publications in
   Bengal, but in Bombay. The accused was Bal Gangadhar Tilak, a
   Brahmin, professor of law and mathematics, who conducted a
   native paper called the Mahratta. The specific charge
   against him was that in his newspaper he had urged the people
   to demand the restoration of the old Shiwaji religious
   festivals and, if it was refused, to throw bombs until it was
   granted. The government contended that he had not incited the
   people to violence in overt words, but by subtle insinuations
   and unmistakable innuendo. At his trial in July, 1908, he
   spoke in his own defence, with great ability, for five days.
   He was convicted and sentenced to imprisonment for six years.

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.
   Mortality Statistics and Birth Rate.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
   The recent Movements of Discontent.
   Their Character, Causes, and Meaning.
   Hindu and Moslem feeling.
   English attitude.
   The Past of British Government and its Fruits.
   Neglect of Education and Political Training.
   Slight Organization of Local Self-Government.
   The Governed not taken into the confidence of the Government.
   Is Democracy forbidden to Asiatic peoples?

   The political disaffection in India which has been expressing
   itself violently within the last few years, not only in
   seditious speech and print, but in the manner of the Russian
   terrorists, with bombs and other instruments of anarchy and
   assassination, was not started by the Bengal Partition and the
   resentments which that measure gave rise to, but those gave a
   fresh and strong impulse to feelings that had been in
   fermentation for some time. Behind that immediate impulse was,
   undoubtedly, a much stronger one, which came from the
   startling revelation of the Russo-Japanese War, that one
   Asiatic people, at least, could outfight one, at least, of the
   proud and domineering Powers of Europe, and outdo them all in
   a practical handling of the boasted "Science of the West."
   Torpid energies and sleeping ambitions were pricked in India
   by the amazing triumph of the Japanese, as they were elsewhere
   throughout the East; and it is since 1905 that the demand of
   the Hindus for a political life of their own has taken a tone
   which commands the ear of all open-minded and generous
   Englishmen, like John Morley, and draws from them the response
   they are now trying to make.

{316}

   So far as it is a demand for an Independent Indian Empire,
   with the whole fabric of British rule swept away, it comes
   manifestly from nothing that has weight or force in India
   itself. Probably no Hindu who could make intelligent use of
   political freedom ever dreams of the present possibility of a
   nationalized India, in which the 200,000,000 of his own race
   and creed and the 60,000,000 of Mohammedans (saying nothing of
   the added millions of other lineages and other faiths) would
   be peaceful fellow citizens, administering the institutions of
   self-government in harmony together. The Moslems, at least,
   are under no illusion as to what would happen if the
   incongruous elements of the enormous population of India were
   left politically to themselves, under the conditions that now
   exist. In 1908, when that idea seemed to be growing in Hindu
   thought, they organized an "All-India Moslem League,"
   avowedly, as declared by the Nawab of Dacca, "to save
   themselves from being submerged by an enormous and noisy
   majority of the other race." "The safety of the Mohammedans,"
   said the president of the conference, "lay in loyalty to the
   government; they must be prepared to fight for the government
   if necessary." Thus British rule in its present form has the
   Moslem dread of Hindu ascendency to give it a substantial
   support, even though the Hindus outnumber the Moslems by more
   than three to one. In thinking power, the Hindu is perhaps the
   higher type of man; but the blood of the Afghan and Mongol
   conquerors of Hindustan must have transmitted more of
   political as well as military energy to the Moslems of the
   present day. The Hindu mind is too mystically metaphysical for
   the politics of a world that is dominated by its least
   metaphysical minds.

   But the higher intelligence of the Hindus appears to agree
   with that of the Moslems in understanding that India is in no
   present condition for taking its political fortunes into its
   own hands. The really intelligent classes have been making it
   plain, however, that they do want a more effective
   participation in the management of their own affairs than has
   been allowed to them hitherto, and it is the claim of that
   class which Lord Morley and his colleagues in the British
   Government are acknowledging and aiming to satisfy. It seems
   to have been generally and fairly represented in the great
   conventions assembled annually for many years past, under the
   name of the "Indian National Congress," an unofficial
   Congress, possessing no authority, but exercising an influence
   that has increased. Its character was described a few years
   ago in one of the American reviews by a writer who said that
   he had watched it from its birth:

   "The Indian National Congress," he wrote, "is avowedly
   national in its name and scope. The Provincial Congresses
   which meet in every province for the discussion of provincial
   matters, unite together in a National Congress, which is
   annually held at a chosen centre, for the furtherance and
   discussion of national interests. A Congress consists of from
   five hundred to one thousand of the political leaders of all
   parts of India, comprising representatives of noble families,
   landowners, members of local Boards and municipalities,
   honorary magistrates, fellows of universities, and
   professional men, such as engineers, bankers, merchants,
   shopkeepers, journalists, lawyers, doctors, priests and
   college professors. The delegates are able to act in concert
   and to declare in no uncertain accents the common public
   opinion of the multitude of whom they are the mouthpiece. They
   are as representative in regard to religion as to rank and
   profession; Hindus, Parsis, Mohammedans and Christians have in
   turn presided.

   "The deliberations are marked by acumen and moderation. The
   principal items of their propaganda constitute a practical
   programme displaying insight and sagacity, and covering most
   of the political and economic problems of the Indian Empire. I
   take it upon myself to say, as a watchful eye-witness from its
   birth, that the Indian National Congress has discharged its
   duties with exemplary judgment and moderation."

      Sir Henry Cotton,
      The New Spirit in India
      (North American Review, November, 1906).

   The meeting of this Indian Congress in 1908 was held at Madras
   on the 27th of December, not long after Lord Morley had
   explained his plan for the enlargement of the Legislative
   Councils in India and for the election of a certain number of
   their members by popular vote. In the address of the President
   of the Congress, Dr. Rash Bihari Ghose, the proposed reforms
   were discussed at length, and welcomed with warmth, as going
   near, apparently, to satisfying the claims of the majority of
   those represented in the Congress. "We are now," said the
   speaker, "on the threshold of a new era. An important chapter
   has been opened in the history of the relations between Great
   Britain and India—a chapter of constitutional reform which
   promises to unite the two countries together in closer bonds
   than ever. A fair share in the Government of our own country
   has now been given to us. The problem of reconciling order
   with progress, efficient administration with the satisfaction
   of aspirations encouraged by our rulers themselves, which
   timid people thought was insoluble, has at last been solved.
   The people of India will now be associated with the Government
   in the daily and hourly administration of their affairs. A
   great step forward has thus been taken in the grant of
   representative government for which the Congress had been
   crying for years. … We do not know what the future destiny of
   India may be. We can see only as through a glass darkly. But
   of this I am assured, that on our genuine co-operation with
   the British Government depend our future progress and the
   development of a fuller social and political life. Of this
   also I am assured, that the future of the country is now in a
   large measure in our own hands."

   At about the same time the All-India Moslem League held its
   meeting at Amritsar, and gave an equally hearty welcome to the
   principle of the proposed reforms, but appealed against the
   mode of election contemplated, which might be to the
   disadvantage of the Moslem minority. In the address of the
   President, Mr. Ali Imam, he said: "It is impossible for
   thoughtful men to approach the subject without regard to the
   pathetic side of the present situation.
{317}
   It is the liberalism of the great British nation that has
   taught Indians, through the medium of English education, to
   admire democratic institutions, to hold the rights of the
   people sacred above all rights and to claim for their voice
   first place in the government of the country. The mind of
   close upon three generations of the educated classes in the
   land has been fed on the ideas of John Stuart Mill, Milton,
   Burke, Sheridan and Shelley, has been filled with the great
   lessons obtainable from chapters of the constitutional history
   of England and has been influenced by inexpressible
   considerations arising out of the American War of
   Independence, the relation of Great Britain with her Colonies,
   and last, though not least, the grant of Autonomy to the Boers
   after their subjugation at an enormous sacrifice of men and
   money. The bitterest critic of the educated Indian will not
   hold him to blame for his present state of mind. It is the
   English who have carefully prepared the ground and sown the
   seed that has germinated into what some of them are now
   disposed to consider to be noxious weed. It will be a dwarfed
   imagination however that will condemn the educational policy
   of the large-hearted and liberal-minded Englishmen who laid
   its foundation in this country. Those who inaugurated it aimed
   at raising the people to the level where co-operation and good
   understanding between the rulers and the ruled are possible.
   Under the circumstances, the desire of the educated Indian to
   take a prominent part in the administration of his country is
   neither unnatural nor unexpected. …

   "The best sense of the country recognizes the fact that the
   progress of India rests on the maintenance of order and
   internal peace, and that order and internal peace in view of
   the conditions obtaining in our country at present and for a
   very long time to come, immeasurably long time to come, spell
   British occupation. British occupation not in the thin and
   diluted form in which Canada, Australia and South Africa stand
   in relation to England, but British occupation in the sense in
   which our country has enjoyed internal peace during the last
   50 years. Believe me that as long as we have not learnt to
   overcome sectarian aggressiveness, to rise above prejudices
   based on diversity of races, religions and languages, and to
   alter the alarming conditions of violent intellectual
   disparity among the peoples of India, so long British
   occupation is the principal element in the progress of the
   country. The need of India is to recognize that true
   patriotism lies in taking measure of the conditions existing
   in fact, and devoting one’s self to amelioration. … The creed
   of the All-India Muslim League is cooperation with the Rulers,
   coöperation with our non-Muslim countrymen and solidarity
   amongst ourselves. This is our idea of United India."

   These expressions from prominent leaders of the two principal
   races of India are quite in accord with the judgment of
   liberal-minded Englishmen, as to the present duty of their
   government to the people of this great Asiatic Dependency.
   They are quite in accord with the judgment that has dictated
   the measure undertaken by the present British Government. They
   recognize that the relation which England bears to India,
   however unjustifiable in its origin it may be, is one that
   cannot be suddenly changed without great danger and certain
   harm. As Goldwin Smith has said:

   "To attempt to strike the balance between the advantages and
   disadvantages of British rule in India would be to enter into
   a boundless controversy. Foreign rule in itself must always be
   an evil. India was rescued by Great Britain from murderous and
   devastating anarchy. Though at the time she was plundered by
   official corruption of a good deal of the wealth which, being
   poor though gorgeous, she could ill afford to lose, she has
   since enjoyed general peace and order; both, we may be sure,
   to a far greater extent than she otherwise would have done.
   The deadly enmity between her races and religions has been
   controlled and assuaged. …

   "It does not appear that there is any considerable migration
   from the provinces directly under British dominion to those
   which are under native rule. The people, no doubt, are
   generally fixed to their habitations by poverty and difficulty
   of movement; still, if they greatly preferred the native rule,
   a certain amount of migration to it there would probably be.
   That the masses of India in general are miserably poor cannot
   be denied. The question is, whether under the Mogul Emperors
   they were better off. … The population has vastly increased,
   and its increase may in some measure account for dearth. With
   regard to fiscal and commercial questions, it may safely be
   said that, at all events in late years, there has been no
   disposition on England’s part to do anything but justice to
   India.

   "India’s complaints, speaking generally, seem to be of things
   inseparable from foreign rule, the withdrawal of which would
   be the only remedy. But suppose British rule withdrawn from
   India, what would follow? Is there anything ready to take its
   place? would not the result be anarchy, such as prevailed when
   England came upon the scene, or a struggle for ascendency
   between the Mahometan and the Hindoo, with another battle of
   Paniput? Suppose the Mahometan, stronger in spirit though
   weaker in numbers, to prevail, would his ascendency be more
   beneficial and less galling to the Hindoo than is that of the
   English Sahib?"

      Goldwin Smith,
      British Empire in India
      (North American Review, September 7, 1906).

   Of the ultimate possibilities of a nationalized unification of
   the mighty masses of population in the vast peninsula, there
   can, perhaps, be as much or more said hopefully as against the
   hope. A writer who believes that there may be an independent
   India has put an outline of the argument, pro and con, in
   these few following words:

   "India, we are almost tired of hearing, is as large as Europe,
   putting aside Russia and Scandinavia, with as great a
   population, as many diverse and heterogeneous nationalities,
   differing from each other in language, in custom, in religion,
   and in everything that makes for individuality; and we might
   as well speak of the Indian nation as the European nation. …
   To this contention Young India opposes the most emphatic
   contradiction. India is a nation, a people, a country: its
   interests and aspirations are one and unique. Railways,
   telegraphs, post-office, the Press, education, knowledge of
   English, have welded into one harmonious whole all the
   manifold centrifugal forces of its vast area.
{318}
   Young India will quote Switzerland as an example of a country
   with several languages and two conflicting religions, and yet
   undoubtedly constituting a nation. If the only tongue in which
   the Madrassi and the Bengali can communicate is English, so
   let it be. It is sufficient that a medium of communication
   exists. And it does exist. The educated Indian speaks and
   writes in English as easily as in his own mother-tongue. It is
   in English that the most vehement tirades against British
   rule, whether printed, spoken, or dealt with in private
   correspondence, are hurled across the land. Politically
   speaking, Lahore is a suburb of Calcutta. The fact cannot be
   gainsaid and must be reckoned with. India, as a whole, as a
   political unit, has found a voice. There is a national India,
   as there is not a national Europe."

      E. C. Cox,
      Banger in India
      (Nineteenth Century, December, 1908).

   This view recognizes, as was recognized in the address of the
   President of the All-India Moslem League, quoted above, that
   English rule and English influence have done much towards
   preparing both the country and the people for the
   self-government to which the latter are now beginning to
   aspire. It must be said, however, that most of this
   preparation has been casually consequent on policies that had
   no such deliberate intent. Until quite late years there is
   little sign to be seen in British Indian policy of a thought
   of developing opportunity and capability in the people to
   become more than valuable customers and docile wards. While
   India was in the hands of a commercial company it was managed,
   naturally, like an imperial estate, with strictly economic
   objects in view. Even then there was wisely economic
   consideration given to the general welfare of the people; but
   it was welfare as seen from the estate-owners' standpoint. The
   proprietary government did many things for its subjects and
   servants; bettered their conditions in many ways; added
   greatly to the equipment of their lives; but it did very
   little, if anything, toward putting them in the way of
   bettering things for themselves. It contemplated nothing for
   India but the perpetuity of its management as an imperial
   estate, entailed in the possession of a proprietary race.

   The taking of this imperial estate from company management
   into national management has not seemed hitherto to alter the
   business nature of its administration very much. Its many
   millions of inhabitants have been better governed and better
   cared for, without doubt; but the idea of benevolence to them
   has never been much enlarged beyond the idea of an honestly
   good overseeing care. Institutions have been provided or
   encouraged for the educating of a class among them which could
   be of useful assistance in the caretaking of the mass; but
   common education for the mass, to qualify them better for the
   care of themselves, received scant attention till 25 years
   ago. In the very explanation that is often given of the
   present discontent in India there is an impeachment of the
   past treatment of the country by its able and powerful
   masters. It is said that the educated Hindus find no
   satisfying career for themselves outside of the service of the
   government, and that an increasingly large class in excess of
   the openings which that service can afford has been educated
   in recent years; that, consequently, the swelling crowd of
   disappointed place-seekers, whose intelligence and ambition
   have been whetted in the higher schools and colleges of the
   Indian Empire, are the disturbers of public content. After a
   century and a half of supreme British influence and power in
   India, there ought to have been more and better openings of
   opportunity for educated young Hindus than through the doors
   of public office. There would have been if the development of
   country and people had been conducted with more reference to
   their benefit, and with less close attention to the interests
   of British trade.

   Since 1882-1883 there has been more endeavor to establish and
   assist native primary schools; but the percentage of
   population that they reach is small. The statistics given in
   an official "Statement exhibiting the Moral and Material
   Progress and Condition of India during the year 1905-1906"
   make the following showing:

   Provinces.                   Number of        Number of
                                Institutions     Pupils
   Bengal                          43,996        1,232,278
   United Provinces                15,708          576,336
   Punjab                           3,762          211,464
   Burma                           20,996          385,214
   Central Provinces                3,090          209,680
   Eastern Bengal and Assam        21,790          722,371
   Coorg                              116            4,666
   North West Frontier Province     1,087           28,496
   Madras Presidency               28,258          918,880
   Bombay and Sind Presidency      13,865          736,209
   Total                          152,668        5,025,594

   Except in the Punjab and in Eastern Bengal and Assam these
   figures include both public and private institutions of
   education, of all grades, from primary schools to colleges.
   All institutions in which the course of instruction conforms
   to standards prescribed by the Department of Education or by
   the University, and which either undergo inspection by the
   Department or present pupils at public examinations, are
   classed as "public," but may be under either public or private
   management. While the schools and colleges seem numerous, it
   will be seen that they average but 33 pupils each, and give
   teaching to a slender fraction of the children of the
   294,000,000 of people under British rule. In the report from
   which we quote the proportion of pupils to the estimated
   population of school-going age is given as 28.4 per cent. of
   boys and 2.9 per cent. of girls in Bengal; 8.06 per cent. of
   boys and 0.96 per cent. of girls in the United Provinces; 21.8
   per cent. of boys and 1.8 of girls in the Central Provinces;
   28.2 per cent, of boys and 2.9 per cent. of girls in Eastern
   Bengal and Assam; 29 per cent. of boys and 5.4 per cent. of
   girls in Madras; 31.8 per cent. of boys and 6 per cent of
   girls in Bombay. The total expenditure on education, from all
   sources, including fees, was £735,043 in Bengal (increased to
   £830,415 in 1907-1908); £441,421 in the United Provinces
   (increased to £491,723 in 1907-1908); £331,038 in the Punjab;
   £218,445 in Burma; £145,389 in the Central Provinces; £318,788
   in Eastern Bengal and Assam; £624,602 in the Madras Presidency
   (increased to £712,740 in 1907-1908); £685,444 in the Presidency
   of Bombay (increased to £756,168 in 1907-1908). Total in 1905-1906,
   £3,500,170. Education in British India cannot be made wide or
   deep on expenditure of this scale.

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   Education in the literary meaning, then, was tardily
   undertaken and is very limited yet in its extent. Quite as
   tardy, and quite as scant in the measure until John Morley got
   the handling of it, has been the political training that
   England,—greatest of political teachers as she has been for
   the world at large,—has allowed her Indian subjects to
   receive. It must not be understood that nothing of
   self-government has been conceded hitherto to these people.
   The exact measure of their participation in the management of
   their own public affairs, and the period within which they
   have exercised it, are described in the official "Statement
   exhibiting the Moral and Material Progress and Condition of
   India" from which the above exhibit of educational
   institutions is taken. The following is quoted partly from the
   "Statement" of 1905-1906 and partly from the later one of 1907-1908:

   "Local self-government, municipal and rural, in its present
   form, is essentially a product of British rule. Beginning in
   the Presidency towns, the principle made little progress until
   1870, when it was expressly recognised by Lord Mayo’s
   Government that ‘local interest, supervision, and care are
   necessary to success in the management of funds devoted to
   education, sanitation, medical charity, and local public
   works.’ The result was a gradual advance in local
   self-government, leading up to the action taken by Lord
   Ripon’s Government in 1883-1884, and to various provincial Acts
   passed about that time, which form the basis of the provincial
   systems at present in force. Municipal committees now exist in
   most places having any pretension to importance, and have
   charge of municipal business generally, including the care and
   superintendence of streets, roads, fairs and markets, open
   spaces, water supply, drainage, education, hospitals, and the
   like. Local and district boards have charge of local roads,
   sanitary works, education, hospitals, and dispensaries in
   rural districts. A large proportion of their income is
   provided by provincial rates. Bodies of port trustees have
   charge of harbour works, port approaches, and pilotage. There
   is also a smaller number of non-elective local bodies
   discharging similar duties in towns other than constituted
   municipalities, and in cantonments.

   "The municipal bodies exist, raise funds, and exercise powers
   under enactments which provide separately for the special
   requirements of each province and of the three presidency
   capitals, Bombay, Calcutta, and Madras. In the municipalities
   as a whole about half of the members are elected by the
   townsfolk under legal rules; in every town some, and in a few
   minor towns all, of the members are appointed by the
   Government. In almost every municipal body one or more
   Government officials sit as members. The number of Indian and
   non-official members, however, in every province, largely
   exceeds the number of Europeans and officials. The municipal
   bodies are subject to Government control in so far that no new
   tax can be imposed, no loan can be raised, no work costing
   more than a prescribed sum can be undertaken, and no serious
   departure from the sanctioned budget for the year can be made,
   without the previous sanction of the Government; and no rules
   or bye-laws can be enforced without similar sanction and full
   publication.

   "There were 746 municipalities at the end of 1907-1908,
   containing within their limits over 16 million people or 7 per
   cent. of the total population. Generally speaking, the income
   of municipalities is small. In 1907-1908 their aggregate income
   amounted to £3,910,000, excluding loans, sales of securities,
   and other extraordinary receipts. About 40 per cent. of the
   total is provided by Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, and Rangoon. …

   "The interest in municipal elections, and in municipal affairs
   generally, is not usually keen, save in a few cities and large
   towns; but, as education and knowledge advance, interest in
   the management of local affairs gradually increases. In most
   provinces municipal work is fairly well done, and municipal
   responsibilities are, on the whole, faithfully discharged,
   though occasional shortcomings and failures occur. The
   tendency of local bodies, especially in the smaller towns, is
   to be slow in imposing additional taxes, in adopting sanitary
   reforms, and in incurring new expenditure. Many members of
   municipal bodies are diligent in their attendance, whether at
   meetings for business or on benches for the decision of petty
   criminal cases."

   The elected members of these municipal committees number less
   than five thousand. This, therefore, is the extent of the
   class in the whole of British India, which now receives an
   elementary political training. Nothing more is needed for
   proving that India cannot possibly be prepared for independent
   self-government.

   In a memorable speech made by Lord Macaulay in 1833 he
   predicted a time when England’s Indian subjects might demand
   English institutions, and exclaimed: "Whenever the day comes
   it will be the proudest in English history." The day has come,
   and it does not bring pride to England; because her wards in
   India have not been made ready for what they ask. It will need
   time to repair the long neglect; but there is no grander fact
   in recent history than the beginning of the labor of repair.
   It is to be a work of education, not for the people of India
   alone, but for Englishmen as well. They are to learn, and have
   begun to learn, the mistake of egotism and self-sufficiency in
   their government of these people. Some months ago there was
   published in The Times of India, at Bombay, a number of
   articles on the causes of the existing discontent, some by
   English writers, some by Hindus, some by Mohammedans, all
   seriously and frankly studying the situation, and most
   suggestive in their thought. The cause emphasized most by one
   of the English writers is that which always has worked and
   always will work when one self-complacent and self-confident
   people undertakes to be an overruling providence for another
   people, by making laws for it and managing its affairs. The
   more consciousness there is on the ruling side of just
   intention and superior knowledge, the less likely it is to
   satisfy the ruled; because the satisfying of its own judgment
   of what is good for the latter is assumed to be enough.

   During the last half century, at least, the British Government
   has endeavored, without a doubt, to do good to its Indian
   subjects, and it has done them great good; but everything has
   been done in its own way, from its own points of view and upon
   its own judgment of things needful and good and right. And
   this is why its Indian subjects not only feel wronged, but are
   wronged.

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   As the writer in The Times of India reminds his
   countrymen, "right is a relative term," and not, he says, "as
   we Islanders would have it, an absolute one. A thing that is
   right for us, with our past training and traditions, may not
   only seem, but really be, a grave wrong to those whose
   environment differs from our own." He cites instances of grave
   mistakes in well-intended legislation that would have been
   avoided, if the makers of the laws had counseled sufficiently
   with natives of experience in the matters concerned. One
   example is in a land alienation act, for the Punjab, which was
   framed with purely philanthropic motives, being intended to
   free the native peasantry—the ryots—from thraldom to money
   lenders, but which, by making the recovery of debts difficult,
   has trebled the rate of interest to the ryot, who borrows just
   as much, and mortgages himself instead of mortgaging his land.
   Alluding to this and to another act of excellent intention but
   irritating effect, the writer says: "When these worthy aims of
   government were debated in the Bombay and Punjab legislatures,
   who was there, among the officials, in touch with Indian
   feeling and sentiment? Who among the senators ever suggested
   the possibility that the evil of mortgage and borrowing was
   not intrinsically an evil in India, but that legislation—our
   own past legislation—had made it so? Was there no officer of
   government who could advise the authorities that every Hindoo,
   almost, is at heart a money lender; that it is second nature
   to him; that indebtedness in itself is neither reproach nor
   handicap in his eyes; and that if you take from him his
   freedom of barter you do take his life?"

   "We have failed," says this writer, "to avail ourselves of the
   material we ourselves have trained." That, undoubtedly, is the
   cardinal mistake that the English in India have made. Until
   now, they have not taken the best of India into their
   confidence and their counsels.

   Another of the writers referred to above gave another
   characterization of the British rule as the natives more
   generally feel it, in which a deeper working of more subtle
   irritations can be seen. He wrote:

   "Personal rule, the will of the king, God’s anointed and
   therefore invested with quasi-divine sanction, is the only
   rule to which the East has been used, which it can like and
   respect. The people can understand, even while they suffer
   under, the most extravagant individual caprices; and when the
   tyranny becomes too intolerable, they always had in the last
   resort an excellent chance of being able to overthrow it. But
   they cannot and probably never will understand, still less
   appreciate, the cold, implacable, inhuman impersonality of the
   English government. They might as well be governed by a
   dynamo, without human bowels or passions. It cannot be humanly
   approached; it has no human side; its very impeccability is
   exasperating; and the exactitude with which it metes out its
   machine-made justice, according to inflexible rules and
   formulae into which no human equation enters, chills and
   repels the Eastern mind, and its strength is commensurate with
   its remorselessness."

   "They might as well be governed by a dynamo!" That, in this
   connection, is a powerfully expressive phrase. The dynamo and
   everything of a dynamic nature—every mechanical motor-working
   of forces, whether material or political, are naturally
   congenial to the man of the Western world—understandable by
   him, serviceable to him—and they are not so to the man of the
   East. Somewhere in the process of their evolution the one got
   an aptitude for projecting work outwardly from the worker—
   action at some remove from the actor—shuttle throwing, for
   example, carried out from the weaver to the arms and fingers
   of a machine, and government from the personally governing
   will to an organic political system—while the other did not.
   In this, more than in anything else, perhaps, the radical
   difference of nature between the Occidental and the Oriental
   peoples is summed up. The one is endowed with a self-enhancing
   power to act through exterior agencies, of mechanism in his
   physical labors, of representative institutions in his
   government, of systems and organisms in all his doings, which
   the other lacks.

   This might have seemed a generation ago to set an
   insurmountable barrier against the passing of democracy and
   democratic institutions into Asia; but we have little right
   to-day to imagine that anything can stop their march.

INDIA: A. D. 1908.
   American Mission Schools.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: INDIA.

INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Passage of the Indian Councils Bill by the British Parliament.
   Popular Representation in the Legislative Councils introduced.
   Lord Morley’s explanations of the Measure.
   Appointment of a native member of the
   Viceroy’s Executive Council.

   The great project of reform in the Government of India which
   Lord Morley, as Secretary for India in the British
   Administration, brought before Parliament in December, 1908,
   embodied fundamentally in what was known during the discussion
   of it as the Indian Councils Bill, had its origin more than
   two years before that time, not in the councils of the British
   Ministry, but in those of the Government of India. The facts
   of its inception and preliminary consideration were indicated
   in a British Blue Book of 1908 (Cd. 4426), which contained
   proposals on the subject from the Government of India, dated
   October 1, 1908, and the reply of Lord Morley to them,
   November 27. More recently the early history of the reform
   project was told briefly by the Viceroy of India, the Earl of
   Minto, in a speech in Council, on the 28th of March, 1909. He
   said:

   "The material from which the Councils Bill has been
   manufactured was supplied from the Secretariat at Simla, and
   emanated entirely from the bureaucracy of the Government of
   India. It was in August, 1906, that I drew attention in
   Council in a confidential minute to the change which was so
   rapidly affecting the political atmosphere, bringing with it
   questions we could not afford to ignore, which we must attempt
   to answer, pointing out that it was all-important that the
   initiative should emanate from us, that the Government of
   India should not be put in the position of appearance of
   having its hands forced by agitation in this country or by
   pressure from home, and that we should be the first to
   recognize the surrounding conditions and place before his
   Majesty’s Government the opinion which personal experience and
   close touch with the everyday life of India entitle us to
   hold.
{321}
   I consequently appointed the Arundel Committee. That minute
   was the first seed of our reforms sown more than a year before
   the first anarchist outrage sent a thrill of shocked surprise
   throughout India—the attempt to wreck Sir Andrew Fraser’s
   train in December, 1907. The policy of the Government of India
   in respect to reforms has emanated from mature consideration
   of political and social conditions, while the administrative
   changes they advocated, far from being concessions wrung from
   them, have been over and over again endangered by the
   commission of outrages which could not but encourage doubts as
   to the opportuneness of the introduction of political changes,
   but which I steadfastly refused to allow to injure the
   political welfare of the loyal masses in India."

   The Indian Councils Bill was printed on the 20th of February,
   1909, and its second reading in the House of Lords was moved
   by Lord Morley in an explanatory speech on the 23d. A
   prefatory memorandum accompanying the text of the Bill was as
   follows:

   "The object of this Bill is to amend and extend the Indian
   Councils Acts, 1861 and 1892, in such a way as to provide:

   "(i.)For an enlargement of the Legislative Council of the
   Governor-General and of the existing Provincial Legislative
   Councils;

   "(ii.) For the election of a certain proportion of their
   members by popular vote; and

   "(iii.) For greater freedom to discuss matters of general
   public interest and to ask questions at their meetings, and
   more especially for the discussion of the annual financial
   statements.

   "The Executive Councils of the Governments of Madras and
   Bombay are enlarged, and powers are taken to create Executive
   Councils in the other Provinces of India, where they now do
   not exist. Provision is also made for the appointment of
   Vice-Presidents of the various Councils.

   "The details of the necessary arrangements, which must vary
   widely in the different Provinces, are left to be settled by
   means of regulations to be framed by the Government of India
   and approved by the Secretary of State."

   In his speech on moving the second reading of the Bill, Lord
   Morley said: "I invite the House to take to-day the first
   definite and operative step in carrying out the policy which I
   had the honour of stating to your lordships just before
   Christmas, and which has occupied the active consideration
   both of the Home Government and of the Government of India for
   very nearly, if not even more than, three years. The statement
   was awaited in India with an expectancy that with time became
   almost impatience, and it was received in India—and that,
   after all, is the point to which I looked with the most
   anxiety—with intense interest and attention and various
   degrees of approval, from warm enthusiasm to cool assent and
   acquiescence. So far as I know … there has been no sign in any
   quarter, save possibly in the irreconcilable camp, of
   organized hostile opinion among either Indians or
   Anglo-Indians. …

   "There are, I take it, three classes of people that we have to
   consider in dealing with a scheme of this kind. There are the
   extremists, who nurse fantastic dreams that some day they will
   drive us out of India. In this group there are academic
   extremists and physical force extremists, and I have seen it
   stated on a certain authority—it cannot be more than guessed—
   that they do not number, whether academic or physical force
   extremists, more than one-tenth, I think, or even 3 per cent.,
   of what are called the educated class in India. The second
   group nourish no hopes of this sort, but hope for autonomy or
   self-government of the colonial species and pattern. And then
   the third section of this classification ask for no more than
   to be admitted to co-operation in our administration, and to
   find a free and effective voice in expressing the interests
   and needs of their land. I believe the effect of the reforms
   has been, is being, and will be to draw the second class, who
   hope for colonial autonomy, into the third class, who will be
   content with being admitted to a fair and full co-operation."

   As to the objections raised by the Mahomedans of India, to the
   plans of the measure for their representation in the Councils,
   Lord Morley announced the readiness of the Government to yield
   to them. "We," he said, "suggested to the Government of India
   a certain plan. We did not prescribe it, we did not order it,
   but we suggested and recommended this plan for their
   consideration—no more than that. It was the plan of a mixed or
   composite electoral college, in which Mahomedans and Hindus
   should pool their votes, so to say. The wording of the
   recommendation in my dispatch was, as I soon discovered,
   ambiguous—a grievous defect, of which I make bold to hope I am
   not very often in public business guilty. But, to the best of
   my belief, under any construction the plan of Hindus and
   Mahomedans voting together in a mixed and composite electorate
   would have secured to the Mahomedan electors, wherever they
   were so minded, the chance of returning their own
   representative in their due proportion. The political idea at
   the bottom of that recommendation which has found so little
   favour was that such composite action would bring the two
   great communities more closely together, and this idea of
   promoting harmony was held by men of very high Indian
   authority and experience who were among my advisers at the
   India Office. But the Mahomedans protested that the Hindus
   would elect a pro-Hindu upon it, just as I suppose in a mixed
   college of say 75 Catholics and 25 Protestants voting together
   the Protestants might suspect that the Catholics voting for
   the Protestant would choose what is called a Romanizing
   Protestant and as little of a Protestant as possible. … At any
   rate, the Government of India doubted whether our plan would
   work, and we have abandoned it. I do not think it was a bad
   plan, but it is no use, if you are making an earnest attempt
   in good faith at a general pacification, out of parental
   fondness for a clause interrupting that good process by
   sitting too tight.

   "The Mahomedans demand three things. I had the pleasure of
   receiving a deputation from them and I know very well what is
   in their minds. They demand the election of their own
   representatives to these councils in all the stages, just as
   in Cyprus, where, I think, the Mahomedans vote by themselves.
   They have nine votes and the non-Mahomedans have three, or the
   other way about.
{322}
   So in Bohemia, where the Germans vote alone and have their own
   register. Therefore we are not without a precedent and a
   parallel for the idea of a separate register. Secondly, they
   want a number of seats in excess of their numerical strength.
   Those two demands we are quite ready and intend to meet in
   full. There is a third demand that, if there is a Hindu on the
   Viceroy’s Executive Council—a subject on which I will venture
   to say a little to your lordships before I sit down—there
   should be two Indian members on the Viceroy’s Council and that
   one should be a Mahomedan. Well, as I told them and as I now
   tell your lordships, I see no chance whatever of meeting their
   views in that way to any extent at all."

   Turning to a much criticised feature of the projected
   remodelling of Indian Government—namely, the announced
   intention of the Government to name an Indian member of the
   Viceroy’s Executive Council—the Secretary reminded the House
   that this was not touched by the pending bill, for the reason
   that the appointment of that Council lies already within the
   province of the Crown. In meeting the objections raised to
   this part of the reform project, he amused the House greatly
   by remarking: "Lord MacDonnell said the other day: ‘I believe
   you cannot find any individual native gentleman who has
   enjoyed the general confidence who would be able to give
   advice and assistance to the Governor-General in Council.’ It
   has been my lot to be twice Chief Secretary for Ireland, and I
   do not believe I can truly say I ever met in Ireland a single
   individual native gentleman who ‘enjoyed general confidence.’
   And yet I received at Dublin Castle most excellent and
   competent advice. Therefore I will accept that statement from
   the noble lord. The question is whether there is no one of the
   300 millions of the population of India who is competent to be
   the officially-constituted adviser of the Governor-General in
   Council in the administration of Indian affairs. You make an
   Indian a Judge of the High Court, and Indians have even been
   acting-Chief Justices. As to capacity, who can deny that they
   have distinguished themselves as administrators of native
   States, where far more demand is made on their resources,
   intellectual and moral? It is said that the presence of an
   Indian member would cause restraint in the language of
   discussion. For a year and a half I have had two Indians at
   the Council of India, and I have never found the slightest
   restraint whatever."

   Debate on the Bill in the House of Lords was resumed on the
   4th of March, and it was amended by striking out a clause
   which gave power to constitute provincial executive councils
   in other provinces than Madras and Bombay, where they were
   already existing. It then passed through Committee, and on the
   11th of March it was read a third time and passed by the Upper
   House.

   A fortnight later, Lord Morley brought into exercise the
   authority possessed by the Crown, to appoint on its own
   judgment a native member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council.
   His choice fell on a distinguished Hindu lawyer, Mr. Satyendra
   Prasanna Sinha, of whom the London Times, on announcing
   the appointment, said: "Mr. Sinha now fills the office of
   Advocate-General of Bengal, to which he was not long ago
   promoted, and he will succeed Sir Henry Richards as Legal
   Member of Council. Of his fitness to discharge the
   departmental duties of his new position we make no question.
   Lord Morley has doubtless satisfied himself that the
   qualifications of his nominee in this respect will not
   discredit the experiment on which he has ventured. But,
   however high those qualifications, and however well they may
   stand the test of experience, gifts and attainments of another
   order are needed for the post to which Lord Morley has named
   him. A member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council is much more
   than a departmental chief. … For him there are no State
   secrets and no confidential documents. He has a right to know
   and to debate the imperii arcana. The most delicate
   mysteries of diplomacy, the most carefully guarded of military
   precautions, are trusted to his faith and to his discretion.
   Breadth of political knowledge and of judgment, insight into
   men and things, a sure sense and grasp of realities, coolness,
   courage, and rapid decision in emergencies, absolute
   impartiality between native races, creeds, and classes, and an
   instinctive devotion to England, to her traditions and to her
   ideals, are amongst the qualities which have been deemed the
   best recommendations for so immense a trust. Mr. Sinha may
   possess them all, but they are rare amongst the men of any
   race, and some of them are notoriously uncommon amongst
   Orientals."

   This expresses the English opinion that objects to the
   admission of Indians to the Executive Councils of Indian
   Government, even while assenting to their representation in
   the Legislative Councils of the dependency. It is to be hoped
   that Mr. Sinha will help to weaken that opinion. Reports from
   India on the appointment were to the effect that it had given
   great general satisfaction.

   On the return of the Councils Bill to the Commons the clause
   which the Lords had stricken out was restored, but in a
   modified form. Authority to extend the creation of provincial
   executive councils was given, but with the reservation to the
   House of Lords as well as to the House of Commons of a veto
   upon the establishment of such councils in any new provinces,
   except Bengal. As thus amended the clause was accepted by the
   Upper House and became law, May 25, 1909.

   The following are the essential provisions of the Act:

   "I.
   (1) The additional members of the councils for the purpose of
   making laws and regulations (hereinafter referred to as
   Legislative Councils) of the Governor-General and of the
   Governors of Fort Saint George and Bombay, and the members of
   the Legislative Councils already constituted, or which may
   hereafter be constituted, of the several Lieutenant-Governors
   of Provinces, instead of being all nominated by the
   Governor-General, Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor in manner
   provided by the Indian Councils Acts, 1861 and 1892, shall
   include members so nominated and also members elected in
   accordance with regulations made under this Act, and
   references in those Acts to the members so nominated and their
   nomination shall be construed as including references to the
   members so elected and their election.

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   "(2) The number of additional members or members so nominated
   and elected, the number of such members required to constitute
   a quorum, the term of office of such members and the manner of
   filling up casual vacancies occurring by reason of absence
   from India, inability to attend to duty, death, acceptance of
   office, or resignation duly accepted, or otherwise, shall, in
   the case of each such council, be such as may be prescribed by
   regulations made under this Act:

   "Provided that the aggregate number of members so nominated
   and elected shall not, in the case of any Legislative Council
   mentioned in the first column of the First Schedule to this
   Act, exceed the number specified in the second column of that
   schedule.

   " 2.
   (1) The number of ordinary members of the councils of the
   Governors of Fort Saint George and Bombay shall be such number
   not exceeding four as the Secretary of State in Council may
   from time to time direct, of whom two at least shall be
   persons who at the time of their appointment have been in the
   service of the Crown in India for at least twelve years.

   "(2) If at any meeting of either of such councils there is an
   equality of votes on any question, the Governor or other
   person presiding shall have two votes or the casting vote.

   "3.
   (1) It shall be lawful for the Governor-General in Council,
   with the approval of the Secretary of State in Council, by
   proclamation, to create a council in the Bengal Division of
   the Presidency of Fort William for the purpose of assisting
   the Lieutenant-Governor in the executive government of the
   province, and by such proclamation—

      "(a) to make provision for determining what shall be
      the number (not exceeding four) and qualifications of the
      members of the council; and

      "(b) to make provision for the appointment of
      temporary or acting members of the council during the
      absence of any member from illness or otherwise, and for
      the procedure to be adopted in case of a difference of
      opinion between a Lieutenant-Governor and his council, and
      in the case of equality of votes, and in the case of a
      Lieutenant-Governor being obliged to absent himself from
      his council from indisposition or any other cause.

   "(2) It shall be lawful for the Governor-General in Council,
   with the like approval, by a like proclamation to create a
   council in any other province under a Lieutenant-Governor for
   the purpose of assisting the Lieutenant-Governor in the
   executive government of the province: Provided that before any
   such proclamation is made a draft thereof shall be laid before
   each House of Parliament for not less than sixty days during
   the session of Parliament, and, if before the expiration of
   that time an address is presented to His Majesty by either
   House of Parliament against the draft or any part thereof, no
   further proceedings shall be taken thereon, without prejudice
   to the making of any new draft.

   "(3) Where any such proclamation has been made with respect to
   any province the Lieutenant-Governor may, with the consent of
   the Governor-General in Council, from time to time make rules
   and orders for the more convenient transaction of business in
   his council, and any order made or act done in accordance with
   the rules and orders so made shall be deemed to be an act or
   order of the Lieutenant-Governor in Council.

   "(4) Every member of any such council shall be appointed by
   the Governor-General, with the approval of His Majesty, and
   shall, as such, be a member of the Legislative Council of the
   Lieutenant-Governor, in addition to the members nominated by
   the Lieutenant-Governor and elected under the provisions of
   this Act.

   "4. The Governor-General, and the Governors of Fort Saint
   George and Bombay, and the Lieutenant-Governor of every
   province respectively shall appoint a member of their
   respective councils to be Vice-President thereof, and, for the
   purpose of temporarily holding and executing the office of
   Governor-General or Governor of Fort Saint George or Bombay
   and of presiding at meetings of Council in the absence of the
   Governor-General, Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor, the
   Vice-President so appointed shall be deemed to be the senior
   member of Council and the member highest in rank, and the
   Indian Councils Act, 1861, and sections sixty-two and
   sixty-three of the Government of India Act, 1833, shall have
   effect accordingly.

   "5.
   (1) Notwithstanding anything in the Indian Councils Act, 1861,
   the Governor-General in Council, the Governors in Council of
   Fort Saint George and Bombay respectively, and the
   Lieutenant-Governor or Lieutenant-Governor in Council of every
   province, shall make rules authorising at any meeting of their
   respective legislative councils the discussion of the annual
   financial statement of the Governor-General in Council or of
   their respective local governments, as the case may be, and of
   any matter of general public interest, and the asking of
   questions, under such conditions and restrictions as may be
   prescribed in the rules applicable to the several councils.

   "(2) Such rules as aforesaid may provide for the appointment
   of a member of any such council to preside at any such
   discussion in the place of the Governor-General, Governor, or
   Lieutenant-Governor, as the case may be, and of any
   Vice-President.

   "(3) Rules under this section, where made by a Governor in
   Council, or by a Lieutenant-Governor, or a Lieutenant-Governor
   in Council, shall be subject to the sanction of the
   Governor-General in Council, and where made by the
   Governor-General in Council shall be subject to the sanction of
   the Secretary of State in Council, and shall not be subject to
   alteration or amendment by the Legislative Council of the
   Governor-General, Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor.

   "6. The Governor-General in Council shall, subject to the
   approval of the Secretary of State in Council, make
   regulations as to the conditions under which and manner in
   which persons resident in India may be nominated or elected as
   members of the Legislative Councils of the Governor-General,
   Governors, and Lieutenant-Governors, and as to the
   qualifications for being, and for being nominated or elected,
   a member of any such council, and as to any other matter for
   which regulations are authorised to be made under this Act,
   and also as to the manner in which those regulations are to be
   carried into effect. Regulations under this section shall not
   be subject to alteration or amendment by the Legislative
   Council of the Governor-General.

{324}

   "7. All proclamations, regulations and rules made under this
   Act, other than rules made by a Lieutenant-Governor for the
   more convenient transaction of business in his council, shall
   be laid before both Houses of Parliament as soon as may be
   after they are made."

   FIRST SCHEDULE.

   MAXIMUM NUMBERS OF NOMINATED AND ELECTED
   MEMBERS OF LEGISLATIVE COUNCILS.

                                                      Maximum
   Legislative Council.                               Number.

   Legislative Council of the Governor-General           60

   Legislative Council of the Governor of Fort
   Saint George                                          50

   Legislative Council of the Governor of Bombay         50

   Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor
   of the Bengal division of the Presidency of
   Fort William                                          50

   Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor
   of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh              50

   Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor
   of the Province of Eastern Bengal and Assam           50

   Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor
   of the Province of the Punjab                         30

   Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor
   of the Province of Burma                              30

   Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor
   of any Province which may hereafter be constituted    30

   As will be seen, the Act only conveys in outline to the
   Government of India the authority needed for introducing the
   intended reforms, leaving all constructive details to be
   filled out by the latter in regulations and rules. Six months
   were occupied in that task by the Indian Government, and the
   resulting prescriptions were published on November 15th, in a
   document filling 450 pages of print. The following is a
   summary of them, communicated to The Times by its
   Calcutta correspondent:

   "They comprise, first, a short notice bringing the new
   Councils Act into force; secondly, the rules and regulations
   for guiding the constitution of the enlarged Imperial and
   Provincial Councils, with election rules; thirdly, rules for
   the discussion of the annual financial statement and general
   resolutions and for the asking of questions; and, fourthly, a
   Government resolution explaining the reasons for the changes
   made and their main details.

   "The resolution shows that the Imperial Council will consist
   of 68 members, while the number of members in each of the
   Provincial Councils will be as follows:—Bengal, 51; Madras and
   Bombay, each 48; the United Provinces, 49; Eastern Bengal and
   Assam, 43; the Punjab, 27; and Burma, 18.

   "The Viceroy’s Council has an official majority of three,
   while all the Provincial Councils have non-official
   majorities, ranging from 14 in Bengal to three in Burma. In
   the Viceroy’s Council the Mahomedans will have in the first
   Council six members elected by purely Mahomedan electorates,
   and will also presumably get seats in Sind and the Punjab, as
   the resolution says that a representative of the Bombay
   landholders on the Imperial Council will be elected at the
   first, third, and subsequent alternate elections by the Sind
   landholders, the great majority of whom are Mahomedan, and at
   the other elections by the Sirdars of Gujarat and the Deccan,
   the majority of whom are Hindus.

   "Again, the Punjab landholders consist equally of Mahomedans
   and non-Mahomedans, and presumably a Mahomedan will be
   alternately chosen. Accordingly, it has been decided that at
   the second, fourth, and alternate elections, when these two
   seats shall not be held by Mahomedans, there shall be two
   special electorates consisting of Mahomedan landholders who
   are entitled to vote for the member representing them in the
   Imperial Council, and the landowners of the United Provinces
   and of Eastern Bengal and Assam respectively. The Bombay
   Mahomedan member of the Imperial Council will be elected by
   the non-official Mahomedan members of the Provincial Council.

   "The tea and jute industries get five members on the
   Provincial Councils of the Bengals and Madras.

   "All members are required to take the oath of allegiance to
   the Crown before sitting on any of the Councils, and no person
   is eligible for election if the Imperial or a Provincial
   Government is of opinion that his election would be contrary
   to public interest. This provision takes the place of the old
   power to reject members selected by the electorate.

   "The examination of the annual financial proposals is divided
   into three parts. The first allows a chance for discussing any
   alteration in taxation and any new loan or grant to a local
   Government. Under the second any head of revenue or
   expenditure will be explained by the member in charge of the
   Department concerned and any resolution may be moved, and at
   the third stage the Finance Minister presents his budget and
   explains why any resolutions will not be accepted, a general
   discussion following.

   "The resolution concludes as follows:

   "The new Provincial Councils will assemble early in January
   and the Imperial Council in the course of that month. …

   "‘The maximum strength of the Councils was 126; it is
   now 370. There are now 135 elected members against 39, while
   an elected member will sit as of right, needing no official
   confirmation. The functions of the Councils are greatly
   enlarged. Members can demand further information in reply to
   formal answers and discussion will be allowed on all matters
   of public interest. They will also in future be enabled to
   take a real and active part in shaping financial proposals.
   They will have liberal opportunity to criticize and to
   initiate and suggest definite resolutions.'"

   As operative at the center of discontent, in Bengal, an
   unfortunate defect in the regulations was soon discovered,
   which made trouble at once. It was reported to The
   Times as follows:

   "The regulations for the election of the new Councils have
   produced a political situation here which will be scarcely
   intelligible to those who are not acquainted with the
   peculiarities of the Bengali character. The educated classes
   in Calcutta were in despair when they discovered that the
   rules virtually excluded their leaders, and the more extreme
   men seized the opportunity of advocating a boycott of the
   reforms. Sir Edward Baker, however, promptly recognized that
   the regulations required modification. The rule which
   restricted the candidates for the representation of district
   boards and municipalities to present members of these bodies
   was at once altered so as to include those who had at any time
   served for three years on a local authority. The effect of
   this concession was to render eligible many previously
   excluded.
{325}
   Further, when it was pointed out that Mr. Surendranath
   Banerjee was shut out by the rule disqualifying dismissed
   Government servants, Sir Edward Baker spontaneously intimated
   to the Bengali leader that he was exempted from the operation
   of this regulation. But, in spite of these conciliatory steps,
   pressure is being put on Mr. Banerjee to refuse to stand,
   apparently on the ground that, as many of the well-known
   Moderates are still ineligible, it is incumbent on Mr.
   Banerjee to refuse his services to his country rather than
   weaken the force of a united protest."—These persuasions had
   success. Mr. Banerjee refused to be a candidate.

   The following report from Dacca, December 29, indicates the
   result: "The Council elections for Eastern Bengal are not yet
   complete. They show, however, a marked preponderance of
   Mahomedan representation, due to the deliberate abstention of
   the Hindu electorate. This abstention has been worked from
   Calcutta in accordance with the manifesto issued by the
   Bengali leaders. It is very noticeable among the Zemindar
   voters, who are mainly Hindu. The idea is that the Government
   will nominate Hindu representatives and will thus defeat the
   object of the Reform Scheme."

INDIA: A. D. 1909 (July).
   Assassination in London of Sir W. Curzon-Wyllie by
   an Indian Anarchist.

   The virulence of the hostility in India to British rule, as
   developed in schools of anarchism and terrorism, was shown
   startlingly to England on the 1st of July, 1909, when
   Lieutenant-Colonel Sir William Curzon-Wyllie and Dr.
   Cawas-Lalcaca, a Parsee, were shot dead by an Indian student,
   at the close of a reception held in the Imperial Institute at
   London. Sir Curzon-Wyllie, formerly of the Indian Staff Corps,
   had been serving since 1901 as political aide-de-camp to the
   Secretary of State for India, at London. The reception at
   which he was assassinated was one of the evenings "At Home" of
   the National Indian Association, held mainly for the purpose
   of giving the many young Indians residing temporarily in
   England an opportunity for social intercourse with friendly
   English people. The assassin, a student named Dhinagri, came
   as a guest. His brother, a doctor in Calcutta, hearing that he
   had been coming under anarchist influences, had asked Sir
   Curzon-Wyllie some time before to talk with him, and that
   gentleman had done so, with no effect apparently, but to rouse
   his resentment. The motive of the crime, however, appears to
   have been wholly in the desire to make a display of
   "patriotism" and to achieve distinction as a martyr to the
   cause of liberty for India. The victim might easily have been
   some other. Sir Curzon-Wyllie was leaving the place when he
   paused to speak to Dhinagri, and received two deadly bullets
   at close range, in the face. Dr. Lalcaca, who stood near,
   rushed forward to intervene, and the pistol was turned on him.
   Others seized the assassin before he could do more.

   When tried and convicted, on the 23d of July, and asked if he
   had anything to say, Dhinagri replied angrily: "I have told
   you over and over again that I do not acknowledge the
   authority of the Court. You can do whatever you like. I do not
   mind at all. You can pass sentence of death on me. I do not
   care, but remember that one day we shall be all powerful, and
   then we can do what we like. That is all I want to say." On
   being sentenced to death, the prisoner, making an Oriental
   salute to the Judge, said,—"Thank you, my Lord. I don’t care.
   I am proud to have the honour of laying down my life for the
   cause of my country."

   The family of Dhinagri, in India, employed counsel to attend
   his trial, who announced to the court that they viewed his
   crime with the greatest abhorrence.

   ----------INDIA: End--------

INDIAN (EAST) IMMIGRATION:
   The resistance to it in South Africa, Australia, and elsewhere.

      (See in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS.

INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

INDIAN TERRITORY.
   United with Oklahoma to form the State of Oklahoma.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES. A. D. 1906 (JUNE).

INDIANS, The American:
   End of the Tribal Autonomy of the Five Civilized Tribes.

   The last of the proceedings for ending the autonomy of the
   Five Civilized Tribes making them citizens of the United
   States, and dividing their tribal lands among them
   individually, was finished in the summer of 1902, by the
   Cherokee Council, which ratified agreements already accepted
   by the other four tribes.

      See, Volume VI.,
      INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

   According to Mr. William Dudley Foulke, who investigated the
   circumstances, the Creek nation has suffered grievous frauds
   in the final settlement of their land affairs, by the
   operation of the Curtis Act, in the matter of the sale of town
   sites. Mr. Foulke’s account of the case is given in an article
   entitled "Despoiling a Nation," published in January 2, 1908.

INDUSTRIAL ARBITRATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR.

INDUSTRIAL COMBINATIONS (capitalistic).

   See (in this Volume)
   COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL.

INDUSTRIAL COMBINATIONS (of the employed).

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR.

INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION (UNITED STATES), of 1898-1902:
   On the Sherman Anti-Trust Act, of 1898, applied to Railroads.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION (UNITED STATES), of 1898-1902:
   On Hours of Labor.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.

INDUSTRIAL TRAINING.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION.

INHERITANCE TAX:
   Defeated Proposal in Germany.

      See (in this Volume)
      Germany: A. D. 1908-1909;
      also, DEATH DUTIES.

INITIATIVE.

      See (in this Volume)
      REFERENDUM.

INJUNCTIONS, in Labor Disputes.

      See (in this Volume)
      LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

INLAND WATERWAYS COMMISSION.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

INMEDIATISTAS.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL RIGHT, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

INSURANCE, AGAINST UNEMPLOYMENT.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT; GERMANY.

{326}

INSURANCE, Industrial.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION.

INSURANCE, Life:
   The Legislative Investigation of Companies doing business in
   the State of New York, in 1905.
   Startling Disclosures of Vicious Management in the greater
   organizations, and of Perfunctory State Superintendence.
   Report and Recommendations of the Committee.
   Remedial Legislation.

   A conflict in the Board of Directors of the Equitable Life
   Assurance Society of New York, which came to public knowledge
   in February, 1905, afforded the beginning of exciting
   revelations, as to practices and conditions in the management
   of the stupendous organizations of life insurance that are
   centered in New York City.

   The Equitable Society was founded in 1859 by Henry B. Hyde as
   a stock company, with a capital of $100,000, in 1000 shares,
   and neither its legal constitution nor its capital had been
   changed; but its assets at the end of the year 1904, according
   to its statement, had grown to the enormous total of
   $412,438,380, and it held a surplus over liabilities of
   $80,394,861. This prodigious fund had come under the control
   of the holders of the small capital stock of the
   company—$100,000; and practically it was controlled by one
   stockholder, James Hazen Hyde, son of the deceased founder,
   who had inherited a majority of the shares. By the Charter of
   the Society, its stockholders were entitled to semi-annual
   dividends at a rate not exceeding 3½ per cent., and its
   business was to be conducted on the mutual plan: that is,
   earnings and receipts above dividends, losses and expenses
   were to be accumulated and policy holders were to be credited
   with equitable shares of the net surplus, after sufficient
   deduction to cover outstanding risks and other obligations.
   Nevertheless, the opportunities for personal enrichment,
   afforded by the controlling of the great floods of money
   poured into its coffers had been found to be immense.

   James Hazen Hyde, inheritor of the majority of stock, was Vice
   President of the company. Under the terms of his father’s will
   he had not yet come into personal possession of his
   inheritance, but would do so in a short time. The President of
   the company, James Alexander, appears to have become anxious
   as to the use the young man would make of the power of that
   possession when it came to him, and he entered on a movement
   toward changing the organization of the Equitable Society, to
   make it a mutual institution in reality, by securing to the
   policy holders a voice in the election of directors, leaving
   their board no longer a body to be chosen by a single man.
   This movement became necessarily public, and the situation in
   the company was exposed to public knowledge in a sudden and
   startling way. Flood-gates of discussion were opened and
   questions started which ran from the Equitable to other
   mammoths of life insurance organization that had grown up.
   Facts came to light which showed the magnitude of financial
   power they had drawn into small circles of men and families,
   and the extravagance of compensation appropriated to
   themselves by some of these self-appointed and
   self-perpetuated administrators of life insurance funds. Such
   disclosures became the sensation, not merely of a day, but of
   months.

   At the outset of the undertaking of President Alexander to
   reform the constitution of the Equitable, Vice-President Hyde
   was able easily to defeat his movement and make good his own
   mastery of the board of directors; but as the public became a
   party to the controversy, more and more, it bore down Mr.
   Hyde. In April the directors were constrained to appoint a
   committee to investigate and report on "the present management
   of the society." The committee, composed of H. C. Frick, E. H.
   Harriman, Brayton Ives, Cornelius N. Bliss, and M. E. Ingalls,
   made a report on the 2d of June which was a deadly indictment
   of the society, on many counts,—for "excessive salaries,
   excessive commissions, excessive expenses, superfluous
   offices," and a "general looseness in the administration of
   its affairs." Mr. Hyde and his board made a show of disputing
   the findings of the committee and rejecting its
   recommendations, but the atmospheric pressure from outside
   proved irresistible, and they gave way to it. Mr. Hyde sold
   his 502 shares of stock to Thomas F. Ryan for $2,500,000 cash,
   Mr. Ryan making it a condition of the purchase that the
   Honorable Paul Morton, formerly prominent in railway
   administration and lately Secretary of the Navy in President
   Roosevelt’s cabinet, should be chairman of the Equitable board
   of directors and should have a free hand in reorganizing its
   management. Mr. Ryan then, on the 15th of June, placed the
   shares in a voting trust, composed of ex-President Grover
   Cleveland, Justice Morgan J. O’Brien, and George Westinghouse.
   The deed of transfer to these trustees empowered them to carry
   out a plan of mutualization, to the end that the society’s
   policy holders should elect a majority of the directors in its
   board.

   The Equitable Life Assurance Society was now in a fair way to
   be placed on a footing that would justify its name; but the
   events which accomplished this had created an imperative
   demand for thorough proceedings of law, to reform and regulate
   the whole system under which the profoundly serious
   obligations and responsibilities of life insurance are
   fulfilled. The first step to that end was taken by the
   Legislature of the State of New York on the 20th of July,
   1905, when it appointed a joint committee of the Senate and
   Assembly and directed the committee "to investigate and
   examine into the business and affairs of life insurance
   companies doing business in the State of New York, with
   reference to the investments of said companies, the relation
   of the officers thereof to such investments, the relation of
   such companies to subsidiary corporations, the government and
   control of said companies, the contractual relations of said
   companies to their policy holders, the cost of life insurance,
   the expenses of said companies, and any other phase of the
   life insurance business deemed by the committee to be proper,
   for the purpose of drafting and reporting to the next session
   of the Legislature such a revision of the laws regulating and
   relating to life insurance in this State as said committee may
   deem proper."

{327}

   This most notable investigating committee was composed of
   Senators William W. Armstrong, William J. Tully, D. J.
   Riordan, and Assemblymen James T. Rogers, W. W. Wemple, Ezra
   P. Prentice, John McKcown. It was organized on the 1st of
   August, with Senator Armstrong as its chairman, and opened
   public hearings on the 5th of September following, having
   engaged for its counsel Messrs. Charles E. Hughes and James
   McKeen. Mr. Hughes was little known to the public at large
   when he accepted the duty of conducting this investigation. It
   revealed him to the State and the Nation, and was the
   fortunate introduction to public life of a man of rare
   nobility in character and of remarkable powers.

   Eighteen insurance companies doing business in New York were
   subjected to investigation; but interest in the proceeding was
   centered with intensity on the probing of the affairs of a few
   of the greater institutions, such as the Equitable, the Mutual
   Life, the New York Life, the Prudential, and the Metropolitan.
   The disclosures were rich in sensation; a few only can be
   noted here. As to salaries, for example: in the Equitable, the
   late Henry B. Hyde and his successor, Mr. Alexander, as
   presidents, had received $75,000 per annum in the early years
   and $100,000 in the later years of their terms. James H. Hyde,
   graduated from college in 1898 and made vice-president the
   next year, on his father’s death, received in the first year
   $25,000, in the next two years $30,000, in his fourth year
   $75,000, and thereafter $100,000. Second vice-presidents were
   paid as high as $50,000 per annum; third vice-presidents as
   high as $40,000; fourth vice-presidents as high as $30,000.
   Salaries of secretaries and comptrollers had run up to $25,000
   and $30,000. Thirteen executive officers in the society whose
   salaries aggregated $297,600 in 1900, were drawing $448,500 in
   1905.

   Executive officers in the Mutual Life surpassed even this
   experience of bounty. The president’s salary had been $30,000
   from 1877 to 1885, $50,000 from 1886 to 1892, then raised to
   $75,000 in 1893, to $90,000 in 1895, to $100,000 in 1896, and
   to $150,000 in 1901. Richard A. McCurdy had been president for
   twenty years and vice-president for the preceding twenty. The
   vice-president’s salary had grown from $20,000 in 1877 to
   $50,000 in 1902; the treasurer’s had been $40,000 since 1896.

   In the New York Life the salary of the president, John A.
   McCall, had stopped its increment at $100,000, which it
   reached in 1901. The second vice-president’s salary went to
   $75,000 the same year. The total salaries of executive
   officers were raised from $149,000 in 1893 to $322,000 in
   1905.

   Agency commissions were sometimes richer sources of income
   than the fixed salaries of these generous companies. In the
   Mutual Life Company, the president’s son, Robert H. McCurdy,
   had an interest in the general agency of the company for New
   York City from which he drew $530,788 between 1889 and 1904;
   besides which, as superintendent of the foreign department of
   the company, he was paid commissions on its foreign business
   which yielded him $1,268,390 between 1886 and 1905; some part
   of which commissions, however (to an amount not ascertained),
   were shared by him with his partner in the New York City
   agency. The total net profits of that metropolitan agency,—in
   which the president’s son-in-law was likewise a partner,—were
   found by the investigating committee to have been $2,389,123
   in the twelve years 1893-1904.

   These, however, were not the worst, in their moral
   implications, of the disclosures that resulted from the search
   light brought to bear on the administration of certain life
   insurance companies by the Legislative Committee and Mr.
   Hughes. A startling share of the prodigal expenditures of some
   boards, from the excessive profits of their business, went
   secretly, with no accounting, to undiscoverable purposes,
   which were purposes, of course, that would not bear
   questioning. The following, from the report of the
   investigating Committee on the Mutual Life Company, is
   indicative of the glimpses given of foul uses to which the
   funds of that company were applied. "For a considerable
   period," says the report, "it has been the practice for the
   Committee on Expenditures to authorize the payment to its
   chairman of $25,000 every few months, or from $75,000 to
   $100,000 a year, upon the request of one of the executive
   officers. The persons to whom the moneys were to be paid by
   the company, or the services, if any, for which the payment
   was to be made, were not known to the committee, and the only
   voucher was the receipt of the chairman of the committee who
   received and paid over the money in cash. There was no reason
   for this practice save to conceal the purposes for which the
   moneys were used, and it obviously facilitated improper
   payments.

   "There were also a large number of payments charged to legal
   expenses which were made upon the recommendation of one Andrew
   C. Fields, who for many years was the head of the ‘Supply
   Department.’ He was in actual charge of and gave a large part
   of his time to matters of legislation. For many years the
   company maintained under his care a house at Albany, and
   through him and his agents a close watch was kept upon the
   proceedings of the Legislature. The rent of this house, the
   supplies there consumed, and the wages of the cook and other
   servants, were charged to ‘legal expenses.’ Fields left for
   parts unknown soon after the Committee began its hearings and
   it has not been able to procure his testimony. It appears,
   however, that he acted also for the Equitable, and from their
   records have been produced a series of memoranda of
   instructions sent Fields by Thomas D. Jordan, its comptroller,
   whose whereabouts the Committee has been unable to ascertain,
   although it has made diligent effort to do so."

   The Committee quotes extensively from these memoranda of "T.
   D. J.," who instructs his Albany lobbyist what bills the
   latter is to "kill," and what he is to support. There are
   depths of corruption suggested by this story of the hospitable
   Andrew Fields, the vigilant Thomas D. Jordan, their "legal
   expenses" for hospitable house-keeping at Albany, and the
   sudden vanishment of both when Mr. Hughes began to do his
   questioning; but the depths are left unfathomed, because the
   Committee found no sounding line.

   "The testimony taken by the committee," says their report,
   "makes it abundantly clear that the large insurance companies
   systematically attempted to control legislation in this and
   other States which could affect their interests, directly or
   indirectly, and that in this effort Fields, who concerned
   himself mainly with this State, played a most important role.
{328}
   The three companies [Mutual, New York Life, and Equitable]
   divided the country, outside of New York and a few other
   States, so as to avoid a waste of effort, each looking after
   legislation in its chosen district and bearing its appropriate
   part of the total expense." The so-called "legal expenses" of
   the Mutual in seven years, 1898-1904, exceeded two millions of
   dollars. "In 1904 they amounted to $364,254.95, while those of
   the New York Life and Equitable for the same year were
   $172,698.42 and $204,019.25 respectively."

   The New York Life employed one Andrew Hamilton to give
   attention to matters of legislation throughout the country,
   and the company was found to have paid him no less than
   $1,167,697 for "legal expenses," between 1895 and 1905, no
   vouchers being filed beyond Hamilton’s receipt. And these
   "legal expenses were in addition to all the ordinary outlays
   in connection with suits or legal proceedings or the work of
   the legal department of the company."

   In the accounts of the Equitable, "among the disbursements
   charged to legal expenses appear annual retainers of $20,000
   paid Chauncey M. Depew [United States Senator from New York]
   and $5000 (for one year—1900—$7500) to David B. Hill. Mr.
   Depew testifies … that his services consisted of advising the
   late Mr. Hyde in regard to matters of investment, settlement
   of controversies and troublesome questions of various sorts. …
   During this time Mr. Depew was a director and member of the
   Executive Committee. The testimony as to the services is very
   general, and it does not appear," says the committee, "that
   outside of those which the society was fairly entitled to
   receive from him as a director, the services were such as to
   warrant the payments made. … The Equitable contributed to the
   Republican National Committee $50,000 in 1904; undoubtedly
   contributions were made in prior national campaigns, but their
   amount has not been stated. For many years the society has
   made an annual contribution of $10,000 to the Republican State
   Committee through Senator Platt." Senator Platt was a
   collector, also, of similar contributions from the Mutual
   Life, and that company gave $40,000 to the Republican National
   Committee in 1904, as well as smaller sums in previous years.

   Of the management in these great companies of the enormous
   surplus of profit, which even their inordinate
   self-appropriations left in their keeping, no clear account
   could be given here. It is set forth in the Committee’s report
   by examples of investments, in stocks, bonds, and real
   property, so conducted, through subsidiary organizations,
   etc., as to yield a personal profit to the skilful financiers
   within the life insurance circle. The details which make the
   matter plain cannot be abridged and require more space than
   can be afforded in this place.

   From the investigation of the life insurance companies the
   Committee and its counsel passed to the State Department which
   was instituted to scrutinize and supervise these
   organizations, for the detection and prevention of such abuses
   in their management as had now come to light. Their findings
   in this direction were stated partly as follows:

   "It would seem that the Superintendent [of Insurance] has had
   ample power, and has been charged with the correlative duty,
   to inquire into and to ascertain the transactions of insurance
   companies, to the end that abuses may be exposed and correct
   administration assured. The scheme by which the superintendent
   may require detailed written statements duly verified, as to
   any matter of corporate business and may supplement these
   statements by an examination of the company’s books and of the
   officers and agents under oath, would appear well calculated
   to prevent the secret growth of improper practices. Not only
   through the visitorial powers of the superintendent were a
   wholesale publicity and the consequent enforcement of the law
   to be assured, but the superintendent was also charged with
   the duty of recommending to the Legislature annually such
   amendments to the law as in his judgment were needed to
   correct evils found to be without the purview of existing
   statutes.

   "But the supervision by the department has not proved a
   sufficient protection against extravagance and
   maladministration. Annual statements from the corporations
   have been received, filed and published, but in many
   particulars without sufficient detail to exhibit the real
   efficiency of honesty of the management. Nor has there been
   suitable effort upon the facts actually reported to detect and
   expose evasions of departmental requirements and the resort to
   artifice and double dealing in order to avoid a true
   disclosure of the companies’ affairs. For the most part a
   critical examination of the reports so made seems to have been
   neglected, and the verification of the annual statements has
   been left to examinations conducted at irregular intervals. No
   rule seems to have been adopted with reference to the
   frequency of examinations. Thus the Security Mutual Insurance
   Company has been examined four times since its reincorporation
   in 1898, at its request and apparently with no other object
   than to enable it to use the department’s certificate in
   support of its annual statement, while the Provident Savings
   Life Assurance Society has been examined only once in the past
   ten years (1897) and it would seem that this was the only
   examination in its history. The Metropolitan Life Insurance
   Company has also been examined only once during ten years,
   that is, in 1900. The advisability of frequent examinations is
   sufficiently illustrated by the case of the Washington Life
   Insurance Company, where it appeared on the examination in
   1904 that during the interval of four years since the prior
   examination it had, in at least two annual statements,
   deceived the department by glaringly false returns of its
   existing liabilities, and that instead of having an alleged
   surplus of considerable amount its capital was seriously
   impaired. In connection with this company it may be noted that
   a more careful scrutiny of the reports to the department of
   lapsed and restored policies would have led at an earlier date
   to the investigation which appears finally to have been
   induced by outside criticism."

   As to remedial legislation, the main recommendations of the
   Committee were in substance these:

   (1) Investments in stocks of banks and trust companies, in the
   common stock of any corporation, in syndicate participations,
   and in speculative bonds, to be forbidden.

   (2) No political contributions or lobby expenditures to be
   permitted.

   (3) Full publicity regarding salaries and expenses.

   (4) New business of the "big three" companies restricted to
   $150,000,000 a year each, and the business of other companies
   limited.

{329}

   (5) Agents’ commissions to be based on the amount of the
   policy and not on the amount of the premium.

   (6) Only four kinds of standard policies to be permitted—term,
   straight life, limited payment and endowment.

   (7) Investment policies to be discouraged and deferred
   dividends forbidden.

   (8) All dividends on participating policies to be apportioned
   annually.

   (9) No company to be permitted to sell both participating and
   non-participating policies.

   (10) The present trustees of mutual companies to be removed.
   New ones to be elected under a system whereby the
   policy-holders really elect.

   The Committee presented the elaborate report of its
   investigation to the Legislature on the 22d of February, 1906,
   and its recommendations were embodied for the most part in an
   enactment, the drafting of which, to a large extent, was the
   careful work of Mr. Hughes, the master mind of the whole
   proceeding of investigation.

   The statements made above are drawn entirely from the
   Committee’s Report, as published in Volume 10 of the printed
   testimony and report.

      Assembly Document Number 41,
      State of New York, 1906.

"INTELLECTUALS."

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIALISM: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

INTELLIGENZIA, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

INTEMPERANCE.

      See (in this Volume )
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

INTERFEROMETER, Professor Michelson’s.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE.

INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST, AND ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL.

INTERNATIONAL BARBARISM.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS:
   Resolution of the Third International Conference of
   American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF AMERICAN REPUBLICS, Second and Third.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF ARTS AND SCIENCES.

      See (in this Volume)
      ST. LOUIS. A. D. 1904.

INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS ON ALCOHOLISM.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: INTERNATIONAL.

INTERNATIONAL CONGRESSES, of Science.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION.

INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF WOMEN.

      See (in this Volume)
      WOMEN.

INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE, Central American.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.

INTERNATIONAL FISHERIES COMMISSION, United States and Canada.

      See (in this Volume)
      FOOD FISHES.

INTERNATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC CONGRESS.

      See (in this Volume)
      GEOGRAPHIC CONGRESS.

INTERNATIONAL HARVESTER COMPANY:
   Profit-sharing with Employees.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: PROFIT-SHARING.

INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE OF AGRICULTURE.

      See (in this Volume)
      AGRICULTURE.

INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES, Educational.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

INTERNATIONAL LAW:
   Convention providing for a Commission of Jurists to draft a
   Code for Regulation of Relations between American Nations.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS: THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE.

INTERNATIONAL MERCANTILE MARINE COMPANY, Formation of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (INTERNATIONAL).

INTERNATIONAL PEACE CONGRESSES.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.

INTERNATIONAL RAILWAY CONGRESS.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905.

INTERNATIONAL RIGHT, The Institute of.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

INTERNATIONAL SCHOOL OF PEACE.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

INTERNATIONAL WOMAN SUFFRAGE ALLIANCE.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

INTERNATIONALISM, SUPERSEDING NATIONALISM.

      See (in this Volume)
      WORLD MOVEMENTS: FICHTE’S PROPHECY.

INTEROCEANIC CANAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      PANAMA CANAL.

INTERPARLIAMENTARY UNION, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909.

INTERSTATE COMMERCE ACT, and Commission.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES; also,
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES.

INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION.

   On the passage, in 1906, of the Hepburn Act, amendatory of the
   Interstate Commerce Law, the Commission was reconstructed by
   fresh appointments, in making which the President retained
   Messrs. Knapp, of New York, Prouty, of Vermont, Clements, of
   Georgia, and Cockrell, of Missouri. His new appointees were
   Franklin K. Lane, of California, Edgar Erastus Clark, of Iowa,
   and James S. Harlan, of Illinois.

INTOXICANTS, PROBLEMS OF THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM, AND OPIUM PROBLEM.

INTRANSIGENTES.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

INVENTORY OF CHURCH PROPERTY, THE FRENCH.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

{330}

   ----------IRELAND: Start--------

IRELAND: A. D. 1870-1903.
   The Working of the successive Land Laws.
   The Act of 1903.
   Text of its main provisions.

   The French writer, L. Paul-Dubois, whose work, L’Irlande
   Contemporaire, published in 1907, has appeared since in an
   English translation, seems to have made a very careful and
   intelligent study of the working of the successive land-laws
   for Ireland, intended to be beneficial to the tenants, which
   began with that of Gladstone in 1870.

      See in Volumes III and VI
      IRELAND.

   Mr. Gladstone, himself, in the Act of 1881, endeavored to
   remedy the defects of the Act of 1870; but M. Paul-Dubois
   finds that, while the later Act "brought and continues to
   bring immense good to the country," yet "the system
   established by it is, as a matter of fact, no longer bearable
   for any one,"—for the reason that "the first great
   characteristic of the Gladstonian legislation is duality of
   ownership." It is, as he explains, an unhealthy system,
   unsound both economically and socially,—this dual ownership,
   which turns the landlord and tenant into co-proprietors of the
   soil. It paralyses agriculture by preventing the investment of
   capital on either side, and by destroying all interest of
   either landlord or tenant in the good farming of the land. The
   landlord feels himself no longer called upon to do anything
   for his property, and has no care left but that of collecting
   his rents. The tenant, on the other hand, refrains from making
   any improvement or advances that might cause his rent to be
   raised at the next quindecennial revision; the land is thus
   starved of both labor and capital. We may add, also, that the
   new regime gives rise to an infinity of ruinous lawsuits
   between the co-owners. … For a quarter of a century there has
   been only one class of men whose affairs have prospered,
   namely, the solicitors. Their number has increased by 30 per
   cent." In his view of the results, M. Paul-Dubois is
   sympathetic with both landlords and tenants. But in his
   judgment the tenants were not fairly dealt with under the
   Gladstonian laws by the Land Commission or by the courts. The
   courts, especially, in interpreting the Act of 1881, which
   left "fair rent" undefined, established rulings which
   practically nullified the intentions of the law, until, as
   this writer expresses it, "the Act of 1896 brought the Irish
   judges to reason."

   Eleven years before that time, however, a little experiment
   was begun on the line of a true solution of the Irish land
   question, namely, toward the buying of the soil of the island
   from its landlords and making its cultivators the owners of
   it. This was in the Ashbourne Land Purchase Act of 1885, which
   provided a fund of £5,000,000 for advances to be made to
   tenant purchasers, with provision for the repayment of the
   loan in forty-nine annuities. In 1889 this fund was increased
   to £10,000,000. By 1891 the fund had been exhausted, and
   "25,367 tenants had been turned into owners of their farms.
   Its success even alarmed some of the landlords, who began to
   fear that the farmers would combine and force them to sell
   their land. However this may be," says the French writer, "in
   1891 the Conservative Government passed a new Act which, under
   the pretence of regulating the progress of the operation,
   complicated it to such an extent that the machine almost
   stopped working. In 1896, by another Act, the existing evils
   were slightly remedied, but only to an insufficient extent. …
   Finally, in 1903, it was found that under the new system
   established in 1891 and 1896, only 38,251 tenants had been
   turned into proprietors; and at that same date the total
   number of peasant owners created from first to last had
   reached no higher figure than 73,917. As Land Purchase was
   progressing more and more slowly, it was felt that some new
   impulse must be given to the machine. This was the aim of the
   great Land Act of 1903."

      L. Paul-Dubois,
      Contemporary Ireland, part 2, chapters 1-2
      (Maunsel & Co., Dublin, 1908).

   "The Irish Land Purchase Act of 1903 was in every respect
   epoch-making. It was preceded by, and founded upon, the report
   of a conference held between the representatives of landlord
   and tenant in Dublin. The Landlords’ Convention, the official
   representative of the landlord party, held aloof and refused
   to join in the conference. Typical landlords, such as the Duke
   of Abercorn, Lord Barrymore, and Colonel Saunderson, refused
   to serve, ridiculing the project as absurd and quixotic. Lord
   Dunraven led a saner section of landlords, with the result
   that, after a session of five days, the conference agreed to a
   report, upon which the government acted. The official
   landlords, seeing the reasonableness of the findings and
   recognizing their own folly, succumbed at once, and fell in
   with the general tendency for settlement. Substantially, the
   Act of 1903 accepted the principle of universal sale of the
   landlord’s interest to the occupier. It ignored legal
   compulsion. But it accepted what was finely called the
   principle of compulsion by inducement. It placed the sum of
   £100,000,000 ($500,000,000) at the disposal of landlord and
   tenant for the purposes of the act. It went further,—for it
   enacted that out of a fund called the Land Purchase Aid Fund
   each landlord who sold should receive a bonus (Latin for gift)
   of 12 per cent. on the purchase money. It appointed a new
   tribunal to administer the Act. And to this tribunal were
   given powers of re-settling congested districts by the
   purchase of grass lands, the enlargement of uneconomic
   holdings, and the restoration of certain evicted tenants where
   possible."

      Thomas W. Russell, M. P.,
      The Workings of the Irish Land Law
      (American Review of Reviews, November, 1905).

   The following are among the important provisions of the Land
   Act of 1903:

   "1.
   (4) Notwithstanding any provisions to the contrary contained
   in the Purchase of Land (Ireland) Amendment Act, 1888, an
   advance may be sanctioned under the provisions of the Land
   Purchase Acts not exceeding the sum of seven thousand pounds
   to one purchaser where, in the opinion of the Land Commission,
   it is expedient to make any such advance for the purpose of
   carrying out the sale of a holding to which the Land Law Acts
   apply. …

{331}

   "2.
   (1) In the case of the sale of an estate advances under the
   Land Purchase Acts may be made for the purchase of parcels
   thereof by the following persons:

      (a) A person being the tenant of a holding on the
      estate;

      (b) A person being the son of a tenant of a holding
      on the estate;

      (c) A person being the tenant or proprietor of a
      holding not exceeding five pounds in rateable value,
      situate in the neighbourhood of the estate; and

      (d) A person who within twenty-five years before the
      passing of this Act was the tenant of a holding to which
      the Land Law Acts apply, and who is not at the date of the
      purchase the tenant or proprietor of that holding. Provided
      that in the case of the death of a person to whom an
      advance under this paragraph might otherwise have been
      made, the advance may be made, to a person nominated by the
      Land Commission as the personal representative of the
      deceased person.

   "(2) Advances under this section shall not, together with the
   amount (if any) of any previous advance under the Land
   Purchase Acts then unrepaid by the purchaser, exceed one
   thousand pounds:

   "Provided that the limitation in this subsection may, subject
   to the other limitations in the Land Purchase Acts, be
   exceeded where the Land Commission consider that a larger
   advance may be sanctioned to any purchaser without prejudice
   to the wants and circumstances of other persons residing in
   the neighbourhood.

   "(3) The Land Purchase Acts shall, subject to the provisions
   of this section, apply to the sale of a parcel of land in
   pursuance of this section, in like manner as if the same was a
   holding, and the purchaser was the tenant thereof at the time
   of his making the purchase, and the expression "holding" in
   those Acts shall include a parcel of land in respect of the
   purchase of which an advance has been made in pursuance of
   this section. …

   "6.
   (4) In the case of a congested estate as defined by this
   section, if the Land Commission, with the consent of the
   owner, certify to the Lord Lieutenant that the purchase and
   resale of the estate are desirable in view of the wants and
   circumstances of the tenants thereon, then the Land Commission
   may purchase the estate for a price to be agreed upon, and in
   such case the condition in this section as to resale without
   prospect of loss may be relaxed to such extent as the Lord
   Lieutenant may determine.

   "(5) The expression "congested estate" means an estate not
   less than half of the area of which consists of holdings not
   exceeding five pounds in rateable value, or of mountain or bog
   land, or not less than a quarter of the area of which is held
   in rundale or intermixed plots. …

   "8.
   The Land Commission may purchase any untenanted land which
   they consider necessary for the purchase of facilitating the
   resale, or redistribution, of estates purchased, or proposed
   to be purchased, by them, and the foregoing provisions of this
   Act, with respect to advances for the purchase of parcels of
   land comprised in estates, shall apply in the case of the sale
   by the Commission of any parcel of such untenanted land.

   "9.
   (1) There shall not be at any time vested in the Land
   Commission lands exceeding in the aggregate, according to the
   estimate of the Commission, as approved by the Treasury, the
   capital value of five million pounds in respect of which
   undertakings to purchase have not been received by the
   Commission. …

   "12.
   (1) The Land Commission may take such steps and execute, or
   cause to be executed, such works as may appear expedient for
   the benefit or improvement of estates, or untenanted land,
   purchased or proposed to be purchased under this Act, or for
   the use or enjoyment thereof or generally for the purposes of
   this Act. …

   "19.
   Where an estate is purchased by the Land Commission and
   tenants on the estate to the extent of three-fourths in number
   and rateable value have agreed to purchase their holdings, the
   Estates Commissioners may, if, having regard to the
   circumstances of the case, they think it expedient, order that
   the remaining tenants, or any of them, shall be deemed to have
   accepted the offers made to them, and the Land Purchase Acts
   shall apply accordingly, where the tenant could have obtained
   an advance of the entire purchase money, and the Land
   Commission have offered in the prescribed manner to make the
   advance."

IRELAND: A. D. 1893-1907.
   The Gaelic League.

   "At the eve of the great famine, the mass of the people,
   outside the large towns, still spoke Irish; to-day partly
   owing to emigration, Irish is only spoken by 600,000 persons,
   out of four and a half millions, and that concurrently with
   English. Twenty thousand persons speak Irish only; these are
   mainly of the West. … An glicisation had begun its work, when
   the old language had been lost. Therefore, must not the Irish
   renaissance begin with the readoption of that language? So
   thought a small and elite group of Irish patriots, men of
   talent and enthusiasm, imbued with the national gospel
   preached by Thomas Davis forty years earlier—a gospel which
   Ireland had to some extent forgotten amidst the sufferings of
   the Great Famine, Fenianism and the Land Wars. Prominent in
   this group was the descendant of an old Protestant family of
   Roscommon, a Celtic scholar and folklorist, a poet of merit in
   English, a poet in Irish also, so say the connoisseurs, Dr.
   Douglas Hyde. He had the genius for propaganda, and when the
   country was ripe for it, gave body to his ideas by founding
   the Gaelic League, with the aid of his early friends, in 1893.
   The Gaelic League—though to limit the Irish renaissance by
   placing it under this title would be to limit its actual
   scope—may be said to be a faithful representative of the
   general ideas underlying the new Irish movement. It has
   declared its objects to be, the preservation of Irish as the
   national language, the study of ancient Irish literature, and
   the cultivation of a modern literature in the Irish language.
   But we must be careful not to judge it by its name. The Gaelic
   League is not a society of scholars, and leaves to others all
   that concerns literature and philology, pure and simple. It is
   occupied with propaganda, the application of its doctrine of a
   national renaissance on the basis of a national language. It
   intends to confer anew upon the country a psychological
   education, and, by means of the national language, by the
   revival of national art and literature, and the reconstitution
   of a national social system, to regenerate its soul from
   within and teach Ireland how she may again be a nation. …
   Though still growing, it has already in Ireland 964 branches,
   local and popular centres of activity, whose work it is to
   spread the national idea and the national language by every
   means, and to make them active factors in the every-day life
   of the family and social circle. Their primary duty is to
   organise Irish language classes for the benefit of their
   members.
{332}
   These classes are practical above all in their scope, and are
   conducted sometimes by paid teachers and sometimes by generous
   volunteers whose work is almost always good. … Such a teacher
   in the country manages, on his rounds, to hold a dozen classes
   or so regularly every week. There are special classes for
   workmen, for students, for ladies; special classes for
   beginners, for veterans, Irish history classes, singing and
   even dancing classes, where the old national airs are taught
   and the national reel and jig. … In the summer, during holiday
   time, the enthusiasts of Irish speech come together in the
   western villages for the Sgoil Saoire (Summer school).
   There their teachers are the old peasants, from whom they
   learn not only the correct accent, the music of the language,
   but the spirit and tradition of ancient Irish culture, of
   which these peasants, who, from generation to generation, have
   gathered up the songs and legends of former times, are the
   most faithful guardians. In the summer also the Seilge
   are organised, that is to say, excursions to places of
   historical interest, with national sports and recreations. A
   seilg in Galway in 1901 was attended by no less than
   2,000 pilgrims. In the winter evenings each branch holds
   reunions from time to time, lectures (seanchus),
   followed by discussions on Irish subjects, concerts
   (sgoruidheacht), with choirs, Irish dances and songs,
   and ceilidhe, informal meetings on the lines of ancient
   village gatherings, where serious conversation—in
   Irish—alternates with music or a ‘recital,’ that is to say, a
   story or a piece of news, told, according to popular custom,
   by the author or a raconteur. Every year the Gaelic and
   National Festival, that of St. Patrick, is celebrated
   throughout Ireland, but notably in Dublin. … A start—the first
   and greatest difficulty—has been made, and now the League is a
   power in Ireland. It sells annually 20,000 Gaelic books and
   pamphlets, in which are included editiones principes of
   the poets of the eighteenth century, and new Irish
   publications, tales, and novels. Its financial resources are
   moderate. They represent, however, the spontaneous obol of the
   poor; and a large part of the annual subscription to the
   Language Fund, during St. Patrick’s week, is made up of pence
   and of half-pence. From the start the League has had the good
   sense officially to declare that it was both necessary and
   desirable that it should stand apart from all political and
   religious struggles; such has been its line of conduct, and
   now within it are found representatives of every party, from
   the strongest Orangemen to the fiercest separatists."

      L. Paul-Dubois,
      Contemporary Ireland,
      part 3, chapter 2
      (Maunsel & Co. Dublin, 1908).

   Public meetings have been held in Ireland during the past year
   (1909) to support the demand of the Gaelic League "that the
   Irish language, both oral and written, and Irish history be
   made essential subjects for matriculation in the new national
   University, and that proper provision be made for the teaching
   of Irish in all its colleges."

IRELAND: A. D. 1901 (March).
   Census

   "4,456,546 Persons (2,197,739 Males and 2,258,807 Females)
   were returned in the Enumerators’ Summaries as constituting
   the population of Ireland on the night of Sunday, the 31st of
   last March—thus showing a decrease since 1891 of 248,204
   persons, or 5.3 per cent.—the decrease in the number of males
   was equal to 5.2 per cent., and in the number of females to
   5.3 per cent.

   "There was during the decade a decrease of 41,297 persons, or
   3.5 per cent. in the Province of Leinster; 98,568, or 8.4 per
   cent. in the Province of Munster; 38,463, or 2.4 per cent. in
   the Province of Ulster; and 69,876, or 9.7 percent, in the
   Province of Connaught."

   In 1841 the population enumerated in Ireland as a whole had
   been 8,196,597; in 1851 it had been 6,574,278; in 1861,
   5,798,967; in 1871, 5,412,377; in 1881, 5,174,836; in 1891,
   4,704,750. Excepting in 1861 the showing is a steady decrease,
   and this latest census finds the island almost half
   depopulated.

   "According to the Summaries furnished by the Enumerators,
   3,310,028 persons returned themselves as Roman Catholics, this
   number being 237,279 or 6.7 per cent under the number so
   returned in 1891; 579,385 were returned under the head of
   ‘Protestant Episcopalians,’ being a decrease of 20,718, or 3.5
   percent., compared with the number tabulated under that head
   in 1891; 443,494 were returned as Presbyterians, being a
   decrease of 1,480 or 0.3 per cent. compared with 1891; the
   number of Methodists returned on the present occasion amounts
   to 61,255, being an increase of 5,745 or 10.4 per cent, on the
   number returned on the Census Forms in 1891."

   In Dublin City, as extended under the Dublin Corporation Act
   of 1900, the population enumerated in 1901 was 289,108, being
   a gain of 20,521 since 1891. With the Urban Districts of
   Rathmines and Rathcar, Pembroke, Blackrock and Kingstown
   added, the total population of Dublin and suburbs was
   373,179,—an increase in the decade of 27,220.

   The following table shows the population of the 14 towns in
   which more than 10,000 inhabitants were found: compared with
   the enumeration of 1891.

      Towns.      1891.    1901.

   Belfast       273,079  348,965
   Cork           75,345   75,978
   Limerick       37,155   38,085
   Londonderry    33,200   39,873
   Waterford      26,203   26,743
   Galway         13,800   13,414
   Drogheda       13,708   12,765
   Newry          12,961   12,587
   Dundalk        12,449   13,067
   Lisburn        12,250   11,459
   Wexford        11,545   11,154
   Lurgan         11,429   11,777
   Kilkenny       11,048   10,493
   Sligo          10,862   10,862

   Total         554,446  637,222

IRELAND: A. D. 1902 (February).
   Lord Rosebery and Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman at issue on
   the Home Rule question.

   In a speech delivered at Liverpool in February Lord Rosebery
   pronounced a most positive funeral oration on what he assumed
   to be the death and burial of the Irish Home Rule question in
   British politics. A few days later Sir Henry
   Campbell-Bannerman, speaking at the annual meeting of the
   General Committee of the National Liberal Federation, took
   occasion to resurrect the supposedly buried issue and take it
   under his protection, as one of the responsibilities of the
   Liberal Party.
{333}
   Home Rule, he said, was often spoken of as if it were "a
   strange, fantastic, almost whimsical and mad-cap policy,
   rashly adopted in a random way, to secure the Irish vote. It
   is to be easily and lightly dropped at any moment when an
   equal amount of support can be obtained from any other
   quarter! Not a very noble view of the case! Not, in truth, a
   very creditable or even a decent view of the case, but
   intelligible enough if there were in the way no principles and
   no facts." One such fact he found in the "fixed constitutional
   demand of the Irish people"; and Sir Henry concluded that the
   "old policy" remains "the sole remedy for the condition of
   Ireland, which is the most serious weakness in the whole
   British Empire and the most grave blot upon its fame."

   By these two sharply opposed utterances the Liberals of the
   United Kingdom were called to decide which leading they would
   follow—that of Lord Rosebery or that of Sir Henry. Not being
   in power, however, nor measurably within reach of it, decision
   of the party did not need to be made in haste.

IRELAND: A. D. 1902-1908.
   Conditions in the matter of Disorder and Crime.

   In the course of a debate in the British Parliament on
   conditions in Ireland, which took place on the 24th of
   February, 1909, Lord Percy, charging the Liberal Government
   with responsibility for an increase of disorder and crime
   since it came into power, brought statistics in evidence as
   follows: "Take the indictable offences against property and
   firing into houses. In 1906 the total number of these offences
   was 20; in 1907, 29; in 1908, 80. Outrages on the person by
   the use of firearms, agrarian and non-agrarian, were:—In the
   first 11 months of 1906, 20 agrarian and 36 non-agrarian; in
   1907, 56 agrarian and 53 non-agrarian; in 1908, 128 agrarian
   and 65 non-agrarian. In addition to these open outrages there
   was the system of boycotting and intimidation. In
   cattle-driving—a new offence unheard of before the days of the
   Chief Secretary—there were 390 cases in 1907 and 681 in 1908.
   The number of persons under police protection on January 31,
   1907, was 196; in 1908, 270; and in 1909, 335. The cases of
   boycotting had risen from 162 on November 30, 1905, to 874 on
   January 31, 1908. An impression prevailed that the cases of
   boycotting were ‘minor cases,’ and of no great importance; but
   the Lord Chief Justice, at the Clare Spring Assizes on one
   occasion, referring to these so-called minor cases, pointed
   out that no one dealt with or spoke to the boycotted person,
   and that he had to go 20 miles to Limerick for the necessaries
   of life. People also had to go to mass and to weddings
   protected by police; and he asserted that the Government could
   not point to a civilized country in Europe in which the
   Government would tolerate a large section of its population
   living daily and hourly under the shadow of a terror like
   this."

   The Chief Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Birrell, retorted with
   the following: "For the purpose of making a comparison between
   the condition of Ireland to-day and as it was when the
   Government was led by the right honourable gentleman the
   leader of the Opposition, when they introduced and made
   permanent their Crimes Act, we must consider what was the
   state of things in 1886 as compared with what it is now. I
   will give the House the figures. Murders in 1886, seven; in
   1908, one; manslaughter in 1886, three; now, none; firing at
   the person, 16; now, 15; firing into dwellings—and here is a
   most formidable addition, I admit—43; now, 66; incendiary
   fires and arson, 103; now, 54; killing, cutting, and maiming
   cattle—a horrible and brutal crime—73; now, 22—far too many;
   riots and affrays, nine; now, 13; threatening letters or
   notices, 434; now, 233; intimidation, 92; now, 57; injury to
   property, 150; now, 89; other offences, 136; now, 26; showing
   in 1886 a total of 1,056, and now a total of 576. On January
   1, 1886, there were 175 persons wholly boycotted, and 716
   partially boycotted—a total of 891. In those days, I admit,
   the police made no distinction between partial and minor
   boycotting. In 1887 there were 145 persons wholly boycotted,
   and 763 partially boycotted, making a total of 908. On January
   1, 1909, there were 15 wholly boycotted, 10 partially
   boycotted, and 172 cases of minor boycotting, making in all
   197. Persons under constant police protection on December 31,
   1887, numbered 252, and those under protection by patrol,
   704—a total of 956. On December 31, 1908, there were 74
   persons under constant protection, 270 under protection by
   patrol, a total of 344 against the total of 956. I leave the
   House to draw their own inference from those figures."

   An official return to Parliament, from the Royal Irish
   Constabulary Office, Dublin Castle, of the number of cases of
   boycotting and of persons boycotted throughout Ireland on the
   31st day of January, 1908, and on various days in several
   preceding years, showed 5 cases of entire boycotting,
   affecting 26 persons, and 9 cases of partial boycotting,
   affecting 39 people, on the date mentioned in 1908; 4 cases of
   entire boycotting, affecting 20, with seven cases of the
   partial boycott, affecting 35, on the 31st of July, 1907. On
   the 31st of July, 1903, there had been 4 cases of entire and
   21 cases of partial boycotting affecting 25 and 131 persons
   respectively; while the cases on the 31st of March, 1902, of
   entire boycotting had numbered 5, the partial cases 46, and
   they were directed in the first instance against 26 people,
   and against 275 in the second.

IRELAND: A. D. 1905.
   Defective working of the Land Purchase Act of 1903.
   Inadequacy of its financial provisions.
   Baffled in the Western Counties by cupidity of landlords.

   The first two years of the working of the Irish Land Purchase
   Act of 1903 sufficed to show that the splendid promise of that
   measure could not be realized satisfactorily without
   fundamental changes in its plan. By that time the agreements
   effected between landlords and tenants for transfers of land
   from the former to the latter called for purchase payments far
   in excess of the sums which the Act had provided for supplying
   at so early a stage of the operation. The process of transfer
   was checked and the feelings that helped it on were chilled by
   increasing delays in the completion of transactions when
   begun.

   But this was not the worst disappointment in the working of
   the Act. Another more serious is charged to the cupidity of
   landlords in the poorer counties of the west. In the article
   by Mr. Thomas W. Russell from which a quotation is given above
   he explains it as follows:

{334}

   "It was quite impossible to apply the same rule to Connaught
   and to other similar areas as to Ulster, Leinster, and
   Munster. In the west the holdings are small and hopelessly
   uneconomic in their character. Parliament felt, and rightly
   so, that to make the occupier of a five-acre bog holding an
   owner was to do him no good. Such a feat in statesmanship
   merely freed the western landlord from a risky security and
   transferred the risk to the state. It was, therefore, enacted
   that the large grass holdings which abound in that region,—and
   which are held by graziers on a tenure of eleven months, the
   object of the term being to avoid the creation of a tenancy,
   —should be bought and wherever possible should be distributed
   among the small holders, thus rendering a decent living
   possible. And in several cases this has been successfully done
   by the congested districts board, with the very best results.
   … The landlords as a whole professed at the land conference
   and in Parliament their entire willingness to sell, provided
   they received a price equivalent when securely invested to
   their second-term net income. To enable this to be done the
   bonus of £12,000,000 was sanctioned by Parliament. The whole
   thing was a bargain—a clear case of contract. And what the
   western landlords have been guilty of is a simple breach of
   faith. They are quite ready to sell the bog holdings, the
   barren mountain tracts out of which a decent living cannot be
   had, demanding for this wretched land in many cases more than
   is being asked in Antrim and Down for the best land in these
   counties. But the grass ranches they refuse to part with. And
   so the whole plan of the act,—the whole scheme for the
   re-settling of the land, and raising the station of the small
   holder,—has been brought to naught.

   "In this connection another difficulty has arisen. When the
   western sections of the act were being passed, Mr.
   Wyndham,—who was in grim earnest about these poor
   people,—provided for the sale of congested estates to the
   estates commissioners or to the congested districts board.
   Special inducements were given to sales under these sections.
   The cost of sale was borne almost entirely by the state, and
   the commissioners were authorized in such cases to spend money
   upon the improvement of the holdings. The policy was
   excellent. But the landlords have ruined it. They quickly
   discovered that if they sold to the estates commissioners the
   land would be inspected by an expert valuer, and its price
   would depend upon its value. This was not their idea of how
   things should be done. They preferred to sell to the tenant
   direct, against whom they could use the screw of arrears of
   rent, and from whom they could exact a higher price. Hardly a
   case of sale to the estates commissioners has taken place
   under these well-meant sections. And for the reasons stated. …
   The fact is, compulsory powers of purchase in all such cases
   ought to have been frankly given. But to mention the word
   compulsion to the then chief secretary was to send him into a
   fury. He would not hear of it."

      T. W. Russell,
      Workings of the Irish Land Purchase Act
      (American Review of Reviews, November, 1905).

IRELAND: A. D. 1905.
   Formation of the Sinn Fein Party.

   "While the outside world was looking to the Irish
   Parliamentary Party as the guardian of the national conscience
   of Ireland, a Young Ireland Party, determined, virile,
   thoughtful, idealistic and, strange though it may seem,
   practical, was gradually forming, becoming a power, sweeping
   away outworn ideas, preaching new and putting them into
   practice, and working wonders in the revival of a genuine
   national spirit throughout the country. … Naturally, and very
   gradually, the various units gravitated toward one another;
   and, less than two years ago, under the guidance of a Dublin
   boy named Arthur Griffith, they elected a National Council,
   and formed themselves into a party known as the ‘Sinn Fein
   Party,’ which included probably three-fourths of the national
   thinkers in Ireland. Since its inception, the Sinn Fein Party
   has been rapidly gaining power, raising itself upon the ruins
   of a fast crumbling Parliamentary agitation, and eventually
   leaping into greater popular prestige when, recently, the
   ludicrous Irish Councils Bill was submitted to the nation as
   the fruits of a generation of Parliamentary agitation.

   "'Sinn Fein' is Gaelic for 'Ourselves.' The doctrine of
   the Sinn Fein Party is that the salvation of a nation is to be
   wrought out by the people and upon the soil of that nation,
   and it holds that ‘God helps those who help themselves.’ It
   asks Ireland to cultivate, what for a long time it neglected,
   self-reliance, and aims at regenerating the Irish nation, not
   merely politically, but also linguistically, industrially,
   educationally, morally and socially. Almost all preceding
   national movements made the grave mistake of considering
   politics coincident with patriotism; the Sinn Fein policy
   provides for all-round upbuilding of the nation, and is
   successfully working along many lines on which no political
   movement touched before."

      Seumas MacManus,
      Sinn Fein
      (North American Review, August, 1907).

IRELAND: A. D. 1905 (December).
   Change of Government.

   On the change of government which took place in the United
   Kingdom in December, Mr. Balfour resigning the Premiership and
   Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman forming a Liberal Ministry, the
   Earl of Aberdeen was appointed Lord Lieutenant and Mr. James
   Bryce Chief Secretary for Ireland.

IRELAND: A. D. 1907.
   Effects of the Land Purchase Act as seen by
   a revisiting Irishman.

   Notwithstanding the defects in the working of the Land
   Purchase Act, as described above, Mr. T. P. O’Connor, the
   well-known Irish journalist in London, on returning from a
   visit to Ireland in the spring of 1907 after a somewhat
   protracted absence, wrote enthusiastically to the New York
   Tribune of the happy wakening he had found in the country to a
   new life. "You are seeing in Ireland," said a lady to him,
   "not merely a revolution but a renaissance," and he found her
   characterization to be true. He concludes, too, that there was
   no exaggeration in her further remark, that "so much is going
   on in Ireland now that you dare n’t leave it even for a
   month." "Everybody," writes Mr. O’Connor, "seemed to be doing
   something and something new for Ireland"; with Catholics and
   Protestants working together, as they have never worked
   before. And the main cause of this "renaissance" is traceable
   to the working of the Land Purchase Act of 1903. Already, says
   Mr. O’Connor, under the working of this splendid measure,
   nearly half the soil of Ireland has changed hands, and "the
   second half will be transferred at a much accelerated speed."

{335}

   "For seven centuries there has been a continual, a bloody, a
   desperate war in Ireland between two races, and the prize for
   which they fought—was the land. … And now, at last, before our
   own eyes, in this generation of men to which we belong, this
   secular struggle is at an end; the battle has been fought and
   has been won; the land belongs again to the ancient Celtic
   race from which it was stolen centuries ago. … If you want to
   realize further what all this means, do not forget that these
   people who are now brought into full liberty are able to
   appreciate it the more from the fact that the greater part of
   them were born into slavery, and know all that slavery means.
   I myself, though no septuagenarian, can remember the time when
   the Irish farmers were driven to the polls to vote for their
   landlords like so many cattle. I remember the poor, wretched,
   cringing slaves which they had to be in those not very far off
   days; how they bowed and cried, ‘Yer Honor,’ at every second
   word; and how, in fact, they revealed by their outward bearing
   the knowledge that when they stood in the presence of the
   landlord they were confronted by the master of their life or
   death.

   "The despair of the impossible situation in the Ireland of 40
   or 50 years ago was worse almost than the servitude. There was
   no room left for hope in a system which permitted the landlord
   to rob the tenant of every addition the latter made to the
   wealth of the soil; and there could be no hope or prospect in
   a system which kept the tenant liable to eviction from his
   holding whenever the landlord wished to do so. And now realize
   that on half the soil of Ireland the people never see a
   landlord or a landlord’s representative; that every year
   brings them nearer to the time when they will be the absolute
   owners of their holdings; but they know that their children
   will secure full possession and complete ownership if they do
   not, and you can understand what a new strong tide of hope and
   exultation there must be in the breasts of these people."

IRELAND: A. D. 1907.
   The Evicted Tenants Act.
   The healing of an Irish Sore of Twenty Years.

   "The passing of the Evicted Tenants Act in the recent session,
   defective though it may be in one respect, is an admission on
   the part of all parties in Parliament that a long pending
   Irish controversy must be closed, and that the demand
   persistently and pertinaciously made by the great majority of
   the Irish members and people for over twenty years for the
   reinstatement of a large body of evicted tenants must be
   conceded. …

   "The wholesale evictions of tenants, whom it is now decided to
   reinstate, were primarily due to the agricultural crisis of
   1885, when the great fall of price of Irish farm produce
   commenced. This averaged not less than 20 to 30 per cent. in
   respect of cattle and dairy produce, the main sources of
   income to Irish farmers. Tenants for the most part paid their
   rents in that year, hoping for better times, but many who
   lived from hand to mouth, with little or no margin, fell into
   arrears. The position was far worse in the following year,
   when it became clear that the fall of prices was a permanent
   one. The Land Court recognised this by fixing judicial rents
   at 18 to 20 per cent. less than those fixed between 1881 and
   1885. An universal demand consequently arose on the part of
   all other tenants for a reduction of rent in proportion to the
   new range of prices. They claimed this not only in the case of
   yearly tenancies, but of holdings where judicial rents had
   been adjudicated before 1885, and of holdings under leases.
   The majority of Irish land-owners in 1886 recognised the
   justice of the claim, and allowed rebatements of rent,
   averaging between 20 and 30 per cent. in respect of all
   classes of holdings. The claim of the tenants was not for the
   forbearance of the land-owners, but was founded on right, on
   the traditional claim to a property in their holdings—a claim
   to which the Land Act of 1881 had given Parliamentary and
   legal sanction. That great agrarian Act had in fact
   established Dual Ownerships of land in Ireland. It secured to
   the occupiers a property in their holdings by enabling them to
   appeal to a Land Court for the settlement of rent, and by
   giving them fixity of tenure and the right of bequeathing or
   assigning their interests. Beneficent and generous as the Act
   was, it had serious defects. …

   "As a result of these defects the Land Act of 1881, great as
   it was in principle, did not afford a sufficient remedy in the
   crisis caused by the great fall of prices in 1885-1886. A
   minority of Irish landowners refused to follow the example of
   the larger and better class of owners, and to make rebatements
   of rent in 1886. They justified their refusal on the ground
   that since the Act of 1881 the tenants had no longer a claim
   for forbearance in respect of rent. They insisted, therefore,
   on full payment, and began to evict on a large scale those in
   default. …

   "Numerous combinations of tenants were formed to refuse full
   payment of rent and to resist evictions to the utmost. With
   the object of assisting and strengthening resistance of the
   tenants, a new form of combination was devised by Mr. T.
   Harrington, M. P., known as the ‘Plan of Campaign.’ The
   essential feature of it was the payment by the tenants of an
   estate adopting it of 50 per cent. of the rent due into a
   common fund, to be administered by a committee of tenants for
   the purpose of resisting eviction, and supporting the evicted
   families. The fund thus created was beyond the reach of the
   landowners and of the individual members of the combination.
   It afforded, therefore, great security for the maintenance of
   the combination.

   "The tenants, before adopting the plan, were advised to offer
   arbitration of their rents to their landlords. If evictions
   took place the tenants were to stand by one another, and not
   to come to agreement with their landlords, except upon terms
   that the evicted men were to be reinstated in their holdings.
   Those taking farms from which tenants were evicted were to be
   rigidly boycotted.

   "The plan thus devised was commended to the tenants of
   Ireland, where landowners refused reasonable abatements of
   rents, by many of the Irish members, such as Mr. Dillon, Mr.
   W. O’Brien, and others. … Mr. Parnell held aloof from it, not
   so much from disapproval of its method, as from fear that it
   might injure the Home Rule cause with English constituencies.
   Many of the Catholic Bishops expressed their disapproval. It
   was denounced by the Government as a fraudulent and dishonest
   attempt to break contracts. They prosecuted Mr. Dillon and
   other leaders for conspiracy under the ordinary law. The Irish
   judges pronounced the scheme of combination to be a criminal
   conspiracy on the ground that it subjected landlords to
   unlawful pressure. …

{336}

   "By the commencement of the session of 1887 the Royal
   Commission appointed by the Government to report on
   agricultural prices and the claim for a revision of judicial
   rents, presided over by Lord Cowper, an ex-Lord Lieutenant,
   reported in favour of all that had been contended for by Mr.
   Parnell in his Bill of the previous year. They emphatically
   affirmed that a great and permanent fall of prices had taken
   place. They advised that judicial rents, fixed before the year
   1885, should be revised and reduced, and that leaseholders
   should be admitted to the privileges of judicial rents. The
   Government, at the instance, as it is believed, of Mr.
   Chamberlain and the Liberal Unionists, were compelled to
   legislate in accordance with this report. …

   "This measure, which so greatly extended the Act of 1881, was
   accompanied by a new Coercion Act dispensing with trial by
   jury in agrarian cases, and enabling resident magistrates—mere
   nominees of the Government—to try and convict in such cases.
   …

   "The Act of 1887, by providing a legal alternative, put an end
   to further combinations of tenants. The Plan of Campaign was
   not adopted in any fresh cases. It had been put in force on
   111 estates where the owners refused general abatements of
   rent. In 94 of these it had the effect of inducing the owners
   to come to terms with their tenants for reductions of rent of
   a reasonable character and sufficient to avoid further
   trouble. In seventeen estates only the owners were obdurate,
   and declared war against their tenants. …

   "After the passing of the Coercion Act wholesale evictions
   were resumed on the Campaign estates, and were supported by
   all the forces at the disposal of the Government. … In 1891, a
   great step was taken by the late Government in the direction
   of a more conciliatory attitude to the evicted tenants. In the
   Land Purchase Act of that year a clause was inserted enabling
   the Land Commissioners to admit the evicted tenants as
   purchasers of holdings, where their former landlords agreed to
   their reinstatement. The clause was to have effect for one
   year only, and very few transactions took place under it. …

   "Nothing more was done till 1903. Meanwhile this Irish sore
   remained unhealed. The evicted men continued to live in
   temporary dwellings near to their former homes, patiently
   expecting reinstatement at some future time. Nor have they
   been mistaken in this respect, though many of them had to wait
   nine more years, and the remainder still longer.

   "In 1903 it became advisable for the Tory Government to bid
   for the support of the Irish Nationalists for Mr. Wyndham’s
   measure aiming at an universal scheme of land purchase in
   Ireland—a scheme offering very great inducements to landlords
   to sell to their tenants. It was again provided in this Act
   that the evicted tenants might be reinstated, not as tenants,
   but as owners by purchase of their former holdings, Provision
   was made for the advance of money from an Irish fund for
   buying out the Planters, for rebuilding the houses of the
   evicted men, for restocking their farms, and for buying
   untenanted land on which to replace the evicted men, where it
   was not possible to reinstate them in their former farms. … As
   a result, however, all the remaining Campaign estates except
   two were dealt with under this Act, and nearly all the men
   evicted from them were reinstated on the most favourable
   terms. …

   "The Act of 1903, however generous and successful so far as it
   went, failed to deal with the whole case. It is wanting in
   backbone—in coercive power as against a residuum of
   landowners. Two Campaign estates—the Clanricarde and the Lewis
   estates—remained undealt with, and about 2000 tenants evicted
   from other, not Campaign, estates were left out in the cold.
   It was to supply coercive power for dealing with these
   remaining cases that the recent Act was passed."

      Eversley,
      The Evicted Tenants (Ireland) Act
      (Fortnightly Review, December, 1907).

IRELAND: A. D. 1907 (May).
   Proposed Bill for the creation of a Representative Council.
   Rejected by the National Party.
   Abandoned by the Government.

   A Bill proposing half-way progress toward Home Rule for
   Ireland was introduced in the British Parliament by the Chief
   Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Augustine Birrell, in May, 1907.
   Its main feature was the creation of a Representative Council,
   not to be legislative in function, but having large
   administrative powers. This Council was to consist of 107
   members, eighty-two elected by the Irish householders
   (including peers and women), and twenty-five nominated by the
   crown. Eight of the existing Irish departments, including
   agriculture, public works, congested districts, and the
   registrar’s office were placed under its control and a new
   one, the education department, created. In addition to the
   $10,000,000 of annual expenditure controlled by these
   departments, the bill provided for an increase of $3,250,000
   to be spent on public works and "general improvement." The
   provisions of the Bill did not extend to the constabulary, the
   courts, the prisons, or the Land Commission. The Lord
   Lieutenant was to have general supervisory control.

   Apparently the Liberal Ministry had been led to expect that
   Mr. John Redmond and other leaders of the Irish National Party
   would accept this measure, as an installment of the
   self-government they claimed for Ireland. If so, then the
   leaders who encouraged that expectation were overborne by
   their followers, for the Bill was denounced and rejected, on
   motion of Mr. Redmond, at a convention of the National Party,
   in Dublin, on the 21st of May, and was therefore withdrawn.

   In offering this plan of government the English Liberals had
   turned back to what was the original Gladstone project of
   Irish home rule, contemplated and discussed, without result,
   by the Liberal cabinet in 1885. As Mr. Morley relates in his
   Life of Gladstone, there were two main opinions in the cabinet
   at that time: "One favored the erection of a system of
   representative county government in Ireland. The other view
   was, that besides the county boards, there should be in
   addition a central board for all Ireland, essentially
   municipal and not political; in the main executive and
   administrative, but also with a power to make bye-laws, raise
   funds, and pledge public credit in such modes as parliament
   should provide.
{337}
   The central board would take over education, primary, in part
   intermediate, and perhaps even higher; poor law and sanitary
   administration; and public works. The whole charge of justice,
   police, and prisons would remain with the executive."

   This defines, practically, a measure of home rule within the
   same limits that Mr. Birrell proposed. It appears to have been
   suggested to Mr. Gladstone by Mr. Chamberlain and to have been
   accepted by the premier, with the understanding that it would
   satisfy Mr. Parnell, for the time being, at least. It was not
   acceptable, however, to a majority of the Cabinet, and, when
   rejected, Gladstone remarked bitterly to one of his
   colleagues: "Within six years, if it please God to spare their
   lives, they will be repenting in sackcloth and ashes." The
   wearing of the sackcloth was not postponed so long.

IRELAND: A. D. 1909.
   Amended Land Purchase Act.

   The defects which have been noted above in the very promising
   Land Purchase Act of 1903 raised increasing difficulties in
   the operation of it, until the pressing need of amendatory
   legislation was acknowledged by all parties. Wide differences
   of view, however, between different interests involved made
   the attainment of such legislation no easy task. A Bill for
   the purpose, brought forward in the autumn of 1908, by the
   Chief Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Birrell, was pushed over into
   the next session, and reintroduced in March, 1909. Mr. Birrell
   then reviewed the circumstances which had rendered amendments
   of the Act necessary, stating that "28 millions had now been
   advanced for land purchase, and that there were pending
   agreements involving the advance of 56 millions. The total
   acreage of the land sold and agreed to be sold exceeded
   7,000,000 acres. The country was now in the very middle of
   this great agrarian revolution. Mr. Wyndham, the author of the
   Act of 1903, thought that £100,000,000 would suffice to carry
   this revolution through, but already £84,000,000 had been
   accounted for and there was every reason for supposing that
   Mr. Wyndham’s estimate should have been £183,000,000. With
   regard to the loss on the flotation of land stock, he
   expressed the opinion that for a decade, at any rate, it would
   be unsafe to assume that a higher issue price would be
   obtained than £85, and he calculated that if nothing were done
   a charge of £855,000 annually would eventually have to be made
   good by the ratepayers. It was impossible to expect them to
   bear this enormous burden, and if the law were not amended the
   scheme of land purchase must break down. His proposal in
   regard to the bonus was that, instead of fixing it at 3 per
   cent., it should be paid according to a scale under which the
   lower the price given for the land the higher would be the
   bonus. For this at least £3,000,000 would be required over and
   above the original £12,000,000. By this Bill the Exchequer was
   assuming, everything considered, a total capital liability of
   about £30,000,000. Calling attention to the principal
   provisions of the Bill, he reminded the House that landlords
   were empowered to take payment partly in cash and partly in
   stock at 92. He then mentioned the steps that were being taken
   to accelerate the work of the Estates Commissioners and stated
   that advances to the amount of £10,000,000 were never likely
   to be exceeded in one year; they now had reached £8,000,000."

   On a question arising as to one part, called a "bonus,"
   provided for in the transaction of purchase, Mr. Wyndham, who
   had been Chief Secretary in 1903, and author of the original
   Act, said. "Some honourable members sitting for English
   constituencies might think that the bonus was not necessary.
   They might think that if the State lent its credit, landlord
   and tenant could come to terms, and that the bonus was
   something thrown in as a sop to the landlords. If the transfer
   of land in Ireland were sporadic, he agreed that landlords
   might sell without the assistance of a direct bonus from the
   State. The question to be solved in Ireland, however, was that
   of the general transfer of ownership of land throughout the
   country, and that, broadly speaking, could not be effected
   unless the present owners received an equivalent to the income
   which they now enjoyed. In the past nearly all the cases of
   the sporadic transfer of ownership of land had been got rid
   of, and there were now left those cases which could not be
   dealt with unless a bonus were given. It had been generally
   recognized by all parties that a bonus should be given rather
   than that the land difficulties in Ireland should continue,
   and six years ago the decision arrived at was supported by the
   unanimous opinion of all parties in the House. Now it was
   proposed that the method of giving a substantial bonus at a
   uniform rate should be set aside in such a way as to increase
   the discrepancy between pending and future agreements. Already
   by altering the rate of instalments in future agreements, and
   by giving stock instead of cash, they had created a wide
   difference between the two classes. On the top of that they
   were now going to do away with the bonuses and apply a method
   which he thought he would be able to show would prove most
   injurious; and if it did prove injurious, it would touch the
   cardinal point in the whole matter."

   Mr. Wyndham opposed the new Bill on this point, apparently
   without success. Strong opposition to a grant of the power of
   compulsory purchase which the Bill embodied was raised, in the
   House of Commons, as well as ultimately in the House of Lords.
   Its contemplated changes in dealing with what are called
   "congested estates" and "congested districts," being those in
   which the holdings of tenants are too small to yield a decent
   living, were also a subject of criticism and opposition.

   The Bill received some amendment in the House of Commons,
   before having its third reading and passage on the 18th of
   September. In the House of Lords it met with harder treatment,
   and was returned to the Commons with amendments which the
   latter rejected in toto. Informal conferences brought
   about an accommodation of the differences between the two
   Houses and placed the Act on the statute book. The peers
   yielded on the question of compulsory purchase, as well as
   with regard to the tribunal which should have a deciding
   authority in the matter, these being the two points most in
   dispute.

IRELAND: A. D. 1909 (January).
   Disclosures of Poverty by the Old Age Pensions Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.

IRELAND: A. D. 1909 (October).
   Organization of the two new Irish Universities.

      See (in this Volume)
      Education: Ireland.

{338}

IROQUOIS THEATER, Burning of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHICAGO: A. D. 1903.

IRRIGATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

ISLE OF PINES:
   United States Supreme Court Decision concerning.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1907 (APRIL).

ISTHMIAN CANAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      PANAMA CANAL.

ISVOLSKY, Alexander: Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs.
   His Aide Memoire on Macedonian Affairs.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

ISVOLSKY, Alexander:
   Convention with Great Britain.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

ITAGAKI, Count.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).

   ----------ITALY: Start--------

ITALY: A. D. 1870-1905.
   Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

ITALY: A. D. 1901.
   The First Year of the Reign of King Victor Emmanuel III.
   Greatly improved conditions.
   Restored Liberty of Speech and Meeting.
   Neutrality of Government in Labor Disputes.
   Zanardelli and Giolitti in the Ministry.

   In the early months of 1901, when Volume VI. of this work went
   to press, Italy was in an uncertain and anxious state. It had
   not recovered from the shock of the assassination of King
   Humbert, and could not foresee what length the sobering
   effects of that tragedy would have. It had hope that the new
   reign just beginning would quiet the dreadful disorders that
   had become rife in Parliament and in the country at large, but
   fear to the contrary was more than equal, perhaps, to the
   hope. Happily it was the hope that found justification within
   the passing year, as will be learned from the following report
   of conditions, published in the last month of 1901:

   "Those who expected that King Victor Emmanuel III’s reign
   would be coincident with a marked improvement in Italy, have
   so far been amply justified. Few ventured to hope that his
   Liberal Ministry under Signors Zanardelli and Giolitti would
   weather a Parliamentary session. As it is, despite some
   weakness and a few mistakes, it has come out triumphant.
   Compared with eighteen months ago, Italian politics have
   undergone what is little less than a revolution. The closing
   months of the last reign saw the most dangerous constitutional
   crisis that United Italy has known. A reactionary Government
   was threatening Parliamentary liberty; the Liberals and
   Socialists were making a desperate stand, which at all events
   preserved the Constitution, and perhaps saved Italy from
   revolution. Now the signs of danger have almost passed. The
   Crown is fast getting back its popularity. Parliament is
   asserting itself as it has not done for many years, and is
   able to give its time to quiet, useful work. The Extreme Left,
   stubbornly obstructionist last year, is giving an independent
   but fairly cordial support to the Ministry. Outside Parliament
   Italians have for once a government ‘which allows them to
   breathe and move and speak.’ For the first time since Crispi
   introduced coercion, seven years ago, there is liberty of
   speech and public meeting. Still, occasionally, the
   unteachable censorship suppresses an issue of some democratic
   paper. But there is no prosecution for political speeches, no
   arbitrary political imprisonment, no harrying of cooperative
   or benefit societies from empty fear of political designs or
   at the bidding of shopkeepers.

   "But this is of small account beside the altered attitude of
   the Government towards labour questions. Hitherto its
   influence had been always more or less on the side of the
   employers. Trade Unions were dissolved and sometimes their
   members arrested; their organisers were imprisoned for
   ‘exciting to class-hatred,’ and under the military courts of
   1898 it was an offence to plead, however moderately, in
   defence of the claims of labour. When the agricultural
   labourers of the lower Po valley struck for a living wage, the
   Government sent soldiers to reap the crops. Suddenly and
   radically all this has changed. At last the law is observed,
   and Trade Unions are allowed the legal sanction which
   nominally they have had for years. The Government has
   announced its neutrality in labour disputes, so long as there
   is no violence or interference with individual liberty. The
   result has been an epidemic of strikes. The Italian working
   man, long cowed by his powerlessness before the alliance of
   employer and Government, is using his new freedom to raise his
   miserable wage. Signor Giolitti estimated in the middle of
   last June that since the beginning of the year there had been
   511 strikes, affecting 600,000 workmen (a number almost
   unparalleled even in England) and resulting in an increase of
   wages by nearly £2,000,000, a huge sum in poverty-stricken
   Italy. Probably by now the total of strikers has reached a
   figure which has never been equalled within a year in any
   European country. … Thanks to the vigorous advocacy of
   arbitration by the Chambers of Labour, the urban strikes have
   generally been short, and, so far as I know, except for some
   not very serious trouble at Naples, there has been no case of
   disorder in them."

      Bolton King,
      The New Reign in Italy
      (Contemporary Review, December, 1901).

ITALY: A. D. 1902 (June).
   Renewal of the Triple Alliance.

      See (in this Volume)
      TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

ITALY: A. D. 1902-1904.
   Coercive Proceedings against Venezuela concerted with
   Great Britain and Germany.
   Settlement of claims secured.
   Reference to The Hague.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

ITALY: A. D. 1903 (March).
   General Strike in Rome.
   See (in this Volume)
   LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.

ITALY: A. D. 1903 (October).
   Change of Ministry.

   Signor Giuseppe Zanardelli, President of the Council, or
   Premier, since February, 1901, gave his resignation to the
   King in October, 1903, on account of ill-health, and a new
   Ministry was formed by Signor Giolitti, who had been Minister
   of the interior in the administration of Zanardelli, and who
   still retained that portfolio after assuming the presidency of
   the Council.

ITALY: A. D. 1903-1905.
   Initiation of the International Institute of Agriculture
   by the King.

      See (in this Volume)
      AGRICULTURE.

ITALY: A. D. 1904.
   Tokens of a Disposition to bring the Church and the
   State into better Accord.

   Several marked tokens of a conciliatory disposition on both
   sides of the long break in relations between the Papacy and
   the Government of the Kingdom of Italy appeared in the course
   of the year 1904. The Government brought in a bill for
   increasing the public salaries of curés. Its diplomatic agents
   in South America were instructed to give attention to a Papal
   nuncio who travelled thither on a mission from the Vatican as
   though he represented the King. The King conveyed a piece of
   ground to the Pope which enlarged his domain. A Cardinal took
   part in a reception to the King at Bologna and sat at table
   with them. These were such amenities between the royal and
   pontifical courts as had not been seen for a generation, and
   they seemed to bear much significance; but little came from
   them in the end.

{339}

ITALY: A. D. 1904 (October-December).
   Dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies.
   The Government sustained in the Elections.
   Increased Participation by the Catholics.

   The Chamber of Deputies was dissolved by royal decree on the
   17th of October, and elections appointed to be held on the 6th
   and 13th of November. The canvass was more animated than
   usual, Catholics taking part in it, and in the subsequent
   voting, more numerously than hitherto. The Ministry of Premier
   Giolitti, representing the Liberals and Moderates in politics,
   between groups of the extreme Right and Left, secured a strong
   majority. Those of the Left lost a number of seats, though the
   Socialists claimed to have made large gains in the popular
   vote.

ITALY: A. D. 1905.
   Effect of the Russo-Japanese War on the Triple Alliance.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

ITALY: A. D. 1905.
   Action with other Powers in forcing Financial Reforms
   in Macedonia on Turkey.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

ITALY: A. D. 1905 (September).
   Earthquake in Calabria.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES.

ITALY: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Illness and Retirement of Premier Giolitti.
   The Fortis and Sonnino Ministries.
   The Demoralized Railway Service.
   Catholic Abstention from Politics relaxed.
   Return of Giolitti to Power.

   The Italian Premier, Signor Giolitti, was forced by illness to
   withdraw from office early in the year, and Signor Fortis was
   commissioned by the King to form a new Ministry. He did not
   succeed, and Signor Tittoni was then required by the King to
   take the lead in Government with the late colleagues of Signor
   Giolitti. Tittoni soon resigned, however, and Fortis was again
   called, late in March, to form a Cabinet, which he now found
   himself able to do. In the following December, however, a
   reconstruction of the Fortis Ministry occurred, the King
   requiring the Premier to retain his place, while his
   colleagues were partly changed.

   Throughout the year the Government and the country were
   greatly troubled by a general demoralization in the management
   and service of the railways. Travel and freight transportation
   were exasperatingly delayed; accidents were of constant
   occurrence, and strikes, having no result but the public
   affliction, were repeated again and again.

   Early in the summer an encyclical on the attitude to be taken
   by the faithful in political controversies was addressed to
   the Italian bishops by the Pope. Not distinctly, but by
   inference, it was taken to be a relaxation of the policy of
   abstention from politics, and to prompt political action by
   Catholics, but always under clerical guidance and advice.

   The Fortis Ministry held its ground in the Government, against
   much attack, until February, 1906, when it lost the support of
   a majority in the Chamber, and gave place to a coalition
   Cabinet formed by Signor Sonnino, which conducted the
   administration till the following May, when, on a question of
   the purchase of the Southern railways, it suffered defeat.
   Whereupon Signor Giolitti returned to power, in the face of a
   threat from the employees of the railways that they would
   proclaim a general strike if he took up the reins again. The
   strike did not occur, and a notable access of vigor and
   activity of Government appeared.

ITALY: A. D. 1906.
   At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco Question.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

ITALY: A. D. 1906 (April).
   Violent eruption of Mount Vesuvius.

      See (in this Volume)
      VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS.

ITALY: A. D. 1906-1909.
   The Giolitti Administration.
   Its recent resignation.

   The Giolitti Ministry was maintained in the direction of the
   Government for nearly four years, by virtue of the energetic
   and efficient administration it conducted. Its capabilities
   were demonstrated somewhat notably before the close of 1906,
   by the conversion of the Italian rentes (Government bonds)
   from 4 to 3 per cent.,—a financial operation which had been
   discussed and fumbled over, apparently, for a long time.
   Premier Giolitti brought the question to a determination in
   the Chamber after less than one day of debate; and the
   conversion of 8,000,000,000fr. of national debt was so readily
   accepted by the rente-holders that only 1,700,000fr. needed to
   be paid off.

   Relations between the Government and the Papacy were improved
   by the breach of the latter with France, which led to the
   substitution of Italy for France as the protector of Catholics
   and Catholic interests in the Empire of the Turks. This was
   not, however, agreeable to Austria, and began a coolness
   between these two of the parties to the Triple Alliance which
   all the disturbing occurrences in the Near East have tended
   since to increase. The Alliance with Austria and Germany had
   been renewed in 1902; but there have been several occasions
   within the past three years on which Italian ill-feeling
   toward the former has flamed out quite threateningly in Press
   and Parliament, and sometimes in popular demonstrations.

   A disturbing agitation of the question of religious
   instruction in the schools occurred in 1908, bringing demands
   from anti-clerical parties for its prohibition; but the
   Government was upheld in refusing such action. A disturbing
   excitement in Sicily was produced that year by the conviction,
   after a much prolonged and sensational trial, of Signor Nasi,
   ex Minister of Public Instruction, on charges of embezzlement
   of public moneys. The convicted Minister was a Sicilian, and
   his fellow-countrymen resented the prosecution of him as an
   indignity to themselves. To pacify them, Signor Nasi, after a
   short detention in his own house, had the remainder of his
   sentence of imprisonment remitted.

   The Giolitti Ministry came to its end somewhat unexpectedly on
   the 2d of December, 1909. It had brought forward, not long
   before, a Bill embodying proposals for the reform of taxation,
   avowedly to transfer some larger proportion of its burden from
   the poor to the rich, especially by death duties and income
   taxes. When the election of a committee to deal with the Bill
   occurred December 2, the opponents of the Government secured a
   majority, whereupon Premier Giolitti and his Cabinet resigned.
   A new Ministry was formed, under Baron Sonnino, the leader of
   the Opposition. The parliamentary support it must depend on is
   said to be made up of extremely contradictory elements.

{340}

ITALY: A. D. 1908.
   Falling off in Emigration.

      See (in this Volume)
      IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: ITALY.

ITALY: A. D. 1908 (December).
   The Awful Destruction of Messina and Reggio by Earthquake.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES: ITALY.

ITALY: A. D. 1908.
   Election of a Jewish Mayor of Rome.

   Whether specially significant or not, the election in Rome, in
   1908, of Ernesto Nathan, a Jew and an ex-Grand Master of the
   Order of Free Masons, to be Mayor of the City, was an event
   which excited wide interest and remark. Mr. Nathan’s birth,
   and his education partly, were in England, but he acquired
   citizenship in Italy, and rose in reputation and influence at
   Rome, until he had become the leading figure in the hard
   fought municipal election of the winter of 1908, which
   defeated the Church party and elected sixty Radical members
   out of eighty composing the City Council. The Mayor is elected
   by the Council, and it gave the office to Nathan.

ITALY: A. D. 1909.
   Church Movement of Agricultural Labor Organization.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.

ITALY: A. D. 1909.
   Tardy Construction of "Dreadnoughts."

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

ITALY: A. D. 1909 (March).
   Parliamentary Elections.
   Socialist, Republican, Radical, and Catholic Gains.
   Conservative Losses.
   Large, but Reduced Majority for the Government.

   Extensive changes in the representation of the numerous
   parties in Italian politics resulted from the Parliamentary
   elections held in March, 1909. As finally reported, after
   seventy four second ballots had been taken, the outcome was as
   follows:

   From seven Deputies the Catholics rose to 24. The Socialists
   went up from 26 to 42, the extreme Radicals from 32 to 42, and
   the Republicans from 19 to 24. The parties of the Extreme Left
   had thus risen from 77 to 108. The Moderate Liberals, or
   Constitutional Opposition, as they call themselves, declined
   the most, numbering between 60 and 70. But the gains made by
   the parties of the extreme Left had only recovered for them
   the ground they had lost in the election of 1904.

   "An interesting feature of the elections is that the Pope’s
   supporters are said to have taken a more active part than they
   have done since the beginning of united Italy. The Papal
   inhibition against going to the polls was removed in
   seventy-two constituencies, or one-seventh of the whole number
   voting. The result has been no gain in Rome, where the
   Anti-Clerical bloc repeated its victories of the preceding
   year, and a fairly slight gain in the rural districts. In
   general, it may be questioned whether the Papal non
   expedit has really kept Catholics out of politics to a
   very considerable extent. If we take the enrolled electors in
   Germany, we find that they constitute 20 per cent. of the
   entire population; in France the ratio is nearly 24 per cent.;
   in Italy it is less than 8 per cent. At first sight that would
   indicate that an enormous number of Italians boycott the
   polls. We find, however, that the Italian franchise demands
   not only the ability to read and write, but a certain degree
   of additional elementary education. At the same time we find
   that in 1901 nearly 44 per cent, of all males over twenty
   years of age were illiterate. This at once nearly doubles the
   electoral ratio. Add the fact that there are very considerable
   property qualifications for the franchise, and we get for
   Italy a ratio not far removed from Germany’s 20 percent. It
   would follow that the number of Italians who refrain from
   availing themselves of their electoral rights is not very
   large."

      New York Evening Post,
      March 8, 1909.

ITALY: A. D. 1909 (May).
   Proposed Payment of Members of Parliament.

   A Press despatch from Rome, May 9, 1909, reported:

   "Leave was asked yesterday to introduce in the Chamber of
   Deputies two Bills for the payment of members of Parliament.
   According to the first Bill, proposed by Signor Galli, all
   Deputies and Senators would receive £240 a year; the second
   Bill, proposed by Signor Chimienti, would make a payment of
   24s. for every sitting attended. Signor Giolitti said that the
   idea of the payment of members of Parliament was evidently
   gaining ground, and that the Government would not oppose the
   introduction of the Bills. On the other hand, he deprecated
   the contention which had been advanced, that the non-payment
   of Deputies was in any way responsible for a scanty
   attendance, and earnestly recommended the Chamber to give the
   question its very careful consideration before committing
   itself either way."

ITALY: A. D. 1909 (November).
   Naval strength.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

   ----------ITALY: End--------

ITO, Prince Hirobumi:
   Visit to the United States.
   Mission to St. Petersburg.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

ITO, Prince Hirobumi:
   President of the Japanese Council.
   His Party.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (June).

ITO, Prince Hirobumi:
   Resident-General in Korea.

      See (in this Volume)
      KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.

ITO, Prince Hirobumi:
   His assassination.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).


J.

JAMAICA: A. D. 1906.
   Harmony of relations between the White minority and the
   Colored majority of inhabitants.
   How explained.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: JAMAICA.

JAMAICA: A. D. 1907.
   Destructive Earthquake.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES: JAMAICA.

JAMES, Professor William:
   Plan for ending War.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.

JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
   Premier of Cape Colony.
   His Continuance of the Policy of Cecil Rhodes.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.

JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
   At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

{341}

JAMESON, Dr. L. S.:
   In Movement for South African Union.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

JAMESTOWN TERCENTENIAL EXPOSITION.

   The three hundredth anniversary of the first permanent English
   settlement in America was celebrated on the site of the
   settlement, at Jamestown, Virginia, by an Exposition which was
   opened by President Roosevelt on the 26th of April, 1907. The
   advantages of the place for naval display tempted Congress to
   give that character, in the main, to so much of the
   celebration as was organized under national auspices that
   other features were quite eclipsed. As an illustration of
   three centuries of progress from the beginnings of civilized
   life in the United States it cannot be said to have had much
   success. But the show, from many nations, of battle ships and
   the paraphernalia of naval war was superb.

JANNARIS, Professor, Imprisonment of.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.

   ----------JAPAN: Start--------

JAPAN: A. D. 1901 (July).
   Unveiling of a Monument to commemorate the Advent
   of Commodore Perry.

   A monument to commemorate the arrival of Commodore Perry in
   Japan, in 1853, was unveiled with imposing ceremonies, at
   Kurihama, on the 14th of July, 1901, that being the
   forty-eighth anniversary of the event. Commodore Rodgers, with
   three vessels of the Asiatic Squadron of the United States,
   attended to represent the United States officially in the
   ceremonies of the day. The monument was erected by the
   Japanese "America Association of Japan."

JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.
   Persistent occupation of Manchuria by the Russians.
   Japanese negotiations and demands, without satisfaction.

   "In spite of repeated promises to evacuate the points seized
   and held by Russian forces when, after the relief of the
   Legations, these forces were withdrawn from Peking and Chili,
   to be concentrated in Manchuria [see Manchuria, in Volume
   VI.], and in disregard of the interests of the other allies,
   the policy of keeping all that she had gained, and of gaining
   more as far as possible, was steadily pursued by Russia. … It
   was the probable effect of a continued occupation of Manchuria
   by Russia upon their business interests which led Great
   Britain and America to wish that the repeated Russian
   assurances of good faith toward China and toward all foreign
   nations should manifest themselves in works. The case could
   not be wholly the same with Japan. Her interests of trade
   were, indeed, if not at the time so large, more close and
   vital than those of any other nation outside of China. But her
   other interests were incomparable. So that when Russia failed
   to carry out her engagements, even under a convention which
   was so much in her favor [see, in this Volume, China. A. D.
   1901-1902], there was a revival of suspicion and apprehension
   on the part of the Japanese Government and the Japanese
   people. Manchuria and Korea both pointed an index finger of
   warning directed toward Russia.

   "It was to further a peaceful adjustment of all the disturbed
   conditions of the interests of Russia and Japan in the Far
   East that Marquis Ito went, on his way home from his visit to
   the United States, at the end of 1901, on an unofficial
   mission to St. Petersburg. The failure of the overtures which
   he bore discouraged those of the leading Japanese statesmen
   who were hoping for some reconciliation which might take the
   shape of allowing Russian ascendency in Manchuria and Japanese
   ascendency in Korea. It also strengthened the conviction which
   prevailed among the younger statesmen that the St. Petersburg
   Government regarded Manchuria as not only its fortress in the
   Far East, but also as its path to the peninsula lying within
   sight of Japan’s shores. ‘The Japanese Government,’ says Mr.
   D. W. Stevens, ‘at last felt that the vital interests of Japan
   might be irrevocably jeopardized in Korea as well as in
   Manchuria, if it continued to remain a mere passive spectator
   of Russian encroachments; and in August, 1903, it resolved to
   take a decisive step. In the most courteous form and through
   the usual diplomatic channels Japan intimated at St.
   Petersburg that her voice must be heard, and listened to, in
   connection with Far Eastern questions in which her interests
   were vitally concerned.’ The answer of Russia was the
   appointment of Admiral Alexeieff as Viceroy over the Czar’s
   possessions in the Far East, with executive and administrative
   powers of a semi-autocratic character. … Negotiations having
   in view the peaceful adjustment of the conflicting interests
   of Russia and Japan in the Far East, which were begun by the
   latter country in the summer of 1903, were further continued.
   Mr. Kurino, the Japanese Minister at St. Petersburg, was
   informed by Baron Komura, who was then Japanese Minister of
   Foreign Affairs, that the recent conduct of Russia at Peking,
   in Manchuria, and in Korea, was the cause of grave concern to
   the Government at Tokyo. ‘The unconditional and permanent
   occupation of Manchuria by Russia would,’ said Baron Komura,
   ‘create a state of things prejudicial to the security and
   interests of Japan. The principle of equal opportunity would
   thereby be annulled, and the territorial integrity of China be
   impaired. There is, however, a still more serious
   consideration for the Japanese Government; that is to say, if
   Russia was established on the flank of Korea it would be a
   constant menace to the separate existence of that empire, or
   at least would make Russia the dominant power in Korea. But
   Korea is an important outpost in Japan’s line of defence, and
   Japan consequently considers its independence absolutely
   essential to her own repose and safety. Moreover, the
   political as well as the commercial and industrial interests
   and influence which Japan possesses in Korea are paramount
   over those of other Powers. These interests and this influence
   Japan, having regard to her own security, cannot consent to
   surrender to, or share with, another Power.’

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   "In view of these reasons, Mr. Kurino was instructed to
   present the following note to Count Lamsdorff, the Russian
   Minister of Foreign Affairs:

   ‘The Japanese Government desires to remove from the relations
   of the two empires every cause of future misunderstanding, and
   believes that the Russian Government shares the same desire.
   The Japanese Government would therefore be glad to enter with
   the Russian Imperial Government upon an examination of the
   condition of affairs in the regions of the extreme East, where
   their interests meet, with a view of defining their respective
   especial interests in those regions. If this suggestion
   fortunately meets with the approval, in principle, of the
   Russian Government, the Japanese Government will be prepared
   to present to the Russian Government their views as to the
   nature and scope of the proposed understanding.’

   "The consent of Count Lamsdorff and the Czar having been
   obtained, on August 12th articles were prepared and submitted
   by the Japanese Government which it wished to have serve as a
   basis of understanding between the two countries. The
   essential agreements to be secured by these articles were:

   (1) A mutual engagement to respect the independence and
   territorial integrity of the Chinese and Korean empires, and
   to maintain the ‘ open door’ in these countries; and

   (2) a reciprocal recognition of Japan’s preponderating
   interests in Korea and of Russia’s special interests in
   Manchuria.

   These demands were not altered in any very important way by
   Japan during all the subsequent negotiations. It was their
   persistent rejection by Russia, together with her long delays
   in replying while she was meantime making obvious preparations
   of a warlike character, which precipitated the tremendous
   conflict that followed some months later."

      George T. Ladd,
      In Korea with Marquis Ito, chapter 10
      (copyright, 1908, C. Scribner’s Sons).

JAPAN: A. D. 1902.
   Defensive Agreement between Great Britain and Japan.

   An agreement of great importance, in the nature of a defensive
   alliance, between Great Britain and Japan, was concluded at
   London on the 30th of January, 1902. On the publication of the
   Treaty, a few days later, it was accompanied by a
   communication from the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs,
   the Marquis of Lansdowne, to Sir C. MacDonald, the British
   Minister at Tokyo, in which the actuating motives of the
   Agreement were set forth, as follows:

   "Sir: I have signed to-day, with the Japanese minister, an
   agreement between Great Britain and Japan, of which a copy is
   inclosed in this dispatch.

   "This agreement may be regarded as the outcome of the events
   which have taken place during the last two years in the Far
   East, and of the part taken by Great Britain and Japan in
   dealing with them. Throughout the troubles and complications
   which arose in China consequent upon the Boxer outbreak and
   attack upon the Pekin legations, the two powers have been in
   close and uninterrupted communication, and have been actuated
   by similar views. We have each of us desired that the
   integrity and independence of the Chinese Empire should be
   preserved, that there should be no disturbance of the
   territorial status quo either in China or in the adjoining
   regions, that all nations should, within those regions, as
   well as within the limits of the Chinese Empire, be afforded
   equal opportunities for the development of their commerce and
   industry, and that peace should not only be restored, but
   should, for the future, be maintained.

   "From the frequent exchanges of views which have taken place
   between the two Governments, and from the discovery that their
   Far Eastern policy was identical, it has resulted that each
   side has expressed the desire that their common policy should
   find expression in an international contract of binding
   validity. …

   "His Majesty’s Government have been largely influenced in
   their decision to enter into this important contract by the
   conviction that it contains no provisions which can be
   regarded as an indication of aggressive or self-seeking
   tendencies in the regions to which it applies. It has been
   concluded purely as a measure of precaution, to be invoked,
   should occasion arise, in the defense of important British
   interests. It in no way threatens the present position or the
   legitimate interests of other powers. On the contrary, that
   part of it which renders either of the high contracting
   parties liable to be called upon by the other for assistance
   can operate only when one of the allies has found himself
   obliged to go to war in defense of interests which are common
   to both, when the circumstances in which he has taken this
   step are such as to establish that the quarrel has not been of
   his own seeking, and when, being engaged in his own defense,
   he finds himself threatened, not by a single power, but by a
   hostile coalition."

JAPAN:
   Agreement between Great Britain and
   Japan, signed at London, January 30, 1902.

   "The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, actuated solely
   by a desire to maintain the status quo and general
   peace in the extreme East, being moreover specially interested
   in maintaining the independence and territorial integrity of
   the Empire of China and the Empire of Corea, and in securing
   equal opportunities in those countries for the commerce and
   industry of all nations, hereby agree as follows:

   "Article I.
   The High Contracting Parties having mutually recognized the
   independence of China and of Corea, declare themselves to be
   entirely uninfluenced by any aggressive tendencies in either
   country. Having in view, however, their special interests, of
   which those of Great Britain relate principally to China,
   while Japan, in addition to the interests which she possesses
   in China, is interested in a peculiar degree politically, as
   well as commercially and industrially, in Corea, the High
   Contracting Parties recognize that it will be admissible for
   either of them to take such measures as may be indispensable
   in order to safeguard those interests if threatened either by
   the aggressive action of any other Power, or by disturbances
   arising in China or Corea, and necessitating the intervention
   of either of the High Contracting Parties for the protection
   of the lives and property of its subjects.

   "Article II.
   If either Great Britain or Japan, in the defence of their
   respective interests as above described, should become
   involved in war with another Power, the other High Contracting
   Party will maintain a strict neutrality, and use its efforts
   to prevent other Powers from joining in hostilities against
   its ally.

   "Article III.
   If in the above event any other Power or Powers should join in
   hostilities against that ally, the other high contracting
   party will come to its assistance and will conduct the war in
   common, and make peace in mutual agreement with it.

{343}

   "Article IV.
   The High Contracting Parties agree that neither of them will,
   without consulting the other, enter into separate arrangements
   with another Power to the prejudice of the interests above
   described.

   "Article V.
   Whenever, in the opinion of either Great Britain or Japan, the
   above-mentioned interests are in jeopardy, the two Governments
   will communicate with one another fully and frankly.

   "Article VI.
   The present agreement shall come into effect immediately after
   the date of its signature, and remain in force for five years
   from that date. In case neither of the High Contracting
   Parties should have notified twelve months before the
   expiration of the said five years the intention of terminating
   it, it shall remain binding until the expiration of one year
   from the day on which either of the High Contracting Parties
   shall have denounced it. But if, when the date fixed for its
   expiration arrives, either ally is actually engaged in war,
   the alliance shall, ipso facto, continue until peace is
   concluded. In faith whereof the undersigned, duly authorized
   by their respective Governments, have signed this agreement,
   and have affixed thereto their seals."

   In August, 1905, the above Treaty was replaced by a fresh
   Agreement of similar tenor.

      See, below,
      JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

JAPAN: A. D. 1902 (August).
   Success of Prince Ito’s Party in the Parliamentary Election.

   "Thus far parties, so called, have been magnetized around men.
   They have not crystallized along the axes of principles.
   Marquis Ito, ultra-conservative in politics but radical and
   reformer in things social, is at one pole. Count Okuma,
   radical in politics, sternly conservative of social life and
   the traditionary ethics, is at the other.

   "The August elections of 1902 show apparently at least that
   the day of party government has dawned, for now and for the
   first time Marquis Ito leads in the Lower House a host of the
   friends of the Constitution (Rikken Seiyu Kai) that has
   an overwhelming majority of seats and in time of a ‘division’
   nearly if not wholly a plurality of votes. The returns are
   just in and the table stands about thus:

   Seiyu Kai (Constitution Friends)  193
   Progressists                      106
   Independents                       56
   Imperialists and others            21


   "It was a smart stroke of policy for Ito, two years ago, to
   unite in one organization [see in Volume VI. of this work,
   Japan: A. D. 1900 (August-October)] the Radicals under Hoshi
   Toru and his own following of ‘clansmen, capacities and young
   statesmen.’ It was the union of the strong and the subtle,
   taking the name not of a party but of an ‘Association,’ with a
   purpose of upholding the constitution (in the Prussian sense),
   in order to control both the educational and the economic
   policy of the country, to complete the radical transformation
   of the Japanese into a modern man, and ‘to screen Japan’s
   Western evolution against all possibility of reaction.’"

      W. E. Griffis,
      in The Independent.

JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (June).
   The Marquis Ito accepts Presidency of the Council
   to strengthen the Government.

   To strengthen the Ministry of Count Katsura in the Diet, the
   Marquis Ito, powerful head of the Rikken Seiyu-kai
   (Association of the Friends of the Constitution, foreseeing
   trouble to come from the proceedings of Russia in Manchuria,
   consented in June to accept the post of President of the
   Council, and was joined in the Council by Marquis Yamagata and
   Count Matsukata. The Government was thus greatly reinforced
   for dealing with the difficulties that now approached very
   fast. A section of the Seiyu-kai seceded from it, however, and
   formed the Doshishukai (Assembly of Fellow-thinkers), under
   Count Itagaki.

      See (in Volume VI.)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1900, AUGUST-OCTOBER.

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-July).
   War with Russia.
   Sudden opening of Hostilities.
   Occupation of Korea.
   Battles at the Yalu.
   The Armies in Manchuria.
   Movement of General Nogi on Manchuria.

   Simultaneously with the rupture of diplomatic relations with
   Russia, on the 6th of February, 1904, the Japanese Government
   dispatched from Sasebo a fleet of 7 battle-ships, 18 cruisers,
   and flotillas of torpedo boats and destroyers, under
   Vice-Admiral Togo, with transports conveying troops, to open
   operations of war. The transports were convoyed to Chemulpho,
   the port of Seoul, Korea, by 4 cruisers and a number of
   torpedo boats, under Rear-Admiral Uryu; while Admiral Togo
   proceeded with the remainder of his fleet to Port Arthur. The
   troops sent to Chemulpho were landed on the 8th, and Admiral
   Uryu, the next day, attacked a Russian cruiser and gunboat in
   Chemulpho harbor with such effect that they were destroyed by
   their commanders. On the night of the 8th Togo’s torpedo boats
   were sent against the Russian fleet at Port Arthur and
   crippled it to a serious extent. A second body of 14,000
   troops was landed at Chemulpho on the 15th.

   The Japanese had now a strong footing in Korea, with Seoul
   securely in hand, and the First Japanese Army, under General
   Kuroki, was ready to begin its northward advance. Phyangyang
   was occupied on the 20th, after which further troops could be
   landed at Chinampho, saving a long march. By the end of March
   there were about 45,000 men in the force moving toward the
   Yalu. The first encounter with the Russians was near Chengju,
   where 600 of the latter’s cavalry were driven back. On the 4th
   of April the Japanese advance guard reached the Yalu, which
   forms the boundary between Korea and Manchuria, and occupied
   Wiju, near its mouth, the opposing cavalry having been
   withdrawn to the opposite bank of the river on the preceding
   day. The main body arrived at Wiju April 20. The Russians, on
   the other side of the Yalu, were then concentrating a force of
   about 25,000 men, with Liaoyang and Fenghuangcheng for its
   first and secondary bases.

   For ten ensuing days both armies were busy in preparations and
   manoeuvres, the one for attempting to force a crossing of the
   Yalu, the other to resist it. How their preparations compared
   in effectiveness is described by an experienced correspondent,
   David Fraser, who accompanied the Japanese and wrote the story
   of the campaign, publishing it subsequently in a book entitled
   "A Modern Campaign." The difference that Mr. Fraser saw
   between the painstaking, the thoughtfulness and the carefully
   acquired knowledge which went into the Japanese preparation
   for their attack,—the concealment of their forces, the masking
   of their batteries, the obscuring of all that they did,—and
   the contrasting carelessness of the Russians in the same
   particulars, was the difference that gave success to the one
   and brought defeat on the other.
{344}
   Before the Japanese moved they knew everything they needed to
   know,—the fordable places on the streams they had to cross,
   the points of advantage on every mile of the ground to be
   traversed, the positions of the enemy,—and the Russians did
   not. And the Japanese were able to repeat much of the same
   feinting and maneuvering by means of which they had forced the
   passage of the Yalu at the same place, against the Chinese, in
   1894.

   On the 25th of April the Japanese were ready to bring their
   preparations into use, and on that and the next two days they
   drove the Russian outposts from the islands they needed to
   occupy, and began building bridges at night. In the end, ten
   bridges were built, some of them invisible to the enemy. Many
   signs of Japanese movement down the river were then exhibited
   to the Russians. A Japanese battery became busy at a point
   some distance below Wiju; gunboats and other vessels were
   collected in that direction; troops were in motion in the same
   direction; but quiet reigned at and around Wiju, the batteries
   behind which had not yet betokened their existence. That quiet
   in this part of the Japanese line was broken suddenly at
   midday on the 29th, when a pontoon train, with accompanying
   troops, was hurried to the river, the pontoons launched,
   manned and paddled to the opposite bank. A Russian outpost
   which fired on these invaders drew the first revelation of a
   hitherto hidden and silent Japanese battery, and fled from its
   shells. Possession of the further shore was thus secured for
   sufficient time to enable the construction of the pontoon
   bridge, which the strong current in the river made a difficult
   task. It was ready, however, for the crossing of the river
   that night by the infantry of the entire 12th division of the
   Japanese Army.

   The thrilling episode of the battle of the next two days was
   the opening of fire from the hitherto hidden and unsuspected
   batteries of Japanese heavy guns. Mr. Fraser tells us that the
   Russians had believed it impossible to bring heavy artillery
   over the Korean roads, and were in consternation when the
   howitzers belched forth their shells in a fairly overpowering
   way. "The trees," he says, "screened the flashing of the
   Japanese guns from the Russian eyes. There was no smoke to
   indicate their whereabouts. The indirect fire of the howitzers
   was as deadly as if it had been aimed point-blank. The
   Russians, on the other hand, fired at random into the belt of
   trees; they had been able to locate only two of the Japanese
   guns. Their fire had little or no effect upon the
   well-protected Japanese gunners. In ten minutes the Russian
   shooting grew wild. … After twenty-five minutes both batteries
   were silenced."

   It is the testimony of all witnesses of the fighting on both
   days of the battle, especially on the 1st of May, that the
   Russians showed desperate courage; but every advantage, of
   position, of equipment, of numbers, and, above all, of
   generalship, was in favor of the Japanese. They drove the
   enemy from all his entrenchments, and entered Manchuria, to
   pursue there an equally successful campaign, for the same
   reasons, of superior ability and more thorough preparation.

   The reported loss of the Japanese in the conflicts on the Yalu
   was 5 officers and 218 men killed, 33 officers and 780 men
   wounded. They captured 22 field guns, 8 machine guns, a
   quantity of rifles and ammunition, and took 628 prisoners,
   including 18 officers. General Zasulich, the Russian
   commander, reported 70 officers and 2324 men killed, wounded
   and taken prisoners. Another Russian report of losses gave 28
   officers and 564 men killed, 38 officers and 1081 men wounded,
   and 6 officers and 679 men missing.

   The Russians retreated on Fenghuangcheng, but made no stand
   there, and the Japanese, who followed, occupied the place on
   the 6th of May. The advance of the latter was halted at that
   point until late in June, waiting for operations in other
   parts of the field.

   Meantime, between the 4th and the 22d of May, the Second
   Japanese Army, General Oku commanding, had been landed near
   Pitsewo, on the western coast of the Liao-tung peninsula, and
   this began a general advance on the 25th. It fought a severe
   battle on the following day, at Nanshan, or Kinchou, from
   which the Russians fell back. The victory of the Japanese cost
   them heavily, their reported loss being 739 killed and 5455
   wounded; while General Stössel, the Russian commander,
   reported a loss of 30 officers and 800 men killed and wounded.

   On June 6th this Second Army was divided into two, one of
   which, passing to the command of General Nogi, became the
   Third Japanese Army, and was marched presently toward Port
   Arthur, to open the famous siege of that stronghold. General
   Oku, retaining about 50,000 men in the Second Army, and
   starting northward on the 15th, was opposed by Russian forces
   under General Stackelberg. The first important conflict was on
   June 15 at or near Telissu station, which gave the battle its
   name. Again the Russians were forced back, with a loss of 103
   officers and about 2600 men, killed and wounded, besides a
   missing list of 764. The Japanese loss was 50 officers and
   1113 men killed and wounded. Hard fighting occurred again
   between the 6th and 9th of July, on the approach of the
   Japanese to Kaiping and the Kaiping River, beyond which their
   opponents were driven. "The occupation of Kaiping and the
   country immediately to the north placed General Oku’s army on
   the edge of the Liao Valley, opened the way to the Yingkon and
   Newchwang, and facilitated his further advance to the north by
   allowing supplies to be received from the sea, thus shortening
   his line of communications."

   A Fourth Japanese Army, under General Nodzu, had now been
   landed at Takushan, on the eastern coast of the Liao-tung
   peninsula, and was reconnoitering toward Oku’s forces, as well
   as toward the First Japanese Army, which had remained in the
   vicinity of Fenghuangcheng until the 24th of June, waiting for
   these cooperative masses of troops to be got into place. It
   was now being moved in three columns, one of which was soon in
   touch with the Fourth Army (Nodzu’s), and the two began
   working to the west and northwest. The Russians gave up
   Fenshuiling, and by the 9th of July, when Oku, with the Second
   Army, occupied Kaiping, the three Japanese armies in the
   northern part of the Liao-tung peninsula—the First, Second,
   and Fourth—"were united on a front from Kaiping east to
   Fenshuiling, thence northeast through Motienling, with
   covering detachments of Kobi troops eastward at Saimachi,
   Hsienchang and Huaijen.
{345}
   The Russians were concentrated in the Liao Valley at
   Tashihchiao, Haicheng, Anping and Liaoyang." On the 6th of
   July Field Marshal Oyama had left Tokyo to take active command
   of this united army, and the great operations of the
   Manchurian campaign were about to begin.

      Epitome of the Russo-Japanese War,
      United States War Department,
      Second [Military Information] Division,
      General Staff, Number 11.

   At this time General Nogi, with the Third Japanese Army, was
   fighting his way slowly toward Port Arthur, against obstinate
   resistance, not arriving at the front of the land defences
   proper until the 14th of August.

   The Russians had evacuated Dalny (formerly called Talienwan),
   with its fine harbor, on Talienwan Bay, thirty miles distant
   from Port Arthur, and the Japanese had occupied it on the 30th
   of May. This was an acquisition of great importance to them.

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-August).
   The War with Russia: Siege of Port Arthur.
   The Naval Surprise.
   Unreadiness of the Defence.
   Naval operations of the six months.
   Fate of the Russian fleets in the East.

   Mr. E. K. Nojine, "accredited Russian War Correspondent," who
   went through the whole experience at Port Arthur, from first
   to last of the war, and who wrote what he entitles "The Truth
   about Port Arthur," opens his severely critical narrative with
   the following statement:

   "When, one hour before midnight on February 8, 1904, our
   warships began to belch fire from their many steel mouths, and
   the seaward batteries suddenly thundered forth their angry
   death-dealing tidings, no one dreamed that the noise was War,
   for no one had taken the constant rumors of the rupture of
   diplomatic relations and of approaching hostilities at all
   seriously. … Although the sky in the East had for weeks been
   blood-red with the menace of immediate war, yet when it came
   the surprise was absolute, its horror intensified by our
   complete unreadiness."

   What this writer tells of the unreadiness, and of the slowness
   with which the serious need of more readiness was comprehended
   by the controlling authority at Port Arthur, during the weeks
   that passed before the stronghold was fully invested, goes
   almost beyond belief. He writes bitterly and contemptuously of
   General Stössel, who held command of the district, and
   admiringly of General Smirnoff, Commandant of the fortress,
   whom Stössel could overrule. He seems to have been sustained
   in his judgment by the court-martial which subsequently
   condemned Stössel to death.

   The sound of midnight battle on its sea-front (February 8-9)
   which announced a beginning of war to the surprised garrison
   of Port Arthur came from the attack of Admiral Togo’s torpedo
   boats on the Russian fleet in the harbor. Three of the Russian
   ships were crippled, but not seriously. The next day Togo made
   a general attack with his whole fleet of fifteen vessels,
   including five battle-ships, and did some damage to four more
   of his enemies’ vessels; but a fortnight is said to have
   repaired them all. The general result of the two operations
   was "to insure the at least temporary immobility of the Port
   Arthur fleet," so that "the transport of the army from Japan
   to Korea might go on without fear of molestation." A squadron
   was then detached to look after four cruisers at Vladivostock,
   and that harbor was cannonaded for the same purpose on the 6th
   of March. Meantime, on the 9th of February, a Russian cruiser
   and a gunboat, attempting to leave Chemulpho harbor, were
   driven back, and were then destroyed by their Russian
   commander.

   The main Japanese fleet hovered constantly near Port Arthur,
   not only maintaining a strict blockade, but making frequent
   close approaches, to sink vessels and plant mines in the
   entrance channels of the harbor; to harass the Russian fleet
   with torpedo attacks, or to come boldly within range of its
   shore defenses and give battle to them, as well as to bombard
   the fortress and town. There were heavy bombardments on the
   10th and the 22d of May. The Russian fleet, commanded by
   Vice-Admiral Makaroff, made retaliatory sorties, in returning
   from one of which, on the 13th of April, the admiral’s
   flag-ship, the Petropalovsk, struck and exploded a line of
   floating mines. The huge battle-ship was so shattered by the
   explosion that she sank in two minutes, carrying down the
   admiral, the famous painter, Verestchagin, who was his guest,
   and 550 other officers and men. Of all on board only 85 were
   saved.

   In the course of the next month the Japanese suffered several
   of the same disasters, two of their battle-ships, the Hatsuse
   and the Yashima, and two other vessels of less importance,
   being blown up by the explosion of mines. Of the crew of the
   Hatsuse nearly 500 perished, while all on board the Yashima
   were said to have been saved. By collision in a fog one of the
   Japanese cruisers was sunk, with all but 90 of her crew. And
   the three most calamitous of these happenings, to the two
   battle-ships and the cruiser, occurred on the same day—the
   15th of May. Admiral Togo’s fleet was weakened very seriously
   by these losses. Somewhat later the same fate befell a number
   of Russian ships, but the loss in them was less.

   Though watched by a Japanese squadron under Vice-Admiral
   Kamimura, the Russian war-ships at Vladivostock were able to
   slip out for occasional cruises, in which they captured or
   destroyed Japanese transports and merchant ships. In more than
   one instance—notably that of the Kinshu-Maru—the soldiery on
   captured transports refused to surrender and committed
   "hara-kiri" in a body, or were engulfed by the sea. "It is
   quite true that the work done by the Vladivostock squadron was
   not great in amount, but they must have caused some
   inconvenience to the military forces of Japan engaged in the
   campaign."

   On the 23d of June Rear-Admiral Vithöft, who had succeeded the
   late Admiral Makaroff in the naval command at Port Arthur,
   sailed out of the harbor with six battle ships, five cruisers
   and ten torpedo boats, apparently intending to offer battle to
   the Japanese. The Russians had repaired their damaged vessels
   and now seemed to have a fleet that was equal to Togo’s in
   strength, since he opposed only four battle-ships to their
   six. Nevertheless when the Japanese approached them they
   withdrew, returning to Port Arthur, pursued by torpedo-boats,
   and nearly losing the battle ship Sevastopol, which struck a
   mine and was disabled for six weeks.

{346}

   Little occurred during that period on the naval side of the
   Port Arthur campaign. Then, on the 10th of August, it was
   reopened startlingly, to be ended with practical completeness
   within the next few days. On that morning the Port Arthur
   fleet and the Vladivostock squadron put to sea from their
   respective harbors, evidently attempting a junction. The Port
   Arthur fleet was the first to encounter its enemy, which it
   did the same day, when no more than 25 or 30 miles out from
   the port. Admiral Vithöft now had with him only five battle
   ships, having left one, probably disabled, behind. With these
   were the four cruisers, two gunboats and a number of torpedo
   craft. Admiral Togo brought against this force four
   battle-ships and four armored cruisers in the battle that
   ensued. It "took the form of a long-range engagement between
   the fleets, steering nearly the same course towards the east.
   … At a time which is variously reported, but probably about
   6.15 p. m., a 12-inch shell … burst near the conning tower of
   the Cesarevitch [the flagship], killing Admiral Vithöft and
   wounding the captain of the ship. At the same time the
   Cesarevitch’s steering gear was damaged, the helm jammed, and
   she made a sudden sheer to port. This threw the Russian line
   into confusion. … The Russian formation was now broken up, and
   the ships fell into a confused group at which the Japanese
   directed a hot fire at the comparatively short range of 3500
   yards. At times the Russian ships were hidden by the smoke of
   exploding shells, and about 7 p. m. their fire slackened
   perceptibly. One report states that a second-class battle-ship
   and two coast-defence vessels had joined the Japanese, besides
   another ship of a class not certainly known. The whole twelve
   Japanese ships concentrated their fire on the six Russian
   battle-ships and four unarmored cruisers till 8 p. m. Prince
   Ukhtomsk, who had succeeded to the Russian command on Admiral
   Vithöft’s death, then signalled to the fleet to follow him,
   and turned toward Port Arthur. All could not follow, and some
   made for shelter in other ports, harassed by torpedo attacks,
   but not otherwise pursued.

   The result of the Russian sally from Vladivostock was much the
   same. The three armored cruisers from that port were not
   intercepted by the Japanese until the morning of the 14th,
   three days after the defeat of the Port Arthur fleet which
   they had hoped to join. They were then attacked by four
   armored and two unarmored cruisers. They fought obstinately
   and suffered frightful losses in officers and men,—415 wounded
   and 251 killed. One of the ships, reduced to helplessness, was
   sunk by its own surviving crew, most of whom were picked up by
   the Japanese. The other two escaped to Vladivostock in a
   wrecked state.

   These engagements "really ended the naval campaign of 1904. Of
   the ships [from Port Arthur] that got through the Japanese
   fleet, one battle ship, the Cesarevitch, and three destroyers
   were disarmed and interned at Kiachow (Tsingtau); one cruiser,
   the Askold, and one destroyer had the same fate at Shanghai,
   and another cruiser, the Novik, was destroyed … at Korsakovsk.
   A third cruiser, the Diana, was disarmed and interned at the
   neutral French port of Saigon. One destroyer had been seized
   at Chefoo by the Japanese for disregard of Chinese neutrality,
   and one was wrecked on the coast of Shantung. The rest of the
   fleet which got back to Port Arthur remained there only to be
   destroyed in nearly every case by their own crews, to save
   them from the fate of being surrendered to their enemy on the
   fall of the fortress. … The grand total of the Russian loss
   [of officers and men] in the six battle-ships and four
   cruisers amounted to 81 killed and 420 wounded. … The total
   Japanese loss, as reported at the time, was 61 killed and 124
   wounded." Later statements brought the total loss up to 225.

      Admiral Sir Cyprian Bridge,
      The Naval Annual, 1905, chapter 7.

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (July-September).
   The War with Russia: Campaign in Manchuria.
   Japanese advances; Russian retreats.
   The great battle and Japanese victory at Liao-Yang.

   On the 4th of July the Russians, who had given up Motienling
   to the Japanese five days before, made an attempt to recover
   it, but failed. They repeated the attempt on the 17th, and
   again without success. On the 10th a force from the Fourth
   Japanese Army (Nodzu’s), advancing from Fenshuiling toward
   Tomucheng, met with a repulse. The right column of Kuroki’s
   army (the First) fought a considerable engagement with the
   Russians at Hsihoyen on the 19th. Oku’s army (the Second),
   advancing from Kaiping, fought them at Tashinchiao on the
   24th. Nodzu was engaged with them again on the 31st at
   Tomucheng, and Kuroki’s right column at Yushulingtzu on the
   same day; while the left column, simultaneously, expelled them
   from Yangtzuling. On the 2d of August the Russians retired
   from Haicheng and the Japanese occupied it the following day.
   The Russians had been steadily forced back to the vicinity of
   Liao-Yang, where they had prepared themselves for a determined
   stand.

   "The front of the Russian forces at and in the vicinity of
   Liao-Yang extended from Anshantien through Lantzushan and the
   mountain range east of Anping to the Taitzu River. The
   Japanese front extended from Haicheng through Tomucheng and
   Yantzuling to Yushulingtzu."

      Epitome of the Russo-Japanese War,
      United States War Department,
      Second [Military Information] Division.
      General Staff, Number 11.

   Both sides were now making ready for the first of the two most
   terrific battles of the war; but the month of August was near
   its close before the Japanese began their assault on the
   formidable works behind which the Russians awaited their
   attack. In the "Epitome" cited above the effective Russian
   force taking part in this struggle is estimated at about
   140,000, commanded by General Kuropatkin.

   Lord Brooke, Reuter’s special correspondent in Manchuria, in
   his book entitled "An Eye-witness in Manchuria," describes the
   battle of Liao-Yang as "the biggest artillery battle of which
   history has record." The Russians occupied a line of rocky
   hills south and east of Liao-Yang. Oku opposed their right and
   center; Nodzu the center and left; Kuroki was farther east,
   intending to force the passage of the Tai-tze-ho and reach the
   rear of their main body. Artillery on both sides opened the
   battle at dawn, August 30, and a terrible duel was fought for
   five hours.
{347}
   Then, at half-past eleven, General Oku delivered the first
   infantry assault, which cost a fearful loss of life, and
   failed. Late in the afternoon a resolute turning movement on
   the Russian right was attempted by the Japanese and pressed
   until darkness came, with success only to the extent of
   driving the enemy from one village. Then a night attack on the
   Russian center was made, and that, too, was repelled.

   The morning of the 31st brought a renewal of the artillery
   duel, followed by assault after assault from Oku’s indomitable
   troops on the Russian right flank, with the result of driving
   it back to the cover of the railway embankment. Meantime
   General Kuroki, whose army was on the extreme right of the
   Japanese line, had forced the passage of the Tai-tze-ho River,
   at a ford 26 miles east of Liao-Yang. This compelled
   Kuropatkin to withdraw some of his troops from the outer
   fortifications south and east of Liao-Yang and send them
   against Kuroki. The crisis of the struggle was now in the
   battles fought on the next two days with Kuroki, in vain
   attempts to cut him off from the river ford and crush his not
   large army. At the same time the Japanese were making a direct
   attack on Liao-Yang and endeavoring to cut Kuropatkin’s
   communications with Mukden. Neither Russians nor Japanese had
   success in these attempts, but the former were brought to a
   situation which compelled retreat. On the fourth of September
   they evacuated Liao-Yang and withdrew from the surrounding
   works. "As soon as the evacuation began," wrote Lord Brooke,
   "the Japanese guns opened fire on the Russians, who had for
   line of retreat only the railway bridge and the two pontoons
   across the Tai-tze-ho. Nevertheless the retirement was carried
   on with great coolness, and the loss sustained in crossing the
   river was comparatively small in view of the difficult
   position from which the Russians had to extricate themselves.
   All the artillery was got away. But if the evacuation of
   Liao-Yang was cleverly effected, the army of Kuropatkin was
   still in great danger, and the Commander-in-chief seemed
   really afraid that a large part of his force would be cut off.
   It was a reasonable apprehension, for General Kuroki’s army
   began the day with renewed vigor. … In a melancholy frame of
   mind the whole army marched northward, with Kuroki continually
   pressing its flank and the fear that Oku would ere long be on
   his heels."

   Pursuit by the Japanese was given up on the morning of
   September 6th.

   In the "Epitome" of the war, prepared and published by the
   American Army Staff, the total Russian loss in the Liao-Yang
   battles is given as reported to have been 54 officers and 1810
   men killed; 252 officers and 10,811 men wounded; 5 officers
   and 1211 men missing. The Japanese reported a total loss of
   17,539 officers and men, without details.

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (October).
   War with Russia: Quiet Aspect of Life during the War.
   Spartan Discipline of Japanese Feeling and Conduct.

   "For all industrial civilization the contest is one of vast
   moment;—for Japan it is probably the supreme crisis in her
   national life. As to what her fleets and her armies have been
   doing, the world is fully informed; but as to what her people
   are doing at home, little has been written.

   "To inexperienced observation they would appear to be doing
   nothing unusual; and this strange calm is worthy of record. At
   the beginning of hostilities an Imperial mandate was issued,
   bidding all non-combatants to pursue their avocations as
   usual, and to trouble themselves as little as possible about
   exterior events;—and this command has been obeyed to the
   letter. It would be natural to suppose that all the
   sacrifices, tragedies, and uncertainties of the contest had
   thrown their gloom over the life of the capital in especial;
   but there is really nothing whatever to indicate a condition
   of anxiety or depression. On the contrary, one is astonished
   by the joyous tone of public confidence, and the admirably
   restrained pride of the nation in its victories. Western tides
   have strewn the coast with Japanese corpses; regiments have
   been blown out of existence in the storming of positions
   defended by wire-entanglements; battle-ships have been lost;
   yet at no moment has there been the least public excitement.
   The people are following their daily occupations just as they
   did before the war; the cheery aspect of things is just the
   same; the theatres and flower displays are not less well
   patronized. The life of Tokyo has been, to outward seeming,
   hardly more affected by the events of the war than the life of
   nature beyond it, where the flowers are blooming and the
   butterflies hovering as in other summers. Except after the
   news of some great victory,—celebrated with fireworks and
   lantern processions,—there are no signs of public emotion; and
   but for the frequent distribution of newspaper-extras, by
   runners ringing bells, you could almost persuade yourself that
   the whole story of the war is an evil dream.

   "Yet there has been, of necessity, a vast amount of
   suffering—viewless and voiceless suffering—repressed by that
   sense of social and patriotic duty which is Japanese religion.
   … The great quiet and the smiling tearlessness testify to the
   more than Spartan discipline of the race. Anciently the people
   were trained, not only to conceal their emotions, but to speak
   in a cheerful voice and to show a pleasant face under any
   stress of moral suffering; and they are obedient to that
   teaching to-day. It would still be thought a shame to betray
   personal sorrow for the loss of those who die for Emperor and
   fatherland."

      Lafcadio Hearn,
      A Letter from Japan
      (Atlantic Monthly, November, 1904).

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (May-January).
   War with Russia: Operations against Port Arthur.
   Preliminary battles.
   Investment and Siege.
   The Defences.
   Desperate assaults in August.
   Story of Lieutenant Sakurai.
   The assault on 203 Metre Hill and its capture.
   Surrender of the Fortress.
   Trial and condemnation of General Stössel.

   As stated heretofore, the Japanese began landing their Second
   Army, under General Oku, at Petsiwo, for operations against
   Port Arthur, on the 4th of May. Very quickly thereafter the
   railway was cut and Port Arthur was blockaded by land as well
   as by sea. On the 8th the last train from the north was
   brought in. By the 25th Oku was ready to advance, and on the
   following day he attacked the Russians at Kinchou (the battle
   bearing sometimes the name of Nan-shan), and expelled them
   from that position, the loss of which, according to the
   correspondent Nojine, sealed the fate of Port Arthur.
{348}
   He accuses General Stössel of having boastfully assumed that
   the Japanese could never take Kinchou, denouncing as traitors
   all who questioned the sufficiency of its fortification and
   urged the strengthening of the works. The expulsion from
   Kinchou necessitated the abandonment of the important port of
   Dalny, which was done with great haste on the night of the
   26th. "In Dalny," says Nojine, "there were numerous buildings,
   docks, and the most splendid breakwaters running out into
   the sea for a distance of one and a half miles. … Owing to
   want of time nothing except a few of the railway bridges was
   blown up. … Besides the numerous town, harbor and railway
   buildings, there was an immense amount of private house
   property, as well as large warehouses, stocked with food and
   stores of all sorts, both public and private. The enemy got
   possession of them all undamaged, just as they were. After the
   capture of Arthur the Japanese confessed that by not
   destroying Dalny we had assisted them enormously in their
   difficult task of disembarking their siege-train, and that the
   railway had enabled them easily to get it into position in the
   investing lines. …

   "The enemy having now taken complete possession of Dalny, at
   once used it as their base. There, quietly and comfortably,
   without any interference from us, they carried out the landing
   of troops for the investment. Ten transports would arrive
   daily, bringing everything necessary for the concentrating
   army. The railway from Dalny and all the rolling stock was in
   perfect order; … our fleet did not hinder them in any way;
   they had command of both land and sea."

   On the 6th of June Oku’s army was divided, that general
   leading part of it (still called the Second Army) northward,
   leaving the remainder, as a Third Japanese Army, under General
   Nogi, to conduct the investment and siege of Port Arthur.

   At about this time, according to Nojine, Stössel was persuaded
   by Smirnoff to permit the latter to fortify some of the outer
   hills of the peninsula, which had been neglected hitherto;
   these were Kuen-san Hill, the Green Hills, Angle Hill, Wolf’s
   Hill, Ta-ku-shan and Sia-gu-shan hills. "The latter," says
   Nojine, "were of immense importance, as they were quite
   inaccessible, and protected the whole of the western front of
   the Fortress, but only so long as Wolf’s Hills were in our
   possession." On the 26th and 27th of June the Japanese
   attacked and captured Kuen-san and Green Hills. The latter
   were recovered by the Russians on the 4th of July, but they
   failed to retake Kuen-san. The loss of the latter was very
   serious; for the Japanese from its summit could look into the
   works on the Green Hills and, by telephone, direct the fire of
   their batteries on them.

   Until the 26th of July not much occurred, as the assailants
   were busy strengthening the positions they had acquired. Then
   they began a determined attack on Green Hill, and continued it
   through two days. On the morning of the 28th the Russians gave
   up the position and drew back towards Port Arthur, to what is
   called the Wolf’s Hills line. They were driven from this on
   the 30th, and the close investment of Port Arthur began then.

      E. K. Nojine,
      The Truth about Port Arthur,
      chapters 11-22.

   As described in the "Epitome of the Russo-Japanese War"
   prepared for the United States of America General Staff, the
   immediate "defences of Port Arthur, divided into eastern and
   western sectors by the valley through which the railway enters
   the town, consisted of permanent masonry forts whose gorges
   were connected by the old Chinese Wall, temporary works
   constructed just prior to and during the siege, and connecting
   and advance trenches. The west sector followed an irregular
   crest, with an elevation of about 500 feet, around the new
   town, and terminated on Laotiehshan, the highest point in the
   vicinity, with an elevation of about 1000 feet. The east
   sector encircled the old town at a distance of from two to two
   and a half miles, running along an irregular crest, about 350
   feet in elevation, within which was an elevation (Wangtai or
   Signal Hill) of about 800 feet. The permanent forts were
   polygonal in trace and had ditches with caponieres and
   galleries. The gap between the two sectors was covered by the
   fort on Paiyushan (Quail Hill).

   "Of the works most intimately connected with the siege the
   Sungshushan, Ehrlungshan, North and East Tungchikuanshan,
   Itzushan, and Antzushan forts were strong permanent
   fortifications. The two Panglungshan forts, East and West,
   were semi-permanent redoubt-shaped fortifications; 203 Meter
   Hill and Aksakayama were semi-permanent works with two lines
   of advance trenches. Kuropatkin Fort was a strong field-work
   with deep ditch; the Shuishihyung lunettes were also provided
   with ditches, but not so deep. P. H., Kobu and Hachimakiyama
   were more in the nature of semi-permanent trenches with
   bomb-proofs."

      Epitome of the Russo-Japanese War,
      United States War Department,
      Second [Military Information] Division,
      General Staff, Number 11, pages. 28-29.

   "In this fortress, for the first time, were utilised all those
   terrible agencies of war which the rapid advance of science in
   the past quarter of a century has rendered available. Among
   these we may mention rapid-fire guns, machine-guns, smokeless
   powder, artillery of high velocity and great range, high
   explosive shells, the magazine rifle, the telescopic sight,
   giving marvellous accuracy of fire, the range-finder, giving
   instantaneously the exact distance of the enemy, the
   search-light, the telegraph and the telephone, starlight
   bombs, barbed-wire entanglements, and a dozen other
   inventions, all of which were deemed sufficient, when applied
   to such stupendous fortifications as those of Port Arthur, to
   render them absolutely impregnable.

   "The Russians believed them to be so—certainly the indomitable
   Stössel did. And well he might, for there was no record in
   history of any race of fighters, at least in modern times,
   that could face such death-dealing weapons and not melt away
   so swiftly before their fury as to be swept away in defeat.
   But a new type of fighter has arisen, as the sequel was to
   tell."

      Richard Barry,
      How Port Arthur Fell
      (Fortnightly Review, March, 1905).

   "The first bombardment from the land side began suddenly on
   August 7. … The bombardment continued all day, though doing
   little material damage. Next morning, from 2 to 5 A. M., we
   heard heavy musketry fire from the direction of Ta-ku-shan:
   the enemy leaving the town and the main defences in peace,
   were turning their attention to it.
{349}
   This hill corresponded in the east to 203 Metre Hill in the
   west, and was equally important and equally unfortified. It
   and Sia-gu-shan, the natural forts of Arthur on the eastern
   front, had a bad time. In the first place they had not been
   made the most of, for in the original plan of defence of Port
   Arthur they had been thought to be important points and so had
   been neither fortified nor armed as their position with regard
   to the Fortress warranted, and Smirnoff had only recently
   succeeded in arming them to a small extent. In the second
   place they became, after the abandonment of Wolf’s Hills, open
   to flanking fire, and therefore untenable. The companies of
   the 13th East Siberian Rifle Regiment sent there went
   literally to their death, but, together with the gunners, they
   held on as long as possible."

   Both of the hills were taken by the Japanese that night. The
   Russians immediately concentrated a heavy artillery fire on
   the new occupants, and the next day they attempted to retake
   Ta-ku shan by assault, but failed. On the 11th they repeated
   the attempt, with no better success. On the 16th General Nogi
   sent in a flag of truce, bearing the proposal of "a discussion
   of negotiations for the surrender of the Fortress," saying:
   "The Russians have given signal proofs of their gallantry, but
   Arthur will be taken all the same." The invitation was
   declined. On the 20th the Japanese gained Angle Hill and
   Pan-lun-shan redoubt; but the Russians recaptured the latter
   on the following night.

   The Japanese now hoped to be able to take the Fortress by a
   general assault, and made the attempt with extraordinary
   determination on the 21st, 22d, and 23d. "On the night of the
   23d," writes Nojine, "the Japanese made the most desperate of
   all their attacks so far. They made three separate and most
   determined assaults on Zaredoubt Battery, on the line between
   it and Big Eagle’s Nest, and on Ruchevsky Battery. Though
   temporarily successful at one or two points, they were finally
   driven back out of all with shocking slaughter." It is of this
   assault that Lieutenant Tadayoshi Sakurai tells the terrible
   story in one of the chapters of his book, entitled "Human
   Bullets: A Soldier’s Story of Port Arthur," from which the
   following is quoted:

   "I gathered my men around me and said: ‘I now bid you all
   farewell. Fight with all your might. This battle will decide
   whether Port Arthur is to fall or not. This water you drink,
   please drink as if at your death moment.’

   "I filled a cup with water that was fetched by one or two
   soldiers at the risk of their lives, and we all drank farewell
   from the same cup. Soon we received orders to advance to a
   point half-way up the side of Panlung. … This fortress of
   Panlung had been captured with the flesh and blood of the
   Ninth Division of the Seventh and Eighth Regiments of the
   Second Reserve, and was now an important base from which a
   general assault on the northern forts of East Kikuan and
   Wantai was to be made. This critical spot was finally taken
   after a terrible struggle and a valiant action by the men of
   General Oshima’s command. The sad story was eloquently told by
   the horrible sights of the ravine. While running through the
   opening in the wire-entanglement beyond, I noticed many
   engineers and infantry men dead, piled one upon another caught
   in the wire, or taking hold with both arms of a post, or
   grasping the iron shears.

   "When we reached the middle of the side of Panlung, I saw the
   regimental flag that I used to carry, flying above our heads
   in the dark. My heart leaped at the sight of the dear flag. …
   As soon as we were gathered together the Colonel rose and gave
   us a final word of exhortation, saying: ‘This battle is our
   great chance of saving our country. To-night we must strike at
   the vitals of Port Arthur. Our brave assaulting column must be
   not simply a forlorn-hope ("resolved-to-die"), but a
   "sure-death" detachment. I as your father am more grateful
   than I can express for your gallant fighting. Do your best,
   all of you.’

   "Yes, we were all ready for death when leaving Japan. Men
   going to battle of course cannot expect to come back alive.
   But in this particular battle to be ready for death was not
   enough; what was required of us was a determination not to
   fail to die. Indeed we were ‘sure death’ men, and this new
   appellation gave us a great stimulus. Also a telegram that had
   come from the Minister of War in Tokyo was read by the
   aide-de-camp, which said, ‘I pray for your success.’ This
   increased the exaltation of our spirits.

   "Let me now recount the sublimity and horror of this general
   assault. I was a mere lieutenant and everything passed through
   my mind as in a dream, so my story must be something like
   picking out things from the dark. I can’t give you any
   systematic account, but must limit myself to fragmentary
   recollections. If this story sounds like a vain-glorious
   account of my own achievements, it is not because I am
   conscious of my merit when I have so little to boast of, but
   because the things concerning me and near me are what I can
   tell you with authority. If this partial account prove a clue
   from which the whole story of this terrible assault may be
   inferred, my work will not have been in vain.

   "The men of the ‘sure-death’ detachment rose to their part.
   Fearlessly they stepped forth to the place of death. They went
   over Panlung-shan and made their way through the piled-up
   bodies of the dead, groups of five or six soldiers reaching
   the barricaded slope one after another. I said to the colonel,
   ‘Good-by, then!’ With this farewell I started, and my first
   step was on the head of a corpse. Our objective points were
   the Northern Fortress and Wang-tai Hill.

   "There was a fight with bombs at the enemy’s
   skirmish-trenches. The bombs sent from our side exploded
   finely, and the place became at once a conflagration, boards
   were flung about, sand bags burst, heads flew around, legs
   were torn off. The flames mingled with the smoke, lighted up
   our faces weirdly, with a red glare, and all at once the
   battle-line became confused. Then the enemy, thinking it
   hopeless, left the place and began to flee. ‘Forward! forward!
   now is the time to go forward! Forward! Pursue! Capture it
   with one bound!’ and, proud of our victory, we went forward
   courageously. Captain Kawakami, raising his sword, cried,
   ‘Forward!’ and then I, standing close by him, cried,
   ‘Sakurai’s company, forward!’ Thus shouting I left the
   captain’s side, and, in order to see the road we were to
   follow, went behind the rampart. What is that black object
   which obstructs our view? It is the ramparts of the Northern
   Fortress. Looking back, I did not see a soldier. Alack, had
   the line been cut? In trepidation, keeping my body to the left
   for safety, I called the Twelfth Company.

{350}

   "‘Lieutenant Sakurai!’ A voice called out repeatedly in
   answer. Returning to the direction of the sound, I found
   Corporal Ito weeping loudly. ‘What are you crying for? What
   has happened?’ The corporal, weeping bitterly, gripped my arm
   tightly. ‘Lieutenant Sakurai, you have become an important
   person.’ ‘ What is there to weep about?’ I say, ‘what is the
   matter?’ He whispered in my ear, ‘Our captain is dead.’
   Hearing this, I too wept. Was it not only a moment ago that he
   had given the order ‘Forward’? Was it not even now that I had
   separated from him? And yet our captain was one of the dead.
   In a moment our tender, pitying Captain Kawakami and I had
   become beings of two separate worlds. Was it a dream or a
   reality, I wondered?

   "Corporal Ito pointed out the captain’s body, which had fallen
   inside the rampart only a few rods away. I hastened hither and
   raised him in my arms. ‘Captain!’ I could not say a word more.
   But as matters could not remain thus, I took the secret map
   which the captain had, and, rising up boldly, called out,
   ‘From henceforward I command the Twelfth Company.’ And I
   ordered that someone of the wounded should carry back the
   captain’s corpse. A wounded soldier was just about to raise it
   up when he was struck on a vital spot and died leaning on the
   captain. One after another of the soldiers who took his place
   was struck and fell.

   "I called Sub-Lieutenant Ninomiya and asked him if the
   sections were together. He answered in the affirmative. I
   ordered Corporal Ito not to let the line be cut, and told him
   that I would be in the center of the skirmishers. In the
   darkness of the night we could not distinguish the features of
   the country, nor in which direction we were to march. Standing
   up abruptly against the dark sky were the Northern Fortress
   and Wang-tai Hill. In front of us lay a natural stronghold,
   and we were in a caldron-shaped hollow. But still we marched
   on side by side.

   ‘The Twelfth Company forward!’ I turned to the right and went
   forward as in a dream. I remember nothing clearly of the time.
   ‘Keep the line together!’ This was my one command. Presently I
   ceased to hear the voice of Corporal Ito, who had been at my
   right hand. The bayonets gleaming in the darkness became
   fewer. The black masses of soldiers who had pushed their way
   on now became a handful. All at once, as if struck by a club,
   I fell down sprawling on the ground. I was wounded, struck in
   my right hand. The splendid magnesium light of the enemy
   flashed out, showing the piled-up bodies of the dead, and I
   raised my wounded hand and looked at it. It was broken at the
   wrist; the hand hung down and was bleeding profusely. I took
   out the already loosened bundle of bandages, tied up my wound
   with the triangular piece, and then wrapping a handkerchief
   over it, I slung it from my neck with the sunrise flag, which
   I had sworn to plant on the enemy’s fortress.

   "Looking up, I saw that only a valley lay between me and
   Wang-tai Hill, which almost touched the sky. I wished to drink
   and sought at my waist, but the canteen was gone; its leather
   strap alone was entangled in my feet. The voices of the
   soldiers were lessening one by one. In contrast, the glare of
   the rockets of the hated enemy and the frightful noise of the
   cannonading increased. I slowly rubbed my legs, and, seeing
   that they were unhurt, I again rose. Throwing aside the sheath
   of my sword, I carried the bare blade in my left hand as a
   staff, went down the slope as in a dream, and climbed Wang-tai
   Hill.

   "The long and enormously heavy guns were towering before me,
   and how few of my men were left alive now! I shouted and told
   the survivors to follow me, but few answered my call. When I
   thought that the other detachments must also have been reduced
   to a similar condition, my heart began to fail me. No
   reinforcement was to be hoped for, so I ordered a soldier to
   climb the rampart and plant the sun flag overhead, but alas!
   he was shot and killed, without even a sound or cry.

   "All of a sudden a stupendous sound as from another world rose
   around about me. ‘Counter-assault!’ A detachment of the enemy
   appeared on the rampart, looking like a dark wooden barricade.
   They surrounded us in the twinkling of an eye and raised a cry
   of triumph. Our disadvantageous position would not allow us to
   offer any resistance, and our party was too small to fight
   them. We had to fall back down the steep hill. Looking back, I
   saw the Russians shooting at us as they pursued. When we
   reached the earthworks before mentioned, we made a stand and
   faced the enemy. Great confusion and infernal butchery
   followed. Bayonets clashed against bayonets; the enemy brought
   out machine-guns and poured shot upon us pell-mell; the men on
   both sides fell like grass. But I cannot give you a detailed
   account of the scene, because I was then in a dazed condition.
   I only remember that I was brandishing my sword in fury. I
   also felt myself occasionally cutting down the enemy. I
   remember a confused fight of white blade against white blade,
   the rain and hail of shell, a desperate fight here and a
   confused scuffle there. At last I grew so hoarse that I could
   not shout any more. Suddenly my sword broke with a clash, my
   left arm was pierced. I fell, and before I could rise a shell
   came and shattered my right leg. I gathered all my strength
   and tried to stand up, but I felt as if I were crumbling and
   fell to the ground perfectly powerless. A soldier who saw me
   fall cried, ‘Lieutenant Sakurai, let us die together.’"

      Tadayoshi Sakurai,
      Human Bullets, chapter 26
      (Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston).
      https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/47548

   The soldier who offered to die with him stayed with the
   Lieutenant till morning, binding his wounds, and finally
   creeping away to find and bring help if he could. He, too, had
   been wounded, and Sakurai found him later in a hospital. At
   the end of many hours of constantly imminent death, the
   helpless and suffering Lieutenant was saved by two soldiers
   who bore him, stealthily and with infinite difficulty out of
   the range of the Russian rifles and to a field hospital, where
   he found himself among intimate friends.

{351}

   Of the scene on the morning following the terrific assaults of
   August 23d, the correspondent Nojine writes:

   "The rising sun showed up sheaves of corpses on the ground
   that was still ours. Death had indeed triumphed, and had
   claimed 22,000 lives. From this time forward the enemy
   remained content with the slower advance of regular siege
   operations. … The enemy had got close up to our positions, and
   the salient angle of the north-east was almost in their hands.
   I say ‘almost,’ because the ruins of these works remained the
   greater part of the time untenanted, neutralized by the
   gun-fire of both sides." A month passed before another serious
   assault was undertaken by the Japanese. Then, on the 21st of
   September, they attacked what was called "203 Metre Hill."
   "Column after column rushed forward on to 203 Metre Hill,
   covering all its fore hills and slopes with heaps of dead; but
   at 8.45 a. m. they were repulsed. This assault was
   distinguished by particular obstinacy. … Having got
   three-quarters of [the hill] they meant to get possession of
   the rest at all costs: they slowly crawled upwards, fell dead,
   rolled back, and others dashed forward; they lay concealed and
   waited for reinforcements; nothing would drive them back. All
   their thoughts, all their endeavors were to get possession of
   this hill. Our men began rolling down great boulders from the
   top. These bounded down, flattened out the dead and sought out
   the living, who, in trying to dodge, exposed themselves and
   were shot by our men on the lookout. … During the night of the
   21st about 900 corpses were collected under 203 Metre Hill."
   Nevertheless the assault was repeated on the following day.
   "From the moment this assault was beaten back, the trenches in
   front of 203 Metre Hill were gradually evacuated and the enemy
   went to earth only on Angle Hill. All their sapping was
   confined to the north-east. On the western front of the
   Fortress there now remained in our possession only 203 Metre,
   Flat and Divisional Hills. … October 1 was an epoch in the
   history of the defence of Port Arthur, for it was on this day
   that the first of the 11-inch shells fell into the Fortress,
   and so changed the aspect of affairs. … Nowhere could we find
   real safety from them. … The concrete of the forts, the armor
   on the battle ships, were penetrated clean through." Mining
   and counter-mining, by the besiegers and the besieged, were
   now in progress, and the explosion of such mines was begun
   near the end of October. On the 30th of that month the
   Japanese made another general assault, after a "cruel
   bombardment" of four days. "The October attacks were short,
   but most determined and bloody. As regards their success, it
   was but slight. The enemy had gained some dozens of yards—no
   more. … The Japanese had fired over 150,000 shells." The
   "November assault season" began on the 20th. Its climax was on
   the 26th, "when time after time, the enemy threw themselves
   with extraordinary gallantry and persistence on forts
   Ehr-lung-shan, Chi-kuan-shan and B Battery. Thousands were
   mown down, but the living surged onwards. But it could not go
   on forever, and at 3.30 the infantry attacks slackened and
   ceased. … All next day and night an incessant stream of
   wounded poured into Arthur, our losses being more than 1500
   men. … The slopes below and beyond Tumulus Hill were thickly
   spread with dead Japanese. A thick, unbroken mass of corpses
   covered the cold earth like a coverlet. On the day of the
   assault the following order had been issued by Major-General
   Nakamura, who commanded the Japanese force told off for that
   forlorn hope: … ‘Our objective is to sever the Fortress on two
   parts. Not a man must hope to return alive. If I fall, Colonel
   Watanabe will take over the command; if he also falls, Colonel
   Okuno will take his place. Every officer, whatever his rank,
   must consider himself his senior’s successor. The attack will
   be delivered mainly with the bayonet. No matter how fierce the
   Russian fire, our men will not reply by a single shot until we
   have established ourselves. Officers will shoot any men who
   fall out or retire without orders.’ … This is the kind of foe
   we had to fight. …

   "We now come to the culmination of the tragedy, and perhaps
   the bloodiest scene of carnage of the whole war—the fight for
   and capture of 203 Metre Hill." The attack began November 27
   and was continuous for eight days, excepting that an hour’s
   truce was obtained by the Japanese, December 2, for the burial
   of their dead. The next day "the fight on the hill was, if
   possible, more exasperated. In the Fortress the feeling of
   alarm was intensified, and all unemployed men had been got
   under arms, … and the other points denuded, in order to feed
   the maw of 203 Metre Hill. Even the hospitals gave their
   contribution. December 4—bright and frosty—ushered in a fresh
   hell. It was now hardly a fight between men that was taking
   place on this accursed spot; it was a struggle of human flesh
   against iron and steel, against blazing petroleum, lyddite,
   pyroxiline and mélinite, and the stench of rotting corpses. It
   was the last day but one of the long-drawn agony." At noon on
   the 5th the Japanese gained the top of the hill, and held it
   against an attempt that evening to drive them off. "203 Metre
   Hill was lost, and with it more than 5000 Russians."

   The end was now near. On the 15th four generals, and other
   officers, including General Kondratenko, the most valued
   assistant of General Smirnoff, were holding a consultation in
   one of the casemates, and were killed by a 11-inch shell,
   which penetrated even that shelter. On the 18th Chi-kuan-shan
   Fort was captured; on the 28th Ehr-lung-shan was lost; on the
   31st the Japanese took fortification Number 3, and on New
   Year’s Day they won the Eagle’s Nest. That day General Stössel
   sent a flag of truce to open negotiations for surrender. The
   capitulation was signed the next day. "Of 18,000 sick and
   wounded reported on the day the garrison marched out, 6000
   only were wounded; the balance were cases of scurvy."

      E. K. Nojine,
      The Truth about Port Arthur
      (Dutton & Co., New York).
      https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/59972

   General Stössel was subsequently ordered for trial before a
   military commission, on a number of charges, including
   disobedience of orders from the General Commanding in
   Manchuria, false reports to headquarters, improper
   interference with the commandant of the Fortress, and personal
   absence from most of the engagements that had taken place in
   and around Port Arthur. He was condemned to death, but the
   Tzar commuted the sentence to imprisonment for ten years. He
   began serving the sentence in March 1908, and was pardoned and
   released on the 19th of May, 1909.

{352}

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (September-March).
   War with Russia: The Campaign in Manchuria.
   From the Battle of Liao-Yang to the end of
   the Battle of Mukden.

   Early in October, a month after the escape of the Russian army
   from its defeat at Liao-Yang, General Kuropatkin attacked the
   Japanese at the Sha-ho river and fought a desperate battle
   with no substantial success. Extensive movements were then
   interrupted by the approach of winter, and the campaign was
   practically suspended for the next four months. "The three
   Japanese armies had maintained the same relative positions in
   which they had fought their way from Hai-Cheng northward.
   Kuroki’s was the right, Oku’s the left, and Nodzu’s the
   center. By the middle of February, Marshal Oyama had been
   reënforced by Nogi’s one hundred thousand veterans of Port
   Arthur, hereafter to be known as the fourth Japanese army,
   operating to the west of Oku. A somewhat mysterious fifth
   army, under command of General Kawamura, had been operating
   somewhere between Kuroki and Vladivostok, and, while its
   movements had not been known definitely, it had been expected
   to threaten General Kuropatkin’s left. Both Russians and
   Japanese were within a few miles of Mukden, the sacred city of
   the Manchus. This city of half a million people lies in a
   plain,—really the valley of the Hun River,—with the Hun and
   the Liao rivers twenty to thirty miles west and southwest.
   Eastward are the Mao-Tien Mountains, extending along the line
   of the Port Arthur & Harbin Railway. The Russian and Japanese
   lines formed a huge bow or crescent, the Japanese to the
   southward, extending over a hundred miles of plains and hill
   from Chang-Tan eastward across the railway to Lone Tree
   (Putiloff) Hill, almost all the strong positions being held by
   the Russians." In this position of the two stupendous armies
   the long series of engagements known collectively as the
   Battle of Mukden was opened by the Japanese on the 20th of
   February, 1905. The center of the Russian army rested on the
   Sha-ho; its right wing, commanded by General Kaulbars, was
   distant from its left wing, commanded by General Linevitch,
   more than one hundred and twenty miles. The Japanese attack
   was begun by Kuroki, commanding their right. Crossing the
   Sha-ho, he "swung around the Russian left, driving it from the
   mountains in the vicinity of Tie Pass to Fushun, an important
   fortified post (and the Russian coal depot) on the Hun River;
   Nogi’s force had attacked General Kuropatkin from the west.
   Nogi had marched through the neutral zone south of the Liao
   River, to Sin-Min-Tun, a violation of neutrality against which
   the Russians and Chinese had protested. This neutral zone,
   however, had already been used by the Russians as a base to
   forward coal and supplies to their army, so the Japanese
   Government claimed that the neutrality had become null and
   void. On March 3, Nogi rolled up the Russians in flight, and
   his advance was not checked until his right wing had come into
   touch with Oku’s left, only about eight miles south of Mukden.
   While the armies of Oku and Nodzu continued to pound the
   Russian center, with tremendous losses to themselves and to
   the enemy, Nogi’s left, after a forced march of forty miles,
   fell upon the Russian center. Through this Oku and Nodzu drove
   a wedge, and, although Generals Linevitch and Kaulbars had
   made a desperate defense and General Rennenkampf’s Cossacks
   had performed prodigies of valor, the Russians had found
   themselves (by the end of the first week in March) attacked in
   so many places on the north of their flanks that it had become
   a question with Kuropatkin, not only of retreat, but of saving
   large bodies of troops from being surrounded and annihilated.

   "Early on the morning of March 10, the Japanese occupied
   Mukden, and the Russian retreat had become a rout. The next
   day the important fortified town of Fushun was seized by the
   Japanese, and thereafter the Russians, disorganized and
   suffering from hunger and the weather, poured northward to Tie
   Pass, forty miles from Mukden,—outmarched, outgeneraled, and
   outfought."

      American Review of Reviews,
      April and May, 1905.

   "The sufferings caused by the retreat cannot be exaggerated.
   It must be remembered that the weather remained intensely cold
   and that the arrangements for collecting the wounded were all
   disorganised. … Defeat, it may be added, was wholly unexpected
   by the Manchurian Army, and that view was shared by the
   foreign attaches and the war correspondents. Whatever their
   opinions might be as to the possibility of General Kuropatkin
   marching on Liao-Yang, they felt confident that the Japanese
   would be unable to turn the Russians out of the positions so
   long and so carefully prepared. The Japanese accomplished this
   seemingly impossible task. …

   "Following on the disaster of Mukden, General Kuropatkin was
   relieved of his command, exchanging places with General
   Linevitch. The new Commander-in-Chief fixed his headquarters
   at Guntzuling, where the shattered army was re-formed."

      Lord Brooke,
      An Eye Witness in Manchuria,
      chapter 37.

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (October-May).
   War with Russia: The expedition of the Baltic Fleet
   to relieve Port Arthur.
   The Dogger Bank incident.
   The Seven Months Voyage.
   Battle of Tsushima.
   Destruction of the Fleet.

   After the sea-fights of August 10-14, between Port Arthur and
   Vladivostok (see above, A. D. 1904, February-August) Russia
   had no naval force of any importance in the Pacific, and
   hastened preparations for sending out a fleet from the Baltic
   Sea.

   See above,
   JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-August).

   Under the command of Admiral Rozhdestvensky, this intended
   reinforcement of the defence of Port Arthur was despatched
   from Reval and Libau, sailing from the latter port on October
   15. At the outset of its voyage, while traversing the North
   Sea, the Russian fleet experienced a misadventure which
   occasioned much excitement for a time and threatened to raise
   a serious question between the Russian and British
   governments. Briefly stated, the main facts of the case,
   according to evidence accepted subsequently by an
   International Commission of Inquiry, were these:

   Before sailing from Reval, and, further, while anchored at the
   Skagen, making ready to pass to the North Sea, Admiral
   Rozhdestvensky had been warned by agents of his government
   that suspicious vessels were on the coast of Norway, and that
   he must beware of hostile undertakings, which were likely to
   have the form of torpedo attacks. Accordingly he sailed from
   the Skagen, October 20, twenty-four hours earlier than he had
   planned, sending off the fleet in six divisions, that which he
   accompanied being the last, and starting at 10 p. m.
{353}
   In one of the preceding divisions a transport, by reason of
   defects in her engine, fell behind the cruisers which escorted
   her, and at 8 p. m. on October 21 was some fifty miles astern
   of the remainder of the fleet. She then met several Swedish
   vessels which she imagined to be torpedo craft, and fired on
   them, sending a wireless message to the Admiral that she was
   attacked by torpedo boats on all sides. This message led the
   Admiral to signal to his captains that they might expect
   attacks and must keep a doubly vigilant watch. At an early
   hour in the following morning his own immediate squadron
   arrived at the Dogger Bank, where, as usual, many fishing
   craft, mostly English, were "shooting their trawls," and doing
   so in a regulated way, under the direction of a fishing master
   or captain, who signalled with rockets to his fleet. One of
   the preceding divisions of the Russian armada had passed these
   without alarm, recognizing what they were; but Admiral
   Rozhdestvensky and the officers of his flagship were so
   expectant of enemies that the sight of a green rocket shot
   into the air, and a distant glimpse of some kind of a ship
   which seemed to be headed straight for them, at a great rate
   of speed, convinced them instantly that they were in the midst
   of swarming foes, and they opened fire.

   According to testimony, their fire was kept up for about half
   an hour, as they passed through the fishing fleet, one of the
   vessels in which was sunk, her skipper and one other man
   killed, while all but one of the remaining crew received
   wounds. Two others of the fishing craft were struck, and the
   hospital ship of the National Mission which attended the fleet
   received some damage. Ultimately it was learned that the
   Russians, in their wild firing, did harm to one another, so
   seriously that the chaplain of one of their ships received a
   wound from which he died.

   Wild excitement was created in England by the news of this
   strange performance. Hurried naval preparations were made for
   vigorous action, if found necessary, and formal demands for
   apology, inquiry and compensation were presented at St.
   Petersburg. Nothing, however, was done rashly, and the two
   governments concerned agreed sensibly and quickly to an
   investigation of the affair by an International Commission,
   which gave hearings in Paris soon afterwards. The Commission
   found precedents in recent naval experience—even in the
   manoeuvres of the British navy—of a similar mistaking of
   fishing boats and other vessels for torpedo craft, and was
   able to deal gently and pacifically with the facts brought
   before it. It decided that the fishing fleet had committed no
   hostile act, and that no torpedo boat was either among them or
   near them, and that, consequently, the Russian Admiral was not
   justified in opening fire. As for his not stopping to
   ascertain the damage he had done, the conclusion was that
   enough uncertainty on the subject of danger had been raised in
   his mind to warrant that neglect; but a majority of the
   commissioners expressed regret that he had not given notice of
   what had happened when he passed through the Straits. Then, as
   The Naval Annual remarked, in reviewing the incident,
   "diplomacy steps in and seeks to soothe military and national
   susceptibilities by declaring that Admiral Rozhdestvensky’s
   ‘valeur militaire’ is unimpaired, and his ‘sentiments
   d’humanité’ unimpeachable."

      Naval Annual, 1905,
      chapter vi.

   Between the English and Russian governments the affair was
   settled amicably by an indemnity of £65,000 from the latter to
   the fishermen who suffered.

   The first halt in Rozhdestvensky’s voyage was off Tangier,
   where he divided his fleet, sending one division, under
   Admiral Folkersahm, by the Suez Canal route, and leading the
   other in person down the Atlantic and round the Cape. They met
   off Madagascar on the 3d of January, and got news there of the
   fall of Port Arthur and, later, of the defeat of the Russian
   army at Mukden. The stay of the reunited fleet at Nossi Bé
   island, off the west coast of Madagascar, near its northern
   extremity, was prolonged, awaiting orders, till the 17th of
   March. Nothing was known of its next movements until it was
   seen off Singapore, April 8. Thence it proceeded to Kam-ranh
   Bay, in French Indo-China, where it stayed for some weeks,
   waiting to be joined by another squadron from the Baltic,
   which came under the command of Admiral Nebogatoff. This use
   of the waters of a neutral Power was bitterly complained of in
   Japan and sharply criticised elsewhere. The whole fleet
   resumed its northward voyage on the 14th of May, and on the
   27th, in the Korean Straits, off the island of Tsushima, it
   was intercepted by Admiral Togo’s fleet. An account of the
   circumstances of the interception, and of the wonderfully
   decisive battle which ensued, derived by Mr. George Kennan
   from both Russian and Japanese participants in the engagement,
   was published in The Outlook of July 29, 1905. Mr.
   Kennan, who had been with the Japanese forces during the siege
   of Port Arthur, and had described it for The Outlook,
   obtained permission to visit some of the wounded and captured
   officers of Rozhdestvensky’s fleet in hospital at one of the
   naval stations in Japan. As he spoke their language they
   talked with him freely, and information from both victors and
   vanquished is thus combined in the account from which we quote
   a few passages, as follows:

   "When the Baltic fleet left the coast of Annam, on its way to
   Vladivostok, Admiral Rojesvensky [so Mr. Kennan writes the
   name] had no accurate information with regard to the
   whereabouts of the Japanese squadrons. They might all be
   concentrated in the Tsushima Strait, between Japan and Korea,
   or they might be watching, in three separate detachments, the
   three channels that give access to the Sea of Japan, viz,
   Tsushima, Tsuguru, and La Perouse. Thinking that Togo would
   not dare to leave wholly unguarded the two northern passages,
   which are nearest to Vladivostok, Rojesvensky assumed that the
   Japanese fleet had been divided into three sections, and that,
   on any route which he might select, he would probably have to
   deal with only one of them. …

   "Admiral Togo, however, did not divide his fleet.
   Anticipating, with acute prescience, the reasoning and the
   decision of the Russian commander, he concentrated his whole
   force in the Tsushima Strait, and concealed it so perfectly in
   unfrequented harbors at the southern end of Korea that nobody
   ever saw it or discovered its location. … It seems to have had
   its main base near Masampho, Korea. The arrangements made for
   discovering the approach and reporting the movements of the
   Russian fleet were as comprehensive and perfect as possible.
{354}
   All along the southwestern coast of Japan signal stations had
   been established on prominent islands and on the tops of high
   mountains, and every one of these ‘watch-towers,’ as they were
   called, was connected by telephone, either with Sasebo or with
   Maizuru. Fast scouting ships, equipped with wireless telegraph
   instruments, patrolled the entrance to the strait, and on the
   charts carried by them, as well as by all other vessels of the
   Japanese fleet, the whole stretch of water between Japan and
   Korea had been divided into small numbered squares, so that
   the exact location of the enemy at any moment might be
   designated by a number. There was no possibility of
   Rojesvensky’s getting through the strait unobserved unless he
   should be favored by dense fog.

   "At five o’clock on the morning of Saturday, May 27, the
   scouting ship Shinano-maru reported by wireless telegraphy
   from the vicinity of Quelpart Island, ‘Enemy's fleet sighted
   in square 203. He seems to be steering for the East Channel’
   (the passage between Tsushima Island and the Japanese
   mainland, which is called on English charts Krusenstern
   Strait). The Japanese fleet, which was all ready for sea, left
   its Korean base at once. Admiral Togo himself, with four
   battle-ships and eight armoured cruisers, took a northerly
   course in order to get ahead of the enemy and stop his
   progress at or near Oki Island (Okinoshima), while Admirals
   Kamimura, Uriu, Dewa, and Kataoka sailed in a southeasterly
   direction for the purpose of enveloping his rear. The officers
   last named came into touch with the Russian fleet between Iki
   Island and Tsushima soon after ten o’clock; but as the
   Japanese plan of action did not contemplate an attack at that
   point, they merely kept the enemy in sight and reported to
   Admiral Togo by wireless telegraphy the number and disposition
   of his ships. Rojesvensky had in all thirty-eight vessels, and
   they entered the strait in two parallel columns.

   "The Russians, of course, saw on their left flank and in their
   rear the squadrons of Admirals Kamimura, Kataoka, Uriu, and
   Dewa, but, as these ships showed no disposition to attack,
   they (the Russians) were confirmed in their belief that only a
   part of the Japanese fleet was there, and that they should get
   through the strait without a serious fight. They remained
   under this delusion until half past one o’clock in the
   afternoon, when, to their great surprise, Admiral Togo, with
   four battle-ships and eight armored cruisers, appeared
   directly ahead. … At 1.55 p. m., when the flag-ships of the
   two fleets were a little more than four miles apart, Togo
   hoisted the following signal: ‘The fate of the Empire depends
   upon this battle. Let every man do his best.’ At two o’clock
   the Japanese squadrons on the flank and rear of the Russians
   closed in a little, and eight minutes later the fight began,
   Admiral Togo opening fire at a distance of about four miles.
   It became evident at once to the officers of the Orel that in
   the matter of marksmanship they were wholly outclassed. The
   fire of the Japanese was a little wild at first, but in a few
   minutes they got the range with surprising accuracy, and
   struck the leading battle-ships of the two Russian columns
   with almost every shot. Ten minutes after the fight began, a
   twelve-inch shell entered the forward turret of the Kniaz
   Suvaroff, burst there with terrific violence, exploded three
   or four rounds of ammunition that had just been brought up
   from the magazine, wrecked both guns, and blew the top of the
   turret completely off. In less than an hour the Russian
   flag-ship had lost one mast and both funnels, and had taken
   fire fore and aft; the Oslabya and the Alexander III. were
   also in flames; the Orel, the Sissoi Veliki, and the Borodino
   had been severely if not fatally injured; the Russian columns
   had been broken up and thrown into disorder; and the issue of
   the battle had been fully determined. In other words, the
   Baltic fleet had been overwhelmed and defeated, by gun-fire
   alone, in less than forty-five minutes. Most of the
   second-class Russian vessels were still in fighting condition,
   but the battle-ship section had lost more than half of its
   original efficiency, and there was no longer any doubt as to
   the outcome of the engagement. … Admiral Togo says, in his
   detailed official report, that ‘at 2.45 p. m. the result of
   the battle had been decided.’ And in this judgment the
   officers of the Orel virtually coincide. They frankly admit
   that they were overwhelmed from the very first by the accuracy
   and destructiveness of Admiral Togo’s long-range gun-fire."

   Though the result of the battle was made certain within its
   first hour, the destruction of Russian ships went on to the
   end of the day and through most of the night, with pursuit of
   those in flight continued until the 26th. Twenty-two of the
   Russian vessels of all classes were sunk, 6 were captured, 6
   were afterwards interned in neutral ports, and two only made
   their way to Valdivostok. The Japanese lost 3 torpedo boats;
   116 of their officers and men were killed, and 538 received
   wounds. The prisoners they captured numbered about 6000.

   Admiral Rozhdestvensky, accused of cowardice in the battle,
   was tried by court-martial and acquitted by a verdict rendered
   in July, 1906.

JAPAN: A. D. 1904: A. D. 1904-1905.
   War with Russia: Japan’s greatest achievement.
   Sanitation of the Army.

   "Without minimizing for a moment the splendor of Japanese
   victories on land and sea, at Mukden, Port Arthur, Liao-Yang,
   or with Togo off Tsushima, in the Korean Straits (and two of
   these battles are among the bloodiest in history), I yet
   unhesitatingly assert that Japan’s greatest conquests have
   been in the humanities of war, in the stopping of the needless
   sacrifice of life by preventable diseases. This dreadful and
   unnecessary waste of life, especially in conflicts between
   so-called civilized and Anglo-Saxon races, is one of the most
   ghastly propositions of the age. The Japanese have gone a long
   way toward eliminating it. …

   "Longmore’s tables, which are accepted as the most reliable
   statistics of war, and which are based on the records of
   battles for the past two hundred years, show that there has
   rarely been a conflict of any great duration in which at least
   four men have not perished from disease for every one from
   bullets. In the Russo-Turkish War, 80,000 men died from
   disease and 20,000 from wounds. In the Crimean campaign, it is
   asserted on eminent French authority that in six months the
   allied forces lost 50,000 soldiers from disease and only 2,000
   from casualties.
{355}
   In the French campaign in Madagascar, in 1894, of the 14,000
   men sent to the front 29 were killed in action and 7,000 from
   disease, most of which was preventable. In our Spanish
   American War, in 1898, in a campaign the actual hostilities of
   which lasted six weeks, the deaths from casualties, as given
   me by the surgeon-general of the United States army, last
   week, were 293, while those from disease amounted to 3,681, or
   nearly 14 to 1.

   "Compare these frightful figures with the record of killed,
   wounded, and sick in the Japanese army from February, 1904, to
   May, 1905, as furnished me by Minister of War General
   Terauchi, in Tokio, in August last. There were killed on the
   field 43,892, or 7.32 per cent. of the entire army in the
   field; there were wounded 145,527, or 24.27 percent.; there
   died of wounds 9,054, or 1.51 percent.; there died from
   sickness and disease, including contagious cases, 11,992, or
   about 2 per cent. of the army. In other words, the total
   number of deaths from casualties and wounds amounted to
   52,946, or nearly 9 per cent, of the army, while the total
   deaths from sickness amounted to 11,992, or 2 per cent. of the
   army. This record is unparalleled and unapproached in the
   history of warfare. How did the Japanese accomplish it? In
   three preeminently fundamental ways. First, thorough
   preparation and organization for war, such as was never before
   made in history; second, through the simple, non-irritating,
   easily digested ration furnished the troops; and third,
   because of the brilliant part played by the members of the
   medical profession in the application of practical sanitation
   and the stamping out of preventable disease in the army,
   thereby saving its great hosts for the legitimate purpose of
   war, the defeating of the enemy in the field. …

   "She organized her medical department on broad, generous
   lines, and gave its representatives the rank and power their
   great responsibilities merited, recognizing that they had to
   deal with a foe which history has shown has killed 80 percent.
   of the total mortality in other wars. She even had the
   temerity (strange as it may seem to an American or an English
   army official) to grade her medical men as high as the
   officers of the line, who combat the enemy who kills only 20
   per cent., and to accord them equal authority, except, of
   course, in the emergency of battle, when all authority
   devolves, as it should, on the officers of the line. In her
   home land she organized the most splendid system of hospitals
   that has ever been devised for the treatment of sick and
   wounded, and with her army at the front she put into execution
   the most elaborate and effective system of sanitation that has
   ever been practised in war. Upon the declaration of war, she
   was prepared to house, scientifically treat, and tenderly care
   for 25,000 wounded in Japan alone, and as the war progressed
   the hospital capacity was rapidly increased, so that one and
   one-half years after its commencement, or on the sixth day of
   July, 1905, the twelve military home hospitals possessed a
   normal capacity of 58,261."

      Major Louis L. Seaman, M. D.,
      Lessons for America in the Japanese Medical Service
      (American Review of Reviews November, 1905).

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905. War with Russia:
   Casualties of the entire war on the Japanese side.

   The following is an official Japanese statement of the
   casualties of the entire war on the Japanese side:

   "Killed in battle.         47,387
   Died of wounds             11,500
   Wounded, but recovered    161,925

   Total killed and wounded           220,812

   Died of sickness           27,158
   Sick, but recovered       209,065

   Total sick                         236,223

   Total of killed,
   wounded, and sick                  457,035

   Total of fatal casualties           86,045

   "These figures relate to the field only, not including cases
   among the troops in Japan or Formosa, and they may be slightly
   altered when all the reports of hospitals are compiled. Of
   those who succumbed to disease nearly three-fourths died in
   the field and one-fourth after reaching home.

   "To find the total number of killed in battle and patients
   treated the following additions must be made:

   Total of killed, wounded,
   and sick in the field       457,035

   Patients treated at home     97,850

   Russian prisoner patients    77,803

   Grand total                 632,688

   "The above figures do not include slight cases remaining with
   the Japanese regiments. In April, 1906, when these figures
   were published, the Japanese missing had been reduced to
   3,000.

   "Comparative statement of the result of treatment, by wars:


                    Sick and wounded        Wounded treated
                    treated in Hospital.    in Hospital.

                    Recovered     Died.     Recovered    Died.
                    completely.             completely.
                    Per cent.    Per cent.  Per cent.  Per cent.

Chinese-Japanese war   50.94      14.24      63.23       7.49

Russo-Japanese war     54.81       7.65      71.58       8.83

   "The difference between each of the totals and 100 represents
   men incapacitated for active service.

   "Comparative statement of cases and deaths from sickness and
   wounds, by wars:

                     Wounded.   Sick.  Died of  Died of
                                       Wounds.  Disease.

   Chinese-Japanese     1       6.93      1     12.09

   North China          1       4.37      1      1.97

   Russo-Japanese       1       1.07      1      0.46

   "Comparative statement of percentage of sickness in total
   number of troops in field, by war:

                  Percentage of      Percentage of deaths
                  sickness for all   from sickness for
                  troops engaged.    all troops engaged.

   Chinese-Japanese    59.20                 9.29

   North China war     34.88                 4.33

   Russo-Japanese      36.04                 2.99


   "The average monthly percentage of sickness during the
   twenty-one months of the Russo-Japanese war was 8.69, while
   the average monthly percentage for 1902, which is said to have
   had an exceptionally good medical record, was 10.21."

      Charles Lynch,
      Report (United States War Department,
      Reports of Military Observers …
      during the Russo-Japanese War, part 4).

{356}

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905.
   General Consequences in Europe of the Russo-Japanese War.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905.
   Conventions with Korea, establishing a Protectorate over
   that Empire, with Control of its Finances and its
   Foreign Relations.

      See (in this Volume)
      KOREA: A. D. 1904-1905.

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905.
   The Red Cross Society.

      See (in this Volume)
      RED CROSS SOCIETY.

JAPAN: A. D. 1905.
   Report on treatment of the Opium Problem in Formosa.

      See (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (June-October).
   Ending of the war with Russia.
   Mediation offered by the President of the United States
   and accepted.
   Negotiation and Conclusion of the Peace Treaty of Portsmouth.

   In the third article of the Convention for the Pacific
   Settlement of International Disputes agreed to and signed at
   the First International Peace Conference, at The Hague, in
   1898, it was recommended, "in case of serious disagreement or
   conflict," "that one or more Powers, strangers to the dispute,
   should on their own initiative, and as far as circumstances
   may allow, offer their good offices or mediation to the States
   at variance." To this recommendation was added the declaration
   that "Powers, strangers to the dispute, have the right to
   offer good offices or mediation, even during the course of
   hostilities"; and "that the exercise of this right can never
   be regarded by one or the other of the parties in conflict as
   an unfriendly act."

   The first important action on this recommendation was taken by
   the President of the United States, Mr. Roosevelt, on the 8th
   of June, 1905, when he directed a communication from the then
   acting Secretary of State, Mr. Loomis, to be dispatched by
   telegraph to the Ambassadors of the United States at Tokyo and
   St. Petersburg, identically the same to each, and to be
   presented by the latter to the Governments of Russia and
   Japan. The communication was in the following words:

   "The President feels that the time has come when, in the
   interest of all mankind, he must endeavor to see if it is not
   possible to bring to an end the terrible and lamentable
   conflict now being waged. With both Russia and Japan the
   United States has inherited ties of friendship and good will.
   It hopes for the prosperity and welfare of each, and it feels
   that the progress of the world is set back by the war between
   these two great nations. The President accordingly urges the
   Russian and Japanese Governments, not only for their own
   sakes, but in the interest of the whole civilized world, to
   open direct negotiations for peace with one another. The
   President suggests that these peace negotiations be conducted
   directly and exclusively between the belligerents—in other
   words, that there may be a meeting of Russian and Japanese
   plenipotentiaries or delegates without any intermediary, in
   order to see if it is not possible for these representatives
   of the two powers to agree to terms of peace. The President
   earnestly asks that the Russian Government do now agree to
   such meeting, and is asking the Japanese Government likewise
   to agree. While the President does not feel that any
   intermediary should be called in in respect to the peace
   negotiations themselves, he is entirely willing to do what he
   properly can if the two powers concerned feel that his
   services will be of aid in arranging the preliminaries as to
   the time and place of meeting; but if even these preliminaries
   can be arranged directly between the two powers, or in any
   other way, the President will be glad, as his sole purpose is
   to bring about a meeting which the whole civilized world will
   pray may result in peace."

   The despatch to Tokyo was delayed in transmission and did not
   reach Minister Griscom until the evening of the 9th, but was
   delivered to the officials of the foreign office the same
   night, and the following reply from Baron Komura was handed to
   Mr. Griscom at 1 o’clock on the morning of the 10th:

   "The Imperial Government have given to the suggestion of the
   President of the United States, embodied in the note handed to
   the minister for foreign affairs by the American minister on
   the 9th instant, the very serious consideration to which,
   because of its source and its import, it is justly entitled.
   Desiring in the interest of the world as well as in the
   interest of Japan the reestablishment of peace with Russia, on
   terms and conditions that will fully guarantee its stability,
   the Imperial Government will, in response to the suggestion of
   the President, appoint plenipotentiaries of Japan to meet
   plenipotentiaries of Russia at such time and place as may be
   found to be mutually agreeable and convenient, for the purpose
   of negotiating and concluding terms of peace directly and
   exclusively between the two belligerent powers."

   At St. Petersburg, the reply from Count Lamsdorff, Minister
   for Foreign Affairs, was given to Ambassador Meyer on the 12th
   as follows:

   "I have not failed to place before my august master the
   telegraphic communication which your excellency has been
   pleased to transmit to me under instructions of your
   government. His Majesty, much moved by the sentiments
   expressed by the President, is glad to find in it a new proof
   of the traditional friendship which unites Russia to the
   United States of America, as well as an evidence of the high
   value which Mr. Roosevelt attaches, even as His Imperial
   Majesty does, to that universal peace so essential to the
   welfare and progress of all humanity. With regard to the
   eventual meeting of Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries,
   ‘in order to see if it is not possible for the two powers to
   agree to terms of peace,’ the Imperial Government has no
   objection in principle to this endeavor if the Japanese
   Government expresses a like desire."

   This Russian response seemed somewhat equivocal to the
   Japanese Government, and Foreign Minister Komura asked for an
   assurance as to the powers to be conferred on the peace
   plenipotentiaries from St. Petersburg. How the assurance was
   obtained has not been made known to the public; but Japan
   received it soon through President Roosevelt, and Baron Komura
   requested Mr. Griscom to "assure the President that the
   attitude taken by the Japanese Government regarding the nature
   of the powers to be conferred on the peace plenipotentiaries
   was not in any degree inspired by a desire to raise
   difficulties or delay negotiations.
{357}
   Experience has taught the necessity of caution, and the
   Japanese Government thought that by securing at the outset a
   common understanding upon this subject they would preclude
   possibility of any difficulty arising in the initial stage of
   negotiations and would smooth the way for the real work of the
   negotiators; but having entire confidence in the wisdom of the
   President, the Japanese Government accepts his interpretation
   of the intention of Russia and will without further question
   appoint plenipotentiaries with full powers to negotiate and
   conclude terms of peace."

   In consultations as to the place of meeting, Russia suggested
   Paris and Japan proposed Chefu, but objections were raised to
   both, as well as to The Hague and Geneva, recommended by
   President Roosevelt. Japan wanted it nowhere in Europe and
   Russia would have it nowhere in the East; so Washington became
   the chosen point. But, when one of the first ten days of
   August became the appointed time of assembly for the
   negotiation, the probable heat of Washington was forbidding,
   and Portsmouth, New Hampshire, where the Government of the
   United States possesses an island domain of its own, for
   navy-yard uses, was finally fixed on for the most important
   peace-parley that has taken place in the world within a
   century, at the least.

   The plenipotentiaries commissioned by Japan were Baron Komura
   Iutaro and Mr. Takahira Kogoro, then Japanese Minister at
   Washington. Mr. Nelidoff, Russian Ambassador at Paris, was
   named in the first instance for chief plenipotentiary by the
   Tzar, but illness prevented his serving. Mr. Nicholas
   Mouravieff, Ambassador at Rome, was then appointed, but became
   equally disabled in health, and M. Sergius Witte took his
   place, with Baron Roman Rosen, Russian Ambassador at
   Washington, associated in the mission. On Saturday, the 5th of
   August, on board the Government yacht Mayflower, at
   Oyster Bay, the summer residence of President Roosevelt, the
   four plenipotentiaries, attended by members of their
   respective suites, were received by the President, introduced
   to each other, and entertained at a lunch. Thence they were
   conveyed, by separate vessels, first to Newport, where Sunday
   was spent, and afterwards to Portsmouth. Their conference was
   opened on Wednesday, the 9th, and the resulting Treaty of
   Peace was signed by the negotiators, September 5th.

   At the outset of their communications with each other the
   differences of mind seemed insurmountable. How they were
   brought to agreement has been told by two writers who had
   better opportunities, perhaps, for knowing the inner
   circumstances of the negotiation than any other persons
   outside of the plenipotentiaries themselves. One of these was
   Dr. Frederick de Martens, the eminent Russian Professor of
   International Law, who came as a special consulting delegate
   with M. Witte. In an article on "The Portsmouth Peace
   Conference," published in The North American Review of
   November, 1905, he wrote:

   "During three long weeks the pourparlers between the
   representatives of the two Powers seemed to show the absolute
   impossibility of attaining the desired object, that is, peace.
   There were especially two obstacles in the way—the Japanese
   demands that Russia should cede Saghalin and that Russia
   should pay Japan a war indemnity. These two conditions Russia
   categorically rejected, and the failure of the Conference
   seemed inevitable. Then it was that the President of the
   United States, again basing his action on the principles of
   the Hague Convention, considered himself once more justified
   in intervening between the two disputing nations. At first,
   Mr. Roosevelt proposed that a Commission composed of neutrals,
   whose decision however, would not be binding on the contending
   parties, should fix the amount of the sum that Russia should
   pay to Japan. But this proposal was immediately abandoned
   because of its evidently impracticable nature. The second
   intervention of the President was more effective and happy.
   Japan was now to be asked to withdraw her demand for an
   indemnity, and the Tsar, who desired sincerely to see the
   unfortunate war ended, was to consent to the cession of the
   southern portion of the island of Saghalin. It was at the
   sitting of August 29th that an accord, based on these mutual
   concessions, was brought about; and, during the six days that
   followed, the stipulations of the definitive treaty of peace
   were drawn up by a commission named for that purpose. At last,
   on September 5th, the treaty was concluded, and a battery of
   artillery, in front of the building where the sittings had
   been held, fired a salute of nineteen guns in honor of the
   great event."

      F. de Martens,
      The Portsmouth Peace Conference
      (North American Review, November, 1905).

   To the same effect Dr. E. J. Dillon, the well known publicist,
   who had been an intermediary in some of the preliminary
   unofficial diplomacy, wrote in The Contemporary Review
   of October as follows:

   "The Peace of Portsmouth is the outcome of rare moral courage
   meeting, assailing and worsting a combination of forces, the
   classification and labelling of which had best be left to the
   future historian and biographer who can appreciate, without
   bias and blame, without apprehension. The first man to display
   that unwonted moral courage was Theodore Roosevelt, whose
   influence for good on the living and working of nations is a
   beneficent force to which the world is beginning to look as to
   some permanent institution. It is not too much to say that if
   Japan and Russia are at peace today, if countless human beings
   doomed seemingly until a few weeks ago to a terrible death on
   the battlefield are now about to return to their homes and
   families and set about building up instead of pulling down,
   the credit for this welcome change in international relations
   is due in the first place to the President of the United
   States. …

   "There was hardly a man in Russia acquainted with the elements
   of the problem who considered Mr. Roosevelt’s invitation to a
   peace conference as other than a voice crying in the
   wilderness. He had felt his way some months before and
   convinced himself that it then led nowhither. Soon afterwards
   I was myself authorised to put forth a feeler and inquire
   whether a war indemnity formed part of Japan’s irreducible
   minimum. And the result of that inquiry was that hostilities
   were allowed to take their course.

{358}

   "After the Battle of Mukden Mr. Roosevelt again returned to
   the attack, moving slowly and very cautiously, but creating
   his opportunity as well as utilising it, advising as well as
   questioning, exhorting almost as much as he argued. With
   Japan, whose statesmen he knew well, and with the mainsprings
   of whose action he was perfectly familiar, he experienced no
   difficulty. What Nippon said, she really meant; what she
   promised—but not one iota more—she religiously fulfilled; and
   both her declarations and her promises apparently flowed from
   a desire to do what every man in the forum of his own
   conscience would term the right thing. Probably never before
   in human history has the world’s cultivated sense of what is
   fair and just been taken by any nation, Christian or
   non-Christian, as its own standard of ethics, its own rule of
   action regardless of immediate consequences. …

   "And Japan’s capacity and readiness to sacrifice the less to
   the greater, the material to the moral, was, so to say, the
   fulcrum on which Mr. Roosevelt rested his lever. All the force
   of his endeavours was concentrated here, all his fund of
   optimism was derived from this source.

   "But it takes two to make peace as well as to make war. And
   the President’s great and greatest difficulty was to persuade
   Russia, not indeed to imitate Japan’s example, but to consult
   what to outsiders appeared to be her own national interest and
   to make peace on acceptable terms."

      E. J. Dillon,
      The Story of the Peace Negotiations
      (Contemporary Review, October, 1905).

   The Treaty of Peace thus happily agreed upon at Portsmouth was
   duly ratified by the Emperors of Russia and Japan, at St.
   Petersburg and at Tokyo simultaneously, on the 14th of
   October, 1905. The following is the text of the Treaty in
   full:

JAPAN:
   The treaty of peace signed at Portsmouth.

   By the helping grace of God, we, Nicholas II, Emperor and
   Autocrat of all the Russias, etc., hereby declare that, in
   consequence of a mutual agreement between us and His Majesty,
   the Emperor of Japan, our plenipotentiaries concluded and
   signed at Portsmouth, August 23, 1905, a treaty of peace
   which, word for word, reads as follows:

   His Majesty, the Emperor of all the Russias, on the one hand,
   and His Majesty, the Emperor of Japan, on the other baud,
   being animated by the desire to restore the benefits of peace
   for their countries and their peoples, have decided to
   conclude a treaty of peace and have appointed for this purpose
   their plenipotentiaries, to wit:

   His Majesty the Emperor of Russia—

   His Excellency, Mr. Sergius Witte, his secretary of state and
   president of the committee of ministers of the Empire of
   Russia, and

   His Excellency, Baron Roman Rosen, master of the Imperial
   Court of Russia and his ambassador extraordinary and
   plenipotentiary to the United States of America:

   And his Majesty, the Emperor of Japan—

   His Excellency, Baron Komura Iutaro, Iusammi, knight of the
   Imperial Order of the Rising Sun, his minister of foreign
   affairs, and His Excellency, Mr. Takahira Kogoro, Iusammi,
   knight of the Imperial Order of the Sacred Treasure, his envoy
   extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United
   States of America;

   Who, after having exchanged their full powers, found in good
   and due form, concluded the following articles:

   Article I.
   There shall be in the future peace and friendship between
   Their Majesties the Emperor of all the Russias and the Emperor
   of Japan, as well as between their respective nations and
   subjects.

   Article II.
   The Imperial Government of Russia, recognizing that Japan has
   predominant political, military, and economic interests in
   Korea, agrees not to interfere or place obstacles in the way
   of any measure of direction, protection, and supervision which
   the Imperial Government of Japan may deem necessary to adopt
   in Korea.

   It is agreed that Russian subjects in Korea shall be treated
   in exactly the same manner as the citizens of other foreign
   countries; that is, that they shall be placed on the same
   footing as the citizens of the most-favored nation.

   It is likewise agreed that, in order to avoid any cause of
   misunderstanding, the two high contracting parties shall
   refrain from adopting, on the Russo-Korean frontier, any
   military measures which might menace the security of the
   Russian or Korean territory.

   Article III.
   Russia and Japan mutually engage:

   1. To completely and simultaneously evacuate Manchuria, with
   the exception of the territory over which the lease of the
   peninsula of Liao tung extends, in accordance with the
   provisions of additional Article I annexed to this treaty, and

   2. To entirely and completely restore to the exclusive
   administration of China all parts of Manchuria now occupied by
   Russian and Japanese troops, or which are under their control,
   with the exception of the above-mentioned territory.

   The Imperial Government of Russia declares that it has no
   territorial advantages or preferential or exclusive
   concessions in Manchuria of such a nature as to impair the
   sovereignty of China or which are incompatible with the
   principle of equal opportunity.

   Article IV.
   Russia and Japan mutually pledge themselves not to place any
   obstacle in the way of general measures which apply equally to
   all nations and which China might adopt for the development of
   commerce and industry in Manchuria.

   Article V.
   The Imperial Government of Russia cedes to the Imperial
   Government of Japan, with the consent of the Government of
   China, the lease of Port Arthur, of Talien, and of the
   adjacent territories and territorial waters, as well as the
   rights, privileges, and concessions connected with this lease
   or forming part thereof, and it likewise cedes to the Imperial
   Government of Japan all the public works and property within
   the territory over which the above-mentioned lease extends.

   The high contracting parties mutually engage to obtain from
   the Government of China the consent mentioned in the foregoing
   clause.

   The Imperial Government of Japan gives on its part the
   assurance that the property rights of Russian subjects within
   the above-mentioned territory shall be absolutely respected.

{359}

   Article VI.
   The Imperial Government of Russia obligates itself to yield to
   the Imperial Government of Japan, without compensation and
   with the consent of the Chinese Government, the Chan-chun
   (Kwan-Chen-Tsi) and Port Arthur Railroad and all its branches,
   with all the rights, privileges, and property thereunto
   belonging within this region, as well as all the coal mines in
   said region belonging to this railroad or being operated for
   its benefit.

   The two high contracting parties mutually pledge themselves to
   obtain from the Chinese Government the consent mentioned in
   the foregoing clause.

   Article VII.
   Russia and Japan agree to operate their respective railroads
   in Manchuria for commercial and industrial purposes
   exclusively, but by no means for strategic purposes. It is
   agreed that this restriction does not apply to the railroads
   within the territory covered by the lease of the Liao tung
   peninsula.

   Article VIII.
   The Imperial Governments of Russia and Japan, with a view to
   favoring and facilitating relations and traffic, shall
   conclude, as soon as possible, a separate convention to govern
   their operations of repair on the railroads in Manchuria.

   Article IX.
   The Imperial Government of Russia cedes to the Imperial
   Government of Japan, in perpetuity and full sovereignty, the
   southern part of the island of Saghalin, and all the islands
   adjacent thereto, as well as all the public works and property
   there situated. The fiftieth parallel of north latitude is
   adopted as the limit of the ceded territory. The exact
   boundary line of this territory shall be determined in
   accordance with the provisions of additional Article II
   annexed to this treaty.

   Japan and Russia mutually agree not to construct within their
   respective possessions on the island of Saghalin, and the
   islands adjacent thereto, any fortification or similar
   military work. They likewise mutually agree not to adopt any
   military measures which might hinder the free navigation of
   the Straits of La Perouse and Tartary.

   Article X.
   The right is reserved to Russian subjects inhabiting the
   territory ceded to Japan to sell their real property and
   return to their country; however, if they prefer to remain in
   the ceded territory, they shall be guarded and protected in
   the full enjoyment of their property rights and the exercise
   of their industries, provided they submit to the laws and
   jurisdiction of Japan. Japan shall have perfect liberty to
   withdraw the right of residence in this territory from all
   inhabitants laboring under political or administrative
   incapacity, or to deport them from this territory. It pledges
   itself, however, to fully respect the property rights of these
   inhabitants.

   Article XI.
   Russia obligates itself to reach an understanding with Japan
   in order to grant to Japanese subjects fishing rights along
   the coast of the Russian possessions in the Seas of Japan,
   Okhotsk, and Bering. It is agreed that the above-mentioned
   obligation shall not impair the rights already belonging to
   Russian or foreign subjects in these regions.

   Article XII.
   The treaty of commerce and navigation between Russia and Japan
   having been annulled by the war, the Imperial Governments of
   Russia and Japan agree to adopt as a basis for their
   commercial relations, until the conclusion of a new treaty of
   commerce and navigation on the basis of the treaty in force
   before the present war, the system of reciprocity on the
   principle of the most favored nation, including import and
   export tariffs, custom-house formalities, transit and tonnage
   dues, and the admission and treatment of the agents, subjects,
   and vessels of one country in the territory of the other.

   Article XIII.
   As soon as possible, after the present treaty takes effect,
   all prisoners of war shall be mutually returned. The Imperial
   Governments of Russia and Japan shall each appoint a special
   commissioner to take charge of the prisoners. All prisoners in
   the custody of one of the governments shall be delivered to
   the commissioner of the other government or to his duly
   authorized representative, who shall receive them in such
   number and in such suitable ports of the surrendering nation
   as the latter shall notify in advance to the commissioner of
   the receiving nation.

   The Governments of Russia and Japan shall present to each
   other, as soon as possible after the delivery of the prisoners
   has been completed, a verified account of the direct
   expenditures made by them respectively for the care and
   maintenance of the prisoners from the date of capture or
   surrender until the date of their death or return. Russia
   agrees to refund to Japan, as soon as possible after the
   exchange of these accounts, as above stipulated, the
   difference between the actual amount thus spent by Japan and
   the actual amount likewise expended by Russia.

   Article XIV.
   The present treaty shall be ratified by Their Majesties the
   Emperor of all the Russias and the Emperor of Japan. This
   ratification shall, within the shortest possible time and at
   all events not later than fifty days from the date of the
   signature of the treaty, be notified to the Imperial
   Governments of Russia and Japan, respectively, through the
   ambassador of the United States of America at St. Petersburg
   and the minister of France at Tokyo, and from and after the
   date of the last of these notifications this treaty shall
   enter into full force in all its parts. The formal exchange of
   the ratifications shall take place at Washington as soon as
   possible.

   Article XV.
   The present treaty shall be signed in duplicate, in the French
   and English languages. The two texts are absolutely alike;
   however, in case of difference of interpretation the French
   text shall prevail.

   In witness whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have
   signed the present treaty of peace and affixed thereto their
   seals.

   Done at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, the twenty-third day of
   August (fifth of September) of the year one thousand nine
   hundred and five, corresponding to the fifth day of the ninth
   month of the thirty-eighth year of Meiji.

   IUTARO KOMURA. [L. S.]
   K. TAKAHIRA.   [L. S.]
   SERGIUS WITTE. [L. S.]
   ROSEN.         [L. S.]

   In conformity with the provisions of Articles II and IX of the
   treaty of peace between Russia and Japan under this date, the
   undersigned plenipotentiaries have concluded the following
   additional articles:

{360}

   I. To Article III:

   The Imperial Governments of Russia and Japan mutually agree to
   begin the withdrawal of their military forces from the
   territory of Manchuria simultaneously and immediately after
   the entrance into force of the treaty of peace; and within a
   period of eighteen months from this date the armies of the two
   powers shall be entirely withdrawn from Manchuria, with the
   exception of the leased territory of the peninsula of
   Liao-tung.

   The forces of the two powers occupying advanced positions
   shall be withdrawn first.

   The high contracting parties reserve the right to maintain
   guards for the protection of their respective railroad lines
   in Manchuria.

   The number of these guards shall not exceed 15 men per
   kilometer, and within the limit of this maximum number the
   commanders of the Russian and Japanese armies shall, by mutual
   agreement, fix the number of guards who are to be employed,
   this number being as low as possible and in accordance with
   actual requirements. The commanders of the Russian and
   Japanese forces in Manchuria shall reach an understanding
   regarding all the details connected with the evacuation, in
   conformity with the principles herein above set forth, and
   shall, by mutual agreement, adopt the measures necessary to
   carry out the evacuation as soon as possible and at all events
   within a period not exceeding eighteen months.

   II. To Article IX:

   As soon as possible after the present treaty takes effect, a
   boundary commission composed of an equal number of members
   appointed respectively by the two high contracting parties
   shall mark on the spot and in a permanent manner the exact
   line between the Russian and Japanese possessions on the
   island of Saghalin. The commission shall be obliged, as far as
   topographical conditions permit, to follow the 50th parallel
   of north latitude for the line of demarcation, and in case any
   deviations from this line are found necessary at certain
   points compensation shall be made therefor by making
   corresponding deviations at other points. It shall also be the
   duty of said commission to prepare a list and description of
   the adjacent islands which are comprised within the cession,
   and finally the commission shall prepare and sign maps showing
   the boundaries of the ceded territory. The labors of the
   commission shall be submitted to the approval of the high
   contracting parties.

   The additional articles mentioned hereinabove shall be
   considered as being ratified by the ratification of the treaty
   of peace, to which they are annexed.

   Portsmouth, August 23 (September 5), 1905, corresponding to
   the 5th day, 9th month and 28th year of Meiji.

      IUTARO KOMURA.
      K. TAKAHIRA.
      SERGIUS WITTE.
      ROSEN.

   The ratification by the Tsar was in the following terms:

   Therefore, after mature consideration of this treaty and the
   two additional articles, we approved, confirmed, and ratified
   them, and do hereby approve, confirm, and ratify them in their
   full purport, pledging our imperial word for ourselves, our
   successors, and our heirs, that everything set forth in the
   above-mentioned acts shall be inviolably observed. In witness
   whereof we, having signed this, our imperial ratification,
   with our own hand, have ordered affixed thereto our imperial
   seal.

   Given at Peterhoff, the first day of October, in the year of
   our Lord one thousand nine hundred and five and of our reign
   the eleventh.

   On the original is written in His Imperial Majesty’s own hand:

      L. S. "NICHOLAS."

   countersigned

      COUNT LAMSDORFF,
      Secretary of State, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (August).
   New Defensive Agreement between Great Britain and Japan.

   On the 12th of August, 1905, three days after the
   plenipotentiaries of Japan and Russia had held their first
   meeting at Portsmouth and opened the negotiations which
   resulted in a Treaty of Peace, a new Agreement of defensive
   alliance between Japan and Great Britain, replacing that of
   three years before, was signed at London, but not made public
   until the 6th of September, the day following the conclusion
   of the Russo-Japanese Treaty of Peace.

      See, above,
      JAPAN: A. D. 1902.

   It was then communicated to the Governments of Russia and
   France, through the medium of the British Ambassadors at St.
   Petersburg and Paris, with an accompanying explanatory
   despatch from Lord Lansdowne, as follows:

   "Sir, I inclose, for your Excellency's information, a copy of
   a new Agreement concluded between His Majesty’s Government and
   that of Japan in substitution for that of the 30th January,
   1902. You will take an early opportunity of communicating the
   new Agreement to the Russian Government. It was signed on the
   12th August, and you will explain that it would have been
   immediately made public but for the fact that negotiations had
   at that time already commenced between Russia and Japan, and
   that the publication of such a document whilst those
   negotiations were still in progress would obviously have been
   improper and inopportune.

   "The Russian Government will, I trust, recognize that the new
   Agreement is an international instrument to which no exception
   can be taken by any of the Powers interested in the affairs of
   the Far East. You should call special attention to the objects
   mentioned in the preamble as those by which the policy of the
   Contracting Parties is inspired. His Majesty’s Government
   believe that they may count upon the good-will and support of
   all the Powers in endeavouring to maintain peace in Eastern
   Asia, and in seeking to uphold the integrity and independence
   of the Chinese Empire and the principle of equal opportunities
   for the commerce and industry of all nations in that country.

   "On the other hand, the special interests of the Contracting
   Parties are of a kind upon which they are fully entitled to
   insist, and the announcement that those interests must be
   safeguarded is one which can create no surprise, and need give
   rise to no misgivings.

   "I call your especial attention to the wording of Article II,
   which lays down distinctly that it is only in the case of an
   unprovoked attack made on one of the Contracting Parties by
   another Power or Powers, and when that Party is defending its
   territorial rights and special interests from aggressive
   action, that the other Party is bound to come to its
   assistance.

{361}

   "Article III,
   dealing with the question of Corea, is deserving of especial
   attention. It recognizes in the clearest terms the paramount
   position which Japan at this moment occupies and must
   henceforth occupy in Corea, and her right to take any measures
   which she may find necessary for the protection of her
   political, military, and economic interests in that country.
   It is, however, expressly provided that such measures must not
   be contrary to the principle of equal opportunities for the
   commerce and industry of other nations. The new Treaty no
   doubt differs at this point conspicuously from that of 1902.
   It has, however, become evident that Corea, owing to its close
   proximity to the Japanese Empire and its inability to stand
   alone, must fall under the control and tutelage of Japan.

   "His Majesty’s Government observe with satisfaction that this
   point was readily conceded by Russia in the Treaty of Peace
   recently concluded with Japan, and they have every reason to
   believe that similar views are held by other Powers with
   regard to the relations which should subsist between Japan and
   Corea.

   "His Majesty’s Government venture to anticipate that the
   alliance thus concluded, designed as it is with objects which
   are purely peaceful and for the protection of rights and
   interests the validity of which cannot be contested, will be
   regarded with approval by the Government to which you are
   accredited. They are justified in believing that its
   conclusion may not have been without effect in facilitating
   the settlement by which the war has been so happily brought to
   an end, and they earnestly trust that it may, for many years
   to come, be instrumental in securing the peace of the world in
   those regions which come within its scope.

JAPAN:
   Agreement between the United Kingdom and Japan.

   "PREAMBLE.
   The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, being desirous of
   replacing the agreement concluded between them on the 30th of
   January, 1902, by fresh stipulations, have agreed upon the
   following articles, which have for their object—

   (a) The consolidation and maintenance of the general peace in
   the regions of Eastern Asia and of India.

   (b) The preservation of the common interests of all powers in
   China, by insuring the independence and integrity of the
   Chinese Empire and the principle of equal opportunities for
   the commerce and industry of all nations in China.

   (c) The maintenance of the territorial rights of the high
   contracting parties in the regions of eastern Asia and of
   India, and the defense of their special interests in the said
   regions.

   "ARTICLE I.
   It is agreed that whenever in the opinion of either Great
   Britain or Japan any of the rights and interests referred to
   in the preamble of this agreement are in jeopardy, the two
   governments will communicate with one another fully and
   frankly and will consider in common the measures which should
   be taken to safeguard those menaced rights or interests.

   "ARTICLE II.
   If by reason of unprovoked attack or aggressive action,
   wherever arising, on the part of any other power or powers
   either contracting party should be involved in war in defense
   of its territorial rights or special interests mentioned in
   the preamble of this agreement, the other contracting party
   will at once come to the assistance of its ally and will
   conduct the war in common and make peace in mutual agreement
   with it.

   "ARTICLE III.
   Japan possessing paramount political, military, and economic
   interests in Korea, Great Britain recognizes the right of
   Japan to take such measures of guidance, control, and
   protection in Korea as she may deem proper and necessary to
   safeguard and advance those interests, provided always that
   such measures are not contrary to the principle of equal
   opportunities for the commerce and industry of all nations.

   "ARTICLE IV.
   Great Britain having a special interest in all that concerns
   the security of the Indian frontier, Japan recognizes her
   right to take such measures in the proximity of that frontier
   as she may find necessary for safeguarding her Indian
   possessions.

   "ARTICLE V.
   The high contracting parties agree that neither of them will
   without consulting the other enter into separate arrangements
   with another power to the prejudice of the objects described
   in the preamble of this agreement.

   "ARTICLE VI.
   As regards the present war between Japan and Russia, Great
   Britain will continue to maintain strict neutrality unless
   some other power or powers should join in hostilities against
   Japan, in which case Great Britain will come to the assistance
   of Japan and will conduct the war in common and make peace in
   mutual agreement with Japan.

   "ARTICLE VII.
   The conditions under which armed assistance shall be afforded
   by either power to the other in the circumstances mentioned in
   the present agreement, and the means by which such assistance
   is to be made available, will be arranged by the naval and
   military authorities of the contracting parties, who will from
   time to time consult one another fully and freely upon all
   questions of mutual interest.

   "ARTICLE VIII.
   The present agreement shall, subject to the provisions of
   Article VI., come into effect immediately after the date of
   its signature and remain in force for ten years from that
   date. In case neither of the high contracting parties should
   have notified twelve months before the expiration of the said
   ten years the intention of terminating it, it shall remain
   binding until the expiration of one year from the day on which
   either of the high contracting parties shall have denounced
   it. But if when the date fixed for its expiration arrives
   either ally is actually engaged in war the alliance shall
   ipso facto continue until peace is concluded."

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (December).
   Treaty with China relative to Manchuria.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER).

JAPAN: A. D. 1905-1909.
   Korea under Japanese Control.
   The rule of Prince Ito.
   Insurrection and its suppression.
   Constructive and Reformative Work.

      See (in this Volume)
      KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.

JAPAN: A. D. 1905-1909.
   Disputes with China.
   The Fa-ku-menn Railway and
   the Antung-Mukden Railway Questions.
   Settlement of the latter by Japanese Ultimatum.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909.

JAPAN: A. D. 1906.
   Chinese Students in the Country.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1906.

{362}

JAPAN: A. D. 1906.
   Resentment at Segregation of Oriental Children in
   San Francisco Schools.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

JAPAN: A. D. 1907.
   Riotous attacks on Japanese laborers in British Columbia
   and the State of Washington.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.

JAPAN: A. D. 1907 (June).
   Treaty with France concerning affairs in the East.

   A treaty between the governments of Japan and France was
   signed on the 10th of June, 1907, according to which France
   recognizes the rights of Japan in Korea and her special
   interests in Manchuria, and Japan, on her side, promises not
   to interfere with French possessions in Siam and Indo-China.

JAPAN: A. D. 1908 (May).
   Slender victory of the Saionji Ministry in
   the Parliamentary Elections.

   Parliamentary elections in May, 1908, gave the Ministry a bare
   probability of support by combinations of the party of Prince
   Ito—the Rikken Seiyu-kai—with some of the other partly
   sympathetic groups. The maintenance of the prudent policy of
   Government since the close of the great war, against the Jingo
   element, was left somewhat precarious.

JAPAN: A. D. 1908 (November).
   Exchange of Notes with the United States, embodying an
   important Declaration of Common Policy in the East.

   On the 30th of November, 1908, distinct form was given to a
   common understanding between Japan and the United States, as
   to their agreement in purposes and policy touching affairs in
   the East. The form was not that of a treaty, but of a simple
   Declaration, identical in notes exchanged at Washington
   between Secretary Root and Ambassador Takahira. The following
   is the text of the Declaration:

   "I.
   It is the wish of the two Governments to encourage the free
   and peaceful development of their commerce on the Pacific
   Ocean.

   "II.
   The policy of both Governments, uninfluenced by any aggressive
   tendencies, is directed to the maintenance of the existing
   status quo in the region above mentioned, and to the
   defense of the principle of equal opportunity for commerce and
   industry in China.

   "III.
   They are accordingly firmly resolved reciprocally to respect
   the territorial possessions belonging to each other in said
   region.

   "IV.
   They are also determined to preserve the common interests of
   all Powers in China by supporting, by all pacific means at
   their disposal, the independence and integrity of China and
   the principle of equal opportunity for commerce and industry
   of all nations in that Empire.

   "V.
   Should any event occur threatening the status quo as
   above described, or the principle of equal opportunity as
   above defined, it remains for the two Governments to
   communicate with each other, in order to arrive at an
   understanding as to what measures they may consider it useful
   to take.

JAPAN: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Suppression of Race-track Gambling.

      See (in this Volume)
      GAMBLING.

JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
   Material Development of the Country.

   "The mileage of Japanese railways, now over 5,000 miles, has
   been quadrupled within 20 years—without counting the Korean
   and South Manchurian railways, which are owned by Japanese
   companies. The development of posts, telegraphs, and
   telephones has proceeded on an even greater scale, and the
   revenues of the department, which only amounted in 1899 to
   £1,740,000, exceeded £3,850,000 in 1909, whilst the amount
   invested in postal savings banks rose during the same decade
   from under £2,200,000 to £10,698,409. The Japanese merchant
   flag, represented by a steam tonnage of nearly one and a
   quarter million tons, is known in every sea, and the Nippon
   Yusen Kaisha, on one of whose excellent steamers I crossed the
   Pacific a few weeks ago, has alone a well-equipped fleet of
   265,000 tons in the aggregate, running not only to the United
   States and to Europe, but to South America and Australia,
   besides local services in Japanese, Chinese, and Korean
   waters. …

   "Powerful firms like the Mitsui, the Mitsubishi, Messrs.
   Okura, Messrs. Takata, &c., take a leading part in every
   branch of a national import and export trade which has risen
   within 30 years from under £6,000,000 to nearly £100,000,000
   in 1907. Great industrial cities have grown up like Osaka, the
   centre of the cotton-spinning industry, whose population, less
   than 400,000 a quarter of a century ago, now exceeds
   1,200,000. The aggregate capital of Japanese industrial
   companies, which in 1882 was estimated at £10,000,000, rose
   within the same period to more than £126,000,000, and in the
   cotton industry alone the number of spindles increased from
   65,000 to over one and a half million. According to statistics
   collected by Mr. Takahashi and Mr. Igarashi, the national
   wealth of Japan was assessed at the beginning of 1905 at close
   upon £2,500,000,000, to which must now be added, over and
   above any normal increment, the economic value of the position
   she has acquired in Southern Manchuria and Korea."

      Correspondent of The Times, London.

JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
   Parties in Domestic Politics.

   The present parties in the lower house of the Japanese
   Parliament were thus described by the Tokio correspondent of
   the London Times, in January, 1909:

   "The Lower House consists of 379 members. These are divided
   into five sections—namely,
   the Seiyu-kai (192 members),
   the Progressists (67),
   the Boshin Club (42),
   the Yushin-kai (44) and
   the Daido Club (34).
   If any man were required to indicate clearly the lines of
   division between these sections, he would be much perplexed to
   do so. On the broad bases of Liberalism and Conservatism the
   first four occupy the same Liberal platform, while the last
   stands as the sole exponent of Conservative views. Yet the
   four Liberal sections are not more hostile to each other than
   the fifth is to all. They are held asunder by traditions and
   by prejudices.

   "The Seiyu-kai has fought its way to an overwhelmingly strong
   position in the face of perennial opposition from the
   Progressists. Once only did the two join hands, but their
   union lasted no more than a few weeks, and they separated with
   a strong access of mutual rancour. Yet both had entered the
   arena originally as champions of the same cause,
   constitutional government, and nothing held them apart save
   personal rivalries. In the course of their 28 years of
   strenuous evolution, they gradually sloughed off their
   extremists, and these constitute the present
   Yushin-kai, a coterie of brilliant Radical free-lances,
   whose hand may be said to be against every one.
{363}
   The Daido Club are frank Conservatives. They are the
   only unequivocal supporters of the Cabinet now in office. …
   There remain the Boshin Club. They are an association
   of business men—the first political association of that
   complexion in Japan. The early Diets were all conspicuously
   deficient in representatives of the commercial and
   manufacturing classes; mainly because politics had become a
   more or less discredited pursuit before ever a general
   election was held, and partly because the urban population did
   not return a due proportion of members. The latter defect
   having been remedied by the new election law of 1901, there
   was thereafter found in the Lower House a group of men calling
   themselves ‘Independents,’ but always seen in the Government
   lobby. In fact their sense of business interests prompted them
   to lend their support to the principle of stable Cabinets
   above everything."

JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
   Present Status of Christianity.

      See (in this Volume)
      MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN.

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (July-September).
   The State of the War Debt and its Payment.

   The following is a Press despatch from Tokyo to London, July
   17, 1909:

   "At the close of 1906, when Japan came to make out the
   accounts of her war with Russia, she found that she had
   incurred a total expenditure of about 1,700 million yen
   (£170,000,000). By that amount her national debt was
   increased. She then determined to lay aside every year a sum
   of at least 110 million yen (£11,000,000) for the service of
   the debt. That did not mean, of course, that redemptions
   aggregating 110 millions were to be made annually. These 110
   millions were for the service of the debt; in other words,
   they were for the purpose of paying interest as well as
   principal. The portion applicable to redemption would be from
   30 to 37 millions yearly, and the loan would thus be
   completely paid off in about 30 years. That was the programme
   when the Marquis Katsura came into office. But very soon he
   announced the Treasury’s intention of increasing the
   redemption fund to 50 millions. That is to say, he added some
   16 millions to the money available for paying off the debt;
   and evidently, if the increase were permanent, the whole
   indebtedness would be wiped off in about 20 years instead of
   30, as originally planned. Still better things, however, are
   said to be contemplated. The sum actually devoted to the
   sinking fund during the last fiscal year was 50,800,000 yen,
   and since the interest on that amount will go to augment the
   redemption fund during the current year, the amount paid off
   from that source will be 53,340,000 yen. To this it is
   proposed to add another 10 millions obtained from the national
   growth of the State’s income, for the experience of the last
   year encourages the belief that such growth may be confidently
   expected, the actual development of the ordinary revenue
   having reached a sum of over 30 millions. It is further
   expected that from 1912 onwards the yield from the Customs
   duties will advance from 38 to 53 millions, unless Japan
   manages her negotiations for tariff revision clumsily."

   Speaking to the Bankers’ Club at Tokyo in September, 1909,
   Premier Katsura expressed the belief that the financial
   condition of the country was encouraging, and while
   maintaining that the present system of finances was excellent,
   he expressed the hope to improve it steadily until perfection
   is reached. The premier said that the government’s policy
   would begin this year, and the development of resources and
   the avoidance of unproductive expenditure would be
   consistently followed. He announced the following measures as
   forming part of the financial programme for the ensuing year:—

   1. Reduction and modification of the war taxes in order to
   relieve the pressure on the people.

   2. Increase of the sinking fund. By the allocation of a
   considerable amount out of the surplus of previous years the
   sum of 53,000,000 yen (£5,300,000) previously fixed for this
   service will be greatly exceeded.

   3. The raising of the salaries of all Government officials by
   30 per cent. This reform had been delayed by the outbreak of
   the Russo-Japanese war.

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (August).
   The Burning of Osaka.

      See (in this Volume)
      OSAKA.

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (September).
   Visit of a Commercial Commission to the United States.

   A large party of prominent Japanese business men, headed by
   Baron Shibusawa, and coming as a Commercial Commission to seek
   more intimate commercial relations between Japan and the
   United States, landed at Seattle on the 1st of September,
   1909, and toured the country for a number of weeks. The party
   received much attention and were entertained most hospitably
   everywhere, nowhere with more warmth than on the Pacific
   Coast, where ill-feeling toward Japan had been manifested in
   some circles a few years before. In a statement to the Press
   at Seattle Baron Shibusawa said: "It is interesting to note
   that while different European nations are talking about the
   increase of armament, and when especially great rulers are
   exchanging visits accompanied by warships, the Japanese people
   are perfectly satisfied in sending us plain business men on a
   peaceful mission to this great commercial country. I have been
   told that Japan is spoken of as a warlike nation, but this is
   altogether absurd. We are all deeply interested in the
   development of the Japanese-American commercial relations,
   which, of all reasons, prompts us to pay a visit to your
   country. Let us therefore work for the extension of commercial
   relations to our mutual interests. We must go hand in hand
   with you to develop the vast field in the East."

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (October).
   Assassination of Prince Ito.

   Prince Hirobumi Ito, the man of most light and leading, as he
   appears to have been, in the transformation of Japan within
   the past half century, was foully assassinated on the 26th of
   October, 1909, at Kharbin, or Harbin, Manchuria. He had gone
   to Kharbin to meet M. Kokovsoff, Russian Minister of Finance,
   for a conference on the Manchurian questions that had arisen
   between Russia and Japan. As he stepped from the railway train
   which brought him to the city, and was approaching the
   Minister, who came to welcome him, he was fired upon from the
   surrounding crowd. Three revolver shots struck the Prince, two
   of which inflicted wounds that caused his death within twenty
   minutes. Three of his attendants were wounded, not fatally, by
   other shots. All were found to have been fired by one
   bystander, who proved to be a Korean. The assassin made no
   attempt to escape, but exclaimed when seized: "I came to
   Kharbin for the sole purpose of assassinating Prince Ito, to
   avenge my country." He had two companions who boasted of being
   parties to the crime. He was subsequently identified as Indian
   Angan, formerly editor of a newspaper at Seoul.

{364}

   Since retiring from his responsible post in Korea, as
   Resident-General, Prince Ito had resumed the presidency of the
   Privy Council, in the Japanese Government, which Prince
   Aritomo Yamagata had filled during his absence. Prince
   Yamagata was now reappointed to that office. He and Prince Ito
   had been intimate friends, and yet political opponents,
   differing in opinions and heading rival parties, but always
   acting together on the vital questions of national policy.

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (December).
   Naval Armament, Present and Prospective.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: JAPAN.

   ----------JAPAN: End--------

JAPANESE IMMIGRATION:
   The Resistance to it in America, Australia, and South Africa.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS.

JEANES, Miss Anna T.:
   Great Gift to Schools for Southern Negroes.

   See (in this Volume)
   EDUCATION: UNITED STATES. A. D. 1907.

JEROME, William Travers:
   Reelection as District Attorney of the County of New York.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905.

JEWS, THE: In Roumania.
   Oppressions.
   Remonstrance of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA.

JEWS, THE:
   Persecution and Massacre in Russia.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1903 (APRIL).

JIMENEZ, President: His overthrow.

      See (in this Volume)
      SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

JOAN OF ARC, Beatification of.

      See (in this Volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

JOINT STATEHOOD ACT.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

JOLO, Sultan of.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.

JONES, John Paul:
   Recovery and removal of his remains from Paris.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

JOUBERT-PIENAAR, General F.:
   On Slavery in Portuguese Africa.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: PORTUGUESE: A. D. 1905-1908.

JUAREZ, BENITO:
   Celebration of his centenary.

      See (in this Volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1906.

JUDSON, Harry Pratt:
   President of the University of Chicago.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: A. D. 1901-1909.

JUNIOR REPUBLIC, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

JUSTH, M. de.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.

JUVENILE COURTS.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

JUVENILE REFORM.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

K.

KAFFIR, The Problem of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: IN SOUTH AFRICA.

KAIPING.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

KAJAR TRIBE, The:
   The Tribe of the Persian Imperial Dynasty.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

KAMIMURA, Admiral.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

KANO:
   British capture.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (NIGERIA).

KANSAS: A. D. 1904.
   Legislation and action against the Standard Oil Company.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

KARAGEORGEVICH.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

KATANGA, Railway Lines to.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: CENTRAL AFRICA.

KATSURA, Count:
   His Ministry strengthened by Marquis Ito.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).

KAULBARS, General.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

KAWAMURA, General.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

KELANTAN:
   Cession of Suzerainty to Great Britain.

      See (in this Volume)
      SIAM: A. D. 1909.

KELLY, Charles F.:
   Confessions as a "Boodler."

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

KENNEDY, John Stewart, the Bequests of.

      See (in this Volume)
      GIFTS AND BEQUESTS.

KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.
   The Tobacco Farmers’ Union and its Night Riders.

   "Kentucky has been having an experience unique, costly,
   tragic, and probably to some extent valuable, with the farmers
   engaged in the chief agricultural industry of the state—
   growing tobacco. Some 80,000 of them, representing probably
   400,000 of the population of the state, have been engaged in a
   union demonstration for the purpose of securing higher pay.
   The result has been in some sections anarchy, in all great
   distress. …

   "A trust having arisen in New York which was able to control
   the output, and therefore to make prices to suit itself, the
   farmers have answered this trust by forming under the equity
   society a union of their own, and going on a strike for higher
   prices. … The union to which I refer is the Burley Tobacco
   Society, in Kentucky. It is organized to oppose the exactions
   of the American Tobacco Company of New Jersey. Tobacco is
   grown in several distinct districts in Kentucky, and there, as
   elsewhere, each district has, by reason of soil or climate, a
   virtual monopoly of its own type. Down in the southwestern
   corner, in the so-called Black Patch, embracing several
   counties of Tennessee, a dark and heavy leaf is grown and
   fire-cured for the foreign trade. This is bought by
   government, or so-styled ‘regie’ buyers. North of this is a
   heavy leaf stemmed for the British trade. North and east of
   this is the region in which a dark air-cured leaf is grown for
   domestic uses. East of this, embracing all Blue Grass and
   extending to Maysville, is the Burley district, in which is
   grown the famous red and white Burley tobacco. …

{365}

   "Pooling tobacco in Kentucky started down in the Black Patch,
   or received its greatest impetus there. The regie buyers
   combined, or were formed into a combination by their
   superiors, and the Patch was districted, each man being given
   an exclusive territory, and no farmer being allowed to sell to
   any one but his own buyer. In this way a set price as low as
   four cents was made, and the farmer had no option but to take
   it; no option, at least, that was open to the farmer not rich
   enough to ship his crop to Bremen and seek European
   competition. In this situation a group of canny planters
   formed a tight little corporation of $200 capital, for the
   avowed purpose of holding, handling, buying, and selling
   tobacco. They induced about a thousand of their
   neighbors—there are forty thousand dark-tobacco growers in the
   Patch—to pledge their crops with them, and they planned to
   hold this much off the market and compel the regie buyers to
   pay a higher price for it. This proving popular, they soon had
   five thousand pledges. Then they—or interests closely allied
   with them—organized a band of Ku-Klux, called Night Riders,
   who, first by so-called ‘peace armies,’ and then by raiding at
   night all who resisted, frightened or forced—during the next
   three years—all the forty thousand to sign.

   "The tight little corporation thus had a monopoly of the dark
   tobacco. It forced the regie buyers to pay a price raised by
   slow degrees to 11 cents round, exacted large commissions and
   profits,—as much as 1500 per cent a year on the capital,—and
   now controls the Black Patch absolutely. All its pledges
   expire in January, 1909, and the situation will then become
   anarchistic. The success of this Black Patch plan was entirely
   due to the employment of Night Riders, who correspond to the
   professional ‘sluggers’ of a labor union, or the hired
   assassins of a Black-Hand league."

      J. L. Mathews,
      The Farmers’ Union and the Tobacco Pool
      (Atlantic Monthly, October, 1908).

KHARBIN, OR HARBIN, RUSSIAN CONTROL AT.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

KHARBIN: A. D. 1909.
   Assassination of Prince Ito.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

KHARKOFF, DISTURBANCES IN.

   See (in this Volume)
   RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

KHARTUM, THE NEW.

      See (in this Volume)
      SUDAN, THE: A. D. 1907.

KHARTUM, THE NEW:
   Gordon Memorial College.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: EGYPT.

KIAMIL PASHA: GRAND VIZIER.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

KIEFF, DISTURBANCES IN.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

KINCHOU, BATTLE OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-July), and
      1904-1905 (May-January).

KINGSTON, Jamaica: A. D. 1907.
   Destruction of Kingston.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES: JAMAICA.

KINSHU-MARU, THE INCIDENT OF THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

KIPLING, RUDYARD.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

KIRDORF, HERR:
   Head of the Coal and Steel Syndicates in Germany.
   His attitude towards the Workingmen.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1907.

KISHINEFF, JEWISH MASSACRE AT.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1903 (APRIL).

KITCHENER OF KHARTUM, GENERAL LORD:
   In South Africa.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

KITCHENER OF KHARTUM, GENERAL LORD:
   In India.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

KLERKSDORP CONFERENCE.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

KNIAZ POTEMKIN, MUTINY ON THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

KNIGHTS OF LABOR.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

KNOX, PHILANDER C.:
   Attorney-General.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

KNOX, PHILANDER C.:
   Secretary of State.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

KOCH, Robert.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

KOCHER, E. T.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

KOMURA, BARON IUTARO,
   Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

KOMURA, BARON IUTARO,
   Japanese Plenipotentiary for negotiating
   Treaty of Peace with Russia.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

KONDRATENKO, General.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

KOREA: A. D. 1901-1904.
   Japanese distrust of Russian designs.
   Negotiations and demands.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

KOREA: A. D. 1902.
   Agreement respecting Korea between Great Britain and Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      Japan: A. D. 1902.

KOREA: A. D. 1904 (February).
   Occupation by the Japanese.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

KOREA: A. D. 1904-1905.
   Conventions with Japan, creating Protectorate Relations
   with that Empire and submitting Financial and
   Diplomatic Affairs to Japanese control.

   On the 25th of February, 1904, the text of a protocol,
   concluded on the 23d, between the Governments of Japan and
   Korea, was communicated to the Government of the United States
   (and, of course to others), by the Government of Japan, with
   an accompanying explanation, as follows:

   "In the prosecution of the present war the use of some of the
   ports and some portions of the territory of Korea is found
   inevitable, and therefore, with a view to facilitate military
   operations and to show that such use of ports and territory is
   made with the full knowledge and consent of Korea, and not in
   disregard or violation of her independence or territorial
   integrity, and also in order to prevent future complications,
   the Japanese Government concluded with the Korean Government
   on the 23d instant the following protocol. …

   "ARTICLE I.
   For the purpose of maintaining permanent and solid friendship
   between Japan and Korea and firmly establishing peace in the
   Far East, the Imperial Government of Korea shall place full
   confidence in the Imperial Government of Japan and adopt the
   advice of the latter with regard to improvements in
   administration.

   "ARTICLE II.
   The Imperial Government of Japan shall, in a spirit of firm
   friendship, insure the safety and repose of the Imperial House
   of Korea.

{366}

   "ARTICLE III.
   The Imperial Government of Japan definitively guarantee the
   independence and territorial integrity of the Korean Empire.

   "ARTICLE IV.
   In case the welfare of the Imperial House of Korea or the
   territorial integrity of Korea is endangered by the aggression
   of a third power or internal disturbances, the Imperial
   Government of Japan shall immediately take such necessary
   measures as circumstances require, and in such case the
   Imperial Government of Korea shall give full facilities to
   promote the action of the Imperial Japanese Government. The
   Imperial Government of Japan may, for the attainment of the
   above-mentioned object, occupy, when circumstances require it,
   such places as may be necessary from strategic points of view.

   "ARTICLE V.
   The Government of the two countries shall not in future,
   without mutual consent, conclude with a third power such an
   arrangement as may be contrary to the principles of the
   present protocol.

   "ARTICLE VI.
   Details in connection with the present protocol shall be
   arranged as the circumstances may require between the
   representative of Japan and the minister of state for foreign
   affairs of Korea."

   On the 30th of August, 1904, an additional Agreement between
   the Governments of Japan and Korea, signed in part on the 19th
   and in part on the 22d of that month, was communicated by the
   Japanese Ambassador to the United States to the State
   Department at Washington, with a note saying: "In
   communicating this agreement to the Government of the United
   States I am instructed to say that it is nothing more than the
   natural consequence or development of the protocol concluded
   between the Japanese and Korean Governments on the 23rd of
   last February, which I had the honor to communicate at that
   time for the information of the Government of the United
   States. I am further directed to say that the agreement does
   not in anywise interfere with the full operation or validity
   of Korea’s existing treaties; and that Article II thereof is
   not intended to place any impediment in the way of legitimate
   enterprise in Korea, but merely to check, as far as possible,
   the future conclusion of unwise and improvident engagements,
   which in the past have been fruitful sources of trouble and
   complication."

   The Agreement thus announced was in the following terms:

   "ARTICLE I.
   The Korean Government shall engage a Japanese subject
   recommended by the Japanese Government as financial adviser to
   the Korean Government, and all matters concerning finance
   shall be dealt with after his counsel shall have been taken.

   "ARTICLE II.
   The Korean Government shall engage a foreigner recommended by
   the Japanese Government as diplomatic adviser to the foreign
   office, and all important matters concerning foreign relations
   shall be dealt with after his counsel shall have been taken.

   "ARTICLE III.
   The Korean Government shall consult the Japanese Government
   before concluding treaties and conventions with foreign
   powers, and also in dealing with other important diplomatic
   affairs, such as grants of concessions to or contracts with
   foreigners."

   Writing of this Agreement a few days later to the State
   Department at Washington, the American Minister to Japan, Mr.
   Lloyd Griscom, remarked:

   "It is interesting to note that Mr. Megata, selected to be
   financial adviser to the Korean Government, was educated in
   America and is a graduate of Harvard University, and Mr.
   Stevens, who has been chosen as adviser to the foreign office,
   is an American gentleman about whom it would be superfluous to
   inform you."

   Under a third Agreement, signed April 1, 1905, Japan took over
   the control and operation of the post, telegraph, and
   telephone services of Korea, in order to "rearrange the system
   of communications in that country, and, by amalgamating it
   with that of Japan, to unite the two systems into one."

   Finally, on the 17th of November, 1905, a fourth Agreement was
   signed, which definitely surrendered to Japan the "control and
   direction of the external relations and affairs of Korea," in
   the following stipulations:

   "ARTICLE I.
   The Government of Japan, through the department of foreign
   affairs in Tokyo, will hereafter have control and direction of
   the external relations and affairs of Korea and the diplomatic
   and consular representatives of Japan will have the charge of
   the subjects and interests of Korea in foreign countries.

   "ARTICLE II.
   The Government of Japan undertake to see to the execution of
   the treaties actually existing between Korea and other powers,
   and the Government of Korea engage not to conclude hereafter
   any act or engagement having an international character,
   except through the medium of the Government of Japan.

   "ARTICLE III.
   The Government of Japan shall be represented at the court of
   His Majesty the Emperor of Korea by a resident general, who
   shall reside at Seoul primarily for the purpose of taking
   charge of and directing the matters relating to diplomatic
   affairs. He shall have the right of private and personal
   audience of His Majesty the Emperor of Korea. The Japanese
   Government shall have the right to station residents at the
   several open ports and such other places in Korea as they may
   deem necessary.

   "Such residents shall, under the direction of the resident
   general, exercise the powers and functions hitherto
   appertaining to Japanese consuls in Korea, and shall perform
   such duties as may be necessary in order to carry into full
   effect the provisions of this agreement.

   "ARTICLE IV.
   The stipulations of all treaties and agreements existing
   between Japan and Korea not inconsistent with the provisions
   of this agreement shall continue in force.

   "ARTICLE V.
   The Government of Japan undertake to maintain the welfare and
   dignity of the Imperial House of Korea."

   With the communication of this Agreement to foreign Powers
   there went a declaration by the Japanese Government, in part
   as follows:

   "The relations of propinquity have made it necessary for Japan
   to take and exercise, for reasons closely connected with her
   own safety and repose, a paramount interest and influence in
   the political and military affairs of Korea. The measures
   hitherto taken have been purely advisory, but the experience
   of recent years has demonstrated the insufficiency of measures
   of guidance alone.
{367}
   The unwise and improvident action of Korea, more especially in
   the domain of her international concerns, has in the past been
   the most fruitful source of complications. To permit the
   present unsatisfactory condition of things to continue
   unrestrained and unregulated would be to invite fresh
   difficulties, and Japan believes that she owes it to herself
   and to her desire for the general pacification of the extreme
   East to take the steps necessary to put an end once for all to
   this dangerous situation."

KOREA: A. D. 1904-1905.
   Status of the Korean Empire under Japanese Control.
   The Japanese View.

   "After her quick entry into Seoul at the outbreak of the war,
   Japan found herself precisely in the position which she had
   long desired to establish. The plan of joint non-intervention
   in Korean affairs as agreed upon between Japan and Russia in
   1896 and 1898 [see, in Volume VI. of this work, Korea], which
   had again and again resulted in competitive intervention, had
   proved disastrous to the interest of Japan and of general
   reform; but now Russia had abruptly withdrawn from Seoul, and
   Japan found herself free to move alone. Thereupon she hastened
   to impose upon the Korean Foreign Minister a treaty of
   alliance [as above], on February 23, 1904, which laid the
   foundation for all Japan’s subsequent conduct in the
   peninsula. …

   "An analysis and interpretation of the forces which the war
   has set loose and which are bringing their inevitable
   consequences would be highly instructive. Let us, however,
   content ourselves here by pointing to the Korean clauses in
   the three important documents concluded within the last two
   years, in which the rapid development of the Korean problem is
   easily traceable,—namely, the Korean-Japanese treaty of
   alliance of February 23, 1904, the Russo-Japanese treaty of
   peace signed on September 5, 1905 [see, in this Volume, JAPAN;
   A. D. 1905 (June-October)], and the Anglo Japanese agreement
   of alliance concluded on August 12 [see JAPAN: A. D. 1905
   (August)], and published with Lord Lansdowne’s dispatch to the
   British Ambassador at St. Petersburg on September 26, 1905. It
   will be remembered that the first instrument at once placed
   Korea under Japan’s military protection and administrative
   guidance, and bound Japan to uphold Korea’s independence and
   territorial integrity, including the safety of her Imperial
   house. One will readily observe that two distinct points are
   here involved. These two points the further progress of
   events, some of which have already been described, seems to
   have put so far apart, that in the treaty of Portsmouth
   Japan’s preponderance over Korea was recognized by Russia,
   while little was said of the independence of the peninsular
   empire. It was even said that M. Witte insisted during the
   discussion of the clause that Baron Komura should declare in
   his proposed terms that Japan intended to make of Korea a
   province of the Japanese Empire. This the Baron is reported to
   have emphatically declined, presumably because he would not
   consider the protection by Japan and the territorial integrity
   of Korea incompatible with each other. The difference between
   the theoretical and practical situation is, however, reflected
   unmistakably in the Anglo-Japanese agreement, the third
   article of which reads: ‘Japan possessing paramount political,
   military, and economic interests in Korea, Great Britain
   recognizes Japan’s right to take such measures for the
   guidance, control and protection of Korea as she may deem
   proper and necessary to safeguard and advance those interests,
   providing the measures so taken are not contrary to the
   principle of equal opportunities for the commerce and industry
   of all nations.’ In other words, Japan is left free to control
   Korea and then prevail upon the latter to open her door
   equally wide to all nations, including Japan herself. After
   specially dwelling on the substance of this article, Lord
   Lansdowne says in his dispatch: ‘The treaty at this point
   differs conspicuously from that of 1902. It has, however,
   become evident that Korea, owing to its close proximity to the
   Japanese Empire, and to its inability to stand alone, must
   fall under the control and tutelage of Japan. His Majesty’s
   Government observes with satisfaction that this point has been
   readily conceded by Russia in the treaty of peace, and there
   is every reason to believe that similar views are held by the
   other Powers with regard to the relations which should subsist
   between Japan and Korea.’ Thus are Korea’s alleged incapacity
   of self-government and Japan’s need of control over the
   peninsular affairs openly recognized by a third Power, and it
   is taken for granted that no other Power will deny these
   points. Such a declaration could not be made, it is admitted,
   in 1902, when the first treaty of alliance was concluded, nor
   perhaps even at the time when the Korean-Japanese protocol was
   signed in February, 1904. Yet the doctrine of Korea’s
   independence is still not theoretically contradictory with
   this situation now recognized by the Russian and British
   governments, nor has it become less effective than in the last
   year, for, while the control by Japan has since been
   tightened, Korea remains a separate empire with all the
   sovereign rights of an independent State. Japan, speaking
   technically, exercises a supervisory control and discharges
   administrative functions entrusted to her care. The future
   trend of affairs—whether the Korean independence will vanish
   into a mere fiction as the Japanese control advances, or
   whether under the latter the peninsular people will be trained
   to an effective self-government—must largely be determined by
   the mutual interaction of the complex factors, both Korean and
   Japanese, public and private, conscious and unconscious, which
   are steadily working out the destiny of the peninsula."

      K. Asakawa,
      Korea and Manchuria under the New Treaty
      (Atlantic Monthly, November, 1905).

KOREA: A. D. 1905 (August).
   New Agreement concerning Korea between Great Britain and Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.
   Japanese Control of Korean Affairs.
   Under Prince Ito.
   Attempted appeal of Korea to the Hague Conference of 1907.
   Enforced abdication of the Emperor.
   Elevation of his Son to the Throne.
   Extensive and fierce Revolt rigorously fought down.
   Retirement of Prince Ito.
   Recent Measures.

   As to the use made by the Japanese of the entireness of their
   domination in Korea, as conceded to them in the treaties
   referred to above, by the Government of Korea, primarily, and
   by Great Britain and Russia, secondarily, in their recognition
   and endorsement of the status thus established, there has been
   much controversy since.
{368}
   The Koreans themselves have been loud complainants of harsh
   and oppressive exercises of Japanese power in their country,
   and have found many sympathizers among the western peoples to
   denounce their alleged wrongs. On the other hand, many foreign
   visitors to Korea, after careful observation of conditions in
   the country, have borne strong testimony in favor of the
   Japanese conduct of Korean affairs. Professor George T. Ladd,
   for example, of Yale University, is one of these witnesses
   whose judgment has great weight. Having gone to Japan to give
   a course of lectures there, Professor Ladd was asked by Prince
   Ito, the Japanese Resident-General in Korea, to visit the
   latter country as an observer, and lend counsel to the Prince
   relative specially to some matters that touched American
   missions. His subsequent book, entitled "In Korea with Prince
   Ito," represents, beyond question, a careful and candid study
   of conditions which he had the best of opportunities for
   becoming rightly acquainted with. It does not approve or
   justify everything that the Japanese dictators of Korean
   administration were doing, but it represents the general
   motive and intent of their undertakings to have been for the
   improvement of the people and country whose affairs they had
   taken into their hands. The same may be said of what has been
   written of Korea since the Russo-Japanese war by Mr. George
   Kennan, the experienced traveller in the East and student of
   its peoples and their life.

   The truth appears to be that the Japanese are using their
   power in Korea as justly, as honestly, as rightly as the
   English are using similar power in Egypt, as the Americans are
   using it in the Philippine Islands, or as any people has ever
   used the power to dictate government to another people. The
   question of right and wrong in all such cases goes back of the
   mode of using the overlordship, and is a question of the right
   to hold it for any mode of use. That there was compulsion in
   the procurement of the convention by which the Emperor of
   Korea and his decadent Government surrendered themselves to
   the dictatorial protection of Japan goes without saying. That
   there is not a strong nation in the world to-day that would
   not, in the same circumstances, have exercised the same
   compulsion and wrung the same surrender, is just as
   indisputable; but the political morality of the world is still
   too undeveloped for that fact to be exonerating. It only
   "sights" the political ethics of Japan along the level of our
   Christendom, and finds her to be, at least, not below it.

   Soon after the Convention of November 17, 1905 had been
   signed, Marquis Ito, the Japanese Resident-General in Korea,
   invited the newspaper editors in Seoul to a luncheon, at which
   he addressed them, as reported at the time, partly in these
   words:

   "If the state of affairs in Korea be examined, it is found
   that the relations between sovereign and subject, government
   and governed, are of a very distant nature, and are by no
   means so close as those in Japan. Hence it becomes inevitable
   to adopt toward the Government measures of a more or less
   compulsory nature. The people, however, are eminently peaceful
   and quiet, and toward them, therefore, the policy pursued must
   be one of gentle persuasion. Those are points which have to be
   kept in view not merely by our officials, but also by all
   Japanese subjects residing in Korea. Such Japanese subjects
   must carefully refrain from all acts of violence to which
   their country’s victories may prompt them, and must be guided
   by a spirit of kindness in their dealings with the Koreans.
   Already the United States representative in Seoul has received
   instructions from his Government for the removal of the legation,
   and it may be assumed that the other powers will similarly
   recognize Japan’s convention. It will then be for Japan not to
   forget the duties that heaven has delegated to her, but to
   lead Korea gently and helpfully along the path of progress,
   for assuredly anything like arbitrary or coercive conduct will
   earn for Korea the sympathy of the nations, and will defeat
   the true and abiding policy of Japan."

   Discontent, complaint, resistance in Korea were inevitable,
   whatever treatment the country in so helpless and humbled a
   situation might receive. By a dexterous movement in 1907 it
   compelled the world to take notice of its plight. The Emperor,
   or his immediate entourage, succeeded by some means in fairly
   smuggling out of the country a delegation commissioned to
   claim a hearing before the Peace Conference at The Hague.
   Their claim was effectually extinguished by the agreement of
   1904, which turned over to Japan the whole management of the
   foreign affairs of Korea; but the Korean situation was
   discussed widely for a time. Nothing of benefit to the native
   Korean Government, however, came from the event. The iron hand
   of Japanese control was laid in heavier pressure on the feeble
   court, at once. The nominal Korean Ministry was made to demand
   and compel the abdication of the Emperor, on the ground that
   he had endangered the national welfare by violation of the
   treaty of August, 1904. His young son was crowned in his
   stead, and Korea was required to submit to a new Agreement,
   signed on the 24th of July, 1907, by which the
   Resident-General "acquired initiative as well as consultatory
   competence to enact and enforce laws and ordinances, to
   appoint and remove Korean officials, and to place capable
   Japanese subjects in the ranks of Korean officialdom." Special
   provision was made for the separation of the Judiciary and the
   Executive, so as to put an end, wrote an English
   correspondent, "to the grievous corruption practised under a
   system which invested provincial governors and district
   magistrates with judicial functions, reducing the
   administration of justice to a mere matter of favour or
   interest." Under this new agreement the Resident-General
   acquired authority sufficient to overcome obstruction, for it
   pledged the Government of Korea to act under his guidance in
   matters of administrative reform; not to enact any laws or
   take any important measures without his previous assent; and
   not to appoint or dismiss high officials without his
   concurrence.

   The attempt to carry an appeal to the Hague Conference was not
   fortunate for Korea in the result. As a coup it was skilfully
   executed, but can hardly be regarded as shrewd in the
   planning. It was attributed, in both plan and execution, to an
   American, Mr. Homer B. Hurlbert, who went to Korea as an
   educator some years before, under an appointment by the
   Government of the United States, on an official request from
   Korea; who had acquired much influence there and was
   strenuously a partisan of the Koreans, as against the
   Japanese.
{369}
   Publishing a small periodical, the Korean Review, Mr.
   Hurlburt became an effective champion of their cause, publicly
   as well as privately in the native counsels of the overlorded
   empire. In the latter capacity he was pitted against another
   American, Mr. Durham White Stevens, whose appointment by
   Japanese selection, in 1904, to be adviser to the Korean
   Foreign Office, is mentioned above. Originally in the service
   of his own country, Mr. Stevens had then become official
   adviser to the Japanese Legation at Washington, and passed
   from that to the service in Korea. His fidelity to Japanese
   interests centered on him the animosity of the rebellious
   element in Korea, and he fell a victim to their hate.

   The forcing of the old Emperor from the throne and the
   exaction of a more direct and complete submission of Korea to
   Japanese rule had provoked an extensive revolt. This was made
   more serious by an acknowledged mistake committed by Prince
   Ito, in disbanding the Korean army. A correspondent of the New
   York Evening Post, who wrote from Tokyo on the 14th of
   December, 1908, gave this account of the effect, and of the
   dreadful suffering of the country from the conflict that
   followed, in 1907-1908:

   "The discharged soldiers, stung by the disgrace of dismissal
   and the dishonor of forced submission to hated intruders,
   quickly spread all over the country, stirring up their
   compatriots to a fearless and often a fatal zeal against the
   alien administration. The Japanese authorities forthwith set
   about a vigorous suppression of the malcontents, even to the
   extent of a merciless annihilation of life and a wholesale
   destruction of property. … The rebel forces only waxed more
   formidable, until by the approach of spring the insurgent
   bands were so widely distributed and menacing that no Japanese
   could safely venture beyond the confines of well-guarded towns
   and cities.

   "Accordingly the imperial authorities were driven to replace
   their new policy of remaining on the defensive by the former
   one of extermination, and no quarter. Last summer, therefore,
   a well-organized campaign for completely wiping out the
   insurrectionary forces was resolved upon and put into
   execution. … A proclamation had previously been issued to the
   effect that all Koreans affording food or shelter to the
   insurgents, or in any way rendering assistance liable to
   involve a charge of complicity, would be summarily dealt with;
   while those who surrendered to the proper authorities would be
   pardoned. The message placed the people between the devil and
   the deep sea. If the natives refused assistance to the
   insurgents, obedience would be required of them at the point
   of the bayonet by their insulted fellow-patriots; while if
   they were suspected of thus acquiescing, they perished at the
   hands of the Japanese soldiery. Under the circumstances the
   Koreans naturally chose rather to die serving their own people
   than to suffer the same fate by resisting them."

   A tragical incident of this fierce struggle was the
   assassination of Mr. Durham White Stevens, while visiting the
   United States. He had been marked for death by the Korean
   insurgents, and was slain by their emissaries, in March, 1908,
   soon after his landing in California.

   The correspondent above quoted regarded the insurrection as
   having spent its force at the time of his writing, December,
   1908. Against the enormous destruction of life and property
   which the suppression of it had cost, he proceeded to set a
   brief summary of the simultaneous constructive and reformative
   work which the Japanese had been carrying on. This was
   described more broadly, however, a little later, by a writer
   in the London Times, from whom we quote;

   "The coasts have been lighted and buoyed; posts, telegraphs,
   and, telephones have been provided; roads and railways have
   been built; public buildings have been erected; various
   industrial enterprises have been started, as printing,
   brick-making, forestry, and coal-mining; model farms have been
   laid out; the cultivation of cotton has been commenced and
   promises to become a great industry; an industrial training
   school has been built and equipped; an exposition has been
   held in Seoul; sanitary works have been inaugurated; fine
   hospitals and medical schools have been opened; an excellent
   educational system modelled on that of Japan has been
   organized; waterworks have been constructed in several towns;
   and, last though not least, complete freedom of conscience has
   replaced the old anti-Christian bigotry."

   In June, 1909, the veteran statesman, Prince Ito, was relieved
   of the trying office of Resident-General in Korea, and
   succeeded by Viscount Sone, who had previously served with him
   as Vice Resident-General. A Tokyo correspondent wrote of the
   change:

   "It was first planned to appoint Viscount Terauchi, minister
   of war in the Japanese Cabinet, to the residency in Korea, but
   Prince Ito objected, pointing out to the ministers that the
   selection of Viscount Terauchi, a lieutenant-general, would be
   considered as a triumph for the military regime and an
   abandonment and disavowal of Prince Ito’s policy for the
   peaceful development of Korea. As usual, Prince Ito’s advice
   was accepted by his fellow statesmen, and Viscount Sone, who
   received his training in Korea under the administration of
   Prince Ito, was named to the post.

   "A high officer said to-day that when the Korea residency was
   created it was incumbent upon Japan to send her most able
   statesman, Prince Ito, to fill the important post. He
   formulated his policy of administration without interference,
   and while some of the leading men of Japan were inclined to
   doubt the wisdom of that policy they are now virtually
   converted to his ideas, and it is generally believed that the
   feeling of confidence and friendship for Japan can be created
   among the Koreans and make the country doubly valuable."

   Further changes in the administration of Korean affairs
   attended this official change. They were reported to the
   London Times by its Tokyo correspondent, July 18, as
   follows:

    "Japan has just taken some important steps in Korea, the
    occasion chosen being the simultaneous presence of the
    outgoing and the incoming Residents-General in Seoul. She has
    made arrangements for the establishment of a central bank
    under official auspices, and she has negotiated for the
    abolition of the two Departments of War and Justice. … The
    capital will be one million sterling in £10 shares, 30,000 of
    which shares will be allotted to the Korean Government, the
    remainder being offered for subscription in Korea and Japan.
    … An important feature is that all the bank’s officers will
    be nominated by the Japanese Government, though they may
    include Korean subjects.

{370}

   "This being a purely financial measure which falls naturally
   into its place in the sequence of Japan’s protectorate
   programme has not attracted any special attention. Not so,
   however, the abolition of the Korean Department of Justice,
   and its replacement by a bureau in the Residency-General. The
   immediate effect of that change is to convert the Korean
   Courts of law into branches of the Japanese tribunals of
   justice. Korean laws will, of course, be administered—and
   their revision and codification cannot be accomplished in a
   moment—but all the occupants of the bench will be selected
   and appointed by Japan, and if competent Koreans cannot be
   found, or until they are educated, Japanese alone will be
   nominated. Japan is to bear the charges of this arrangement—
   namely, £50,000 annually. The innovation is not so radical as
   it appears at first sight. Already the assistant Judges in the
   principal Courts were Japanese subjects, so that what is now
   done is to extend the system rather than to alter it. …

   "These things may be regarded as a definite step towards the
   reality of Japan’s control in Korea. There have been three
   distinct stages in her attitude towards her neighbour: first,
   the advisory stage; then the stage of subordinate
   administration; and finally the stage of well-nigh effective
   direction. The first stage was antecedent to the Convention of
   November, 1906. During that period Japan limited herself to
   tendering counsels which Korea adopted or rejected at will.
   The second stage was marked by assumption of entire authority
   in the realm of foreign affairs; entire authority in the
   domain of communications; practically entire authority in
   military and police affairs, and vicarious authority in the
   Departments of State by means of Vice-Ministers, in the field
   of justice by the agency of assistant judges, and in
   provincial administration by means of secretaries who ranked
   as assistant-governors. The third stage has just been
   inaugurated; military control has been made complete; judicial
   control has been made complete, and financial control has been
   made well-nigh complete. Very little remains to be done."

   ----------KOREA: End--------

KOSSUTH, Ferencz:
   Leader of the Independence Party in Hungary.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903; 1904;
      1905-1906; 1908-1909.

KRATZ, Charles:
   Municipal "Boodler" of St. Louis.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

KRONSTADT:
   Revolutionary Disturbances.
   The treachery that defeated the Rising of 1906.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER), and
      1906 (AUGUST).

KUANG-HSU: Emperor of China.
   His death.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

KUENSAN HILL, CAPTURE OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

KULTURKAMPF, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: PRUSSIA; A. D. 1904.

KURINO: JAPANESE MINISTER AT ST. PETERSBURG.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

KUROKI, General.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

KUROPATKIN, General:
   In the Russo-Japanese War.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

KUYPER, REVEREND DR. ABRAHAM.

      See (in this Volume)
      NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.

L.

LABOR EXCHANGES ACT, British.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: ENGLAND.

   ----------LABOR ORGANIZATION: Start--------

   Trade Unions
   Labor Parties
   Strikes
   Lockouts
   Mediations
   Arbitrations
   Industrial Agreements


LABOR ORGANIZATION: Australia: A. D. 1886-1906.
   The Rise of the Labor Party.
   Its rigorous organization.

   Some account of the part played in Australian politics by the
   Labor Party is given elsewhere.

      See, in this Volume,
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904, and after.

   The circumstances of the rise and growth of the party are
   related briefly and the rigorousness of its organization is
   described in the following:

   "To trace the origin of the movement we must go back to the
   fall of prices which began about 1886, to the succeeding lean
   years 1886-1892, and the miseries of the consequent period of
   unsuccessful strikes. The strikers and their working-class
   sympathizers were taunted with appealing to brute force, and
   recommended to depend rather upon constitutional political
   methods for the redress of grievances. The workingmen took the
   advice and bettered it. The trades unions devoted a portion of
   their funds and much of their energy to political propaganda.
   First in New South Wales, later in all the colonies and in
   many widely separated districts, labor leagues were organized
   which sketched out a policy and laid down a pledge which all
   candidates supported by the leagues must sign. These formed
   the nucleus of a new and independent political party which
   gave their votes to either Liberal or Conservative
   indifferently, regardless of which was in office, in return
   for legislative concessions from either. The new party
   springing thus almost simultaneously to life all over the
   continent was at first regarded as a pathetic joke. They were
   few in numbers, uneducated, inexperienced in affairs of state,
   and had opposed to them all the wealth and the legal
   astuteness in every chamber where they held seats. But they
   were determined, united, and, with rare exceptions,
   self-sacrificing. They were mutually bound not to take office
   except with the consent of their fellow-laborites, so that
   they were labeled from the first as ‘Not for sale.’ And from
   their point of view the plan has succeeded.

{371}

   "Friend and foe alike pay tribute to the magnificent
   organization and discipline of the movement, and to the
   personal disinterestedness of the leaders. A great economy of
   effort is assured by having a platform and organization
   practically identical for the Federal, State and municipal
   elections, and for general propaganda work, and consequently
   being able to utilize the same bodies—the local political
   labor leagues—and the same workers for what seems to them
   social righteousness, whether in national, State, or municipal
   concerns. The Labor party was born of trades-unionism, and its
   whole administration has been based on trades union methods.
   The political labor leagues were at first composed of
   trades-unionists, and are still closely in touch with trades
   unions. These are the bodies who vote for the selection of
   candidates for all elections and for delegates to the annual
   and triennial State and Federal conferences of the party. The
   Labor party in Parliament may be the controlling force, but no
   other party in Australia has to carry out the behests of its
   constituents as does this.

   "We now come to the pledge and the caucus. The pledge, which
   was first drafted by the New South Wales Labor Conference in
   1895, reads as follows: ‘I hereby pledge myself not to oppose
   the candidate selected by the recognized political Labour
   organisation, and, if elected, to do my utmost to carry out
   the principles—embodied in the Federal Labour Platform, and on
   all questions affecting the Platform to vote as a majority of
   the Parliamentary Party may decide at a duly constituted
   caucus meeting.’

   "As the pledge binds all members to carry out the general
   principles of a platform decided for him by the united labor
   vote of Australia, so each man has his vote in the legislature
   decided for him beforehand on all details of that policy by
   the caucus vote of his party in the legislature, before or
   during the course of debate. The advocates of the system say
   that this is the only way in which any consistent policy can
   be carried out to a successful end. Opponents assert that in
   it we have the germs of machine politics, and that labor may
   by and by pay dearly for its present victory. The large amount
   of direct representation in Australia, and the increasing
   probabilities of the initiative and referendum being more
   largely used, may check this tendency."

      Alice Henry,
      The Australian Labor Movement
      (The Outlook, November 3, 1906).

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1905-1909.
   Failures of the Compulsory Arbitration Law.

   In this Volume, under the heading—AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906,—
   an instance of failure in the operation of the compulsory
   Arbitration Law to arrest a strike of coal miners in New South
   Wales is recorded. The failure was repeated in the same field
   in the fall of 1909, when 12,000 miners of the Newcastle and
   Maitland collieries of New South Wales stopped work. "The
   men," it was reported, "demand an open conference to deal with
   the principal grievances, with resort, in the event of
   failure, to the Federal Arbitration Court or a special
   commission. The owners, on the other hand, insist on a
   conference with closed doors and the settlement of undecided
   questions under the State Industrial Act. They further want
   work to be resumed simultaneously with the opening of the
   conference. The men, however, refuse to hew coal until their
   grievances have been settled, but offer to carry on during the
   conference all work necessary to keep the mines in working
   order."

   The correspondent who reported this went on to say:

   "The public seems to be without a remedy against the strikers,
   since it is impossible to imprison the whole mass, and the
   imprisonment of the leaders would mean a general strike. In
   addition the only available labour for colliery purposes is
   controlled by the trade unions."

   Evidently, however, the law was vindicated in the end, since a
   report from Sydney on the 29th of December, made known that 13
   officials of the miners’ union had been fined £100 each, with
   two months hard labor in default.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Austria: A. D. 1902.

   During a strike of about 6500 men in various employments at
   Trieste, in February, 1902, there were conflicts with the
   military in which about 40 were killed and wounded. The demand
   was for an eight hours day, and it was conceded in the end,
   after an arbitration which decided in their favor. In the
   following August serious labor disturbances occurred in
   Galicia, where the peasants claimed better wages, and troops
   had to be sent to the region to restore order.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Belgium: A. D. 1902.
   General Strike of Workmen as Protest against
   the Plural Suffrage.

      See (in this Volume)
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1902.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1903.
   Compensation for Injuries to Workmen.

   After months of debate an Act prescribing compensation for
   accidents injurious to workmen was passed, attempts to attach
   to it the principle of compulsory insurance having failed.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Canada: A. D. 1907-1908.
   The Act known as "The Industrial Disputes
   Investigation Act."
   Its main provisions.
   Its object, not Compulsory Arbitration, but the
   Compulsory Attempting of Arbitration.
   General success of the Act.
   Failure to prevent Canadian Pacific Railway Strike.

   In the judgment of many who give thought and study to labor
   questions, the most promising experiment yet made in
   legislation for dealing with disputes between employers and
   workmen is the Canadian Act of March, 1907, entitled "An Act
   to aid in the Prevention and Settlement of Strikes and
   Lockouts in Mines and Industries connected with Public
   Utilities." The essence of the Act is in its 56th to 61st
   sections, which read as follows:

   "56.
   It shall be unlawful for any employer to declare or cause a
   lockout, or for any employee to go on strike, on account of
   any dispute prior to or during a reference of such dispute to
   a Board of Conciliation and Investigation under the provisions
   of this Act, or prior to or during a reference under the
   provisions concerning railway disputes in the Conciliation and
   Labour Act: Provided that nothing in this Act shall prohibit
   the suspension or discontinuance of any industry or of the
   working of any persons therein for any cause not constituting
   a lockout or strike: Provided also that, except where the
   parties have entered into an agreement under section 62 of
   this Act, nothing in this Act shall be held to restrain any
   employer from declaring a lockout, or any employee from going
   on strike in respect of any dispute which has been duly
   referred to a Board and which has been dealt with under
   section 24 or 25 of this Act, or in respect of any dispute
   which has been the subject of a reference under the provisions
   concerning railway disputes in the Conciliation and Labour
   Act.

{372}

   "57.
   Employers and employees shall give at least thirty days’
   notice of an intended change affecting conditions of
   employment with respect to wages or hours; and in every case
   where a dispute has been referred to a Board, until the
   dispute has been finally dealt with by the Board, neither of
   the parties nor the employees affected shall alter the
   conditions of employment with respect to wages or hours, or on
   account of the dispute do or be concerned in doing, directly
   or indirectly, anything in the nature of a lockout or strike,
   or a suspension or discontinuance of employment or work, but
   the relationship of employer and employee shall continue
   uninterrupted by the dispute, or anything arising out of the
   dispute; but if, in the opinion of the Board, either party
   uses this or any other provision of this Act for the purpose
   of unjustly maintaining a given condition of affairs through
   delay, and the Board so reports to the Minister, such party
   shall be guilty of an offence, and liable to the same
   penalties as are imposed for a violation of the next preceding
   section.

   "58.
   Any employer declaring or causing a lockout contrary to the
   provisions of this Act, shall be liable to a fine of not less
   than one hundred dollars, nor more than one thousand dollars,
   for each day or part of a day that such lockout exists.

   "59.
   Any employee who goes on strike contrary to the provisions of
   this Act shall be liable to a fine of not less than ten
   dollars, nor more than fifty dollars, for each day or part of
   a day that such employee is on strike.

   "60.
   Any person who incites, encourages or aids in any manner any
   employer to declare or continue a lockout, or any employee to
   go or continue on strike contrary to the provisions of this
   Act, shall be guilty of an offence and liable to a fine of not
   less than fifty dollars nor more than one thousand dollars.

   "61.
   The procedure for enforcing penalties imposed or authorized to
   be imposed by this Act shall be that prescribed by Part XV. of
   the Criminal Code relating to summary convictions."

   A sufficient understanding of the practical operation of the
   Act may be derived from the following prescriptive sections:

   "5.
   Wherever any dispute exists between an employer and any of his
   employees, and the parties thereto are unable to adjust it,
   either of the parties to the dispute may make application to
   the Minister for the appointment of a Board of Conciliation and
   Investigation, to which Board the dispute maybe referred under
   the provisions of this Act: Provided, however, that, in the
   case of a dispute between a railway company and its employees,
   such dispute may be referred, for the purpose of conciliation
   and investigation, under the provisions concerning railway
   disputes in the Conciliation and Labour Act.

   "6.
   Whenever, under this Act, an application is made in due form
   for the appointment of a Board of Conciliation and
   Investigation, and such application does not relate to a
   dispute which is the subject of a reference under the
   provisions concerning railway disputes in the Conciliation and
   Labour Act, the Minister, whose decision for such purpose
   shall be final, shall, within fifteen days from the date at
   which the application is received, establish such Board under
   his hand and seal of office, if satisfied that the provisions
   of this Act apply.

   "7.
   Every Board shall consist of three members who shall be
   appointed by the Minister. Of the three members of the Board
   one shall be appointed on the recommendation of the employer
   and one on the recommendation of the employees (the parties to
   the dispute), and the third on the recommendation of the
   members so chosen."

   "11.
   No person shall act as a member of the Board who has any
   direct pecuniary interest in the issue of a dispute referred
   to such Board."

   "23.
   In every case where a dispute is duly referred to a Board it
   shall be the duty of the Board to endeavour to bring about a
   settlement of the dispute, and to this end the Board shall, in
   such manner as it thinks fit, expeditiously and carefully
   inquire into the dispute and all matters affecting the merits
   thereof and the right settlement thereof. In the course of
   such inquiry the Board may make all such suggestions and do
   all such things as it deems right and proper for inducing the
   parties to come to a fair and amicable settlement of the
   dispute, and may adjourn the proceedings for any period the
   Board thinks reasonable to allow the parties to agree upon
   terms of settlement.

   "24.
   If a settlement of the dispute is arrived at by the parties
   during the course of its reference to the Board, a memorandum
   of the settlement shall be drawn up by the Board and signed by
   the parties, and shall, if the parties so agree, be binding as
   if made a recommendation by the Board under section 62 of this
   Act, and a copy thereof with a report upon the proceedings
   shall be forwarded to the Minister.

   "25.
   If a settlement of the dispute is not arrived at during the
   course of its reference to the Board, the Board shall make a
   full report, thereon to the Minister, which report shall set
   forth the various proceedings and steps taken by the Board for
   the purpose of fully and carefully ascertaining all the facts
   and circumstances, and shall also set forth such facts and
   circumstances, and its findings therefrom, including the cause
   of the dispute and the Board’s recommendation for the
   settlement of the dispute according to the merits and
   substantial justice of the case.

   "26.
   The Board’s recommendation shall deal with each item of the
   dispute and shall state in plain terms, and avoiding as far as
   possible all technicalities, what in the Board’s opinion ought
   or ought not to be done by the respective parties concerned.
   Wherever it appears to the Board expedient so to do, its
   recommendation shall also state the period during which the
   proposed settlement should continue in force, and the date
   from which it should commence."

   "28.
   Upon receipt of the Board’s report the Minister shall
   forthwith cause the report to be filed in the office of the
   Registrar and a copy thereof to be sent free of charge to the
   parties to the dispute and to the representative of any
   newspaper published in Canada who applies therefor, and the
   Minister may distribute copies of the report, and of any
   minority report, in such manner as to him seems most desirable
   as a means of securing compliance with the Board’s
   recommendation."

{373}

   The fundamental object of the law, as will be seen, is not to
   compel arbitration, but to compel an attempt at arbitration,
   before any strike or lockout is permitted, and to give
   authentic and full publicity to all the circumstances which
   can justify or condemn a strike or lockout, if one occurs. So
   far in the experience of Canada with this wise enactment it
   has generally been successful in bringing about a peaceful
   settlement of labor disputes. It failed in the case of a
   disagreement between the Canadian Pacific Railway Company and
   its mechanical employés, which arose in April, 1908, when the
   Company served notice of a reduction of wages to one class of
   boiler-makers, and of an increase in the proportion of
   apprentices to be employed in its shops, together with some
   changes of rules concerning machine tools, etc. The men
   applied for the appointment of a Conciliation Board, in
   accordance with the law, but were not satisfied with the
   conclusions reported by a majority of the Board, and struck,
   as the law then permitted them to do. The strike was weakened
   by the unfavorable public opinion which the investigation
   produced.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: England: A. D. 1892-1901.
   A Statistical Study of Ten Years of Trade Disputes.

   The following is the concluding summary of an elaborate
   statistical study of Strikes and Lockouts in England during
   the ten years from 1892 to 1901, made by an eminent
   statistician, Mr. J. H. Schooling:

   "To sum up the chief practical points that seem to have come
   out of this examination of trade disputes during 1892-1901,
   these are:

   "(a)
   An improvement during 1897-1901 as compared with 1892-1896.

   "(b)
   An altogether undue predominance of the Mining and Quarrying
   Trades in trade disputes, not only actually, but also
   relatively to the industrial population of each group of
   trades compared. This is a most unsatisfactory feature, for
   the reason that so many other trades depend upon
   non-interruption of coal mining for their successful working.
   Therefore, efforts to prevent disputes should be specially
   directed to the Mining and Quarrying Trades.

   "(c)
   Nearly two-thirds of all trade disputes are caused by disputes
   about wages, and nearly one-half of all trade disputes are
   caused by a demand by workpeople for ‘an increase of wages.’
   Only 6 per cent. of all disputes are caused by resistance
   ‘against decrease of wages.’ …

   "(d)
   Trade Unionism is not so productive of strikes as it is
   commonly supposed to be.

   "(e)
   Conciliation Boards, etc., do not cause the settlement of many
   disputes after the dispute has commenced. Their work is in the
   direction of preventing strikes and lock-outs. That this work
   is effective and that it should be zealously promoted is
   evidenced by the fact that in 1901, 75 per cent. of all
   changes in wages and in hours of labour were arranged by
   sliding scales, wages boards, or by other peaceful methods,
   while only 2 per cent. of these changes followed upon strikes
   or lock-outs.

   "(f)
   The respective chances of success by workpeople or by
   employers when a trade dispute is entered upon are, in round
   numbers:
   150 chances for the employers; and
   100 chances for the workpeople.

   "In addition to this relatively small chance of success by
   workpeople when they strike, the cost to them and to their
   trade organisations is relatively greater than the cost to
   employers."

      J. H. Schooling,
      Strikes and Lock-outs, 1892-1901
      (Fortnightly Review, May, 1904).

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1900-1906.
   The Taff Vale Decision.
   Trades Unions made liable for Damages.
   Resulting amendment of the English Law.

   In the summer of 1900 a strike of employés of the Taff Vale
   Railway Company occurred, which lasted only a fortnight or
   thereabouts, but had large and important consequences. During
   the strike the Company applied for an injunction to restrain
   two officers of the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants
   from interfering as such with the affairs of the road. The
   Society opposed the application, on the ground that it was not
   a corporation or an individual and could not be sued. Justice
   Farwell, before whom the case came, held that a trade union
   was a corporate body, responsible for illegal acts committed
   by its officers. This decision was a serious menace to the
   unions generally, and they cooperated extensively with the
   Amalgamated Society in carrying an appeal to the higher
   courts. The case was argued in the Court of Appeals in
   November, 1900, and the justices of that court reversed the
   decision of Justice Farwell. The plaintiff in the suit, the
   Railway Company, then carried it to the tribunal of last
   resort, the House of Lords, and there, in July, 1902, the
   judgment of the Court of Appeals was set aside and that of
   Justice Farwell was sustained, making it the law of Great
   Britain, that a trade union is a legal entity, capable of
   suing and being sued. On this decision the Taff Vale Railway
   Company brought suit against the Amalgamated Society for
   damages, and obtained a verdict on the 20th of December which
   awarded the Company £28,000.

   A strenuous endeavor to overcome the effect of the decision
   rendered by the House of Lords, through amendatory
   legislation, was begun by the Labor Party, with strong
   sympathy among the Liberals, and it had success. An Act (which
   became law on the 21st of December, 1906) "to provide for the
   regulation of Trades Unions and Trade Disputes," added the
   following "as a new paragraph after the first paragraph of
   section three of the Conspiracy and Protection of Property
   Act, 1875":

   "An act done in pursuance of an agreement or combination by
   two or more persons shall, if done in contemplation or
   furtherance of a trade dispute, not be actionable unless the
   act, if done without any such agreement or combination, would
   be actionable."

   Further provisions of the new Act were as follows:

   "2.
   It shall be lawful for one or more persons, acting on their
   own behalf or on behalf of a trade union or of an individual
   employer or firm in contemplation or furtherance of a trade
   dispute, to attend at or near a house or place where a person
   resides or works or carries on business or happens to be, if
   they so attend merely for the purpose of peacefully obtaining
   or communicating information, or of peacefully persuading any
   person to work or abstain from working. …

{374}

   "3.
   An act done by a person in contemplation or furtherance of a
   trade dispute shall not be actionable on the ground only that
   it induces some other person to break a contract of employment
   or that it is an interference with the trade, business, or
   employment of some other person, or with the right of some
   other person to dispose of his capital or his labour as he
   wills.

   "4.
   (1) An action against a trade union, whether of workmen or
   masters, or against any members or officials thereof on behalf
   of themselves and all other members of the trade union in
   respect of any tortious act alleged to have been committed by
   or on behalf of the trade union, shall not be entertained by
   any court.

   (2) Nothing in this section shall affect the liability of the
   trustees of a trade union to be sued in the events provided
   for by the Trades Union Act, 1871, section nine, except in
   respect of any tortious act committed by or on behalf of the
   union in contemplation or in furtherance of a trade dispute.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1903.
   Political effect of the Taff Vale Decision of the
   House of Lords, stimulating the growth of the Labor Party.

   The Taff Vale Decision rendered by the House of Lords gave an
   immediate great impetus to the growth and the independence of
   the Labor Party, pledged by a resolution adopted at a "Labor
   Representation Conference" held in February, 1903, to insist
   that Labor candidates and Labor Members of Parliament when
   elected should "strictly abstain from identifying themselves
   with the interests of any section of the Liberal or
   Conservative parties," holding themselves free to act solely
   for the purpose of "securing the social and economic
   requirements of the industrial classes." The same conference
   took action for the creation of a fund for the payment of
   Labor Members of Parliament and for assisting in the payment
   of election expenses. The effects of the movement were soon
   felt in Parliamentary elections.

      See (in this Volume),
      SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1906 (March).
   Report of Royal Commission on Labor Disputes.

   A Royal Commission on Labor Disputes, appointed in England in
   1903, submitted its report in March, 1906. The trades unions
   had declined to take part in its investigations, though their
   interests were represented on the Commission by one of the
   ablest and staunchest champions of the rights of labor, Sidney
   Webb. Coal mine owners were represented by one member; the
   remaining three members were Lord Dunedin, President of the
   Court of Session, Sir Godfrey Lushington, formerly of the Home
   Office, and an eminent lawyer of Liberal politics, Arthur
   Cohen. The most important recommendation of the Commission was
   that "an agreement or combination by two or more persons to do
   or procure to be done any act in contemplation or furtherance
   of a trade dispute shall not be the ground of a civil action,
   unless the agreement or combination is indictable as a
   conspiracy, notwithstanding the terms of the ‘Conspiracy and
   Protection of Property Act of 1875.’" The Act of 1875 had so
   modified the old conspiracy law that no combination to do what
   would not be punishable by imprisonment if done by a single
   person could be made the subject of a criminal proceeding. The
   Commission now advised an extension of the same rule to civil
   actions. But, by unanimous agreement the Commission approved
   the decision rendered by the House of Lords in the Taff Vale
   case (see above), which took away from trades unions in Great
   Britain the immunity from being sued which they had formerly
   enjoyed. As to the right of "picketing," in the prosecution of
   a labor strike, the Commission would have it limited only to
   prevent coercion by menace or intimidation in the performance.
   It recommended punishment for a workman who "acts in such a
   manner as to cause a reasonable apprehension in the mind of
   any person that violence will be used to him or to his wife or
   family, or damage be done to his property."

   In the judgment of the Commission the incorporation of trades
   unions is much to be desired. These are the main conclusions
   to which it was led by its long study of the subject of
   industrial disputes.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Excellent Settlement of a threatened Railway Strike.
   Adopted System of Conciliation and Arbitration Boards.

   A general railway strike in Great Britain was threatened very
   seriously in the autumn of 1907, when the Amalgamated Society
   of Railway Servants, ably led by its Secretary, Mr. Richard
   Bell, who is a Member of Parliament, presented demands to the
   companies which the latter would not yield to. Mr. David
   Lloyd-George, the then President of the Board of Trade—which
   is a department of the National Government—undertook to
   negotiate a peaceable settlement of the dispute, and
   accomplished it with remarkable success. The outcome of his
   skilful diplomacy was the acceptance, November 6, 1907, by
   both companies and men of a comprehensive scheme for
   conciliation and arbitration, which provided for the formation
   of boards for each railway, consisting of representatives of
   the company and of the men, to consider thereafter any
   question relating to rates of wages and hours of duty. The
   scheme further provided that questions which these boards were
   unable to settle were to be referred to a single arbitrator.

   The London and North-Western was the first railway company to
   complete its arrangements in connection with the scheme, and
   demands from most of the grades concerned in the working of
   traffic, numbering about 39,000 men, were considered by the
   newly-formed conciliation boards. The principal grades
   concerned were: Engine drivers, firemen and cleaners;
   signalmen; brakesmen and shunters; passenger guards and
   platform porters; carriage cleaners, wagon examiners and
   greasers; permanent way men; goods staff; cartage staff.

   As agreement in the London and North-Western case was found
   impossible, reference was made to arbitration, and Sir Edward
   Fry was chosen to be arbitrator. He gave hearings on the
   questions in controversy in December, 1908, and his award was
   announced in the February following. He decided that the
   railway company had made good its contention that it could not
   pay an "all round advance" in wages of two shillings per week,
   which had been the demand for all grades in the service.
{375}
   He allowed, in fact, few increases in wages; but awarded, on
   the contrary, some reductions in wage which the company
   claimed. On other points, concerning the pay for overtime,
   etc., his award was to the satisfaction of the railway
   employés. On the whole, it seems to have ended the dispute
   with considerable satisfaction all round. On this first
   decision under the new arrangement for settling disputes, Mr.
   Bell expressed himself as "very pleased to find that a great
   many of the concessions asked for have been embodied by the
   arbitrator in his award. We have got," said he, "rate and a
   quarter for overtime for all classes uniformly. We have got
   rate and a quarter for Sunday duty for signal men, as well as
   other grades who have hitherto not been paid extra rates. We
   have got payment for Sunday labour for the passenger staff
   —men who were formerly not paid for Sunday duty; we have
   established the principle that men doing the work of a higher
   grade for more than one day shall be paid at the rate of the
   higher grade. That is the principle we have been fighting for
   for several years, and it will mean many shillings per week to
   thousands of men. A very important item of the award is the
   decision that no alteration shall be made in the shape of
   increased hours or reduced wages in regard to men whose claims
   were submitted to the arbitrator, but whose conditions have
   not been altered by the award. We have always, hitherto, had
   to complain about companies ‘cutting,’ but the London and
   North-Western cannot do it here."

   Mr. Bell mentioned that several other similar claims against
   other companies were going to arbitration, but while he
   thought that Sir Edward Fry’s decisions might have some
   influence upon future conferences, he pointed out that other
   arbitrators will possibly refuse to accept any lead, but
   decide matters entirely upon their own views after dealing
   with the particular cases.

   A general report to the Board of Trade, on the working of the
   Railway Conciliation Boards, under the agreement of November
   6, 1907, was published in March, 1909, as a Blue Book, from
   which the following is taken:

   "The agreement was signed initially on behalf of 11 of the
   principal railway companies, but adhesion to its terms was
   afterwards signified, subject in the case of the Scottish
   companies to modifications of certain clauses upon matters of
   detail, by 35 other companies, making a total of 46 railway
   companies that have adopted the arrangements proposed by the
   Department for avoiding the serious results that would attend
   a cessation of labour on railways. The assenting companies
   include nearly all those having as many as 200 employés
   in their service, and in fact the only companies that have not
   adopted the scheme are small companies for which the formation
   of conciliation boards was not thought to be required, and a
   few of the larger companies to whose lines the provisions of
   the agreement were for special reasons unsuitable. …

   "For the 46 railways dealt with under the scheme, the number
   of boards to be formed, apart from the central conciliation
   boards, was 169, and the total number of representatives to be
   elected on such boards was 877. On 44 of the railways there
   was provision for a central board in addition to the sectional
   boards, thus making a total of 213 conciliation boards to be
   formed altogether under the scheme. … Eight hundred and fifty
   representatives of employés were to be elected in these
   416 elections, and for these places the total number of
   candidates nominated was 1,608.

   "The total number of employés eligible to vote upon the
   various railways coming within the scheme is estimated at a
   little over 270,000. After allowing for cases where the
   representatives were returned unopposed, it is found that
   where voting papers have actually been issued, over 77 per
   cent. of the employés eligible have availed themselves
   of the franchise."

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1908.
   "A Notable Labor Treaty."
   The Shipbuilding Agreement between Employers and
   Trade Unions to avert Strikes and Lockouts.

   In the early part of 1908 the woodworkers in the shipbuilding
   yards of the north of England went on strike against a
   reduction in wages, which was equivalent to one that the
   ironworkers in all the British shipyards and the woodworkers
   in the Scotch yards had accepted. The Federation of
   Shipbuilding Employers then notified a national lockout unless
   the strikers resumed work pending the adjustment of the
   dispute by conference. For some time past there had been
   negotiations on foot between the federated employers and
   certain of the other shipbuilding labor unions, aiming at the
   conclusion of a permanent working agreement for the prevention
   of strikes. The woodworkers were now brought into this
   negotiation, and after a long threshing out of disputes, in a
   joint committee of representatives from twenty-six trade
   unions and from the employers’ federation a "Memorandum of
   Agreement" was produced which all signed on the 16th of
   December, 1908, and which the London Times, making it
   public on the 11th of January, characterised rightly as "A
   Notable Labor Treaty." The provisions of this industrial
   agreement seem to be of so much historical importance that we
   give the important sections entire:

   "I.—GENERAL FLUCTUATIONS IN WAGES.

   "(1) Changes in wages due to the general conditions of the
   shipbuilding industry shall be termed general fluctuations.
   Such general fluctuations in wages shall apply to all the
   trades comprised in this agreement and in every federated firm
   at the same time and to the same extent. Differences in rates
   of wages in any trade in different districts can be dealt with
   as heretofore under clause II., section 3.

   "(2) In the case of all such general fluctuations the
   following provisions and procedure shall apply, viz.:

      (a) No step toward an alteration in wages can be
      taken until after the lapse of six calendar months from the
      date of the previous general fluctuation.

      (b) Before an application for an alteration can be
      made, there shall be a preliminary conference between the
      federation and the unions, in order to discuss the position
      generally. Such conference shall be held within 14 days of
      the request for the same,

      (c) No application for an alteration shall be
      competent until the foregoing preliminary conference has
      been held, and no alteration shall take effect within six
      weeks of the date of the applications.

      (d) The application fora proposed alteration shall
      be made as follows: The federation to the unions parties to
      this agreement; or the said unions to the federations,

      (e) Within 14 days after the receipt of an
      application the parties shall meet in conference.

      (f) The conference may be adjourned by mutual
      agreement, such adjourned conference to be held within 14
      days thereafter.

      (g) Any general fluctuation in trademen’s rates
      shall be of the following fixed amount, viz.:—Piecework
      rates, 5%; and Time rates 1 /- per week [sic], or ¼d. per
      hour where payment is made by the hour.

{376}

   "II.
   QUESTIONS OTHER THAN GENERAL FLUCTUATIONS IN WAGES.

   "(1) When any question is raised by or on behalf of either an
   employer or employers, or of a workman or workmen, the
   following procedure shall be observed, viz.:—

      (a) A workman or deputation of workmen shall be
      received by their employers in the yard or at the place
      where a question has arisen, by appointment, for the mutual
      discussion of any question in the settlement of which both
      parties are directly concerned; and failing arrangement, a
      further endeavour may, if desired, be then made to
      negotiate a settlement by a meeting between the employer,
      with or without an official of the local association, on
      the one hand, and the official delegate, or other official
      of the workmen concerned, with or without the workman or
      workmen directly concerned, as deemed necessary.

      ( b ) Failing settlement the question shall be
      referred to a joint committee consisting of three employers
      and three representatives of the union or of each of the
      unions directly concerned, none of whom shall be connected
      with the yard or dock where the dispute has arisen,

      (c) Failing settlement under subsection (b),
      the question shall be brought before the employers’ local
      association and the responsible local representatives of
      the union or unions directly concerned in local conference.


      (d) Failing settlement at local conference, it shall
      be competent for either party to refer the question to a
      central conference to be held between the executive board
      of the federation and representatives of the union or
      unions directly concerned, such representatives to have
      executive power.

   "(2) If the question is in its nature a general one affecting
   more than yard or dock, it shall be competent to raise it
   direct in local conference, or if it is general and affecting
   the federated firms or workmen in more than one district, it
   shall be competent to raise it direct in central conference
   without in either case going through the prior procedure above
   provided for.

   "(3) The questions hereby covered shall extend to all
   questions relating to wages, including district alterations in
   wages and other matters in the shipbuilding and ship repairing
   trade, which may give rise to disputes.

   "III.—GRAND CONFERENCE.

   "In the event of failure to settle any question in central
   conference under clause II., section 1, subsection (d),
   either party desirous to have such question further considered
   shall prior to any stoppage of work refer same for final
   settlement to a grand conference to be held between the
   federation and all the unions parties to this agreement. A
   conference may by mutual agreement be adjourned. On any
   occasion when a settlement has not been reached, the
   conference must be adjourned to a date not earlier than 14
   days nor later than one month from the date of such
   conference. …

   "VI.—GENERAL PROVISIONS.

   "At all meetings and conferences the representatives of both
   sides shall have full powers to settle, but it shall be in
   their discretion whether or not they conclude a settlement.

   "In the event of any stoppage of work occurring in any
   federated yard or federated district either in contravention
   of the foregoing or after the procedure laid down has been
   exhausted, entire freedom of action is hereby reserved to the
   federation, and any federated association, and to the unions
   concerned, notwithstanding the provisions of this agreement.
   The suspension of the agreement shall be limited to such
   particular stoppage, and the agreement in all other respects
   shall continue in force.

   "Pending settlement of any question other than questions of
   wages, hours, and piece prices (the last-named of which is
   provided for above), two or three employers not connected with
   the yard where the question has arisen shall give a temporary
   decision, but such decision shall be without prejudice to
   either party, and shall not be adduced in evidence in the
   ultimate settlement of the question.

   "The expression ‘employer’ throughout this agreement shall
   include an employer’s accredited representative.

   "Until the whole procedure of this agreement applying to the
   question at issue has been carried through there shall be no
   stoppage or interruption of work either of a partial or of a
   general character.

   "VII.—DURATION OF AGREEMENT.

   "This agreement shall continue in force for three years, and
   shall thereafter be subject to six months’ notice in writing
   on either side, said notice not to be competent until the
   three years have elapsed."

   Signed by the President of the Shipbuilding Employers
   Federation and by seven representatives of the Trades Unions.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1909.
   Educational Demands of the Trade Unions.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: ENGLAND.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1909.
   Trade Unions forbidden to pay Members of Parliament.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (JULY-DECEMBER).

LABOR ORGANIZATION: France: A. D. 1884-1909.
   Organized Labor in the French Republic.
   The Syndicats and Syndicalism.
   A Trade Union version of Socialism.
   The Confédération Générale du Travail,
   and the idea of a general strike.
   Its revolutionary implication.

   The strike of government employés in the French telegraph and
   postal service, begun in March, 1909, and which was recognized
   instantly as a most alarmingly revolutionary movement, roused
   inquiry everywhere concerning the form and character that
   labor organization in France has taken on. The London
   Times gave elaborate satisfaction to this inquiry by a
   series of five articles, published in April, by a writer whose
   evident knowledge of the subject was complete. The statements
   here following are condensed from that source:

{377}

   The organization of labor in France differs in important
   respects from that in Great Britain and the United States.
   "The French term for trade unions is syndicats, or, more
   correctly, syndicats professionnels; but the two terms
   are not equivalent or synonymous. For, whereas the word 'trade
   union’ is applied only to combinations of persons employed,
   the syndicats include also combinations of employers and of
   both together." The employers’ associations are called
   syndicats patronaux. "A trade union is a combination of
   persons engaged in the same trade without any reference to
   locality; they may be and generally are widely distributed in
   many places; the bond is the trade, not the locality; hence
   the use of the singular number. There is another kind of
   combination formed by several trades in the same locality and
   called a trades council; the bond is the locality, not the
   trade. Both forms of organization exist in France; the trade
   union is called syndicat ouvrier, and the trades
   council bourse du travail. … Both play a part in the
   movement, and, though in the aggregate they are composed of
   the same individuals, their policy and interests are not
   always or necessarily identical. Both are further combined
   into federations.

   "The effective development of trade unionism in France only
   dates from 1884, when the law authorizing the formation of
   syndicats professionels was passed." Unions had existed
   before, but under difficulties, without sanction of law. "The
   peculiarity of the struggle for the right of combination in
   France was that the necessity remained under numerous changes
   and diverse forms of government … and that the democratic
   State was not less but rather more oppressive than the others.
   … It was the National Assembly, travailing with the
   Revolution, which, in the sacred name of liberty and the
   rights of man, forbade the citizens to form trade
   organizations by the law of 1791; and for nearly 100 years
   this ban remained through all the subsequent changes,
   sometimes fortified, sometimes relaxed, but never removed."
   The law of 1791 was relaxed under Napoleon III., but the
   severity of it was renewed by the Government of the Third
   Republic, down to 1884. In that year, according to official
   returns, there existed but 68 regularly constituted unions in
   France. By 1890 the number had increased to 1006, with a
   membership of 139,692. In 1908 the reported number of unions
   was 5524, and their membership 957,102. "The aggregate is as
   yet comparatively small, and, numerically, trade unionism is
   still relatively weak in France; but the example of Germany
   shows how rapidly this movement may increase in strength.
   According to the occupational census of 1901 the number of
   persons in France who might be enrolled in trade unions was
   approximately 9,000,000; and the numbers would not be
   substantially higher now, so that the official returns show
   roughly about 10 per cent. organized. … With regard to
   organization by industries the largest number of trade
   unionists belonged in 1907 to the following groups:

   Transport,                 260,869;
   metal industries,          103,835;
   textiles,                   78,854;
   building trades,            66,678;
   miners,                     64,194;
   agriculture and forestry,   51,407;
   food and drink,             48,353.

   But trade union strength depends, for economic purposes, more
   upon the proportion of workers organized in a given trade than
   upon the actual number. From this point of view the strongest
   groups are, with the percentage of workers organized, as
   follows:

   Miners,               35 per cent;
   chemical industries,  31.2;
   transport,            23.4;
   paper and printing,   20.9;
   leather,              20.0;
   metal workers,        18.7.

   These figures have an important bearing on the situation,
   because of the division, which will be discussed in a
   subsequent article, of the unions into revolutionary and
   moderate groups. As for geographical distribution, Paris is
   the great centre, and the north of France is much stronger
   than the south."

   "The term bourse du travail means literally 'labour
   exchange,' and that was the original function of these
   organizations; it still is one of them, but is overshadowed by
   the all-devouring political aims which in France seem to seize
   hold of all things, one after another, and swallow them up.
   The bourses were started in 1886, two years after trade
   unionism received its charter. … But instead of being used for
   their original purpose, strictly as labour exchanges, they
   soon became a form of labour organization corresponding as
   nearly as possible to our trade councils, though supported by
   municipal or departmental subventions. … According to M.
   Mermeix, to whose brilliant work on ‘Le Syndicalisme contre le
   Socialisme’ I am indebted for much information, the syndicats
   were promptly seized upon by the Guesdist or Social Democratic
   party as soon as they began to develop freely after 1884, and
   the other Socialist bodies, who were then in violent
   antagonism, responded by cultivating the bourses du
   travail. The inevitable result was a strong political turn
   given to both sets of organizations; but it was not the turn
   intended by the Socialists. For presently the syndicats
   and the bourses, which really represent ‘Labour’ turned
   against the politicians called Socialists, who do not
   represent ‘Labour,’ and made common cause against them."

   "The most obvious feature of the movement in recent years has
   been a great increase of industrial restlessness. We need not
   put it all down to the trade unions, but they have had a good
   deal to do with it, and have undoubtedly been devoting their
   energies in an increasing measure to strikes." This "began in
   1899 and has continued, with fluctuations, ever since. It
   reached its high-water mark in 1906, and then somewhat
   subsided, but recent events show that the same spirit is still
   active. And besides increasing in number, extent, and
   duration, the strikes have frequently been marked by acts of
   violence and attended in several cases by loss of life. All
   this, in spite of a system of conciliation and arbitration and
   strong organization on the part of employers. What is the
   cause? There has been nothing in the economic situation to
   account for industrial disorder continued over a series of
   years. …

   "Syndicalisme is the distinctive mark of the present
   labour movement in France. … Perhaps the essential character
   of Syndicalisme is best expressed by saying that it is
   a purely trade union version of Socialism, definitely and even
   violently opposed to Collectivism and more nearly allied to
   anarchism, yet distinct from it. … The object of Syndicalisme
   is revolution, sudden and complete, in which the State, with
   all the apparatus of government, is to disappear, and the
   possession and control of material means—which alone count—is
   to pass from the hands of its present owners, whether private
   or public, into those of organized labour. This original idea
   is Socialistic or Collectivist in so far as it is directed
   against capitalism; it is anarchistic in so far as it
   contemplates the disappearance of the State; but, above all,
   it is trade unionist, for the syndicat is posited as
   the unit or cell of the future social organism. …
{378}
   To complete this brief outline of the idea of
   Syndicalisme it is only necessary to add that the means
   whereby the revolution is to be accomplished is the general
   strike, and that, pending that consummation, ordinary strikes
   are systematically encouraged as good practice, in which, as
   by skirmishes or manoeuvres, the labour forces are trained and
   prepared for the great encounter."

   The idea of a general strike was put forward in 1888 by an
   anarchist Parisian carpenter named Tortelier, and the militant
   forces of organized labor rallied to it. It brought together
   the two sets into which labor organization had split—the
   Guesdist party, controlling the Syndicats, and their
   opponents in possession of the bourses du travail. It
   "caused the rout and withdrawal of the Social Democrats, and
   so led to the birth of Syndicalisme. The turning point
   was reached in 1894 at a joint congress held at Nantes, when
   after a set debate the general strike was adopted by 65 votes
   against 37, with nine abstinents. In the following year the
   Confédération Genérale du Travail was formed as a new and
   united federation of trade unions, purged of politics, or, at
   least, of Parliamentary politics; and thenceforward the two
   sets of organizations—trade unions and trades councils—drew
   the labour car together; but at first and for some years they
   by no means pulled together." In 1902 they were harmonized,
   "mainly by the efforts of M. Niel," who has been called the
   real creator of the Confédération Générale, to the head
   of which, as general secretary, "which means president," he
   was elected in February, 1909. "The word ‘president’ is
   eschewed, as savoring of the bourgeois state." M. Niel
   is a compositor. "He is of the best type of trade unionist; a
   calm, capable, level-headed man, devoted to trade unionism,
   but no crazy theorist or violent fanatic."

   "The numerical strength of the Confederation or its want of
   strength is a point on which its enemies are never tired of
   insisting. In October last the official figures presented to
   the congress at Marseilles were: First section, 2,586
   syndicats, with an aggregate membership of 294,398;
   second section, 154 bourses du travail, representing
   2,014 syndicats. The figures must not be added
   together, because the two sections represent the same or
   almost the same forces, differently organized. The returns of
   the first section show the effective membership, and we may
   call it 300,000. Now the official statistics of the
   Ministère du Travail give the total membership of
   syndicate ouvriers at the beginning of 1908 as 957,102.
   The Confederation, therefore, embraces less than one-third of
   the organized labour in France. But that calculation is open
   to some criticisms; the Government returns are said to be too
   high, those of the Confederation too low. There is probably
   some truth in both statements."

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1902.
   Extensive Strike of Coal Miners.
   Strikes at Marseilles.

   On the 8th of October, 1902, the National Committee of French
   Miners, meeting at Paris, voted to declare a general strike,
   and issued a manifesto to their comrades in Europe, America,
   and Australia, appealing for aid and stating their cause, in
   these words; "We are pushed to the last extremity in fighting
   to obtain a slight improvement in our miserable condition—more
   equitable remuneration, with the regulation of our work for
   the present, and legislation sheltering us against the strict
   needs of old age. We are sure you understand your duty. We
   leave to you the initiative in such measures as are most
   convenient to you in aiding us in this struggle." The strike
   had actually begun in part before this order was given and it
   was estimated that some 42,000 men had left work in the
   northern coal fields. The whole number of French miners was
   calculated by the Temps to be 162,000 men, of whom,
   however, only 60,000 belonged to the federation. The mine
   owners refused to discuss the matter, declaring that the
   strike began before any warning had been given them and
   without any sufficient motives, and also that the chief points
   in dispute were already before parliamentary committees.
   Troops were sent to the mining districts, and some conflicts
   occurred. The Government attempted arbitration, and late in
   October an agreement was reached which brought the strike to
   an end.

   At the same time troublesome strikes of dock-laborers,
   stokers, and sailors were going on at Marseilles, for some
   weeks.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1906.
   Serious Strikes and Labor Disturbances.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1909 (March-May).
   Serious Strike of Government Employés in the Telegraph
   and Postal Service.
   Overcome by the firmness of the Government.
   Disciplinary proceedings.
   Court decision against Trade Unions among
   Employés of the State.

   The organizations involved in the strike of government
   employés in the telegraph and postal service of France, which
   began on the 13th of March, 1909, are outside of the Labor
   Syndicats embraced in the Confédération Genérale du
   Travail described above; but in part they have been
   brought into close connection with that combination and have
   striven for identification with it. As explained by the Paris
   correspondent of the London Times, "the associations of
   French Civil servants include two quite separate groups—one
   in favour of Parliamentary action, the other sympathizing with
   the General Confederation of Labour and desiring to be allowed
   to combine freely and, when it suits them, to strike. The
   former group is represented by a Comité d’Études so-called,
   and includes a large number of primary school teachers and
   Lycée professors, the association of the Law Courts
   clerks, sub-employés at the Post Office,
   employés of the Roads and Inland Communications
   Department of the Ministry of Public Works, and so forth.
   These various associations, forming the first group, are
   convinced that their lot can be quite adequately improved if
   Parliament will only vote a satisfactory Bill on the
   status of functionaries. The second group has no
   confidence whatever in such a measure. It does not count on
   Parliament for a panacea. Under the title of ‘Central
   Committee for the defence of the syndical rights of
   wage-earners of the State, the departments, and the communes,’
   it has always worked in unison with the revolutionary unions
   of the General Confederation of Labour, and it was this group
   which wrote two years ago to M. Clemenceau an open letter
   stating their demands, among which the most important of all
   was the right to strike.
{379}
   In consequence of that manifestation, which was regarded as
   illegal, a certain number of functionaries were dismissed,
   notably, as readers of The Times will recall, a school
   teacher by the name of Nègre, an official of the Ministry of
   the Interior, M. Janvion, a postman named Simonnet, and an
   electrician, M. Pataud."

   These dismissed officials, M. Pataud especially, were the
   leaders of the strike that was undertaken on the 13th of
   March, when twelve hundred men employed in the central offices
   of the Paris Telegraph Department stopped work at about 2
   o’clock in the afternoon, "in order to express ‘sympathy’ with
   three hundred men of the postal service who had invaded the
   offices on the 12th, and had made a demonstration against M.
   Simyan, the Under-Secretary of State for Posts and
   Telegraphs." "The precise grievances of the strikers," said
   The Times, "are probably known to their superiors; but,
   so far as we have seen, they have not been placed before the
   outside world in any form which renders it possible even
   clearly to understand them."

   On the other hand, a special correspondent of the New York
   Evening Post wrote from Paris on the 25th of March:
   "The strike of these government employees may have been a side
   development of the general movement which threatens to
   transform the Parliamentary French republic into a
   république syndicale; but, in itself, it was something
   far different. And, for another reason, it is a direct
   object-lesson for the United States, where the trade unions
   are not yet revolutionary. The entire strike has been a
   spontaneous uprising of civil service in possession against
   the invasion of a spoils system. The strike would not have
   been possible if these civil service appointees—‘government
   functionaries’—had not formed themselves into strongly
   organized unions, just as private service employees have long
   been doing; and in this they have been encouraged by
   successive republican governments, unforeseeing perhaps such
   strikes as the inevitable consequence. The spoils system in
   the present case means the intervention of political influence
   in civil service appointments and promotions." The strikers,
   said this writer, want essentially two things, "First, that
   politicians—and particularly Postmaster-General Simyan, who
   was taken over from M. Combes into the present
   government—should cease interfering with civil service
   appointments and promotions and no longer use their power in
   behalf of the favorite of some deputy with ‘influence.’"

   The situation produced in Paris by the strike was thus
   described by this correspondent of The Post: "We of
   Paris were for eight days in the same condition as Frenchmen
   were before Richelieu invented a State postal service for the
   use of private persons. For example, my last letters were
   sent—one to Havre by a special messenger who was carrying by
   hand cable messages for several correspondents to be forwarded
   from that port; one to London by another special messenger,
   who posted it with many others in a channel boat; and a third
   to Cherbourg by the kindness of the American Chamber of
   Commerce of Paris, which organized a service of its own for
   its members. … If there had been a sudden outbreak between
   Servia and Austria last week, the French government would have
   known little about it, and, in case of need, army mobilization
   would have been impossible."

   A system of public service in which such situations as this
   are made possible could not exist long without destruction of
   government and of all social order. No argument was needed to
   demonstrate that it must not be paltered with; but the
   Government of France was forced momentarily to yield so much
   show of deference or respect to its rebellious servants, whose
   demands were made with arrogance of spirit and insolence of
   tone, that the arrogance and insolence appeared to have
   triumphed in the encounter with national sovereignty and law.
   The tenor of an interview given on the 22d by the Premier, M.
   Clemenceau, and the Minister of Public Works, Posts, and
   Telegraphs, M. Barthou, to a committee from the striking
   employés of the State, was thus stated in a Press despatch at
   the time:

   "The two conditions which had been submitted to the Ministers
   were, first, immunity from disciplinary penalties for all the
   strikers; secondly, the resignation of M. Simyan, the
   obnoxious Under-Secretary of State. The Ministers had agreed
   to the first of these conditions for all strikers who should
   have returned to work by Tuesday morning. The second condition
   was refused by the Ministers on the ground that M. Simyan is
   responsible to the Chamber of Deputies, but not to the postal
   employés. M. Barthou had, however, made it plain that, in
   accordance with the terms of his speech in the Chamber last
   Friday, the Government contemplated appointing in place of M.
   Simyan an official with the qualification of technical
   knowledge. ‘When, on Friday,’ he said, ‘I discussed before the
   Chamber the transformation of the Under-Secretaryship of Posts
   and Telegraphs into a technical directorship, I was not
   employing an empty phrase. I consider that the reform is of
   practical interest and that it ought to be effected at an
   early date.’ This was as near a promise to fulfil the
   strikers’ demands as constitutional considerations would
   permit." This brought about a return to duty of postal clerks
   and operators of the telegraph and the telephone; but they
   returned as victorious revolutionists, and the news from Paris
   in the following weeks was filled with accounts of their
   manifestations of contempt and defiance for the Government,
   and the extensive insubordination among them that prevailed.
   But the Government, on its side, supported strongly by a great
   majority of votes in the Chamber of Deputies, and by resolute
   expressions of public opinion from every part of France, was
   now taking measures to prepare itself for defeating any future
   attempt to paralyze the service of the posts and wires. The
   engineer troops and other technical branches of the service
   were warned to be ready for emergencies, carrier pigeons were
   collected, and preliminary arrangements made for an elaborate
   service of motor-cars. Chambers of commerce throughout the
   country were called on to be prepared to coöperate with the
   Government in organizing an auxiliary mail service. By such
   measures it was soon rendered safe to begin applying
   discipline to the insubordination that had become rife. Seven
   flagrant offenders were tried by a Council of Discipline and
   dismissed, on the 8th of May, and this precipitated an attempt
   to renew the strike, and to make it introductory to the
   long-threatened revolutionary strike of all labor in France.
{380}
   A few anxious days followed, while the menace kept a serious
   show, and then it vanished, like an emptied cloud. The firm
   attitude of the Government and the hostility of national
   opinion had daunted the revolutionary syndicats which
   inclined to join fortunes with the revolutionists of the
   public service, and the latter were left to confront official
   authority alone. Their second strike came to nothing. A
   despatch from Paris on the 16th of May stated that 548 postmen
   who were prominent in the rebellion of the strike had been
   expelled from the service, and that others were receiving less
   severe punishments from the Disciplinary Court.

   Ultimately, sixteen officials of the Post Office were
   prosecuted by the Government for illegally forming a trade
   union. They were brought to trial in July, with the result
   announced on the 29th as follows: "The 16 officials who were
   prosecuted by the Government have been condemned to a purely
   nominal fine of 12s. 6d., and their union has been declared to
   be contrary to the law. The Court argued that in the present
   state of the law there was no doubt whatever that the
   Waldeck-Rousseau Bill of 1884, permitting the organization of
   trade unions, solely had application to the interests of
   private individuals, and that the Chamber of Deputies had not
   meant to extend the provisions of that law to Civil servants.
   The considerations of this important legal judgment
   furthermore declare it to be utterly preposterous that State
   employés should arrogate to themselves the right to
   strike, since they are the employés of the nation, and
   enjoy moreover such special privileges as servants of the
   State that no comparison can be drawn between them and the
   working classes, whose right to strike is not contested."

   The judgment of the Paris Correctional Court, in the case of
   the sixteen officials who were prosecuted for illegally
   forming a trade union was followed, on the 7th of August, by a
   kindred decision from the Conseil d'État, to which two
   dismissed postmen had appealed. Their application to be
   restored to the service was denied. The decree of the Conseil
   expressly declared that a strike of civil servants is an
   "illegal act," and added that a State official "has accepted
   all the obligations arising from the necessities of the public
   service and has renounced all privileges incompatible with the
   essential continuity of the national life," that civil
   servants who declare a strike place themselves collectively
   outside the pale of the laws and regulations which guarantee
   the exercise for them of the rights which they normally
   possess as servants of the State.

   Having thus vindicated its authority over the servants of the
   State, the Government exercised a wise clemency at once. Two
   days after the decision of the Conseil d’État, the new
   Minister of Public Works authorized the publication of the
   following note: "In consequence of the decision of the Conseil
   d’État, M. Millerand has decided, while approving the
   suspensions pronounced by their respective chiefs, that 30
   officials of both sexes, five subaltern officials, and ten
   Post Office workmen who have been dismissed should resume work
   the day after tomorrow." Further reinstatements were announced
   in the course of the following month.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Germany: A. D. 1905.
   Strikes.

   Upwards of 100,000 miners in the coal fields of the Ruhr
   district began a strike in January which did not end until the
   middle of February, and which caused most of the iron works
   and machine shops of Rhenish Prussia and Westphalia to be
   closed. Low wages (of 4 marks or a little less than a dollar
   per day) and inhuman and dishonest treatment were the chief
   complaints in the miners. A bill to reform conditions in the
   mines was passed soon afterwards. The cost of the strike to
   all concerned was estimated to have been more than
   $30,000,000. A very serious strike of about 40,000 men in
   electrical industries occurred at Berlin in September and
   October, resulting in a concession of six per cent. increase
   of wages to the men. Statistics published in the next year
   showed a startling increase of labor conflicts in 1904 and
   1905. From 1899 to 1903 the yearly average of strikes had been
   1242. In 1904 the number rose to 1870, and in 1905 to 2057.
   Lockouts had averaged 42 in each of the previous five years,
   but increased to 120 in 1904. Apparently the labor conditions
   were no more peaceable in 1906.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Germany: A. D. 1905-1906.
   The Operation of Industrial Courts.
   Desire for Voluntary Boards of Conciliation.

   "In the event of actual dispute the official machinery of the
   Industrial Courts is always at call, should the disputants be
   willing to use it. The law requires the formation of these
   Courts in all towns with over 20,000 inhabitants, but they may
   be formed elsewhere at the option of the Government of the
   State or on the joint requisition of a given number of
   employers and workpeople, and they consist of equal numbers of
   both. That the 406 Courts now in existence do not mediate
   oftener would appear to be less the fault of the workpeople
   than of the employers. During 1905 they acted as boards of
   conciliation on 350 occasions: on 165 in response to
   invitations from both sides, on 175 on the invitation of the
   workpeople alone, and on ten only on the sole invitation of
   the employers. Only in 128 cases was it possible to bring the
   disputing parties together. …

   "At the annual meeting of the German Society for Social
   Reform, held in Berlin in December, 1906, resolutions were
   adopted ‘affirming the meeting’s conviction that industrial
   peace would best be promoted by the development of collective
   arrangements between employers and work-people in the form of
   (1) wages agreements,
   (2) voluntary boards of conciliation and arbitration, and
   (3) workmen’s committees for individual works’;
   and it was urged that, ‘after the example of Great Britain,
   conciliation boards suited to the various industries should be
   generally formed, these to cooperate with higher tribunals and
   to call in on occasion the help of prominent public men as
   advisers and arbitrators.’"

      William H. Dawson,
      The Evolution of Modern Germany,
      page 136
      (Unwin, London; Scribners, New York., 1909).

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Germany: A. D. 1905-1909.
   The Spirit of the Struggle between Capitalists and Workmen.
   Attitude of the Latter.

   "The struggle between labour and capital in Germany is a
   little less refined than in some other countries. …
   Rhineland—Westphalia is its chosen battle ground. Here all the
   conditions of economic warfare exist in a rare degree. It is a
   striking fact that a large part of the natural resources,
   industry, and wealth-production of that unresting workshop of
   Germany is under the control of a dozen men of commanding
   business genius—men of strong and masterful character, born
   rulers of the sternest mould, without sentiment, not
   insusceptible to justice, yet never going beyond it,
   inflexible in decision, of inexhaustible will-power, and
   impervious to all modern notions of political liberalism.
{381}
   These men, who have so conspicuously helped to create modern
   industrial Prussia, and who are a greater real power in the
   land than Ministers and legislators put together, typify in
   modern industry the feudalism which is slowly dying upon the
   great estates of the East. Their attitude towards the unions
   in which their workmen are organised to the number of hundreds
   of thousands is frequently expressed in the maxim, ‘We intend
   to be masters in our own house,’ and nothing is wanting in the
   vigour with which this maxim is applied. On the occasion of
   the Mannheim conference of the Association for Social Policy
   in September, 1905, Herr Kirdorf, probably the best known
   industrialist of Westphalia, and the head of the Coal and
   Steel Syndicates, was invited to give an employer’s reply to
   an indictment of the syndicates made by Professor Gustav
   Schmoller. In the course of his statement occurred the
   following observations on the question of labour
   organisation:—

   "‘It is regrettable that our workpeople are able to change
   their positions at any time. An undertaking can only prosper
   if it has a stationary band of workers. I do not ask that
   legislation should come to our help, but we must reserve to
   ourselves the right to take measures to check this frequent
   change of employment. The proposal has been made that all
   workpeople should be compelled to join organisations and that
   employers should be required to negotiate with these
   organisations. For myself I would remark that I refuse to
   negotiate with any organisation whatever.’ …

   "Public opinion naturally finds itself often in conflict with
   the Westphalian industrialists’ attitude, which more than
   anything else was responsible for the solid gain won by the
   men in the great colliery strike of 1905. It was the same Herr
   Kirdorf who declared during that strike, 'The movement can
   only end by the men recognising that they can get nothing by a
   strike and returning to the mines. We will negotiate with
   every man singly, but we will not concede workmen’s
   committees.’ It was this inflexible attitude, persisted in too
   long, which turned first the public and then the Government
   against the colliery owners. By refusing to meet the colliers’
   ‘Committee of Seven’ they created the impression that the men
   were wishful for peace but were unable to gain an ear for
   their overtures. In the end not only were workmen’s committees
   granted by force of law, but the hours of labour were
   curtailed, fines were abolished, and other concessions were
   made which cost the colliery owners dearly, until the extra
   burden could be transferred to the public."

      William H. Dawson,
      Evolution of Modern Germany,
      pages 122-125
      (Unwin, London; Scribners, New York, 1909).

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Germany: A. D. 1909.
   Extent of Trade Unionism.

   The twentieth International Congress of Miners was held in
   Berlin, and at its opening, on the 31st of May, 1909, Herr
   Ritter, president of the Federation of Berlin Trade Unions, in
   welcoming the Congress, said that there were now 223,000 trade
   unionists in Berlin, as compared with 40,000 when the congress
   held its last meeting there 15 years ago. Another German
   speaker said that during the last 15 years the number of trade
   unionists in the whole Empire had increased from 300,000 to
   1,800,000.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Italy: A. D. 1901.
   Changed Attitude of the Government toward Labor Unions.

      See (in this Volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1901.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Italy: A. D. 1909.
   A Church Movement of Agricultural Labor Organization.

   "An agitation among agricultural labourers in North Umbria
   seems to have taken a new and very unusual form, since, from
   all accounts, it is directly promoted and supported by the
   clergy. The parish priests in the neighbourhood of Perugia are
   said not only to have put themselves at the head of the
   movement, but to have actually initiated it with a manifesto
   denouncing the grievances of the labourers, and calling upon
   them to organize themselves in order to extort more favourable
   conditions from the landowners who employ them. The Church
   seems to have satisfied itself that the mutual relations of
   capital and labour were unfair to the labourer, and to have
   determined to be beforehand with the Socialist agitator,
   creating an organization which will call itself
   democristiana, or Christian democrat, in anticipation
   of what might have been a more revolutionary Socialist league.
   The manifesto was issued last May, and contained much the same
   demands as have been successfully made by labour in other
   parts of Italy. … So far the landowners have proved absolutely
   recalcitrant. A league of resistance has been formed on their
   side, and an attempt was made at reprisals by boycotting
   parish priests, stopping any payment of tithes to the Church,
   dismissing any private chaplains who belonged to the secular
   clergy, and employing the regular clergy instead of the
   parochial in any cases where their services were required.

   "The parish clergy were not to be intimidated by financial
   loss, and the proprietors then appealed to the Archbishop of
   Perugia to put his veto on their agitation. The Archbishop,
   Monsignor Mattei-Gentile, could only inform them that he had
   already given his sanction to the movement. The proprietors,
   by the friendly mediation of a Cardinal, then appealed to the
   Pope. After some consideration, Pius X. sent a certain Signor
   Giovanni Passamonti, a lawyer who has had a good deal of
   experience in Umbrian affairs, to make an inquiry, and attempt
   some kind of compromise. Neither side, however, would listen
   to suggestions of conciliation. … So the matter now stands.
   The position is certainly an interesting one, as it is the
   first time that the Church has actually taken the lead in a
   labour movement."

      Rome Correspondent, London Times,
      July 21, 1909.

{382}

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Netherlands: A. D. 1903.
   Laws against Railway Strikes.
   Failure of Labor Strike to prevent their Passage.

   Early in 1903 it was made known that the Government of the
   Netherlands intended to bring forward in the States-General a
   bill prohibiting strikes among railway employees, on the
   ground that they were engaged in a public service which must
   not suffer interruption. At once the railway men gave notice
   that they would, if this measure were undertaken, appeal to
   all workmen in the country for a general strike. The
   Government then prepared itself for a struggle by summoning a
   certain quota of the infantry and engineers of the Reserves to
   arms, and, on the 25th of February, its proposed legislation
   was introduced. It amended the penal code, in order to punish
   strikes by persons in the public service as misdemeanors and
   to attach penalties of more severity to all attacks on the
   freedom of labor. It provided, further, for the organization
   of a military railway brigade, to insure service on the lines
   in case of a strike; and finally, it created a commission to
   investigate the condition of the railway service and of its
   employees. Pending the discussion of these measures the
   threatened strike was undertaken, and was seen very soon to
   have failed. Without any serious conflict with the authorities
   it was given up, and, on the 11th of April, the bills became
   Law.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: New Zealand: A. D. 1896-1908.
   The Compulsory Arbitration Law.
   Its working.

   At the meeting of the National Civic Federation of the United
   States, in December, 1908, Mr. Hugh H. Lusk, of New Zealand,
   spoke of the compulsory arbitration law of that country.

      See, in Volume VI. of this work.
      NEW ZEALAND.

   "In form," he said, "the law is not compulsory upon all men,
   but only upon those who become amenable to it by registering
   their associations under the law. Since associations, both of
   workers and of employers, are generally registered, it is and
   has been for twelve years now past absolutely compulsory
   arbitration. About six years ago the law was extended to the
   Commonwealth of Australia, where it is now in force. In New
   Zealand compulsory arbitration has hitherto been a great
   success, It has had the effect of preventing all strikes and
   all lockouts for twelve years in that country until the other
   day. The history of its extension to Australia has been the
   greatest tribute that could be made to its success in New
   Zealand. It has not been in all respects as great a success in
   Australia as in New Zealand. New Zealand has a million white
   inhabitants, Australia nearly five million; therefore, by the
   extension of the law from New Zealand to Australia you have
   got, as it were, a stepping stone from which you can easily
   see how far it would be likely to be a success in a country as
   much greater and as much more populous than Australia as is
   this country.

   "The law of New Zealand, and now of Australia, compels all
   associated workers who are registered under the act to submit
   to the law if they have causes of difference with their
   employers. In the first place, they have to go to a member of
   the Board of Conciliation, one of which exists in any
   considerable district, and the Conciliation Board failing in
   its object they can remove the cause into the Court of
   Arbitration, which passes final judgment.

   "For twelve years the law operated without serious breakdown
   in New Zealand. It has been carried on for five years without
   a serious breakdown in Australia. Now, what is wrong with the
   Act and its operations? At first the workers were perfectly
   satisfied with the court because, as a general rule, it was
   with them. Later on, the court as a rule has been against
   them. They have been inclined to the belief that the
   constitution of the court is unfavorable, the court being
   constituted of two representatives of labor and two
   representatives of capital, together with one Judge of the
   Supreme Court, sitting as president or chairman. They have
   come to the conclusion that it is the fifth man who really
   gives the decision. The difficulty in such a case as this is
   that if the representative man who gives his decision has not
   the confidence of both parties the court fails in its object.
   It is believed that the decisions are, in general, those of a
   man belonging to the capitalist class—since laborers do not
   often find their way to the Supreme Court bench in any
   country. This seems to be the bottom of the difficulty both in
   New Zealand and in Australia. I do not think you could enact a
   law either as a Federal law or as a State law, to-day, such as
   the law in New Zealand and enforce it. The people are not
   ready for it. The Canadian plan seems to me to be a step,
   although perhaps rather a timid step in the right direction."

   The exceptional strike to which Mr. Lusk referred, as
   occurring "the other day," was in February, 1907. The strike
   was of men in the freezing works of the frozen meat trade.
   They stopped work as individuals, not as a union, each
   claiming his right to take a rest from work; but the law was
   applied to them, nevertheless, and they were fined £5 each.
   Mr. Gompers, who spoke after Mr. Lusk, declared himself
   emphatically against the New Zealand system, saying: "I would
   not have employers do as they please; I would not want workmen
   to do as they please; but I believe that by the organization
   of industry and by the organization of labor we are gathering
   forces conscious of their power, which, intelligently and
   wisely wielded, bring forth a spirit of conciliation that no
   court of arbitration ever yet was able to impose. There is in
   the United States more genuine conciliation between organized
   employers and organized workmen than exists in any other part
   of the world."

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Russia: A. D. 1904-1905.
   Revolutionary Strikes.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Scotland: A. D. 1904-1909.
   Five Years of Peace in Coal Mining.
   A threatened conflict averted.

   In 1904 the coalmasters of Scotland made an agreement with
   their men for regulating wages according to a fixed scale, to
   be neither below 37½ per cent., nor over 100 per cent. above
   what is called the basis of 1888, which was 4s. per day. In
   effect the range was from 5s. 6d. to 8s. per day, and within
   these limits the Coal Conciliation Board was empowered to
   adjust questions of wages as they arose. Under this agreement
   the Conciliation Board operated satisfactorily till the summer
   of 1909, and under the constitution of the board there was
   power to refer any question on which the representatives of
   the masters and men could not agree to a neutral chairman,
   whose decision was to be absolute.

{383}

   During the first three years of the agreement trade was
   prosperous and wages rose nearly to the maximum under which
   the Conciliation Board could adjudicate. Then came the period
   of general depression, and wages went down, along with prices
   of coal, until, finally, the coalmasters applied for a further
   reduction to the minimum of the agreement, 5s. 6d. per day.
   The men's representatives on the Board refused to entertain
   the proposal. The disagreement became acute in a few weeks,
   and the Miners’ Federation of Great Britain threatened a
   general strike in support of the contention of its Scottish
   members. On a ballot taken in July, 518,361 of the coal miners
   of the United Kingdom voted for a general stoppage of work, in
   support of the demands of the Scottish miners against 62,980
   who opposed the undertaking. But the efforts of the
   Government, exerted through the Board of Trade, were
   successful in averting the threatened catastrophe. Conferences
   between delegates from the coal miners and the coal owners,
   held at the offices of the Board of Trade and under
   chairmanship of the President of the Board, Winston Churchill,
   resulted in an agreement signed on the 30th of July, which is
   to be in force until August 1st, 1912, and indefinitely
   thereafter unless six months notice of a wish to terminate it
   is served by one party to it on the other. The agreement
   provides for the continuation of the former Conciliation Board
   "with the provision that there shall be obligatory a neutral
   chairman (whose decision in cases of difference shall be final
   and binding) to be selected by such method as shall be
   mutually agreed upon by the parties, and, failing agreement,
   by the Speaker of the House of Commons."

   On the point of wages, the opinion of the miners’ delegates
   was reported to be that the agreement was "fair to all
   parties, for it secured the owners against having to pay an
   increased wage unless all the circumstances of the trade,
   considered over a reasonable period, were taken into account
   by a perfectly impartial arbitrator. The concession of the
   principle of the 50 per cent. increase on the 1888 basis as a
   minimum wage would, as far as could be foreseen,
   obviate trouble in the future, and the safeguards which had
   been introduced into the grant of the concession were, in the
   opinion of all the delegates who were willing to express their
   views, eminently fair to all the interests concerned."

LABOR ORGANIZATION: South Africa: A. D. 1903-1904.
   The question of Asiatic Labor for the mines in the Transvaal.
   Admission of Chinese Coolies.
   The political side of the Opposition to White Labor.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Spain: A. D. 1902.
   Great Strike at Barcelona.

   Barcelona, the scene of frequent and much disturbance, both
   political and industrial, produced, in the middle of February,
   a general strike of 80,000 workmen, between whom and the
   troops of General Weyler, the Minister of War, a week of
   battle in the streets occurred, with martial law in force.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Spain: A. D. 1909.
   Insurrection and Strike at Barcelona.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Sweden: A. D. 1909.
   The Lockout and the attempted General Strike of all
   Labor in the Kingdom.

   The labor conflicts of 1909 were marked most impressively by
   two attempts, in two countries, to combine all unionized
   labor, of all trades and employments, in the oft-threatened
   "general strike," whereby an absolute paralysis of society
   might be brought about. The first of these attempts was
   planned in France, for the enforcement of the demands of the
   postal and telegraphic employees of the Government, who
   claimed the right to engage in conflict with the State by an
   organized "strike." This came happily to naught; and, the
   second, undertaken in Sweden, had the same result.

   A dispute in the paper, woolen, and cotton industries of
   Sweden led, first, to a lockout of about 13,000 workmen in
   those factories, the employers acting in a compact
   association, which seems to have embraced all important fields
   of production. On the 26th of July the lockout was extended to
   certain other allied trades, affecting about 40,000 employees
   in all; and it was then announced that on the 2d of August, if
   the men did not come to terms, the closing of works would be
   carried into the iron trades, and further still. This
   challenged the Allied Trade Unions to summon a "general
   strike" of all their membership, and the call went out for an
   universal dropping of work on August 4th. Exception, however,
   was made in the call, of employees in the water-works,
   lighting and sanitation departments of the public service, and
   of those on whom hospitals, funerals and living animals were
   dependent for care. Railway, postal, telegraph and telephone
   employees were not included in the Labor Federation, and did
   not strike. Between lockout and strike, however, the
   suspension of industry was so extensive as to reduce
   Stockholm, especially, to a very grave situation; but the
   emergency was faced with remarkable energy and courage by both
   Government and people.

   Neither employers nor employees would listen to any mediation
   between them by King or Ministers, and the measures of
   Government were directed solely to the repression of disorder
   and the checking of all that savored of revolutionary aims.
   How the public of Stockholm saved itself from paralysis is
   told by a correspondent who wrote from that city on the 28th
   of August, when the strike was in its fourth week. "How is
   it," he asked, "that the trams are running, cabs are plying
   for hire in the streets, the steam ferries are working as
   usual, streets and houses are lighted, and there seems no lack
   of provisions or transport? The explanation is that these and
   many other of the most important social services are being
   performed by a brigade of volunteers, who have come forward in
   the public interest and who devote their time and energies
   gratuitously to supplying the most pressing needs of society
   at large. …

   "On July 31 plans were first formed for meeting the situation
   by the organization of a band of voluntary helpers, and on
   August 2 a meeting was held at which definite action was
   determined upon. A ‘Public Security Brigade’ (Frivilliga
   skyddskaren) was to be enrolled, and the following services,
   amongst others, were to be undertaken: The protection of
   banks, insurance officers, and similar institutions liable to
   attack or plunder by the strikers; the working of trams and
   steamboats, and of gas, water, and electric lighting
   machinery; the driving of motor and other cabs; the conveyance
   of the sick to the hospitals, and the rendering to the
   hospital staff of any necessary help; the unloading and
   transport of the necessities of life, such as food, coal,
   wood, &c. The object of the organization was not to help
   individual sufferers or to safeguard individual interests, but
   in every way possible to maintain such services as should be
   considered necessary for the security and welfare of the
   community.

{384}

   "The appeal for volunteers met with a generous and
   enthusiastic response, and within a week of the first meeting
   on August 2 the whole organization was in full working order.
   All classes supplied their quota. Counts and barons,
   military and naval officers, professional and business men,
   engineers, clerks, students from the Universities and
   technical schools, alike volunteered their services. The
   importance of such a movement can hardly be overestimated. The
   fact that the executive body has no connexion with the
   Government or municipality and yet is working in constant
   touch and in perfect harmony with both speaks Volumes for the
   spirit in which the work has been undertaken and the
   efficiency with which it is being carried out. It is an
   object-lesson in the capacity of the upper and middle classes
   to meet such an emergency. And lastly, if, as is thought
   probable by some, the institution should become a permanent
   one, Sweden will have one of the best guarantees for
   industrial peace in the future."

   When this was written, the struggle, so far as it involved an
   attempted general strike, was near its end. On the 3d of
   September the Labor Federation announced its willingness that
   those organizations which were not connected with the original
   dispute, but which had joined the strike to help make it
   general, should return to work, if the Government would renew
   its proffer of mediation in the primary dispute. This the
   Government did willingly; but at the end of September it was
   announced that the negotiations undertaken had broken down and
   that 60,000 men were still without work.

   The most serious feature of the conflict was the apparent
   readiness with which many labor organizations broke agreements
   and contracts, in order to take part in it, even when not
   called on to do so by the general Federation. According to the
   claim of the Employers’ Federation, moreover, it was
   faithlessness to such contracts which had most to do with
   bringing of the Lockout on. On the other hand, the workmen
   maintain that it is the aim of the employers to break down
   their unions, and that self-preservation justifies them in
   breaking contracts when that course is necessary to defeat
   such attempts. Where the very truth lies is questionable, here
   as in most such conflicts.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States:
   The Organization of Labor.

   "Most of the national trade unions are affiliated to one great
   federal organization, known as the American Federation of
   Labor. The railway brotherhoods, so called, keep their
   separate organizations, without affiliating to any other body.
   There are some independent unions; while the Knights of Labor
   are a body entirely distinct from all other organizations, and
   have a different organic law. It is difficult to ascertain the
   membership of unions. In Great Britain the law requiring
   registration enables the Government to state with fair
   accuracy the strength of unions in that country. According to
   the latest reports available, the English trade unions had a
   membership of 1,802,518, while in the United States,—with
   double England’s population,—the estimated membership of labor
   organizations on July 1 last was 1,400,000. It is estimated at
   the present time that there are nearly 18,000,000 persons
   (men, women, and children) in the United States working as
   wage-earners. The percentage embraced in the labor unions is
   not large, therefore, being not more than 8 per cent. of the
   whole body. It must be remembered, however, that in many
   trades the members are organized up to a large proportion,
   —sometimes 90 per cent.—of the total number engaged. The
   American Federation of Labor probably represents 850,000
   members, and the Knights of Labor perhaps 200,000. The Order
   of Railway Conductors of America,—whose head, Mr. E. E. Clark,
   has been appointed on the Coal Commission,—has nearly 25,000
   members; the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, over
   34,000; the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, nearly 38,000;
   the Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen, about 44,000; and there
   are at least four other influential railroad organizations."

      Carroll D. Wright,
      Labor Organization in the United States
      (Contemporary Review, October. 1902).

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States:
   The Trade Union as a factor in the Assimilation of the
   Foreign-born Population, and in its Political Education.

   "Whatever our judgment as to the legality or expediency of the
   industrial policy of our American unions, no student of
   contemporary conditions can deny that they are a mighty factor
   in effecting the assimilation of our foreign-born population.
   Schooling is primarily of importance, of course, but many of
   our immigrants come here as adults. Education can affect only
   the second generation. The churches, particularly the Catholic
   hierarchy, may do much. Protestants seem to have little
   influence in the industrial centres. On the other hand, the
   newspapers, at least such as the masses see and read, and the
   ballot under present conditions in American cities, have no
   uplifting or educative power at all. The great source of
   intellectual inspiration to a large percentage of our inchoate
   Americans, in the industrial classes, remains in the
   trade-union. It is a vast power for good or evil, according as
   its affairs are administered. It cannot fail to teach the
   English language. That in itself is much. Its benefit system,
   as among the cigarmakers and printers, may inculcate thrift.
   Its journals, the best of them, give a general knowledge of
   trade conditions, impossible to the isolated workman. Its
   democratic constitutions and its assemblies and conventions
   partake of the primitive character of the Anglo-Saxon
   folkmoot, so much lauded by Freeman, the historian, as a
   factor in English political education and constitutional
   development. Not the next gubernatorial or presidential
   candidate; not the expansion of the currency, nor the reform
   of the general staff of the army; not free-trade or
   protection, or anti-imperialism, is the real living thing of
   interest to the trade-union workman. His thoughts, interests,
   and hopes are centred in the politics of his organization. It
   is the forum and arena of his social and industrial world."

      W. Z. Ripley,
      Race Factors in Labor Unions
      (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1904).

{385}

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1899-1907.
   The Western Federation of Miners.
   Its adoption of a Socialist Platform.
   Its fierce Conflict with Mine Owners.
   Alleged Criminal Instigations by its Leaders.
   Orchard’s Confessions.
   Trial and Acquittal of Secretary Haywood.

   The Western Federation of Miners was organized in Butte,
   Montana, in 1893. The domain of the organization was and is
   mainly the metal mining fields west of the Mississippi River;
   while that of the organization called the United Mine Workers
   was and is the coal fields east of the Mississippi. The
   strongly marked difference in character between these two
   comprehensive unions of mining labor is indicated in an
   article by William Hard, contributed to The Outlook of
   May 19, 1906. "The United, Mine Workers," wrote Mr. Hard,
   "accepts the present industrial system and regards the
   employer as its partner. The Western Federation of Miners
   denounces the present industrial system and regards the very
   existence of the employer as an evil. The United Mine Workers
   is interested mainly in the division of the proceeds of the
   present industrial system between itself and its partner, the
   employer. It wants to increase its own share of the proceeds
   and it wants to reduce its partner’s share. The Western
   Federation of Miners, on the other hand, is interested mainly
   in the elimination of the employer. It wants more wages, of
   course, but if it should succeed in establishing a scale of
   even a hundred dollars a day it would still be bound by its
   principles to spurn the relaxing comforts of prosperity and to
   nerve itself to a continuation of the struggle.

   "Edward Boyce, as President of the Federation, addressed its
   annual Convention in 1902 as follows: ‘There are only two
   classes of people in the world. One is composed of the men and
   women who produce all. The other is composed of men and women
   who produce nothing, but live in luxury upon the wealth
   produced by others.’" The Convention, at the same session,
   adopted the following declaration: "We, the tenth annual
   Convention of the Western Federation of Miners, do declare for
   a policy of independent political action, and do advise and
   recommend the adoption of the platform of the Socialist Party
   of America."

   Says Mr. Hard, in comment on this Socialist pronouncement by
   the Western Federation: "There is usually one of two reasons
   for the presence of a large number of Socialists in any trade
   union. One is the influence of Europeans; the other is a
   particularly spectacular triumph of the machine over the man,
   and a particularly cruel displacement of human beings by
   superhuman tools. … The Western Federation of Miners,
   however, has not been devoured by the machine, and it does not
   contain more than a small percentage of Europeans. Whatever of
   lawlessness there has been in the history of the Western
   Federation has been American lawlessness. Whatever of
   radicalism there has been in that history has been radicalism
   cherished and propagated by Americans. That favorite National
   scapegoat, ‘the foreigner,’ cannot be loaded with the sins of
   the Western Federation. … The Western mines are full of
   longlimbed, franked-eyed men who have adventured themselves
   far and wide upon the face of the earth. There are Eastern
   miners who were blacklisted after leading unsuccessful
   strikes. There are cowboys who tired of the trail. There are
   farmers who preferred prospecting to plowing. There are city
   men who burst the bars of their cages to breathe the open air
   of the West. These adventurous characters, going out into a
   new country and plunging into the virgin, everlasting hills,
   where it would seem that at last all men would stand on the
   same footing, have suddenly discovered that amid these
   primitive surroundings the modern industrial system is not
   only found, but is found at its worst. No one would try to
   find a parallel anywhere else on earth for the reckless
   unscrupulous and maddening insolence of the corporations of
   the Rocky Mountain States. And practical anarchism among
   corporations is always a strong promoter of theoretical
   Socialism among trade unions. …

   "The internal policy of the Western Federation of Miners is
   consistent with its published principles. The most important
   part of this policy is an aversion to the signing of contracts
   with employers. A contract is regarded as a manacle. It binds
   one union when another union might need its help. … In
   consequence of not demanding a contract, the Federation
   naturally does not demand a closed shop. As it does not ask
   the employer to bind himself by a contract to anything, it
   does not ask him to bind himself to the exclusive employment
   of union men. In three other respects besides its failure to
   demand a closed shop the Western Federation of Miners follows
   a policy which has often been admired by enemies of trade
   unions. The Western Federation has no apprentice system. It
   does not restrict output. And it discountenances
   jurisdictional quarrels between rival trade organizations. …

   "So much for the philosophy of the Western Federation of
   Miners. Now for the lawlessness with which it has been
   charged. There can be no doubt that members of the Western
   Federation of Miners have frequently coerced non-union men. …
   A programme of intimidation has at times, in certain mining
   camps, become the equivalent of a closed shop contract. The
   employer was not asked to exclude non-union men. The union
   excluded them spontaneously, without bothering the employer
   about it. … In addition to the coercion of individual
   non-unionists, there have been a few occasions on which armed
   bodies of union men have stormed mining property and captured
   it."

   On the other side of the case this writer recounts the acts of
   violence and the barbarous "deportations" which the miners of
   the Western Federation have suffered at the hands of the
   Mine-Owners’ Association and the Citizens’ Alliance in
   coöperation with them; and he emphasises this fact:—"that the
   members of the Citizens’ Alliance and the members of the
   Western Federation of Miners are brothers under their skins.
   They come in the main from exactly the same breed. Two men go
   out prospecting. They come from the same town in Ohio. Their
   claims are half a mile apart. One man strikes gold. The other
   doesn’t. One man becomes a millionaire and a member of the
   Mine-Owners’ Association. The other becomes a workingman and a
   member of the Western Federation. … They were all of them
   American adventurers before they became employers and
   employees. Practically identical in breed, the mine-owners and
   the miners are practically identical in temperament. They
   transact their affairs on both sides with an untrammeled
   recklessness which is appalling, but which, if the distinction
   be admitted, savors of anarchy rather than of illegality.
{386}
   The situation is like that in the rough early mediaeval States
   before the central authority had established its power by
   means of police. … That these frontiersmen, as workingmen and
   as members of the Western Federation, have used their guns in
   trade union controversies is indubitable. That the Western
   Federation, however, is an organized criminal clique, and that
   it accentuates and stimulates the gun-playing proclivities of
   its members, is, so far, unsupported by evidence."

      William Hard,
      The Western Federation of Miners
      (The Outlook, May 19, 1906).

   The question on which Mr. Hard threw doubt, as to whether the
   leaders of the Western Federation of Miners, or any of its
   responsible members, had been implicated in the dreadful
   crimes of murder and destruction of property which attended
   the conflict between the Federation and the mine-owners of the
   Far West, came to trial in connection with the horrible murder
   of ex-Governor Frank Steunenberg, of Idaho. The victim had
   been Governor of that State in 1899, when, during a strike in
   the Cœur d’Alene district, a mill at Wardner was blown up by a
   mob. Governor Steunenberg obtained the aid of Federal troops
   and vigorously crushed the disorder. Six years afterwards, on
   the 30th of December, 1905, at the gate of his residence in
   Caldwell, he was blown to pieces by a bomb, so placed that it
   was exploded by the opening of the gate. A man named Harry
   Orchard was arrested on suspicion and held until, finally, he
   not only confessed the crime in question, but owned, or
   claimed to have participated in, or had knowledge of, an
   appalling number of other murders, deadly explosions, and
   other barbarities, all of which he alleged to have been
   committed at the instigation and under the direction of
   officials in the Western Federation. Its President, Charles H.
   Moyer, its Secretary, W. D. Haywood, and George A. Pettibone
   of its executive were especially implicated by Orchard’s
   confession in the murder of Governor Steunenberg. These
   accused men were in Colorado at the time, and there, on a
   requisition from the Governor of Idaho, they were arrested on
   the 15th of February, 1906, and taken hurriedly to Boise,
   having no opportunity to resist what was claimed to be the
   illegal extradition. Subsequently, however, when the question
   was carried from the Supreme Court of Idaho up to the Supreme
   Court of the United States, the legality of the proceeding was
   affirmed by all of the tribunals which reviewed it.

   Intense feeling in labor circles was enlisted in behalf of the
   accused chiefs of the Western Federation of Miners. Very
   generally their innocence of the imputed crimes was believed,
   and they were looked on as victims of an implacable
   conspiracy, in which capitalists and politicians were leagued,
   to hunt them to their death. More than a year intervened
   between their arrest and the trial of Haywood, who was the
   first to be arraigned. This greatly exciting trial was opened,
   at Boise City, the capital of Idaho, in May, 1907, and was
   concluded on the 28th of July, resulting in the acquittal of
   the accused. Orchard’s testimony does not seem to have been
   seriously shaken, otherwise than by the incredible horrors of
   his story; but corroborative evidence was lacking, and nobody
   could trust a witness whose moral irresponsibility was so
   plain a fact. The announcement of the verdict of acquittal was
   gladly received. It was followed at once by the release of
   President Moyer on bail.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1900-1909.
   Labor Unions and Oriental Immigration.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1900-1909.
   Study and treatment of Industrial Problems by the
   National Civic Federation.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1901.
   Teamsters’ Strike in San Francisco.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1901.
   The unfortunate Strike of the Amalgamated Association
   of Iron, Steel, and Tin Plate Workers.
   Its conflict with the United States Steel Corporation.
   Breaches of Contract involved.
   Failure.

   A strike which involved breaches of contract between employés
   and employers, and which resulted most unfortunately to those
   engaged in it, was ordered in July, 1901, by the heads of the
   National Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel, and Tin Plate
   Workers of the United States. As in the case of the Anthracite
   Coal Strike of 1902, which is told of below, the circumstances
   of this strike received a very thorough study and a very clear
   exposition to the public, in an article from the pen of Dr.
   Talcott Williams, published in the American Review of
   Reviews for September, 1901, and what is stated here is
   drawn from that article:

   The industries concerned in what occurred had been carried on
   for a considerable period under conditions too complicated to
   be described in this limited place. It must suffice to say
   that there were union mills and non-union mills, and also a
   third class, of "open" mills, in which union and non-union men
   worked together. A truce had sprung up during a period of
   prosperity in which, says Dr. Williams, "there had come to be
   a quasi, only a quasi, general understanding that certain
   mills were to be considered as union, certain as non-union,
   and certain as ‘open.’" While "the trade was still divided
   among hundreds of mill-owners," the Amalgamated Association of
   workers in them "equalized conditions for all of them. It
   lifted wage disputes out of the narrow mill atmosphere. It
   forced all concerned to look at the trade as a whole. It gave
   continuity and uniformity to contracts for wages. It
   established standards of wages"—for union and non-union, both.
   But when, in June, 1901, "the Amalgamated came to its annual
   collective bargaining," it had to deal, not with numerous
   independent mill-owners, but with the great consolidation of
   them that had just occurred, in the formation of the mammoth
   United States Steel Corporation.

   "Two courses," says Dr. Williams, "were open to the president
   and officers and Advisory Council of the Amalgamated. They
   might, after the usual conference, for which its constitution
   provides, through a special committee, have signed its ‘scale’
   for the union mills in which its membership worked and wait
   for the social and political pressure of public opinion, as in
   1900, to force this new representative of capital—the
   ‘Trust’—in its various forms to accept a collective bargain
   for part of its mills, trusting to events, the steady
   gravitation of skilled labor to its ranks, and the greater
   economic efficiency of the union—for unless it is that it
   cannot survive—to win a slow battle. Much depended for
   organized labor all over the country in formally committing
   the United States Steel Corporation, the greatest employer of
   labor on the planet, to the recognition of a union scale as
   the best regulator of wages, union and non-union.
{387}
   It looked as if this waiting plan were adopted when the scale
   was signed for one year to come, carrying a new
   non-interruption clause, with the American Tin Plate Company.
   … On the last day on which the scale could be signed—June 29—
   and it generally is not signed before, the demand was made
   that the scale should be signed for all [of certain] non-union
   mills. The advance in wages asked was conceded. Mr. Persifor
   F. Smith, for the company, offered to sign for twenty-one
   mills accepted in the past as union. President Shaffer refused
   to sign for any, unless all were accepted as union. Mr. Smith
   refused to sign for mills non-union in the past, and claimed
   that two, Salzburg and Old Meadow, hitherto union, had
   abandoned the organization, a position later conceded. The
   issue raised was whether the change from individual to
   collective bargaining could be required under penalty of a
   strike, not only in the mills in question, but in all the
   mills of the company. The men involved had a right to require
   a collective bargain for as many as they chose to include. The
   company had its right, equally, to decide where it would have
   individual and where collective bargaining. …

   "The Amalgamated was … strong, until it struck. Its demand for
   wages and hours were all accepted. It had been allowed to
   organize lodges in various non-union mills, after the
   corporation had bought them, where before it was excluded.
   When it attempted, on its own demand and instance, to change
   the status of these mills and act for their labor, it proved
   right in its claim that the men wished to be union in four out
   of five of the steel hoop mills and wrong in five out of the
   seven mills claimed in the Sheet Steel Company. Each
   contestant claimed more than it could control. A compromise
   was in order. A compromise was offered. Twelve mills in all
   were in dispute. The corporation offered four. The Amalgamated
   demanded all or none. … A strike was ordered July 15, and
   the American Tin Plate Company men broke their year’s contract
   of a fortnight before."

   The strike was "circumscribed at first by members of the
   Amalgamated in the Federal Steel Company plants at Chicago,
   Joliet, and Milwaukee refusing to break their contracts and
   strike. Here, the membership of the Amalgamated was less than
   a tenth of the whole number involved. It is not over this
   proportion in the general body of men on the pay-roll of the
   United States Steel Corporation. The proportion in union mills
   varies. In none does it include all. In some, those without
   its membership are a small fraction, in others, more than
   half. By the men of the National Steel Company and the
   National Tube Company, annual contracts were broken,
   sacrificing the annual collective bargain."

   "Nothing can be accomplished for labor, even that tenth share
   of it organized in the Amalgamated, until this share has
   learned that contracts must be kept and the line drawn between
   wages and business control. The successful efforts of the
   Amalgamated to induce its members to break their contracts,
   first in the tin works and later at various works in the
   Federal Steel Company, has deepened the conviction among
   business men and the public that men in the union cannot be
   trusted to keep promises; and until this trust is possible,
   nothing is possible."

   The strike failed in its objects completely, and came to an
   end on the 14th of September, having lasted sixty-one days.
   Under the agreement which then terminated it, the union mills
   which the Amalgamated Association had been able to keep closed
   were recognized as being within its sphere, but no provision
   could be made for the displaced union men of mills which had
   been wholly or partly reopened during the progress of the
   strike, and large bodies of the strikers were left to seek
   employment where they could.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1902.
   Remarkable Conference on the Peaceful Settlement of Labor
   Disputes, under the auspices of the National Civic Federation.
   Appointment of a Committee of Conciliation.

   In January, 1902, a remarkable conference, to discuss the
   relations between labor and capital and to seek means for the
   peaceable settlement of industrial disputes, was held in New
   York, under the auspices of the National Civic Federation.
   Notable men of all professions, of high circles in business,
   of high leadership in trade unions, and of high official
   positions, came together, with the Honorable Oscar S. Straus
   presiding, and held frank and free talk on a subject which
   concerned them all in the greatest possible degree. The main
   practical result of the Conference was the appointment of a
   powerful standing Committee, to act for the Civic
   Confederation as an agency of conciliation and intermediation
   between the parties in industrial disputes. The Committee,
   which has exercised its good offices many times since, not
   always with success, but always with an influence that must be
   of growing effect, was appointed as follows:

   On Behalf of the Public.

   Grover Cleveland;
   Cornelius N. Bliss;
   Charles Francis Adams;
   Archbishop John Ireland;
   Bishop Henry C. Potter;
   Charles W. Eliot, president of Harvard University;
   Franklin MacVeagh, Chicago;
   James H. Eckels;
   John J. McCook;
   John G. Milburn, Buffalo;
   Charles J. Bonaparte, Baltimore;
   Oscar S. Straus;
   Ralph M. Easley.

   Representatives of Organized Labor.—

   Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor;
   John Mitchell, president of the United Mine Workers;
   F. P. Sargent, grand master of the Brotherhood of
   Locomotive Firemen;
   T. J. Shaffer, president of the Amalgamated Association
   of Iron, Steel, and Tin Workers;
   James Duncan, secretary of the Granite Cutters’ Association;
   Daniel J. Keefe, president of the International Association
   of ’Longshoremen;
   Martin Fox, president of the National Iron Molders’ Union;
   James E. Lynch, president of the International
   Typographical Union;
   Edward E. Clarke, grand conductor, Brotherhood of
   Railway Conductors;
   Henry White, secretary of the Garment Workers of America;
   Walter Mac Arthur, editor of the
   Coast Seamen's Journal, San Francisco;
   James O’Connell, president of the International
   Association of Machinists.

   Representative Employers.

   Senator Marcus A. Hanna, Cleveland;
   Charles M. Schwab, president of the
   United States Steel Corporation;
   S. R. Callaway, American Locomotive Works;
   Charles Moore, president of the National Tool Company;
   J. D. Rockefeller, Jr.;
   H. H. Vreeland, Metropolitan Street Railway Company;
   Lewis Nixon, Crescent Shipyard, Elizabethport, New Jersey;
   James A. Chambers, president of the American Glass Company,
   Pittsburg, Pennsylvania;
   William H. Pfahler, president of the National Association
   of Stove Manufacturers, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania;
   E. P. Ripley, president of the Atchison,
   Topeka & Santa Fe Railway;
   Marcus M. Marks, president of the National Association
   of Clothing Manufacturers;
   J. Kruttschnitt, president of the Southern
   Pacific Railway Company.

{388}

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1902-1903.
   The Great Strike of Anthracite Coal Miners.
   Distress and Alarm in the Country.
   Intermediation of President Roosevelt.
   Arrogant Attitude of Mine-owning Interests.
   Final submission to Arbitration Commission appointed by
   the President.
   Award of the Commission.

   A prolonged general strike of miners in the anthracite coal
   fields of Pennsylvania, beginning in May, 1902, was one of the
   most serious in its public effects and the most alarming that
   has ever occurred in the United States. It may be said to have
   had its origin in a previous strike that came about in the
   fall of 1900, resulting from which the miners had obtained an
   advance in wages of ten per cent. That increase was guaranteed
   until the 1st of April, 1901. In the interval Mr. John Mitchell,
   the able and much respected President of the United Mine
   Workers of America, strove to secure from the railway magnates
   who are the masters of the anthracite coal property and trade
   some recognized right on the part of the miners as a body to
   discuss and arrange the terms and conditions of their work.
   The rebuffs that he met with were near to causing another
   strike in the spring; but some powerful influences were
   brought to bear, it was said, by New York financiers, which
   patched up a truce for the ensuing year. The ten per cent
   increase of wages was continued for that further period, and
   the miners, in some way, rightly or wrongly, acquired an idea
   that the next year was to bring about an arrangement of free
   and fair representative conferences between their union and
   the union of mine-owners and operatives, like that which had
   been established in the bituminous coal regions. In this
   expectation they were wholly disappointed when the year came
   to its end, as it did on the 1st of April, 1902.

   The National Civic Federation, in which every great social
   interest, of capital, labor, politics, education, religion,
   philanthropy, is splendidly represented, intervened in the
   disputes which followed, and brought about some meetings on
   the subject; but the capitalist side of the controversy was
   entrenched in its determination to give no recognition to any
   union of miners, and to refuse an arbitration of the dispute,
   while the miners were provoked to the making of larger demands
   than they might have insisted upon, probably, if they had been
   differently met. By a small majority of the delegates to a
   convention held in May the miners voted to strike—against the
   judgment of President Mitchell it is said—and work in the
   mines was stopped about the middle of the month.

   On both sides of the conflict there were real difficulties in
   the way of approach to a common ground of negotiation. These
   were fairly set forth by Dr. Talcott Williams, of the
   Philadelphia Press, in The Review of Reviews for July,
   1902. On the side of the anthracite railroad managers and mine
   operators he pointed to the fact that they were "under a
   grinding competition with bituminous coal. To accept a union
   of United Mine Workers of America, in which the bituminous
   workers were two to one, was, they believed, to render it
   certain that on most issues the management of the union would
   keep bituminous mines busy rather than anthracite." Further to
   the fact that "anthracite mining varies greatly from mine to
   mine, and a uniform ‘scale,’ as in bituminous mines, is
   difficult." But, said he, "it cannot be impracticable, for
   veins as narrow, tortuous and varying are mined under a
   ‘scale' in England." As for difficulties of concession on the
   part of the mine-workers, this just analyzer of the conflict
   described their division into three classes having different
   and unequal footings in the industry. These were the miners
   who break out or detach the coal in the mines; the laborers
   whom the miners employ to load and remove what the latter
   detach; and, finally, the men employed as mine bosses and to
   operate engines and pumps. The miners are paid for the
   quantity taken out; the laborers (who aspire to become miners)
   receive wages for a ten hours day; the bosses and engineers
   are employed by the year and have continuous work, because the
   pumps cannot be stopped, whether mining goes on or not. These
   three interests must be consolidated in a union of the
   mine-workers if it is to have any effective strength; and this
   raises knotty problems among them. The attitude of the
   railroad managers and operators had prevented such a
   consolidation, with bad results, in Dr. Williams’s opinion. As
   he summed up the situation, it was this: "Had the miners’
   union in the past eighteen months exerted the rigid discipline
   of big well-managed unions, prevented small strikes, and
   worked for a cheap output, it might have divided capital. But
   it had not been ‘recognized.’ Therefore, its control was often
   loose. Local unions irritated local operators. In the Reading
   mines, the proportion of coal mined per miner fell one-eighth.
   It is part of a bad system of over-manned mines under which
   miners try to distribute work. Output was reduced and wages
   increased. The result was that the miners were without the
   responsible control of a big union, and the railroad managers
   and operators irritated by small strikes and ready for a
   fight."

   In his conclusions this well-informed critic of the situation
   justified the public feeling of the time which held the
   capitalists of the controversy more accountable than the
   laborers for the loss and suffering inflicted on the country.
   He closed his article with these words:

   "Under competition, the anthracite plant is one-half larger in
   mines and one-half greater in labor than the utmost demand of
   the public. Two-thirds of the mines and two-thirds of the men,
   run more regularly and systematically, could in spite of the
   lack of demand in summer, produce the coal cheaper and more
   profitably, and at a higher individual aggregate average, even
   if at a lower per diem or per ton than the present system.
{389}
   What the anthracite coal industry really needs is a
   reorganization like that after the London dock strike of 1889,
   reducing the number of men but increasing work for each. As it
   is, men who prefer working all the year to working two-thirds
   of the year, and often half a day at that, have, by a natural
   elimination, been weeded out steadily, and have left a large
   share of men, bred to a habit of irregular work and short
   hours. This one fact is at the bottom of much fitful
   irregularity in the mines.

   "The railroad managers, holding public franchises weighted by
   public responsibilities, have clearly no right, as they have
   all united in doing, to refuse all compromise, conciliation,
   or adjustment, and simply stop work, letting the public pay
   the cost in higher coal. They are bound either to reach an
   adjustment themselves, to let some one else reach one for
   them, or to reorganize the whole industry on a basis which
   will reduce the material and moral waste of the present
   system, where poor mines are worked and men are one-third of
   the year idle even in a prosperous year."

   The powers which controlled the mines did not, however, see
   their duty to the public in this light, and the strike went
   on. Before the summer ended the pinch of scarcity in the
   supply of fuel to the country was being felt widely, in most
   industries and in domestic life. The pinch increased, and the
   price of coal went higher as cold weather came on. Control of
   the rougher elements among the miners and mine laborers was
   lost by their leaders, and rioting broke out, with dark
   outrages of crime, calling for a strenuous employment of
   militia and police. There were threatenings, too, of a
   sympathetic strike of bituminous miners, which might easily
   produce a fuel famine of frightful effect; but President
   Mitchell and other intelligent leaders succeeded in persuading
   the miners of the bituminous district that their best help to
   the anthracite unions was by adhering to their yearly contract
   and continuing the work which enabled them to contribute funds
   to the support of the existing strike. In August they were
   reported to be sending to the idle anthracite men no less than
   $130,000 a week. With this and other help these seemed likely
   to maintain their stand for months. By the first of October
   the supply of anthracite coal was so meagre that "factory
   managers were put to their wits’ end to get fuel enough at $15
   or $20 a ton to keep their machinery running; whereas, in
   normal times, their supplies had cost perhaps $3 a ton. The
   great majority of the retail coal dealers were entirely sold
   out, and for the poor who were obliged to buy in small
   quantities the price had reached a cent a pound, or even more,
   with prospect of a total cessation of the anthracite supply.
   Soft coal was being largely substituted for hard coal; but it
   also, in the East, had advanced 300 or 400 per cent. in price,
   and it was not well adapted for chimneys, furnaces, stoves and
   grates that had been constructed for anthracite. Furthermore,
   the cessation of anthracite mining during that half of the
   year in which the bulk of the winter’s supply is produced had
   created a situation of scarcity that could not have been
   wholly overtaken by the utmost effort to substitute the
   bituminous article."

   The situation was now so grave that the whole country was
   demanding an intervention of government by some means to end
   the obstinate dispute. The Federal Executive could find no
   legal authority to act; but President Roosevelt determined to
   bring the prestige and weight of his high office and of his
   vigorous personality into an exercise of persuasive influence
   in the case. He invited the representatives of both parties in
   the conflict to meet him, and the meeting took place October
   3d. In opening a discussion of the subject he disclaimed any
   right or duty to intervene between them on legal grounds, but
   said that "the urgency and the terrible nature of the
   catastrophe impending over a large portion of our people " had
   impelled him to think it incumbent on him to use such
   influence as he could to "bring to an end a situation which
   has become literally intolerable." "With all the earnestness
   that is in me," he pleaded, "I ask that there be an immediate
   resumption of operations in the coal mines in some such way as
   will, without a day’s unnecessary delay, meet the crying needs
   of the people. I do not invite a discussion of your respective
   claims and positions. I appeal to your patriotism, to the
   spirit that sinks personal considerations and makes individual
   sacrifices for the general good." Mr. Mitchell then spoke
   briefly, saying that he and his associates did not feel that
   they were responsible for "this terrible state of affairs";
   and he made the following proposition; "We are willing to meet
   the gentlemen representing the coal operators to try to adjust
   our differences among ourselves. If we cannot adjust them that
   way, Mr. President, we are willing that you shall name a
   tribunal who shall determine the issues that have resulted in
   the strike; and if the gentlemen representing the operators
   will accept the award or decision of such a tribunal, the
   miners will willingly accept it, even if it is against their
   claims."

   To say that the President’s appeal and Mr. Mitchell’s proposal
   of arbitration had an arrogant response from the chiefs of the
   coal monopoly is to speak mildly of the spirit and language of
   their replies. "I now ask you," said one of them, "to perform
   the duties vested in you as President of these United States
   and to at once squelch the anarchistic condition of affairs in
   the coal region by the strong arm of the military at your
   command." "The duty of the hour," cried another dictatorially,
   "is not to waste time negotiating with the fomenters of this
   anarchy and insolent defiance of law, but to do as was done in
   the War of the Rebellion—restore the majesty of the law."
   With one consent they rejected the proposal of arbitration
   with scornful defiance, and the meeting broke up without
   result.

   But, behind the men in immediate command of the railway and
   the mining companies there was a bigger-brained financial
   power that could comprehend, as they could not, the
   recklessness of so arrogant a challenge, which went straight
   past the miners and the President of the United States to a
   suffering public. As the captain of that force, Mr. J.
   Pierpont Morgan took the business in hand, and, after a
   conference with Secretary Root and some talk with railway
   presidents, brought the latter to a different state of mind.
   On the 13th of October he went to Washington with the proposal
   of a Commission, to be appointed by the President, to which
   the companies were willing that "all questions between the
   respective companies and their own employés" should be
   referred.
{390}
   "The Commission to be constituted as follows:

   (1) An officer of the Engineer Corps of either the military or
   naval service of the United States;

   (2) an expert mining engineer, experienced in the mining of
   coal and other minerals, and not in any way connected with
   coal-mining properties, either anthracite or bituminous;

   (3) one of the judges of the United States courts of the
   Eastern District of Pennsylvania;

   (4) a man of prominence, eminent as a sociologist;

   (5) a man who by active participation in mining and selling
   coal is familiar with the physical and commercial features of
   the business."

   There were added the stipulations that upon the constitution
   of such Commission the miners should return to work and "cease
   all interference with and persecution of any non-union men who
   are working or shall hereafter work," and that the
   Commission’s findings should govern the conditions of
   employment between the respective companies and their own
   employees for a term of at least three years. On this basis,
   with some modifications, an agreement with Mr. Mitchell,
   acting for the miners, was arrived at, and the appointment of
   the Commission, named as follows, was announced on the 16th:

   Brigadier General John M. Wilson, U. S. A., retired
   (late Chief of Engineers), Washington, D. C.,
   "as an officer of the Engineer Corps."

   Edward Wheeler Parker, Washington, D. C.,
   chief statistician of the coal division of the Geological
   Survey, and editor of the Engineering and Mining Journal;
   "as an expert mining engineer."

   Honorable George Gray, Wilmington, Delaware,
   "as a Judge of a United States Court."

   Edgar E. Clark, Cedar Rapids, Iowa, Grand Chief of the Order
   of Railway Conductors, as a sociologist, the President
   assuming that for the purpose of such a Commission the term
   sociologist means a man who has thought and studied deeply on
   social questions and has practically applied his knowledge."

   Thomas H. Watkins, Scranton, Pennsylvania,
   "as a man practically acquainted with the mining and
   selling of coal."

   Bishop John L. Spalding, Peoria, Illinois
   (The President added the Bishop’s name to the Commission.)

   Carroll D. Wright, Commissioner of Labor;
   appointed Recorder of the Commission.

   Mr. Mitchell’s acceptance of the plan of settlement, as
   finally worked out by the President, was ratified by a miners’
   convention at Wilkes-barre, and the strike was declared at an
   end October 21st. The Arbitration Commission was organized at
   the White House on the 24th, under the presidency of Judge
   Gray. Carroll D. Wright, appointed originally as recorder of
   the Commission, was added as a seventh member to the board,
   all parties consenting. Public hearings by the Commission were
   opened at Scranton on the 14th of November, President Mitchell
   being the first witness, under cross-examination by railway
   attorneys for five days. The investigation was laborious and
   long, and it was not until the 21st of March, 1903, that the
   award of the Commission was made. The following summary of its
   important decisions is derived from an exposition of it by
   Walter E. Weyl, Ph. D., in The Review of Reviews for
   April, 1903:

   "There were four demands of the miners,--namely, for an
   increase of pay, a decrease in hours, the weighing of coal
   where practicable, and the recognition of the union. The first
   two demands of the miners have been compromised, the miners
   receiving over half of the increase demanded; the third demand
   was refused, but the conditions reformed; while for the fourth
   demand, the men secured practically what they desired,
   although formal recognition was denied them.

   "At the beginning of the hearings, the commission decided that
   any increase in the rate of pay, or any decrease in the hours,
   should be retroactive, and be effective from the first day of
   November. There would have been difficulty in carrying out
   this plan, however, especially in the case of a reduction in
   hours, and in substitution therefor the commission provided
   for a 10 per cent. increase in all wages of all employees
   during the five months of investigation, from November 1,
   1902, to April 1, 1903. … With regard to future wages and
   future hours of labor, the commission has adopted the plan of
   awarding increases for the various classes of employees and
   making this increased wage the minimum of a sliding scale. In
   other words, during the three years from April 1, 1903, to
   April 1, 1906, wages may not fall below the increased scale
   now awarded, no matter what the price of coal may be, but must
   rise above that rate in case the price of coal advances. The
   contract miners asked for an increase of 20 per cent., and
   have received a minimum of 10 per cent." The engineers
   hoisting water and the firemen were awarded the reduction in
   hours that they asked for, from twelve to eight, without
   reduced pay. Other engineers and pump men who asked the same
   received a five per cent. increase of pay with a reduction of
   working days per week from seven to six. The work day of men
   paid by the day was cut down from ten hours to nine. "These
   wages, however, are not necessarily the wages which will
   prevail, but merely the irreducible minimum of wages during
   the next three years. It was suggested by Mr. Baer that a
   sliding scale should be adopted, and that the wages of all
   mine workers should not fall below what they were in April,
   1902, but should be increased by one per cent. for every five
   cents increase in the price of the large sizes of coal in New
   York City." This seems to have made part of the award.

   "The commission says that it does not consider the question of
   recognition within the scope of the jurisdiction conferred
   upon it, although it states that ‘the suggestion of a working
   agreement between employees and employers embodying the
   doctrine of collective bargaining is one which the commission
   believes contains many hopeful elements for the adjustment of
   relations in the mining region.’ This concession, however, is
   qualified by the statement that ‘the present constitution of
   the United Mine Workers of America does not present the most
   inviting inducements to the operators to enter into
   contractual relations with it.’ Notwithstanding its disclaimer
   of jurisdiction, however, the Anthracite Coal Strike
   Commission has in practical effect compelled the operators to
   grant to the union full, plenary, and distinct recognition.
   The recognition of the United Mine Workers is clearly
   indicated by the language of the award.
{391}
   Section 4 provides that ‘Any difficulty or disagreement
   arising under this award, either as to its interpretation or
   application, or in any way growing out of the relations of the
   employees and employers, which cannot be settled or adjusted
   by conciliation between the superintendents or managers of the
   mine or mines and the miner or miners directly interested, or
   is of a scope too large to be settled or adjusted, shall be
   referred to a board of conciliation, to consist of six
   persons, appointed as hereinafter provided. That is to say, if
   there shall be a division of the whole region into three
   districts, in each of which there shall exist an organization
   representing a majority of the mine workers of such district,
   one member of said board of conciliation shall be appointed by
   each of said organizations, and three other persons shall be
   appointed by the operators, the operators of said district
   appointing one person.’ The award of this board of
   conciliation shall be final, and in case of dispute the matter
   shall be referred to an umpire appointed by one of the Circuit
   judges of the Third Judicial Circuit of the United States.
   There could be no clearer, no more definite, recognition of
   the union than is herein provided."

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1902-1909.
   The National Farmers’ Union and the
   American Society of Equity.

   A history of the Farmers’ National Union has been written by
   its President, Charles Simon Barrett, from whose narrative the
   following account is drawn. It is quoted here from the
   National Civic Federation, Review.

   "In the little town of Emory, Texas, in the year 1902, ten men
   met together at various times and discussed the methods of
   formulating rules and plans by which the laboring masses might
   be allowed a voice in the pricing of their farm products. From
   this meeting of a few plain men the Texas Union was formed.
   Credit as the founder of the Farmers’ Union is given to Newt.
   Gresham, of Texas, an indefatigable worker for the good of
   farmers, who was long identified with the Farmers’ Alliance as
   one of the organizers of that association.

   "From local and State unions the organization has grown to be
   a national union, holding annual conventions and gathering
   into its fold an aggregation of between two and three million
   members.

   "The most striking feature of this great organization is the
   fact that its membership is made up of employers and employés.
   No line is drawn separating the farm owner, operator or
   laborer, but all are received in the Farmers’ Union on one
   broad platform of mutual aims and interests. Recognizing that
   the good of all is the good of the individual, the Farmers’
   Union, in democratic fashion, labors for the greatest good for
   the greatest number.

   "The Farmers’ Union works along the most practical lines.
   There have been four great national meetings, the first being
   held in Texarkana in 1905, and the convention of 1906 at the
   same place; in 1907 the national meeting was at Little Rock,
   Arkansas, and in 1908 at Fort Worth, Texas, where President
   Gompers appeared. Besides the annual meetings of the National
   Union several important conventions have been held: one in
   January, 1907, in Atlanta, Georgia, was called as a grand
   national rally. At Memphis, Tennessee, the same year, a
   convention of the Farmers’ Union was held for the purpose of
   devising ways and means by which the cotton then held by the
   membership of the Union might be sold advantageously. At New
   Orleans, 1908, another cotton growers' meeting was held, and
   at Topeka, Kansas, and Atlanta, Georgia, very important
   meetings were arranged between the cotton spinners and growers
   of the South and representatives from many English and
   continental cotton mills of Europe.

   "The purpose and principles of the Farmers’ Union, as
   enunciated in its constitution, afford material for an
   interesting study. It declares the following purposes:

   ‘To establish justice.
   To secure equity.
   To apply the Golden Rule.
   To discourage the credit and mortgage system.
   To assist members in buying and selling.
   To encourage the agricultural class in scientific farming.
   To teach farmers the classification of crops,
   domestic economy and the process of marketing.
   To systematize methods of production and distribution.
   To eliminate gambling in farm products by boards of trade,
   cotton exchanges and other speculators.
   To bring farmers up to the standard of other industries
   and business enterprises.
   To secure and maintain profitable and uniform prices for
   grain, cotton, live stock and other products of the farm.
   To strive for harmony and good will among all
   mankind and brotherly love among ourselves.’"

   Another extensive organization of farmers bears the name of
   the American Society of Equity, which was reported in 1906,
   when it went into alliance with the American Federation of
   Labor, to have a membership of 268,000. This membership was
   scattered principally throughout Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois,
   Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Nebraska, with some members in
   Kansas, Oklahoma, and Michigan.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A.D. 1903.
   Establishment of the Department of Commerce and Labor
   in the Federal Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES; A. D. 1903 (FEBRUARY).

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1904.
   President Roosevelt on Combinations among
   Employees of the Government.

   "There is no objection to employees of the Government forming
   or belonging to unions; but the Government can neither
   discriminate for nor discriminate against nonunion men who are
   in its employment, or who seek to be employed under it.
   Moreover, it is a very grave impropriety for Government
   employees to band themselves together for the purpose of
   extorting improperly high salaries from the Government.
   Especially is this true of those within the classified
   service. The letter carriers, both municipal and rural, are as
   a whole an excellent body of public servants. They should be
   amply paid. But their payment must be obtained by arguing
   their claims fairly and honorably before the Congress, and not
   by banding together for the defeat of those Congressmen who
   refuse to give promises which they can not in conscience give.
   The Administration has already taken steps to prevent and
   punish abuses of this nature; but it will be wise for the
   Congress to supplement this action by legislation."

      President's Message to Congress,
      December 16, 1904.

{392}

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1904-1905.
   Long unsuccessful Strike of Operators in the
   Fall River Cotton Mills.

   From July 25, 1904, until January 18, 1905, about 25,000
   workers in the Cotton Mills of Fall River, Massachusetts, were
   idle, and seventy-two mills were substantially out of
   business, as the consequence of a reduction of wages which the
   operatives would not consent to. Great suffering among the men
   and women concerned was said to have been endured. It was
   through the mediation of Governor Douglas that a settlement
   was finally brought about, the work people submitting to the
   reduced wages, but having the promise of some increase later
   on, if an independent examination of the books of the mill
   companies should show a certain stipulated percentage of
   profit.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1905 (April-July).
   Strike of the Teamsters’ Union at Chicago.

   One of the most violently conducted strikes that has ever
   occurred in the United States was brought on at Chicago, in
   the spring of 1905, by an attempt of the Teamsters’ Union in
   that city to give sympathetic support to a strike of the
   Garment Workers Union. The latter selected for special attack
   the firm of Montgomery Ward & Co., which carries on an
   enormous mail-order business, selling goods of all
   descriptions through no agencies, but dealing directly with
   customers in small towns and rural districts throughout the
   country. This company employed few garment workers relatively:
   but, probably because the magnitude and diversity of its
   shipments made it particularly vulnerable to such an attack,
   the teamsters began their undertaking by refusing to move its
   wagons or goods. From this the movement spread, as teamsters
   refusing to deliver goods to Montgomery Ward & Co. were
   discharged, and the concerns discharging them were boycotted
   in turn. Presently business in Chicago, to a large extent, was
   brought to a stand-still. The membership of the Teamsters’
   Union in the city was said to exceed 35,000, and 4000 were
   estimated to be on strike at the end of the first week in May.
   From this time the heat of passion in the conflict rose fast.
   An Employers’ Teaming Association was organized, and the
   business interests of Chicago showed readiness to fight the
   striking union to a finish. Fierce attacks were made on the
   non-union teamsters brought into the work, but they seem to
   have been well defended by the police. In a hundred ways the
   whole city was divided into factions and deplorably disturbed.
   Children refused to attend schools which received coal from
   boycotted companies or wagons; and arrests of both children
   and parents were necessary to enforce the compulsory education
   laws.

   While the strike was in its earlier weeks, President Roosevelt
   visited Chicago, and was called on by the President of the
   Teamsters’ Union, Mr. Shea, who protested against a supposed
   design to call Federal troops to the city. In reply to him the
   President said: "I have not been called upon to interfere in
   any way, but you must not misunderstand my attitude. In every
   effort of Mayor Dunne to prevent violence by mobs or
   individuals, to see that the laws are obeyed and that order is
   preserved, he has the hearty support of the President of the
   United States—and in my judgment he should have that of every
   good citizen of the United States. … I am a believer in
   unions. I am an honorary member of one union. But the union
   must obey the law, just as the corporation must obey the law;
   just as every man, rich or poor, must obey the law. As yet no
   action whatever has been called for by me, and most certainly
   if action is called for by me I shall try to do exact justice
   under the law to every man, so far as I have power. But the
   first essential is the preservation of law and order, the
   suppression of violence by mobs or individuals."

   At a banquet the same evening the President recurred to the
   subject and added, with fine emphasis: "This Government is not
   and never shall be the government of a plutocracy. This
   Government is not and never shall be the government of a mob."
   Those immediately responsible for dealing with a local
   situation, the President said, must first exhaust every effort
   before a call is made upon any outside body. "But," he added,
   "if ever the need arises, back of the city stands the State,
   and back of the State stands the Nation."

   Chicago kept the conflict within itself, fighting it out
   through 105 days. It ended in the unconditional defeat of the
   Teamsters’ Union, which called off the strike on the 20th of
   July. It was followed by a grand jury investigation of charges
   which each side had hurled freely against the other, of
   blackmail attempts by one, of bribery and attempted bribery by
   the other. The evidence obtained left little doubt that
   labor-leaders had extorted money for the prevention of
   strikes, and that business men had paid for exemption from
   trouble.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1906.
   Suspension of Coal Mining, both Anthracite and
   Bituminous, throughout the Country.
   Final Agreement for Three Coming Years.

   On the 31st of March, 1906, the agreements between mine owners
   and miners under which the latter had been working, in the
   bituminous mines for two years and in the anthracite for
   three, expired, and agreements for the future working had not
   been arrived at in either case. Miners in the bituminous field
   had accepted a wage reduction of five and a half per cent. in
   1904, and now wanted it restored. Part of the mine owners, in
   Western Pennsylvania, were willing to concede it; others, in
   the more western States, stood out against them. In the
   anthracite field there was also a question of wages between
   miners and operators, and both sides offered arbitration, but
   differed as to the point to be submitted. The miners claimed
   arbitration of the general question of wages and conditions in
   the mines; the operators maintained that those had been
   adjudicated by the arbitration of 1903, and that the only
   proper question now was whether any change in conditions had
   occurred which called for a readjustment. That question they
   would submit to at least a majority of the members of the
   former Anthracite Coal Strike Commission, or they would agree
   that the awards made in 1903 by that Commission "and the
   principles upon which they were established by the Commission,
   and the methods established for carrying out their awards,
   shall be continued for and during the further term of three
   years from the first day of April, 1906."

{393}

   The 1st of April found these disagreements still existing, and
   coal mining, both anthracite and bituminous, was generally
   suspended throughout the United States. More than 300,000
   miners, on the whole, stopped work. In the anthracite field
   the suspension of work lasted until the 10th of May, when it
   was resumed under an agreement which continued for another
   three years (until March 31, 1909) the award of 1903. During
   the forty days of idleness there were few disorders of any
   kind in this region. In the soft coal fields the suspension
   was more protracted. It was ended in different localities at
   different times. Some mine owners, in several States, made
   terms with their men at an early day. Some kept their mines
   idle until the middle of July. Serious disturbances and
   conflicts of rioters with police and militia occurred in a
   number of States. At the end the miners had won a restoration
   of the wages of 1904, but had made concessions on other points
   of dispute which differed in different States.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1907.
   President Roosevelt’s Foundation for the
   Promotion of Industrial Peace.

   President Roosevelt, having been awarded the Nobel Prize of
   the year 1906 for his services in the interest of
   international peace, devoted the sum received, being somewhat
   more than $40,000, to the creation of a fund "the income of
   which shall be expended for bringing together in conference at
   the city of Washington, especially during the sessions of
   congress, representatives of labor and capital for the purpose
   of discussing industrial problems, with the view of arriving
   at a better understanding between employers and employés, and
   thus promoting industrial peace." To carry out this purpose,
   an organization was incorporated by Act of Congress, March 2,
   1905, under the name of the "Foundation for the Promotion of
   Industrial Peace," with trustees named as follows:

   Chief Justice Melville W. Fuller, president;
   Seth Low of New York, representing the general public,
   treasurer;
   John Mitchell of the United Mine Workers of America,
   representing labor, secretary;
   Thomas G. Bush of Birmingham, Ala.,
   representing general public;
   Marvin A. Hughitt, representing capital, and
   Secretaries James Wilson and Oscar Solomon Straus.

   Vacancies in the board to be filled by the President of the
   United States. The Trustees to pay over the income of the
   Foundation, or such part as they may apportion, to an
   Industrial Peace Committee, of nine members, selected and
   appointed by the Trustees, "three members of this committee to
   be representatives of labor, three to be representatives of
   capital, each chosen for distinguished services in the
   industrial world in promoting righteous industrial peace, and
   three members to represent the general public." As originally
   appointed, this Committee was made up of the following
   persons:

   "Archbishop John Ireland,
   Marcus M. Marks of New York,
   Ralph M. Easley of New York,
   Elbert H. Gary, chairman finance committee
   United States Steel Corporation;
   Lucius Tuttle, president of Boston & Maine railroad;
   J. Gunby Jordan of Columbus, Georgia;
   Samuel Gompers, president of the
   American Federation of Labor;
   Daniel Keefe, president of the Longshoremen’s association, and
   Warren S. Stone, president International Brotherhood
   of Locomotive Engineers."

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1907.
   Abortive Strike of Telegraphers.

   A widely organized and considerably prolonged strike of
   American telegraph operators, in the fall of 1907, was made
   abortive by the fact that the supply of men and women who have
   some training for the ordinary work of telegraphy is too large
   for a trade union to control the employment of it. The
   telegraphic service was made very imperfect for some weeks,
   and the public was subjected to much inconvenience; but the
   employing companies were brought to no such straits as could
   be coercive. The struggle of the operators was mainly for the
   recognition of their union, to secure negotiation with them as
   a body, for the adjusting of some conditions of which they
   complained. They suffered absolute defeat, and had to make
   terms individually at the end.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1907 (April).
   Threatened Railway Strike averted by Federal Intermediation.

   A strike of trainmen and conductors on railways west of
   Chicago which threatened to be very serious was averted, in
   April, 1907, by the intermediation of the Chairman of the
   Interstate Commerce Commission and the Commissioner of Labor,
   acting in obedience to the Erdman Law, so called, of 1898.
   Both parties to the dispute made concessions. The employés
   withdrew their demand for a nine-hour work day, and the
   railway companies made an advance in wages which was estimated
   to add over $5,000,000 to the earnings of 50,000 men during
   the ensuing year.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1908.
   The Work of the National Civic Federation in Promotion
   of Trades Agreements.

   The following is from the annual address of President Seth Low
   to the National Civic Federation, at its annual meeting in New
   York on the 14th of December, 1908. The special subject of
   discussion at the meeting was "The Trade Agreement," on which
   Mr. Low spoke in part as follows:

   "It has been our good fortune during the year to associate Mr.
   John Mitchell with the active work of the Federation, as the
   Chairman of its Trades Agreement Department. Mr. Mitchell
   entered upon his duties on August 1, and we have already had
   many opportunities to perceive the advantage to our work
   likely to result from his permanent connection with it.
   Through correspondence with labor unions and with the
   employers who have trade agreements with labor unions, he is
   building up an exceedingly strong department, the influence of
   which ought to be very helpfully felt in furthering the use of
   the trade agreement as a means for promoting industrial peace
   and progress.

   "There are still some, though they are fewer in number than
   they used to be, who maintain that the relation of the
   employer to the employé is an individual one, and who
   therefore will not deal with men as members of an organization
   in matters relating to their employment. I read in the paper
   the other day that there are 89,000 stockholders in the
   Pennsylvania Railroad Company. No one contends that these
   people organize into a company in order to fight labor. They
   organize because they have to in order to work together, and,
   as a result of organizing, they are represented in every use
   made of their capital by their officers. Can any one seriously
   contend that these 89,000 stockholders, speaking through their
   officers, are justified in saying to their 160,000 employés,
   ‘We insist upon dealing with you, man by man; we will not
   recognize your organization.’ Is it not rather clear, that the
   160,000 employés, so far as their interests are common, must
   unite if they are to have anything at all to say as to the
   conditions upon which they will work, and, if they unite, they
   must have an organization and they must be represented by
   their officers? …

{394}

   "Take another illustration: The United States Steel
   Corporation employs, in round numbers, 200,000 men. Of this
   vast army of workmen about 44,000, nearly all of them
   representatives of organized labor, own stock in the
   corporation. In their capacity as stockholders, these 44,000
   workmen are represented by the officers of the corporation.
   Can it be contended that they are any the less free, or have
   any less right, to be represented, in their capacity as
   workmen, by the chosen representatives of their trade
   organization? And when the two attributes of holding stock and
   taking employment are thus united in the same persons, will
   any one any longer contend that these men, as workmen,
   organize for the purpose of antagonizing themselves as
   capitalists?

   "Now it is out of conditions that have produced a situation
   like this that the so-called ‘trade agreement’ has sprung. In
   its simplest statement, a trade agreement is an agreement
   between organized stockholders and organized workmen, both
   acting through their chosen representatives, to determine, for
   the period of the agreement, the general terms of employment
   of the various classes of workingmen concerned. That each side
   tries to make the best bargain it can, goes without saying.
   That conditions favor sometimes one side and sometimes the
   other is equally true. That each side tends, when it has in
   its turn the upper hand, to push the other too hard is not
   improbable. But just as certainly as a pendulum, after
   swinging from one side to the other, tends to rest in a
   position of equilibrium, so such trade agreements tend to
   relieve the trade to which they apply of the extreme swing
   from conditions favoring capital to conditions favoring labor,
   and vice versa, which so often spells disaster to
   capital and labor alike. In other words, trade agreements that
   are revisable from time to time certainly make for industrial
   peace, and they ought as certainly to make for industrial
   progress. In the meanwhile they are constantly educating
   everybody concerned into a realization of the fundamental
   importance of keeping faith."

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1908-1909.
   The Question of Injunctions in Labor Disputes.

      See (in this Volume)
      LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Union Boycotting a Violation of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law.
   The American Federation of Labor and the Bucks Stove Company.
   Alleged Contempt of Court by President Gompers and others.

   Early in 1908 the Supreme Court of the United States gave
   final decision to a case in which the Hatters’ Union and the
   American Federation of Labor were proceeded against, for
   boycotting the goods of a hat manufacturing firm which refused
   to unionize its factory. As the plaintiffs in the suit sold
   their hats in many States, the boycott was alleged to be a
   combination in restraint of interstate commerce, and a
   violation, therefore, of the anti-trust law. The United States
   Circuit Court had dismissed the complaint, and the Court of
   Appeals had affirmed its decree; but the Supreme Court, by a
   unanimous decision, overruled both. It held that the law in
   question is violated by a combination to prevent the sale of
   non-union articles in different States.

   [Under this decision, in a suit by the hat manufacturing
   company against the Hatters’ Union for damages, a jury at
   Hartford, Connecticut, on the 3d of February, 1910, awarded
   $74,000 to the former. The Union has appealed from the
   verdict.]

   The attitude of law toward trade union boycotting was
   exhibited a year later in another more notable case, which
   arose from action taken by the American Federation of Labor
   against the Bucks Stove Company. In March 1907, the Federation
   had proclaimed a boycott against that company, advertising it
   in the official organ of the Federation as one which "we don’t
   patronize," and taking measures to prevent tradesmen from
   buying the company’s stoves. A suit to enjoin this boycott was
   brought, and the injunction was granted, in December, 1907, by
   Judge Gould, of the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia.
   The issuance of the injunction was made dependent, however, on
   the filing of a bond by the plaintiff, to make good all
   damages if the injunction should not finally be sustained, and
   an interval of six days occurred before the filing of the bond
   made the injunction effective. In that interval, many copies
   of a publication which the injunction would forbid were sent
   out by mail from the headquarters of the Federation, and more
   or less of these copies reached their destination after the
   injunction became of force. This proceeding, together with
   various devices by which the officers of the Federation had
   sought to evade the injunction, through covert allusions to
   the boycott, became the ground of a charge that the principal
   officers of the Federation, Samuel Gompers, John Mitchell, and
   Frank Morrison, had violated the injunction and been guilty of
   contempt of court. On this charge, in July, 1908, these
   officials were ordered to show cause, on the 8th of September
   following, why they should not be punished for contempt. The
   case came then before another judge, Daniel T. Wright, whose
   judgment, rendered near the end of the year, held them guilty
   of contempt and sentenced them to imprisonment, severally, for
   one year, for nine months and for six months.

   Appeal from the injunction, meantime, had been taken to the
   Court of Appeals of the District of Columbia, and there, on
   the 11th of March, 1909, it received a modification which
   seems, practically, to have extinguished the contempt. The
   Court held that the decree should be modified to the extent
   that it shall only restrain the defendants from conspiring or
   combining to boycott the business of the Bucks Stove & Range
   Company or threatening or declaring any boycott or assisting
   therein, and from printing the name of the complainant, its
   business or product in the "we don’t patronize" or "unfair"
   list of defendants in furtherance of any boycott. The court
   held that the defendants cannot be restrained from all
   publications referring to the Bucks company, but only such as
   are made in furtherance of an illegal boycott.

   On the appeal from the decree of the Court which adjudged
   Gompers, Morrison, and Mitchell to be guilty of contempt of
   court, the District Court of Appeals, on the 2d of November,
   1909, affirmed that decree, and the sentence of Judge Wright
   was thus in force. A stay was given to it for a time, during
   which a writ of certiorari was obtained from the Supreme Court
   of the United States, which will review the whole case, but
   not until October, 1910.

{395}

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1909.
   Expiration and Renewal of the Three Year Agreement
   in the Anthracite Coal Districts.
   Report of the Conciliation Board for the past Three Years.

   Again, in the spring of 1909, at the end of a three year term
   of agreement (see above, A. D. 1906), the anthracite coal
   miners and their employers were in controversy over a renewal
   of the agreement. The latter proffered a renewal, without
   change, for another three years. The miners, in convention, at
   Scranton, on March 23d and 24th, refused the offer unless the
   agreement should be signed by them as members of the United
   Mine Workers of America, recognizing their organization. In
   this they were upheld by the new President of the United Mine
   Workers, Thomas L. Lewis, successor to Mr. John Mitchell,
   whose state of health had compelled him to resign. The old
   agreement expired on the 31st of March, and nothing was
   formulated at the time in its place, except a verbal
   understanding that, pending further conferences, the miners
   would continue work on the former terms. Later, however, it
   was stated that the Board of Conciliation, created by the
   strike commission of 1902, had been continued for a further
   period of three years.

   At the end of August, 1909, the Conciliation Board published a
   report of the last three years of its work, in the settling of
   differences between mine-workers and operators. Only
   twenty-three grievances were presented to the mediators
   between April 1, 1906, and April 1, 1909, as compared with 150
   grievances in the preceding three years. The Volume issued
   three years ago contained 336 pages. This year only 69 pages
   are required to tell of the grievances and settlement. A
   number of the grievances covered in the new report were
   settled out of court. Of the others, some were decided in
   favor of the employees, some for the employers. In three years
   only three grievances had to be referred to an umpire. As the
   purposes of the board have become more clearly understood, a
   greater number of differences have been settled without
   reaching the stage of formal complaints. The members use their
   influence with the contestants to effect a compromise,
   avoiding the delay occasioned by a formal investigation.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1909 (May-June).
   The Georgia Railroad Strike.

      See (in this Volume)
      Race Problems: United States: A. D). 1909.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1909-1910.
   Strike of Girls in the Shirtwaist Trade at New York.
   Its Social Significance.

   One of the most important of recent labor strikes, in its
   social aspect, was undertaken in November, 1909, by the
   shirtwaist-makers of New York City, mostly girls. At the
   outset, the strikers numbered between 25,000 and 30,000; but
   half of them, by the middle of December, had made terms with
   their employers and resumed work. Ten or fifteen thousand were
   still in heroic contention with obstinate masters of the
   trade, and having public opinion and sympathy very strongly on
   their side. "The strike began," says the New York Evening
   Post, "in a multiplicity of causes. Wages, sanitary
   conditions in the shops, humane treatment by foremen and
   forewomen, and recognition of the Waistmakers’ Union all
   played a part. The contest has now [December 15] settled down
   to the single question of the union shop. The employers
   profess themselves ready to arbitrate every other point in
   dispute. The strikers maintain that recognition of their union
   is their only guarantee against the recurrence of conditions
   such as precipitated the conflict. … It would be easy to
   exaggerate the significance of the eager way in which the
   Suffragist leaders have thrown themselves into the conflict.
   It is even easy to exaggerate the significance of the way in
   which women of wealth and social prominence have come out in
   support of the strike. More significant to us is the zeal with
   which women of no very great social prominence, but still not
   of the working class, have from the beginning given their
   services in organizing and managing the strike, and
   particularly in doing picket duty on the streets and defending
   the rights of the girl employés before the police magistrates
   and in the courts. Here evidently is a sex-sentiment which
   cuts across the boundaries of class and bids fair to give a
   new aspect to labor conflicts of the future in which women are
   involved. The present strike has a social significance quite
   beyond the questions immediately at issue. It is our first
   great woman’s strike, and as such it signalizes in a dramatic
   fashion woman’s invasion into the field of industry."

   ----------LABOR ORGANIZATION: End--------

   ----------LABOR PROTECTION: Start--------

   EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY
   INDUSTRIAL INSURANCE
   HOURS OF LABOR,
   etc.

LABOR PROTECTION:
   Safety Guards.
   Employers’ Liability.
   Insurance, etc.
   The Needed Law.

   "In order to protect workingmen against injury by disease or
   negligent arrangements of machinery and ways, we need a state
   code of regulations which will prescribe protective devices,
   provide faithful inspectors and punish those guilty of
   violating the law. The roundabout method of making employers
   liable for damages in case of negligence has little effect,
   because employers can buy legal protection and wage-earners
   have no money for law suits. Employers’ liability laws may be
   made more severe and drastic; by statutes the obnoxious
   ‘fellow servant’ factor may be eliminated; various other
   provisions may be enacted by Congress and by state
   legislatures to extend somewhat the definition of negligence;
   but no law of this kind ever was made or ever can be made
   which will protect workmen from the loss of wages not clearly
   due to negligence of employers. An employer cannot be made
   ‘liable’ for defects for which he or his agent is not
   responsible. It is sheer waste of time to labor for
   improvement of a law whose fundamental principle covers only
   cases of employers’ fault, because a vast number of injuries
   are due to causes which the utmost care cannot prevent.

{396}

   "In order to secure income in periods of incapacity for labor
   several legal ways are open. The British method has much to
   commend it and finds favor with many Americans, the method
   based on the principle of ‘compensation.’ In Great Britain the
   old liability law is left to stand, like a rotting trunk, by
   the side of the new and living tree of the ‘compensation’ law.
   By the terms of this new law, enacted in 1897 and extended
   1907 to certain trade diseases, the employer is required to
   pay indemnity to any employé who is injured in health or limb
   by accident or any cause due to the trade, and in case of
   death his dependent family is paid a certain sum for support.
   The employer resting under this obligation is permitted to
   meet it any way he can find. Usually he will bargain with an
   insurance company to carry his legal risk for a premium. It is
   said the insurance companies are putting up the rates, but
   Britishers will discover a way to cover the risk in the
   cheapest form. Already our federal government has embodied
   this ‘compensation’ principle in a law which gives a meagre
   sum to its own employés of certain classes when injured in its
   service; and the example of the central government will
   probably soon be imitated in several states. Bills are now
   being drawn for this purpose.

   "The ‘social insurance’ principle is entirely different from
   that of either ‘liability’ or ‘compensation.’ The word
   ‘compensation’ carries a little of the flavor of the ancient
   damage suit, while ‘insurance’ is simply an amicable business
   arrangement to provide in advance for the inevitable average
   risk of the trade, which may be extended beyond the perils of
   the shop and mill to all places and conditions of the
   workman's life.

   "Historically the unquestioned tendency is from the liability
   principle to the direct insurance principle, with a wayside
   inn, perhaps, in some law like that of Great Britain, the law
   of France being almost squarely on the social insurance ground
   so far as it goes.

   "The Illinois Industrial Insurance Commission proposed a law
   based on the insurance principle, though its friends were
   compelled to stop at a compromise with existing laws and
   constitutions. The bill offered by that commission was based
   on permission and persuasion; it offered to the employers who
   would provide an adequate system of insurance against trade
   accidents, freedom from the sword of the existing liability
   law; and it offered to the workmen, if they were willing to
   accept these terms, an assured income in case of injury and to
   their dependents relief in case of death due to occupation. A
   law passed by the Legislature of Massachusetts, in May, 1908,
   has actually embodied this idea and set it to work in the
   field of experiment. It remains to be seen whether the motives
   mentioned will induce employers and employés to agree on the
   plan. Without agreement the law will be a dead letter, for it
   is merely permissive, and agreements will not be made unless
   the economic motive is adequate. Up to this writing (December
   7) not a single employer has organized a scheme under this
   law.

   "The Wisconsin Board of Labor has made what seems a wise
   proposition to the effect that employers be compelled to
   insure their employés up to the ordinary amount already known
   to be spent for litigation, casualty insurance premiums and
   other expenses; and they also properly suggest state
   organization for the collection and administration of the
   premiums.

   "The recent International Congress on Workingmen’s Insurance,
   after many years of debate, reached conclusions of vast
   import, happily without dissent. One conclusion was that all
   attempts to insure the workmen who most need it, whose pay is
   small and uncertain, and who are not organized, must prove
   failures. Delegates from France and England who have always
   stood for ‘liberty’ have come to admit this truth. Not even
   subsidies to voluntary insurance associations have been
   effective. Only when insurance is made compulsory on all does
   it reach the multitude of the wage-earners. But compulsion to
   insure may include liberty of method, if the plan adopted is
   approved by legal authority and by actuaries. Either private
   companies, mutual associations, or state departments of
   insurance may be trusted to conduct the plans once they are
   obligatory on all.

   "Another interesting conclusion at the Rome congress was that
   compulsory insurance can cover only a minimum guarantee of
   income to the sick, wounded or invalid workman; while above
   this minimum, with advancing wages, workmen and their
   employers can well unite in providing more generously for loss
   of income by voluntary payments of higher premiums. Trade
   unions, fraternal societies and other organizations, as well
   as casualty companies, have before them an indefinite field
   for expanding their activities in this direction."

      Charities and the Commons,
      March 13, 1909.

LABOR PROTECTION: Accident and Sickness Insurance:
   Proposed Amendments to the German Compulsory Insurance Laws.

   A Bill to amend the compulsory insurance laws of Germany which
   was laid by the Imperial Government before the Federal Council
   in April, 1909, to be acted on in the course of the ensuing
   year, is described in part elsewhere.

      See, in Volume IV. of this work,
      SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1883-1889.

      See in Volume VI.
      GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

      See in this Volume,
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.

   Of the contemplated amendments that relate to accident and
   sickness insurance it was announced, that "the proposed
   amendments of the law of accident insurance are mainly formal,
   but the scheme of insurance against illness is to be largely
   extended, and will include practically all classes of workers
   for whom insurance against invalidity and old age is or is to
   be compulsory. On the one hand, the system will in future
   include agricultural labourers, workers engaged for less than
   one week, and assistants and apprentices, whose insurance is
   not at present compulsory. On the other hand, it will include
   such categories of workers as stage and orchestra
   employés, and teachers who are not in the service of
   the State, if their salaries do not exceed £100 a year. The
   crews of seagoing ships, as well as of vessels plying on
   inland waterways, are now brought into the general sick
   insurance system."

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LABOR PROTECTION:
   Accidents to Workmen in the United States.
   The Death Roll.
   Appalling Statistics.

   "Mr. Frederick L. Hoffman, of the Bureau of Labor, Department
   of Commerce and Labor, has compiled some striking statistics
   concerning the subject of accidents to workingmen. The
   importance of this subject is apparent when it is considered
   that between 30,000 and 35,000 workmen lose their lives in
   accidents in the course of their employment in this country
   during a year. Statistics have been secured from official
   sources and from insurance experience which show that the
   accident liability to which American workmen are subject is
   indeed high. Census reports covering the years 1900 to 1906
   show that out of over 1,000,000 deaths of males more than nine
   per cent. were due to accident. The liability of workmen to
   accidental injury or death is brought under five general
   classifications, including factories and workshops, electrical
   industries, mines and quarries, transportation by rail and
   transportation by water. Of those employed in factories and
   workshops, probably the most exposed class is the workers in
   iron and steel. Of 8,456 accidents during the years 1901 to
   1905, 4.1 per cent, of the accidents to men employed in
   rolling mills resulted fatally. According to industrial
   insurance experience, the fatal-accident rate of electricians
   and of electric linemen is excessive. Of 645 deaths of
   electricians, 14.7 per cent., and of 240 deaths of linemen,
   46.7 per cent., were due to accidents. In the anthracite mines
   of Pennsylvania state inspectors have found that during ten
   years there have averaged annually 3.18 fatal accidents for
   every 1,000 men employed, and the rate is even higher than
   this for certain specific occupations in the mines. That this
   rate is excessive is shown by comparison with the death rate
   from accident of 1.29 per 1,000 in the British coal mines.
   Reports of the Interstate Commerce Commission show that during
   ten years 16,363 railway trainmen lost their lives in
   accidents. This is equivalent to 7.46 deaths per 1,000
   employés."

      Electrical Review,
      January 2, 1909.

LABOR PROTECTION:
   Child Labor.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS WORKERS.

LABOR PROTECTION: Employers’ Liability in Great Britain.
   The Workmen’s Compensation Act of 1906.

   The Workmen’s Compensation Act which passed the British
   Parliament in December, 1906, has the core of its purpose in
   the first of two appended schedules, which fixes the "Scale
   and Conditions of Compensation," in the following terms:

   "(1) The amount of compensation under this Act shall be—

   "(a) where death results from the injury—

      "(i) if the workman leaves any dependants wholly
      dependent upon his earnings, a sum equal to his earnings in
      the employment of the same employer during the three years
      next preceding the injury, or the sum of one hundred and
      fifty pounds, whichever of those sums is the larger, but
      not exceeding in any case three hundred pounds, provided
      that the amount of any weekly payments made under this Act,
      and any lump sum paid in redemption thereof, shall be
      deducted from such sum, and, if the period of the workman’s
      employment by the said employer has been less than the said
      three years, then the amount of his earnings during the
      said three years shall be deemed to be one hundred and
      fifty-six times his average weekly earnings during the
      period of his actual employment under the said employer;

      "(ii) if the workman does not leave any such
      dependants, but leaves any dependants in part dependent
      upon his earnings, such sum, not exceeding in any case the
      amount payable under the foregoing provisions, as may be
      agreed upon, or, in default of agreement, may be
      determined, on arbitration under this Act, to be reasonable
      and proportionate in the injury to the said dependants; and

      "(iii) if he leaves no dependants, the reasonable
      expenses of his medical attendance and burial, not
      exceeding ten pounds;

   "(b) where total or partial incapacity for work results
   from the injury, a weekly payment during the incapacity not
   exceeding fifty per cent. of his average weekly earnings
   during the previous twelve months, if he has been so long
   employed, but if not then for any less period during which he
   has been in the employment of the same employer, such weekly
   payment not to exceed one pound:

   "Provided that—

   "(a) if the incapacity lasts less than two weeks no
   compensation shall be payable in respect of the first week;
   and

   "(b) as respects the weekly payments during total
   incapacity of a workman who is under twenty-one years of age
   at the date of the injury, and whose average weekly earnings
   are less than twenty shillings, one hundred per cent, shall be
   substituted for fifty per cent. of his average weekly
   earnings, but the weekly payment shall in no case exceed ten
   shillings.

   "(2) For the purposes of the provisions of this schedule
   relating to ‘earnings’ and ‘average weekly earnings’ of a
   workman, the following rules shall be observed:—

   "(a) average weekly earnings shall be computed in such
   manner as is best calculated to give the rate per week at
   which the workman was being remunerated. Provided that where
   by reason of the shortness of the time during which the
   workman has been in the employment of his employer, or the
   casual nature of the employment, or the terms of the
   employment, it is impracticable at the date of the accident to
   compute the rate of remuneration, regard may be had to the
   average weekly amount which, during the twelve months previous
   to the accident, was being earned by a person in the same
   grade, employed at the same work by the same employer, or, if
   there is no person so employed, by a person in the same grade
   employed in the same class of employment and in the same
   district;

   "(b) where the workman had entered into concurrent
   contracts of service with two or more employers under which he
   worked at one time for one such employer and at another time
   for another such employer, his average weekly earnings shall
   be computed as if his earnings under all such contracts were
   earnings in the employment of the employer for whom he was
   working at the time of the accident;

   "(c) employment by the same employer shall be taken to
   mean employment by the same employer in the grade in which the
   workman was employed at the time of the accident,
   uninterrupted by absence from work due to illness or any other
   unavoidable cause;

   "(d) Where the employer has been accustomed to pay to
   the workman a sum to cover any special expenses entailed on
   him by the nature of his employment, the sum so paid shall not
   be reckoned as part of the earnings.

{398}

   "(3) In fixing the amount of the weekly payment, regard shall
   be had to any payment, allowance, or benefit which the workman
   may receive from the employer during the period of his
   incapacity, and in the case of partial incapacity the weekly
   payment shall in no case exceed the difference between the
   amount of the average weekly earnings of the workman before
   the accident and the average weekly amount which he is earning
   or is able to earn in some suitable employment or business
   after the accident, but shall bear such relation to the amount
   of that difference as under the circumstances of the case may
   appear proper.

   "(4) Where a workman has given notice of an accident, he
   shall, if so required by the employer, submit himself for
   examination by a duly qualified medical practitioner provided
   and paid by the employer, and, if he refuses to submit himself
   to such examination, or in any way obstructs the same, his
   right to compensation, and to take or prosecute any proceeding
   under this Act in relation to compensation, shall be suspended
   until such examination has taken place."

   Further clauses of this schedule, and of the second schedule,
   which relates to the arbitration of disputed matters, are
   prescriptive in detail of procedure for carrying out the
   orders stated above. The liability of the employer and its
   limitations are set forth in the body of the Act, as follows:

   "I.
   (1) If in any employment personal injury by accident arising
   out of and in the course of the employment is caused to a
   workman, his employer shall, subject as hereinafter mentioned,
   be liable to pay compensation in accordance with the First
   Schedule to this Act.

   (2) Provided that—

   "(a) The employer shall not be liable under this Act in
   respect of any injury which does not disable the workman for a
   period of at least one week from earning full wages at the
   work at which he was employed:

   "(b) When the injury was caused by the personal
   negligence or wilful act of the employer or of some person for
   whose act or default the employer is responsible, nothing in
   this Act shall affect any civil liability of the employer, but
   in that case the workman may, at his option, either claim
   compensation under this Act or take proceedings independently
   of this Act; but the employer shall not be liable to pay
   compensation for injury to a workman by accident arising out
   of and in the course of the employment both independently of
   and also under this Act, and shall not be liable to any
   proceedings independently of this Act, except in case of such
   personal negligence or wilful act as aforesaid:

   "(c) If it is proved that the injury to a workman is
   attributable to the serious and wilful misconduct of that
   workman, any compensation claimed in respect of that injury
   shall, unless the injury results in death or serious and
   permanent disablement, be disallowed.

   "(3) If any question arises in any proceedings under this Act
   as to the liability to pay compensation under this Act
   (including any question as to whether the person injured is a
   workman to whom this Act applies), or as to the amount or
   duration of compensation under this Act, the question, if not
   settled by agreement, shall, subject to the provisions of the
   First Schedule to this Act, be settled by arbitration, in
   accordance with the Second Schedule to this Act."

LABOR PROTECTION: In New Zealand:
   Compensation for "Miners’ Disease."

   In the later part of 1908 a singular labor strike was caused
   in New Zealand by legislation making "miners’ disease" a
   ground of compensation from employers. The men refused to be
   examined for the disease, and the masters refused to engage
   them without examination; while the Government, which
   apparently expected masters to take the risk of engaging men
   already diseased, itself refused to admit the miners to the
   benefits of State insurance without examination.

   A despatch from Wellington, January 9, 1909, announced: "The
   Waihi miners have unanimously refused to submit to medical
   examination, and 1,700 men will cease work on Monday unless
   the owners concede the point. The outlook is serious and the
   township is depressed. The Auckland coal miners remain idle,
   and consequently part of the coast fleet is laid up and a
   number of hands have been discharged." But a later despatch of
   the same date added: "The Government have now resolved to
   accept the risk of insuring the miners without examination,
   pending an amendment of the Act next session.

LABOR PROTECTION: In the United States:
   On Interstate Railways.

   In his message to Congress, December, 1908, the President
   referred to this enactment, which he had approved in the
   previous April:

   "Among the excellent laws which the Congress passed at the
   last session was an employers’ liability law. It was a marked
   step in advance to get the recognition of employers’ liability
   on the statute books; but the law did not go far enough. In
   spite of all precautions exercised by employers there are
   unavoidable accidents and even deaths involved in nearly every
   line of business connected with the mechanic arts. This
   inevitable sacrifice of life may be reduced to a minimum, but
   it can not be completely eliminated. It is a great social
   injustice to compel the employee, or rather the family of the
   killed or disabled victim, to bear the entire burden of such
   an inevitable sacrifice. In other words, society shirks its
   duty by laying the whole cost on the victim, whereas the
   injury comes from what may be called the legitimate risks of
   the trade. Compensation for accidents or deaths due in any
   line of industry to the actual conditions under which that
   industry is carried on should be paid by that portion of the
   community for the benefit of which the industry is carried
   on—that is, by those who profit by the industry. If the entire
   trade risk is placed upon the employer he will promptly and
   properly add it to the legitimate cost of production and
   assess it proportionately upon the consumers of his commodity.
   It is therefore clear to my mind that the law should place
   this entire ‘risk of a trade’ upon the employer. Neither the
   Federal law, nor, as far as I am informed, the State laws
   dealing with the question of employers’ liability are
   sufficiently thorogoing. The Federal law should of course
   include employees in navy-yards, arsenals, and the like."

{399}

   The following is the text of the Act:

   "Section 1.
   That every common carrier by railroad while engaging in
   commerce between any of the several States or Territories, or
   between any of the States and Territories, or between the
   District of Columbia and any of the States or Territories, or
   between the District of Columbia or any of the States or
   Territories and any foreign nation or nations, shall be liable
   in damages to any person suffering injury while he is employed
   by such carrier in such commerce, or, in case of the death of
   such employee, to his or her personal representative, for the
   benefit of the surviving widow or husband and children of such
   employee; and, if none, then of such employee’s parents; and,
   if none, then of the next of kin dependent upon such employee,
   for such injury or death resulting in whole or in part from
   the negligence of any of the officers, agents or employees of
   such carrier, or by reason of any defect or insufficiency, due
   to its negligence, in its cars, engines, appliances,
   machinery, track, roadbed, works, boats, wharves, or other
   equipment.

   "Section 2.
   That every common carrier by railroad in the Territories, the
   District of Columbia, the Panama Canal Zone, or other
   possessions of the United States shall be liable in damages to
   any person suffering injury while he is employed by such
   carrier in any of said jurisdictions, or, in case of the death
   of such employee, to his or her personal representative, for
   the benefit of the surviving widow or husband and children of
   such employee; and, if none, then of such employee’s parents;
   and, if none, then of the next of kin dependent upon such
   employee, for such injury or death resulting in whole or in
   part from the negligence of any of the officers, agents, or
   employees of such carrier, or by reason of any defect or
   insufficiency, due to its negligence, in its cars, engines,
   appliances, machinery, track, roadbed, works, boats, wharves,
   or other equipment.

   "Section 3.
   That in all actions hereinafter brought against any such
   common carrier by railroad under or by virtue of any of the
   provisions of this Act to recover damages for personal
   injuries to an employee, or where such injuries have resulted
   in his death, the fact that the employee may have been guilty
   of contributory negligence shall not bar a recovery, but the
   damages shall be diminished by the jury in proportion to the
   amount of negligence attributable to such employee:
   Provided, That no such employee who may be injured or
   killed shall be held to have been guilty of contributory
   negligence in any case where the violation by such common
   carrier of any statute enacted for the safety of employees
   contributed to the injury or death of such employee.

   "Section 4.
   That in any action brought against any common carrier under or
   by virtue of any of the provisions of this Act to recover
   damages for injuries to, or death of, any of its employees,
   such employee shall not be held to have assumed the risks of
   his employment in any case where the violation by such common
   carrier of any statute enacted for the safety of employees
   contributed to the injury or death of such employee.

   "Section 5.
   That any contract, rule, regulation, or device whatsoever, the
   purpose or intent of which shall be to enable any common
   carrier to exempt itself from any liability created by this
   Act, shall to that extent be void: Provided, That in
   any action brought against any such common carrier under or by
   virtue of any of the provisions of this Act, such common
   carrier may set off therein any sum it has contributed or paid
   to any insurance, relief benefit, or indemnity that may have
   been paid to the injured employee or the person entitled
   thereto on account of the injury or death for which said
   action was brought.

   "Section 6.
   That no action shall be maintained under this Act unless
   commenced within two years from the day the cause of action
   accrued.

   "Section 7.
   That the term ‘common carrier’ as used in this Act shall
   include the receiver or receivers or other persons or
   corporations charged with the duty of the management and
   operation of the business of a common carrier.

   "Section 8.
   That nothing in this Act shall be held to limit the duty or
   liability of common carriers or to impair the rights of their
   employees under any other Act or Acts of Congress, or to
   affect the prosecution of any pending proceeding or right of
   action under the Act of Congress entitled ‘An Act relating to
   liability of common carriers in the District of Columbia and
   Territories, and to common carriers engaged in commerce
   between the States and between the States and foreign nations
   to their employees,’ approved June eleventh, nineteen hundred
   and six."

      Statutes of the United States of America
      passed 1st at Session of the 60th Congress, 1907-1908,
      part 1, chapter 149.

LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR:
   Judicial Limitation of Police Power to regulate them
   in the United States.

   By a decision from the Supreme Court of the United States, in
   April, 1905, an Act of the Legislature of New York, limiting
   the hours of labor to be exacted from workmen in bakeries, was
   pronounced unconstitutional. The law in question provided that
   "no employee shall be required or permitted to work in a
   biscuit, bread or cake bakery or confectionery establishment
   more than sixty hours in any one week, or more than ten hours
   in any one day, unless for the purpose of making a shorter
   work day on the last day of the week; nor more hours in any
   one week than will make an average of ten hours per day for
   the number of days during such week in which such employee
   shall work." The New York Court of Appeals had passed on this
   enactment and declared it constitutional, as a measure for the
   protection of public health. A majority of the Supreme Court—
   five to four—rejected this view, saying, in the opinion
   written by Justice Peckham: "We think the limit of the police
   power has been reached and passed in this case. There is, in
   our judgment, no reasonable foundation for holding this to be
   necessary or appropriate as a health law to safeguard the
   public health or the health of the individuals who are
   following the trade of a baker." In the dissenting opinion of
   Justice Harlan, Justices White and Day concurring, it was
   said: "The rule is universal that a legislative enactment,
   Federal or State, is never to be disregarded or held invalid
   unless it be, beyond question, plainly and palpably in excess
   of legislative power. If there be doubt as to the validity of
   the statute, that doubt must therefore be resolved in favor of
   its validity, and the courts must keep their hands off,
   leaving the Legislature to meet the responsibility for unwise
   legislation."

LABOR PROTECTION: LIMITATION OF WORKING HOURS FOR TRAINMEN.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

{400}

LABOR PROTECTION: THE "ENGLISH COAL MINES (EIGHT HOUR) ACT."

   The Act so called, passed in 1908, came into force on the 1st
   of July, 1909, except as respects mines in the counties of
   Northumberland and Durham, where its operation was deferred
   until the 1st of January, 1910. The Act provides that "a
   workman shall not be below ground in a mine for the purpose of
   his work, or of going to and from his work, for more than
   eight hours during any consecutive twenty-four hours"; but
   this is qualified by the condition that "no contravention of
   the foregoing provisions shall be deemed to take place in the
   case of a workman working in a shift if the period between the
   times at which the last workman in the shift leaves the
   surface and the first workman in the shift returns to the
   surface does not exceed eight hours." This rule, it is said,
   makes the nominal working day of eight hours "one that will
   vary, according to local conditions, from eight and a half to
   nine hours." On the other hand, the Coal Owners’ Association
   of South Wales and Monmouthshire, in a manifesto issued
   shortly before the Act became operative, declared: "The Act
   does not permit eight hours’ work underground, but a
   considerable portion of this time is taken up in travelling to
   and from the actual place of work, and in many of the older
   collieries not more than 6½ hours’ effective work will be
   performed. The owners are strongly of opinion that it will be
   found impossible to work such collieries and maintain them in
   repair with all the pumping of water, boilers, engines,
   horses, officials, and attendants necessary for 24 hours per
   day on 6½ hours’ productive work, especially in view of the
   fact that in South Wales a much larger proportion of the
   collier’s time is occupied in other work than in producing
   coal than is the case in most other coalfields."

   The conditions are described as being different in the Welsh
   mines from those in other British coal fields, and it seems to
   have been there only that trouble arose when the Act came into
   effect.

LABOR PROTECTION:
   Germany’s Latest Code.

   "The coal miners of Prussia have secured a legal eight-hours
   day for underground work, but in industry generally the number
   of hours worked is ten daily, or sixty weekly, and these hours
   generally fall between six and six or seven and seven. In some
   industries, and especially the textile industries, from
   sixty-three to sixty-six hours per week are commonly worked by
   both sexes. … Just as there was once a time when the textile
   industry of the Rhineland worked to a large extent seventeen
   hours a day in order to facilitate competition with England’s
   more highly developed factories and more skilled workers, so
   now a day of ten and eleven hours is maintained in the same
   industry purely out of fear of the foreigner. … The only
   limitation of hours introduced by the amendment to the
   Industrial Code which was passed in 1908 applied to female
   workers, and it merely fixed the rule of sixty hours, subject
   to many exceptions. An investigation made in 1902 by the
   Government into the hours worked by females employed in
   factories and workshops showed that of 813,560 such
   workpeople, employed in 38,706 works, 86,191 (in 6,768 works),
   or 10.6 per cent., worked nine hours or less, while 347,814
   (in 18,267 works), or 42.8 per cent., worked from nine to ten
   hours (inclusive), so that over half already enjoy the
   protection which the new law is to afford. The Socialists at
   present demand a ten-hours day for both sexes, for the whole
   country and for all industries, but they regard this no longer
   as their final objective, but as a stage on the way towards
   the goal of an eight-hours day, via a halfway house of nine
   hours."

      William H. Dawson,
      The Involution of Modern Germany,
      pages 129-131
      (Unwin, London; Scribners, New York, 1909).

   "On December 28 last [1908] an industrial amendment Act was
   passed by the German Reichstag and became law. It introduces a
   number of new and more stringent regulations for the
   protection of women and children, which will have the effect
   of securing a large reduction of the hours of labour in many
   manufacturing industries. In its application it goes beyond
   the existing factory law, which applies to Fabriken,
   and it includes all Betriebe (industrial
   establishments) in which ten or more persons are employed. It
   reduces the maximum number of hours for women from 11 to 10 on
   ordinary week days and from 10 to 8 on Saturday. That is to
   say, it reduces the statutory maximum week from 65 to 58
   hours. It extends the period during which night-work is
   prohibited by an hour, and fixes it from 8 p. m. to 6 a. m.,
   instead of from 8.30 p. m. to 5.30 a. m. as heretofore. It
   further provides that after each day’s work an unbroken
   interval of 11 hours’ rest must elapse; and this also applies
   to workers of both sexes under 16. The latter, who already
   enjoy the daily and weekly maximum now granted to women, will
   also have the statutory times of beginning and leaving off
   work altered from 5.30 A. M. to 6 A. M. for beginning and from
   8.30 A. M. to 8 P. M. for leaving off."

      LONDON TIMES,
      MARCH 15, 1909.

LABOR PROTECTION:
   Japanese Legislation in Prospect.

   The following report from Japan came to the American Press in
   a telegram dated December 15, 1909, at Victoria, British
   Columbia: Factory owners of Japan, who employ 642,000 hands,
   of whom 392,000 are women and a big percentage children, are
   excited over factory laws to be advocated at this session of
   the Diet, according to news brought here yesterday. The law
   will provide against employment of children less than twelve
   years old, but those above ten now employed will be permitted
   to continue. Workers under sixteen and females may not be
   worked more than twelve hours a day, and must be given two
   days rest each month. In days of ten hours, an hour’s rest
   must be given.

LABOR PROTECTION:
   Report of the United States Industrial Commission in 1902.
   Recommendations for State Legislation.
   Child Labor and Woman’s Labor.
   The Utah Law on Labor in Mines.

   "Perhaps the subject of greatest public interest to-day is
   that of the regulation of the hours of labor permitted in
   industrial occupations, and especially in factories. Most of
   the Northern and Eastern States prohibit the employment of
   persons under the full age in factories or other mechanical
   establishments for more than a prescribed time per diem,
   usually ten hours, and not exceeding sixty hours per week.
   Obviously, Congress has no power without a constitutional
   amendment to legislate directly on this subject. The
   Commission are of the opinion that a uniform law upon this
   subject may wisely be recommended for adoption by all the
   States.
{401}
   We believe that such legislation can not, under the Federal
   and State constitutions be recommended as to persons, male or
   female, above the age of 21, except, of course, in some
   special industries where employment for too many hours becomes
   positively a menace to the health, safety or well-being of the
   community; but minors not yet clothed with all the rights of
   citizens are peculiarly the subject of State protection, and
   still more so young children. The commission are of opinion,
   therefore, that a simple statute ought to be enacted by all
   the States to regulate the length of the working day for young
   persons in factories (meaning by 'young persons’ those between
   the age of majority and 14); and in view of the entire absence
   of protection now accorded by the laws of many States to
   children of tender years we think that the employment of
   children in factories in any capacity, or for any time, under
   the age of 14, should be prohibited. The question of shops and
   mercantile establishments generally appears even more subject
   to local conditions than that of factories; therefore the
   Commission see no need for even recommending to the States any
   uniform legislation upon this subject. But child labor should
   be universally protected by educational restrictions,
   providing in substance that no child may be employed in either
   factories, shops, or in stores in large cities, who cannot
   read and write, and, except during vacation, unless he has
   attended school for at least twelve weeks in each year.
   Further regulation, especially in the line of bringing States
   which now have no factory acts up to a higher standard, is
   earnestly recommended.

   "The Supreme Court of the United States has affirmed the
   constitutionality of the Utah law limiting the length of the
   day’s labor in mines or under-ground workings, even in the
   case of male citizens of full age. The Commission would
   therefore recommend that the provisions of the Utah
   constitution and statutes be followed in all the States, by
   which the period of employment of workmen in all under-ground
   mines or workings shall be eight hours a day, except in cases
   of emergency, when life or property is in imminent danger, and
   also that the employment of children under the age of 14 and
   of all women and girls in mines or under-ground quarries and
   workings shall be forbidden."

      Final Report (1902) of Industrial Commission,
      pages 946-948.

LABOR PROTECTION:
   Hours of Labor for Women.
   Right of the State to put other Limitations than on Men.
   U. S. Supreme Court Decision.

   The constitutional right of a State to put other limitations
   on the hours of labor for women than it puts on the hours of
   labor for men was questioned by the proprietor of a laundry in
   Oregon, and the question was carried to the Supreme Court of
   the United States. The decision of that tribunal was rendered
   early in 1908, affirming the right of a State to make such
   distinction in labor limitations between the two sexes, and
   the ground of the decision introduces a principle of enormous
   importance into law. A legal limitation of the hours of labor
   touches the contractual rights of the individual, and the
   Court conceded that in those rights women stand on the same
   plane as men; but the State, it declares, has the
   constitutional right, for the public good, to limit the
   contractual right of the individual, and its reasoning on the
   matter before it turns therefore on the question whether the
   protection of women by this special limitation of contractual
   rights is or is not for the public good? On this question the
   counsel for the State of Oregon, Mr. Louis D. Brandeis, had
   submitted a remarkable mass of testimony, social and
   physiological, which the Court accepted as conclusive, and
   founded its decision thereon. This testimony the Court
   declared to be "significant of a widespread belief that
   women’s physical structure, and the functions she performs in
   consequence thereof, justify special legislation restricting
   or qualifying the conditions under which she should be
   permitted to toil." Though "constitutional questions … are not
   settled by even a consensus of present public opinion," yet
   the Court held that "when a question of fact is debated and
   debatable, and the extent to which a special constitutional
   limitation goes is affected by the truth in respect to that
   fact, a widespread and long-continued belief concerning it is
   worthy of consideration." Applying that principle in this
   case, the Court affirmed that "as healthy mothers are
   essential to vigorous offspring, the physical well-being of
   woman becomes an object of public interest and care in order
   to preserve the strength and vigor of the race." On account of
   her physical constitution, "she is not an equal competitor
   with her brother." In spite of the removal of legal and other
   disabilities, "she will still be where some legislation to
   protect her seems necessary to secure a real equality of
   right." Such legislation to defend woman, to use the Court’s
   phrase, "from the greed as well as the passion of man," is not
   merely for her benefit, but for the well-being of the race.

   "The two sexes," said Justice Brewer, who delivered the
   decision of the Court, "differ in structure of body, in the
   functions to be performed by each, in the amount of physical
   strength, in the capacity for long-continued labor,
   particularly when done standing, the influence of vigorous
   health upon the future well-being of the race, the
   self-reliance which enables one to assert full rights, and in
   the capacity to maintain the struggle for subsistence. This
   difference justifies a difference in legislation and upholds
   that which is designed to compensate for some of the burdens
   which rest upon her."

LABOR PROTECTION: ORIENTAL COMPETITION:
   The Force of the Objection to it in Countries under
   the Protective Tariff System.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS; UNITED STATES.

LABOR PROTECTION: A. D. 1900-1909.
   Study and Treatment of Industrial Problems in
   the United States by the National Civic Federation.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.

   ----------LABOR PROTECTION: End--------

{402}

   ----------LABOR REMUNERATION: Start--------

LABOR REMUNERATION.
   Cooperative Organization.
   Pensions.
   Profit-sharing.
   Wages Regulation, etc.)

LABOR REMUNERATION:
   The Bonus System.
   Its Working in the Shops of the Bethlehem Steel Company.

   "Awarding extra compensation for extra work has long been the
   practice of successful manufacturing; but the particular
   method of awarding a bonus above referred to is of
   recent origin, and fills an important need in modern systems
   of management. It may be briefly described as follows:
   Alternative ways of doing a piece of work are carefully
   investigated by the most competent expert available and the
   results recorded. The best method is determined and taught to
   an ordinary workman, who is awarded extra compensation in
   addition to his day’s pay for doing the work in the time and
   manner specified. This method of compensation was the outcome
   of an attempt to introduce in complicated work equitable piece
   rates determined as nearly as possible by scientific methods."

   The original working out of this method into a system is
   ascribed by the writer of the above to Mr. Fred W. Taylor, in
   the early eighties, he being then in the employ of the Midvale
   Steel Company. After setting forth the principles involved in
   the system, this writer concludes his article by stating:

   "The principles above outlined were applied during the spring
   and summer of 1901 to the ordnance and armor-plate machine
   shops of the Bethlehem Steel Company, and resulted in a short
   time in more than doubling the output of those shops. The
   system is still in use substantially as introduced, and the
   superintendent, Mr. Archibald Johnston, in his testimony
   before the House Committee on Labor, February 13, 1902, makes
   the following statement regarding it:

   "This arrangement has worked very satisfactorily, both to the
   men and the company, for it has enabled us to get work out
   more quickly, and to add to the producing capacity of our
   invested capital; while for the men it has been a great
   benefit, as we have many instances of employees who have
   bought homes for themselves principally from their extra
   earnings on the bonus system, and from overtime work. The
   system has been a stronger incentive to industry than any
   other we have been able to put into effect in our plant."

      H. L. Gantt,
      The Bonus System of Rewarding Labor
      (American Review of Reviews).

LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION:
   France, Italy, etc.
   Cooperative Production.

   A book published in 1905, entitled "Labor Problems," by T. S.
   Adams and Helen L. Sumner, gives an interesting account of
   coöperative associations for contract labor in France, of
   which there were 296 on the 1st of January, 1901, seemingly
   having considerable success, 106 of the number being in the
   building trades. Similar organizations were reported in Italy
   and New Zealand. In France, the law provides for dividing
   public contracts, and for making payments on them in such ways
   as to bring them within the means of these associations of
   workmen. In Germany and Holland there is said to have been a
   less degree of success in organizing this mode of productive
   coöperation.

LABOR REMUNERATION: GREAT BRITAIN:
   The Coöperative Union and Coöperative Congress.
   Recent Statistics of Membership, Organizations, and Operations.
   Rapidly increasing Coöperation in Agriculture.

   As reported at the annual Coöperative Congress of 1905, the
   Coöperative Union of Great Britain had then a membership of
   2,200,000, conducting coöperative undertakings with a total
   capital of £36,500,000 and a trade of £92,000,000. At that
   meeting a proposition to act with the Labor Representation
   Committee, for increasing the representation of labor
   interests in Parliament, was defeated by 801 votes against
   135.

   Four years later, at the Congress held in May, 1909, the
   reported membership of the Coöperative Union had increased to
   2,516,194, in 1560 affiliated societies. Among other
   statistics reported for the previous year were the following:

   "The two large wholesale societies—one in England and the
   other in Scotland—had a membership of 1414 in 1908, or a
   decrease of three as compared with the total for 1907; the
   shares held amounted to £1,984,676, a rise of £190,131; the
   loans were £5,114,201, an increase of £382,990; the sales for
   the year amounted to £32,433,968, an increase of £43,940, and
   the interest on capital was £96,350, an increase of £5,498.
   The year’s trading, however, resulted in a decrease of profits
   amounting to £137,197, the total profits being £731,124. There
   were 1428 distributive societies, a decrease of 15, but the
   membership rose to 2,404,595, or 81,217 more; the shares held
   went up to £30,037,352, an increase of £998,703; the loans
   amounted to £4,558,021, a rise of £212,377; the sales
   increased by £1,635,749, the total being £60,783,278; but the
   profits dropped to £10,773,005, or a decrease of £126,327.

   "Coöperative production forms a large and important branch of
   the movement. Some facts relating to it are given from the
   last annual report of the Chief Registrar of Friendly
   Societies in order to supplement the figures of the central
   board. According to the Chief Registrar’s report, 1251
   societies, including distributive, wholesale, and productive
   societies, made returns showing that, they carried on
   production to the extent of £16,989,764 in the year,
   calculated on wholesale prices. The workpeople employed in
   production numbered 44,188—men, 25,809; women, 12,212; boys,
   6167—and the wages paid to these (exclusive of bonus) amounted
   to £2,324,674. The board’s annual summary of the operations
   carried on by the productive societies and the productive
   departments of the two wholesale societies shows a total
   production in 1908 of £11,112,220. To this is added an
   estimated production of £7,750,000 by the distributive
   societies, making the total production of the coöperative
   movement for the year about £18,862,000. The number of
   productive societies to which the Board’s returns relate is
   122, a decrease of five as compared with the total for the
   previous year. The number of people employed by these
   societies during the year was 28,575, an increase of 1637; the
   capital invested was £4,610,072, an increase of £259,137; the
   trade, as stated above, was £11,112,220, an increase of
   £450,802; the profits amounted to £352,398, a decrease of
   £15,317; and the losses amounted to £68,650, as against £8336.

{403}

   "Among the industries engaged in coöperative production, corn
   milling had a trade last year amounting to £4,564,706, which
   was considerably higher than the total for the previous year.
   Increases were also recorded in the cotton, linen, silk, and
   wool industries, and by societies engaged in woodwork,
   building, and quarrying, printing and bookbinding, baking, and
   laundry-work. But the societies producing boots, shoes, and
   leather, metal and hardware, and various other goods had a
   reduced trade."

   In an article on "The Coming of Coöperation," in Agriculture,
   the London Times of May 3, 1909, made the following
   statements: "The coöperative movement, on which more than
   anything else the success of all small farmers and many big
   farmers depends, is advancing with a rapidity very little
   realized even by farmers themselves.

   "The position at present is this. In Ireland, in Scotland, and
   in England exist three organization societies which decided in
   July of last year to amalgamate for certain purposes. Under
   the lead of Sir Horace Plunkett the three societies decided
   that joint action would be effective in all the three branches
   of cooperative trade—

   ‘(1) The acquisition of farmers’ supplies of the best
        quality at the lowest price;

    (2) the marketing of produce in the most economical manner; and

    (3) the interchange of certain products.’

   "Into this third attribute of cooperation it is worth while
   inquiring closely. The idea, which may mean an immense advance
   in the production of the farm, small or great, has not become
   familiar even to some of the best local coöperative societies
   we have. A few examples will illustrate the possibilities. No
   one will doubt the value of geographical knowledge to the
   farmer. One of the biggest successes made on the Fen farms in
   recent years resulted from the accident that a Fen farmer went
   to shoot snipe in Ireland, and there came upon a potato which
   proved to be exceptionally suited to the Fen soil. Many small
   fortunes have been made in potato farming by the use of Scotch
   seed. To-day, of course, every one is aware of its excellence,
   due partly to the red soil, partly to the wise custom of the
   Scotch farmer in digging his potatoes before they are mature.
   But this knowledge penetrated very slowly. …

   "An admirable instance, illustrating the same point, may be
   found in the unpublished history of the French wheats recently
   introduced into England. The whole tale is full of suggestions
   for English farmers and for the organization societies. French
   farmers, as we all know, are very closely federated; and every
   sort of work—in buying, in marketing, and in advancing
   money—is carried on by the local and federated syndicates.
   Some years ago the leaders of these syndicates came to the
   conclusion that their wheats greatly improved by a year or two
   in English soil. They preferred their own varieties, but found
   them more prolific when the seed was imported from England.
   Several difficulties met them. They had first to persuade
   English growers to grow these varieties, and secondly they had
   to compel them to keep the stock pure. The second difficulty
   might have been insuperable without joint action, but it was
   soon overcome by the syndicates.

   "At present Ireland is a long way ahead of England, and
   England of Scotland, in co-operative organization; but
   certainly in England, as well as Ireland, co-operation has
   advanced more rapidly in the last year or two than seemed at
   all likely at the beginning of the century. The Agricultural
   Organization Society, which was formed for propaganda work, is
   already able to give proof of valuable results from joint
   action towards what may be called the self-sufficiency of
   Britain. The advance has been made possible by the new
   federations of farmers, as well as by the multiplication of
   local co-operative societies."

LABOR REMUNERATION:
   Exhibition of Coöperative Productions.

   An exhibition of coöperative productions was opened in August,
   1909, at the Crystal Palace, London, in connection with a
   National Co-operative Festival. On the one side goods were
   shown from the various co-partnership productive societies,
   including boots and shoes, baskets, cloth, velvets, cutlery,
   watches, and printing; and on the other side were specimens of
   the Co-operative Wholesale Society’s goods, such as working
   exhibits of sweet-boiling, soap-milling, and cigar and
   cigarette making. In addition to the exhibits from workshops,
   the Tenant’s Housing Societies showed plans of their houses
   owned on the coöperative principle by groups of workmen and
   others. It was pointed out by the promoters of the exhibition
   that such houses may be completely equipped for habitation
   with articles produced under cooperative conditions.

LABOR REMUNERATION: India:
   Rapidity of the Movement.

   "The co-operative movement in India, which was started five
   years ago by the passing of the Cooperative Credit Societies
   Act, has made steady and satisfactory progress in all the
   Provinces, and there are now 2,000 societies with 185,000
   members and a working capital of over half a million sterling.
   Each Province has its official registrar and staff of
   inspectors, whose business it is to preach the benefits of
   co-operation, to encourage the formation of new societies, to
   help each society to draw up its by-laws, to check and audit
   its accounts free of charge, to point out mistakes, and to put
   things right. The ordinary type of co-operative society is the
   village bank of from 50 to 100 members, all residents of the
   same neighbourhood, who know intimately each other’s needs and
   resources, and, above all, each other’s character."

      Correspondent London Times,
      December 17, 1909.

LABOR REMUNERATION: New Zealand:
   The Labor Group Method.

   "What distinguishes New Zealand as a State is the way in which
   governmental powers have been used, not to stop competition in
   the socialistic sense, but to force a higher and fairer level,
   on which it acts for the many rather than for the few. Every
   startling step has been of this nature. New Zealand is
   democratizing competition. If the public is there threatened
   with monopoly prices in coal or in insurance, the State acts
   competitively for the whole people. Our great interest in this
   method is that it may have immeasurable development without
   landing us in Socialism. It has the soul of democracy in it
   while preserving great areas on which those forms of private
   property may be maintained which Socialism usually attacks.
   Even more significant is the other illustration which New
   Zealand offers.

{404}

   "It is the allotment of work to labor groups under the
   co-operation method. It unifies at once the political and the
   industrial practice. If the digging and laying up of a cellar,
   a section of roadway, or the foundations of a bridge are
   assigned to twelve laborers for the sum of fifty pounds, they
   elect their own manager, agreeing upon the distribution of the
   work. A standard of efficiency is set, which the inspector
   enforces. The lump sum of fifty pounds is assumed by the
   authorities to give first a ‘fair wage,’ but beyond that a
   margin is given which extra zeal and fidelity may very
   materially increase. Under private contractors working for
   profit, this is of course a very old story. It is not an old
   story for the State or town to do it, with the express purpose
   of avoiding certain evils of competition, like insecurity and
   lack of work."

      John Graham Brooks,
      Industrial Democracy
      (The Outlook, November 17, 1906).

LABOR REMUNERATION: Russia: A. D. 1903.
   Statistics of Consumers’ Associations.

   In 1903 "the number of co-operative consumers’ associations in
   Russia was 824. In order to compile some statistics, in regard
   to these, the ‘Permanent Commission for Co-operative
   Associations’ sent out some inquiry blanks which, in 204
   cases, were properly filled out and returned. From these
   reports is gathered that the 204 associations had together
   91,417 members and 26,402 annual subscribers, making a total
   number of about 118,000 customers. The average membership of
   the associations was 577. The number of employees was 3258, or
   16 per association, and the expenses for wages and maintenance
   of these amounted to 1,131,307 rubles, or averaging 5515
   rubles for each association. The total capital reached a sum
   of more than 4,000,000 rubles, which item was counterbalanced
   by a total indebtedness of nearly an equal amount. Of the
   entire net profit,—1,270,000 rubles,—256,539 rubles were
   distributed as dividends on shares, 590,857 rubles as premiums
   on purchases, and 68,155 were paid into the government as
   taxes."

      Herman Rosenthal
      (American Review of Reviews).

LABOR REMUNERATION: United States:
   Coöperative Distribution and Coöperative Production.

   "Today in Utah are eighty-seven coöperative distribution
   societies and in California sixty; and elsewhere are signs
   that the excellent principles of united effort may soon enter
   upon another and very likely its most notable revival. In San
   Francisco before the earthquake the coöperators had a large
   wholesale store doing a good business. At Lawrence,
   Massachusetts, the flourishing Arlington Store Society, an
   admirably conducted Rochdale venture, has 4,360 members and
   does an annual business of more than $500,000, and at
   Lewiston, Maine, is a store managed on lines of modified
   coöperation with annual sales of more than $600,000. Through
   the country the coöperative stores number about 250, with
   60,000 or more members and $7,000,000, of annual business; a
   showing that looks small compared with the gigantic operations
   of the British societies. But with the development of the
   Cooperative Association of America, a new enterprise managed
   by men like Frank Parsons, B. O. Flower, Charles E. Lund and
   other advanced thinkers, there is likely to be in the next few
   years a new and very different story to tell of coöperation in
   America.

   "Coöperative production has already made a different story,
   although even that is flecked with enough of failure. … So far
   back as 1868, in Minneapolis, four journeymen coopers had
   formed a cooperative society, steadily enlarged as the milling
   interests increased. In 1874, when the flour output was about
   500,000 barrels a year, so many coopers had come to town that
   the Coöperative Barrel Manufacturing Company was formed and
   twelve years afterwards two-thirds of all barrels made in
   Minneapolis were made in coöperative shops. And then somehow
   the things began to decline. Of seven great coöperative shops
   existing in 1886 only three survive. … In other lines of
   productive effort Coöperation has often achieved notable
   success. The coöperative creamery, for instance, has been a
   boon to millions of farmers. Of such creameries in the United
   States there are about 3,800 with a membership in their
   associations of more than 300,000 and an annual product worth
   more than $80,000,000. In Minnesota six-sevenths of all the
   creameries are coöperative; six hundred have been organized in
   the last ten years with a membership of 50,000. The idea is
   steadily gaining; it is very strong in all the Western States,
   and even in Massachusetts twenty-eight of fifty creameries are
   coöperative. In the operation of these societies there has
   been almost uniform success. The farmers indeed have done far
   more than the workingmen to show the benefits of union. There
   are in the United States about 4,000 farmers’ purchasing and
   distributing societies with 500,000 members. Fruit growers’
   associations have been formed in nine states and have now more
   than 100,000 members. The Southern California Fruit Exchange,
   organized in 1891, handles more than half the orange business
   in California. It has seventy associations with 4,000 members.
   One third of all the fruit grown in California is now handled
   coöperatively.

   "There are also coöperative bee keepers, coöperative sheep
   herders, coöperative poultry raisers, cattle breeders, wool
   growers, cotton growers and milk-dealers, and in six states
   are flourishing coöperative grain elevators. …

      See above,
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

   Of coöperative insurance companies we have about 3,800,
   including mutual life, fire, hail and live-stock insurance.
   Three thousand of these are among the farmers, with a total
   membership of 2,700,000 and total risks reaching the amazing
   sum of $3,000,000,000. Premiums among the farmers’ coöperative
   insurance companies average twenty-four cents for each $100 of
   insurance against an average among all companies, as reported
   by the United States census, of $1 for every $100 of
   insurance. In Michigan, Iowa, Indiana, Kansas, Nebraska,
   Minnesota, Wisconsin, and the Dakotas farmers’ coöperative
   telephone companies have had a phenomenal growth and have
   effected in some degree a transformation of rural life. …
   Coöperative distribution … has lately been revived in America
   through the well-considered efforts of the Coöperative
   Association of America, and still more recently through the
   Golden Rule Fraternity.
{405}
   The Coöperative Association began in Lewiston, Maine, in 1900,
   as ‘A Trust for the People.’ It has utilized the ordinary
   trust machinery towards communal good instead of personal
   profit. There is a holding company called the ‘Co-Workers’
   Fraternity’ and this owns a controlling interest in stock of
   the Coöperative Association of America, in the National
   Production Company of New Jersey, in the Massachusetts
   Coöperative Society, and is to own a similar control in the
   other coöperative societies now being formed. On this modern
   and comprehensive basis coöperation is being reformed and
   reorganized in America. Its pitfalls hitherto have been
   chiefly those of management. On the new plan of organization
   these should be avoided. … The revived prospects of
   Coöperation in America are due chiefly to the altruistic
   efforts of a certain band of thoughtful men and women that
   believe this to be the first step towards a cure of the
   national evils."

      Charles D. Russell,
      The Uprising of the Many,
      pages 30-37 (New York, Doubleday, Page & Co., 1907).

   "I spent nearly four weeks, from March 3 to March 27, [1908]
   visiting a chain of co-operative stores, fifty-five in number,
   in the vicinity of Minneapolis, Minnesota. These stores are
   organized on the famous Rochdale plan, for the benefit of the
   consumer instead of the capitalist. The profits are divided in
   proportion to purchases, except that the general public who
   have not yet chosen to become members or shareholders receive
   only half-dividend or benefit. Goods are not sold cheaper; it
   is aimed to create capital by earning good profits. An
   accounting is had and the profits ascertained once in three or
   six or twelve months. These profits are then distributed
   between a surplus fund, an educational or propaganda fund, and
   dividend on purchases, which is paid in cash if the shareholder
   has paid in full, or credited on his share if only part paid.
   This is the nub of the Rochdale System, departures from which
   have been the cause of a long and almost unbroken line of
   failure in American attempts in co-operative stores.

   "These Minnesota and Wisconsin stores have all been organized
   on a nearly uniform plan by a propaganda organization known as
   the Right Relationship League, consisting of three active
   officers, two additional directors, eight field organizers,
   and an associate membership of all the store shareholders who
   pay a fee of one dollar. The stores are incorporated by
   counties; when there are several stores in one county, they
   are ‘departments’ or branches. For example, the Polk County
   (Wisconsin) company has ten stores, the Pepin County company
   nine stores, and each has a general manager and a joint
   warehouse. Instead of starting a new store with a new manager
   and no established trade, the newly organized co-operative
   company buys out the best or next best general store in the
   town and continues the former owner as manager.

   "Of the old guard who wrote and hoped for co-operation twenty
   to thirty years ago, all gave up the fight long since, myself
   excepted. Edward Everett Hale, Richard T. Ely, Carroll D.
   Wright, Washington Gladden, E. W. Bemis, John R. Commons, will
   be glad to know that the lost cause is reviving and may yet,
   in their lifetime, justify their early faith and repay their
   labors."

      N. O. Nelson,
      The Co-operative Movement in the United States
      (The Outlook, July 4, 1908).

   In February, 1909, it was reported that the stores of the
   above League had increased in number to seventy-six; that the
   membership and capital had been doubled within a year, and
   that a wholesale company had been formed, each store
   subscribing $1000.

   In "Labor Problems," by T. S. Adams and Helen L. Sumner, a
   considerable number of successful undertakings in producers’
   co-operation in the United States are enumerated, including
   establishments operated by labor unions in the iron, glass,
   garment and cigar-making, box-workers, wood-workers, building
   trades, etc., east and west; besides co-operative laundries
   and restaurants. The most interesting of these organizations
   appears to be that of the Workers’ Coöperative Association of
   Boston, formed in 1900 by members of the building trades.

LABOR REMUNERATION:
   The "New Protection": Australia: A. D. 1907-1908.

   The "New Protection," so called, introduced in Australia, "is
   an extension of the principle of the Wages Boards Acts, which
   aim to preserve for the workers a certain assured
   remuneration. Under the New Protection, the field of this
   minimum wage legislation is extended to the trades subsidized
   or assisted under protective duties, so as to compel the
   manufacturers to share the accruing advantage with their
   employees. The Tariff Excise Act is the first installment of
   the new legislation. It came into force on January 1, 1907,
   and was specially intended to protect the agricultural
   implement industry from American and Canadian competition. It
   placed upon imported harvesters a duty of sixty dollars. The
   Federal Labor party supported the manufacturers in obtaining
   the duty, on condition that there was inserted a clause
   imposing upon locally produced harvesters an excise duty of
   half the amount of the import duty. Manufacturers would,
   however, be exempt from the payment of this excise upon
   showing proof that their workmen had been paid ‘fair and
   reasonable remuneration.’

   "At the close of the manufacturing season one hundred and
   twelve manufacturers of harvesters filed applications for
   exemption from excise duty." This, at once on a test case,
   carried the question, what is a "fair and reasonable
   remuneration" for wage-paid labor into the Court of
   Conciliation and Arbitration, and its judge, much against his
   will, was required to determine it. He decided that not less
   than $9.50 per week, in Australia, for the lowest class of
   unskilled labor, could be regarded as a "living wage." "This
   formed the basis of the entire Tariff Excise scale, since from
   it the court calculated the rates of payment for all other
   employees. This was the easier because there was but little
   difference of opinion between the employers and the respective
   unions as to the proportionate wages to be paid to various
   classes of skilled labor, and, with the price for unskilled
   labor raised, a similar increase followed in all the skilled
   trades in the business of manufacturing harvesters.

   "The Harvester legislation is only the fore-runner of plans
   for extensive control over industry to be brought forward as
   soon as the import duties under the recently introduced tariff
   are decided.

{406}

   "In this the three objects to be gained are not always easily
   reconciled, and the detail work, besides, of drafting rules
   and regulations to result in a moderately practicable working
   Act will be enormous. These objects are:

   1. To conserve the market for the Australian manufacturer.

   2. To insure fair remuneration to the employee.

   3. To protect the consumer by placing a limit upon the
      price which may be charged.

   The rough outline of the proposals is as follows: All dutiable
   goods bearing the Commonwealth Trade-Mark (a sort of universal
   label) as a guarantee that they have been manufactured under
   fair and reasonable conditions as to remuneration of labor
   will be exempt from excise. A board of excise, to consist of
   three members, to be appointed to give effect to these
   proposals. All goods manufactured under conditions which are
   in accordance with the State or Commonwealth industrial award
   or agreement, or which are declared to be fair and reasonable
   by the newly created board of excise, will be entitled to have
   the Commonwealth Trade-Mark affixed."

      Alice Henry,
      Australia’s "New Protection"
      (The Outlook, February 8, 1908).

   The constitutionality of the Tariff Excise Act was soon
   brought to a test, and the Federal High Court decided in June,
   1908, that wages could not be regulated in the method
   proposed. In the following October proceedings were opened in
   Parliament to secure such an amendment of the Constitution as
   would empower the desired legislation.

LABOR REMUNERATION: Pensions:
   The German State-aided System.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.

LABOR REMUNERATION:
   System adopted by American Railroad Companies.

   On the 10th of November, 1909, announcement was made by the
   New York Central Railroad Company that it had adopted an
   employees’ pension system, by which 100,000 men would be
   affected. Under the plan, employees reaching the age of
   seventy years are retired. If they have been continuously in
   the service of the company for at least ten years preceding
   their retirement, they will be entitled to a pension. An
   employee who has been at least twenty years in continual
   service and has become unfit for duty may be retired with a
   pension, although he has not reached the age of seventy. The
   amount of the pensions is 1 per cent, for each year of
   continuous service, based upon the average rate of pay
   received for the ten years next preceding retirement. The
   pension system became effective on January 9, 1910.

   The latest government report on the number of railroad
   employees puts the total for the country at 1,672,074. "Of
   these," says the New York Evening Post, "approximately
   665,000, or about 40 per cent., serve the roads which have
   pension systems. These companies are the New York Central, the
   Rock Island, the Pennsylvania, the Buffalo, Rochester and
   Pittsburg, the Chicago and Northwestern, the Illinois Central,
   the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe, the Union Pacific, Southern
   Pacific, and their affiliated lines, the Delaware, Lackawanna
   and Western, the Baltimore and Ohio, the Atlantic Coast Line,
   the Reading, and the Central of New Jersey."

LABOR REMUNERATION: Profit-sharing:
   Plan of Furness, Withy & Company.

   One of the greatest of the British ship-building and shipping
   concerns, that of the incorporated firm of Furness, Withy &
   Co. of which Sir Christopher Furness is the managing director,
   announced in the fall of 1908 that it could not continue its
   business unless the constant troubles between itself and its
   employees over wages questions could be brought to an end.
   With that view it was proposed to the workmen that they should
   become partners in the business by taking shares of the
   company’s capital stock and paying therefor by a five per cent
   reduction of their wages until the price of their shares
   should be covered. Additional shares of stock would be issued
   for the purpose, on which four per cent of dividend would be
   paid, whether the company divided any surplus on the general
   stock or not. A certain percentage of the earnings of the
   business would be allotted to capital, and to cover
   depreciation and development, over and above which the
   employee-partners would participate in all profits. With
   reference to these allotments, to capital, etc., Sir
   Christopher Furness, speaking to a Labor Union meeting on the
   subject of his proposal, said: "I am aware that a section of
   working-men criticise the amounts laid aside by some companies
   for these various purposes as if they were devices for
   stealing the real earnings of the company from their
   employees, but, take my word for it, these allotments cannot
   be dispensed with, that is to say, if the directors have any
   regard for the continuance of the company with a reasonable
   hope of prosperity. Possibly an arrangement might be reached
   that nothing beyond a definite percentage on an average of
   years should be put aside."

   Importantly in connection with the arrangement of
   profit-sharing co-partnery, Sir Christopher planned to
   organize what he called a Works Council, to be composed of an
   equal number of representatives of the workmen and
   representatives of the company. It would be, he said, a kind
   of Court of Reference and Committee of Counsel rolled into
   one. The proposals of the firm were accepted by its employees
   and the co-partnery arrangement was carried out.

   A year and a half later, on May 22, Sir Christopher Furness
   and two others purchased an extensive colliery, the Wingate
   Colliery, and made a similar proposition to the workmen there,
   offering them one quarter of the shares of the company to be
   formed, on the same terms of payment as in the case of the
   ship-building company. This gave evidence that the plan had
   worked satisfactorily thus far in its earlier trial.

   On the 15th of December, 1909, the secretary of the Company
   addressed a letter to its Employé Shareholders, saying: "I
   have to acquaint you that my board have had under
   consideration the working of the company since the adoption of
   the co-partnery scheme, and I am directed to say that they
   consider the results, from every point of view, to be very
   satisfactory." The substantial results to the employees were
   thus stated:

   "On the financial side you will also be pleased to hear that
   the working results are equally satisfactory. The audited
   accounts up to September 30 last, and the estimated results
   from that date to the present time, show such a balance as
   enables the directors to declare a dividend. They propose
   therefore, to make a distribution on the agreed basis of the
   scheme—viz., the guaranteed 4 per cent. to the employé
   shareholders, the fixed 5 per cent. to the Ordinary
   shareholders, with a bonus of 5 per cent. to both classes of
   shareholders. This will yield to the employé
   shareholders a return at the rate of 9 per cent. per annum,
   and to the Ordinary shareholders at the rate of 10 per cent.
   per annum, for the nine months ending December 81, 1909.

{407}

   "For better convenience it has been decided by my board to
   make the financial year end on December 31.

   "The amount due to each employé shareholder will be
   paid at the offices of the company at the respective
   ship-yards on the pay-day, Friday, December 24."

   Promising as this plan of profit-sharing appeared, it did not
   prove satisfactory to the employés, and, on the 1st of April,
   1910, they voted against its continuance, complaining that
   their expectation of full employment had not been realized,
   and that the system tended to break up trade unions, which are
   labor’s surest support and defence.

LABOR REMUNERATION:
   The Plan of the United States Steel Corporation,
   and other Great Corporations.

   "An occurrence of tremendous and far-reaching importance is
   the success of the United States Steel Corporation’s
   wage-earners’ investment and profit-sharing plan. When this
   plan was announced, January 1, [1903], every thoughtful man in
   the country gave it close attention. … With all, the question
   of questions was, Will it succeed? … We have not been
   compelled to wait long for the answer. The directors of the
   Steel Corporation offered 25,000 shares of stock to their
   168,000 employees. The books were to be kept open thirty days.
   No one dared believe that within this month, while the plan
   was so new, while all sorts of prejudices or fears might deter
   subscribers, and while the great mass of employees would still
   be studying and thinking about the offer which to them must
   have seemed somewhat novel and complicated, all or even
   one-half of the proffered stock would be taken up. Yet, when
   the books closed Saturday evening, January 31, it was found
   that the 25,000 shares offered had been subscribed for more
   than twice over. Twenty-seven thousand six hundred and
   thirty-three employees had subscribed for 51,125 shares. …

   "The company’s proposal was to share profits with all
   employees who would demonstrate their interest and thrift by
   buying the company’s stock. Consequently, the great bulk of
   the stock set aside for purchase by employees was offered to
   the men who earn the smallest salaries. This was done by
   dividing the 168,000 employees into six classes, according to
   their salaries—Class A, over $20,000 a year; Class B, $10,000
   to $20,000, down to Class E, $800 to $2,500 a year, and Class
   F, under $800 a year—and then by limiting the amount of stock
   employees could take to the following proportions of their
   annual salaries: Class A, 5 per cent.; Class B, 8 per cent.;
   Class C, 10 per cent.; Class D, 12 per cent.; Class E, 15 per
   cent.; and Class F, 20 per cent. It will thus be seen why 90
   per cent. of all the stock subscribed for in January goes to
   the two classes of mechanics and workmen whose salaries are
   under $2,500 a year.

   "The method is really a very simple one. Employees subscribe
   for stock, one or two shares apiece. The shares cost $82.50,
   or less than the market value. Each employee pays in monthly
   installments, taken from his wages, and he may have the
   payments made small or large, as he likes, save that not more
   than 25 per cent. of his wages may be so used in any month,
   and he may not be more than three years in completing payment.
   Dividends at the rate of 7 per cent. a year go to the
   subscriber from the date of his first payment. Interest at 5
   per cent. is charged on the deferred payments. In other words,
   the corporation sells stock below the market price, on credit,
   and pays the holder 2 per cent. a year in dividends more than
   he has to pay in interest. Here is a direct inducement to the
   investment of savings. But this is not all. Inducements are
   offered the employee to complete payment for his stock and to
   hold it. As soon as he has fully paid for it, the certificate
   is issued in his name, and he is free to dispose of it. But to
   make it worth his while to hold it and at the same time keep
   his place as a working partner in the company’s service, the
   corporation says to him: ‘If you hold your stock, and
   beginning with January next year you show it to the treasurer
   of your company, and present a letter from the proper official
   that during the preceding year you have been in the employ of
   the company, and have shown a proper interest in its welfare
   and progress, and you do this each January for five years, we
   will give you, in addition to the dividends paid you, a bonus
   of five dollars per share for each year. During the second
   period of five years, we will pay you a further yearly bonus,
   as a reward for your continuous faithful service.’ The amount
   of the second bonus cannot now be fixed, but it will doubtless
   be larger than the first one. Ample provision is made for the
   protection of subscribers who from one cause or another are
   unable to complete payment. Subscribers who discontinue
   payments get their money back and keep the difference between
   the 7 per cent. dividends and the 5 per cent. interest. In the
   case of subscribers who die or are disabled while faithfully
   serving the corporation, after having paid for their stock,
   the five dollars per share yearly bonus is not lost, but is
   paid over to them or to their estates."

      Walter Wellman,
      The Steel Corporation Points the Way
      (American Review of Reviews, March, 1903).

   "On December 31, 1908, it was reported that 22,960 employees
   had purchased shares under this plan and at that date either
   held the certificates or were making monthly payments for them
   on account. This is about 10 per cent. of the total number of
   employees, so that the scheme has not failed to enlist
   support. Indeed, it appears that in certain years, in 1907,
   for instance, the allotments of stock to employees were
   over-subscribed by 100 per cent. In May of this present year
   it was announced that since the scheme went into effect
   193,493 shares of preferred stock and 15,318 of common stock
   had been sold to the employees at a total price of
   $17,491,680. For 1909, the preferred was allotted at $110 per
   share, and the common on the basis of $50 per share. Indeed,
   one might opine that of late the attention of the lucky
   employee-holders might have been concentrated more on the
   ticker than on the steel hammer. Their paper profits have been
   figured at over $6,000,000, and it is asserted that much of the
   stock has been sold by the fortunate investors."

      New York Evening Post,
      July 29, 1909.

{408}

   A plan of profit-sharing with its employees similar to that of
   the United States Steel Corporation was introduced by the
   International Harvester Company, 1909, and by the Youngstown
   Sheet and Tube Company at about the same time. The plan of the
   former company was described very fully to the National Civic
   Federation, at its tenth annual meeting in New York, November,
   1909, by Mr. George W. Perkins, chairman of the finance
   committee of the company. The result of the plan is "that a
   man begins to buy a share of the company’s stock at a price
   below the market value; he is allowed to pay for it in
   instalments, paying 5 per cent. interest on deferred payments;
   he is credited with 7 per cent. dividends on the preferred
   stock and whatever dividends are declared on common stock. In
   addition to this, he is credited with, respectively, $4 and $3
   per share, each year, on the preferred and common stock, and
   at the end of five years receives a further benefit by way of
   a share in a fund made up of such $4 or $3 deposits as are
   made by the company on account of those who do not continue
   under the plan. It will be seen that this offers the men an
   exceedingly satisfactory form of investment in the business in
   which they are employed, and gives to the company the great
   advantage of anchoring its organization to the business.

   "The stock offered last summer was largely over subscribed,
   and the company to-day has more than 4,300 employees as
   stockholders."

LABOR REMUNERATION:
   Wages Regulation by Law.
   The English Trade Boards Bill.
   To Suppress "Sweating" in certain Industries.

   A Bill known as the Trade Boards Bill, which had passed the
   House of Commons already, had its second reading in the House
   of Lords, almost without opposition or serious criticism, on
   the 20th of August, 1909. The second reading was moved by Lord
   Hamilton of Dalzell, who said in doing so that "its object was
   the establishment of a minimum rate of wages in certain
   sweated industries. The establishment by statute of a
   minimum rate of wages was, he supposed, a new
   departure, but the regulation of the conditions of labour in
   certain trades was by no means new, and ever since the passing
   of the first Factory Act Parliament had from time to time
   agreed to legislation having that object. Every one knew what
   sweating was, and every one acknowledged it to be a great
   evil. It was not a new thing, but the Government were of
   opinion that the time had now come when the only practical
   remedy should be applied. He understood that in Germany
   legislation dealing with this subject was imminent. He
   commended that fact to any one who might be afraid that by
   legislation of this sort the trade of this country would be
   driven abroad.

   "As a matter of fact there was no reason to believe that any
   trade would be killed by the Bill. He did not know of any
   better proof of that than was found in the fact that almost
   all connected with the trades mentioned in the schedule, both
   masters and men, warmly supported the bill. He imagined that
   there would be a levelling up process. Employers who had paid
   fair wages would continue to do so; employers who would like
   to pay fair wages but were afraid of having their prices cut
   by the class below would now be able to do so, while the
   genuine sweater would have to pay fair wages whether he liked
   it or not. Girls living at home with their families and
   married women who had no children were often willing to work
   at considerably less than the market rate for the purpose of
   earning a little pocket money, and it might be said that if
   both parties were agreeable to this arrangement there was no
   reason to interfere. Seeing, however, that these people
   dragged down the level of wages and inflicted a serious injury
   on those who had to carry on trade for their living, they were
   included in the Bill. If their work was worth having, it must
   be worth paying for. The trades selected for the purpose of
   the Bill were certain parts of the tailoring trade, the paper
   box making trade, certain parts of the common lace finishing
   trade, and certain parts of the chain making trade. These were
   all trades in which sweating was acknowledged to exist. The
   Bill could be extended to other trades by a Provisional Order
   Bill, and in this way the control of Parliament would be
   maintained. The minimum rate of wages in the specified
   trades would be regulated by a Central Trade Board assisted by
   local committees. Notice would be given when it was intended
   to fix a minimum rate of wages, and there would be an interval
   of three months to give those who desired to raise objections
   an opportunity of being heard. During the intermediary period,
   which would last six months, the rate of wages fixed by the
   Board would not be compulsory. He admitted that the
   establishment of a minimum rate of wages was a new principle.
   In certain quarters it had been objected to as an undue
   interference with freedom of contract, but the principle would
   only be applied where the workpeople had shown themselves
   incapable of any action for themselves. The conditions in
   those extreme cases clearly called for legislative action, in
   the interests of the community as well as of the workpeople
   themselves."

   Almost every speaker who discussed the Bill, Liberal and
   Conservative alike, gave it cordial support.

LABOR REMUNERATION: Wages and Cost of Living:
   Germany and England compared, 1908-1909.

   Results of a statistical study of labor conditions in Germany,
   compared with those in Great Britain, were published by the
   British Government in the summer of 1908, and the showing
   favors the British workingmen. As nearly as the different
   housing of their class in the two countries can be compared,
   the average of German rents is to rents in England as 123 to
   100; while the cost of food to the Germans is to that of the
   English as 115 to 100. On the side of necessary expenditure,
   therefore, the wages of the German workman are drawn upon more
   heavily than the Englishman’s by fifteen or twenty per cent.,
   at the least. In other words, he would need to have higher
   wages than the Englishman, by as much as fifteen or twenty per
   cent., to put him on a footing of equality with the latter in
   the circumstances of his living. Instead of which his wages
   are lower by a number of points, the statistical ratio being
   83 to 100 in the average of weekly wages, and 75 to 100 in the
   average of hourly rates. But this does not end his
   disadvantages, for he renders more hours of work, in the
   measure of 111 to 100. Notwithstanding all which handicaps, it
   is quite commonly conceded that the German workingman is
   physically more vigorous than the English, as a rule, and
   contrives, by more thriftiness in his living, to keep it on a
   higher level. Which is an extraordinarily creditable fact.

{409}

   That the German workman lives and labors under the conditions
   produced by a high protective tariff, which is claimed to be
   protective of high wages as well as high prices, while the
   British workman’s conditions of life and labor are the product
   of free trade in everything but a few tariff-taxed articles of
   luxury, such as wines, tobacco, silks, jewels and the like,
   are facts to be borne in mind when these comparisons are
   considered.

   The following is from a report by the British Consul-General
   on the trade and commerce of the consular district of
   Frankfort-on-the-Main for the year ending April 30, 1909.

   "In last year’s report it was stated that the belief was
   gaining ground that wages in Germany were not only approaching
   those paid in the United Kingdom for the same class of work,
   but in some cases even exceeded them. That the German workman
   to-day lives better than he used to there can be little doubt.
   The standard of life has been raised all round; the lowest
   aspect and standard of years gone by no longer exists. Food
   has improved, clothes have improved, Germany has become a rich
   country without the lowest grades of poverty which exist
   elsewhere. Wages have been increased in keeping with the
   higher level. Yet I do not think that, generally speaking, the
   German workman lives as well as the British workman."

   After giving a table relating to savings bank deposits the
   report says that while during 1900-1905 the number of deposit
   books increased by 22.7 percent, and the total deposits by 44
   per cent., during 1905-1907 they increased by only 7.95 and 10
   per cent. respectively. This is considered to be attributable
   to the increased cost of living, and also to the fact that
   "with increasing wealth people are apt to become less
   thrifty."

LABOR REMUNERATION: France, Germany, and England:
   Workmen’s Living Expenses compared, 1909.

   A British Board of Trade report on the conditions of
   industrial life in France, published in May, 1909, summarizes
   as follows, in a prefatory note, the conclusions drawn from
   the mass of facts collected, as to the comparative cost of
   living to workmen in France, Germany, and England: "As regards
   rents, it appears that the French workman pays somewhat less
   than the English workman for a corresponding amount of housing
   accommodation, and therefore much less than the German
   workman; but against this must be set the fact that his
   housing accommodation is, as a rule, decidedly inferior in
   quality. The difference between the rent-levels of the capital
   and of the rest of the country is quite as marked in France as
   in England or Germany.

   "The range of town price-levels is not very wide in any one of
   the three countries investigated, and in France, as in the
   other two, the differences between one town and another in the
   cost of living (so far as it relates to expenditure on food)
   are, as a rule, by no means great. When the relative levels of
   food-prices in the three countries are compared, so far as the
   data permit, it appears that the general ratio of
   French prices to English prices for corresponding
   commodities is the same as that of German prices.

   "On the assumption which has been adopted for the purposes of
   these international comparisons it follows that an English
   workman, with an average family, who should go to France and
   endeavour to maintain there his accustomed mode of living,
   would find his expenditure on rent, food, and fuel
   substantially increased—though not to so large an extent as
   if he had gone to Germany. On the other hand, he would find
   his wages to be lower than in the latter country and much
   below the English level, in spite of longer hours.

   "The results of the comparison are somewhat modified if we
   take as its basis the foreign rather than the English mode of
   living. A French workman living in England according to his
   French standard would find a certain reduction in the cost of
   food, but a rise in the cost of housing accommodation. On the
   whole his expenses of living would be somewhat decreased, but
   in a proportion by no means so great as that by which the
   English workman would find his expenses increased on migration
   to France."

LABOR REMUNERATION: United States: 1905-1906 compared with 1890.
   Gains to Labor.

   Bulletin No. 71 of the United States Bureau of Labor,
   published in July, 1907, is devoted mainly to an elaborate
   report on Wages and Hours of Labor in Manufacturing
   Industries, 1890 to 1906, exhibiting "the average wages per
   hour, the average hours of labor per week, and the number of
   employees in both 1905 and 1906, in the leading wage-working
   occupations of 4,034 establishments in the principal
   manufacturing and mechanical industries of the United States."
   The report does not cover salaried employees in any
   industries. With it, in a separate article, the retail prices
   of food in different parts of the country, 1890-1906, are
   tabulated. A summary of deductions from the figures detailed
   is submitted by way of preface to the tables and from this the
   following is taken:

   "In the year 1906 the average wages per hour in the principal
   manufacturing and mechanical industries of the country were
   4.5 per cent higher than in 1905, the regular hours of labor
   per week were 0.5 per cent lower than in 1905, and the number
   of employees in the establishments investigated was 7 per cent
   greater than in 1905. The average full-time weekly earnings
   per employee in 1906 were 3.9 per cent greater than in 1905.

   "The variation in the purchasing power of wages may be
   measured by using the retail prices of food, the expenditures
   for which constitute nearly half of the expenditures for all
   purposes in a workingman’s family. According to that article
   [on prices] the retail prices of food, weighted according to
   consumption in representative workingmen’s families, were 2.9
   per cent higher in 1906 than in 1905. As the advance in wages
   per hour from 1905 to 1906 was greater than the advance in the
   retail prices of food, the purchasing power of an hour’s
   wages, as measured by food, was greater in 1906 than in 1905.
{410}
   In 1906 the purchasing power of an hour’s wages as expended
   for food was 1.4 per cent greater than in 1905, and the
   purchasing power of a full week’s wages was 1 per cent greater
   in 1906 than in 1905, or, expressed in other words, an hour’s
   wages in 1906 in the manufacturing and mechanical industries
   in the United States would purchase 1.4 per cent more food
   than an hour's wages in 1905, and a full week’s wages in 1906
   would purchase 1 per cent more food than a full week’s wages
   in 1905.

   "As compared in each case with the average for the years from
   1890 to 1899, the average wages per hour in 1906 were 24.2 per
   cent higher, the number of employees in the establishments
   investigated was 42.9 per cent greater, and the average hours
   of labor per week were 4.6 per cent lower. The average
   earnings per employee per full week in 1906 were 18.5 per cent
   higher than the average earnings per full week during the ten
   years from 1890 to 1899.

   "The retail price of the principal articles of food, weighted
   according to family consumption of the various articles, was
   15.7 per cent higher in 1906 than the average price for the
   ten years from 1890 to 1899. Compared with the average for the
   same ten-year period, the purchasing power of an hour’s wages
   in 1906 was 7.3 per cent greater, and of a full week’s wages
   2.4 per cent greater, the increase in the purchasing power of
   the full week’s wages being less than the increase in the
   purchasing power of hourly wages, because of the reduction in
   the hours of labor."

   In 40 of the 41 industries covered by this report the greatest
   increase of wages "was in the manufacture of cotton goods,
   where the average wages per hour in 1906 were 11.2 per cent
   higher than the average wages per hour in 1905. In the
   manufacture of electrical apparatus and supplies there was an
   increase in wages per hour of 10.1 per cent. In street and
   sewer work done by contract the increase in wages per hour was
   8.7 per cent; in iron and steel, Bessemer converting, 8.5 per
   cent. and in the manufacture of cigars, 8.4 per cent. In the
   manufacture of bar iron the increase in wages per hour was 6.9
   per cent, and in the building trades 6.1 per cent. Briefly
   stated, two industries show an increase in hourly wages of
   more than 10 per cent., 7 industries an increase of 5 per cent
   but less than 10 per cent., and 31 industries an increase of
   less than 5 per cent. In one industry, paper and wood pulp,
   there was a decrease of wages of 1.1 per cent. In the
   industries as a whole, weighted according to importance, the
   increase in wages was 4.5 per cent. …

   "The per cent of change in hours of labor in 1906, as compared
   with 1905, was not so great as the per cent of change in wages
   per hour. In 5 industries there was a decrease of hours of 1
   per cent or more, while in 25 industries there was a decrease
   of less than 1 per cent. In 5 industries there was an increase
   in hours of labor per week; in no instance, however, was the
   increase more than 0.3 per cent. Five industries show no
   change in hours of labor. The hours of labor were not reported
   for slaughtering and meat packing, for the reason set forth in
   footnote on page 58. The decrease in hours of labor in the
   industries taken as a whole was 0.5 per cent.

   "In 1906 there was an increase in the retail price of food,
   weighted according to family consumption of 2.9 per cent as
   compared with 1905, an increase of 3.6 per cent as compared
   with 1904, an increase of 4.9 per cent as compared with 1903,
   an increase of 4.3 per cent as compared with 1902, and an
   increase of 10 per cent as compared with 1901. The retail
   price of food was 21.2 per cent higher in 1906 than in 1896,
   the year of lowest prices, and 15.7 per cent higher than the
   average price for the ten years, 1890 to 1899."

   ----------LABOR REMUNERATION: End--------

LABOR TRAINING:
   Technical and Industrial Education.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION.

LADRONES.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.

LAFAYETTE, Marquis de:
   Representatives of the Family invited Guests
   of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

LA FOLLETTE, Robert Marion.

      See (in this Volume)
      WISCONSIN: A. D. 1900-1909; also,
      PUBLIC UTILITIES, REGULATION OF.

LAGERLOF, Selma.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

LAKES-TO-THE-GULF DEEP WATERWAY.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

LALLA R’KIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.

LAMA, The Dalai.

      See (in this Volume)
      TIBET.

LAMSDORFF, Count: Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

LAND: In the United States:
    Reclamation of Arid Lands.
    Wasteful Culture.

       See (in this Volume)
       CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

LAND: The Small Holdings Act in Great Britain.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.

LAND: Taxation proposed in the British Budget of 1909.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

LAND LAWS, IRISH: THE WORKING OF THE SUCCESSIVE LAWS.
      The Act of 1903.

         See (in this Volume)
         IRELAND: A. D. 1870-1903, 1905.

LAND LAWS, RUSSIAN: THE AGRARIAN LAW.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

LAND OFFICE FRAUDS.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

LAND PURCHASE ACT, of 1909, IRISH.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1909.

LAND QUESTION, IN AUSTRALIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: AUSTRALIA.

LAND, RUSSIAN CROWN: SALE TO PEASANTS OPENED.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

LAND SYSTEM, OF NEW ZEALAND.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1905.

LANDIS, Judge K. M.:
   Judgment against the Standard Oil Company, imposing a Fine
   of $29,000,000.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

LANDLORDISM:
   Overthrown Politically in Denmark.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1901.

LANGLEY, Samuel P.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

{411}

LANSDOWNE, Henry Charles, Marquess of:
   Secretary for Foreign Affairs.
   Despatch explanatory of Agreements between England and France,
   April, 1904.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

   On each of the Two Defensive Agreements with Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1902, AND 1905 (AUGUST).

   On the Budget of 1909.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

LARRINAGA, Tulio:
   Delegate to Third International Conference
   of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

LATHAM, Hubert.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION; RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

LATIN BIBLE, Revised Translation of.

      See (in this Volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1907-1909.

LAURIER, Sir Wilfred, Premier of Canada:
   At Colonial Conference in London, 1902.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE.

   At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

LAURIER MINISTRY:
   Supported in the Canadian Elections, 1904.

      See CANADA: A. D. 1904.

LAVERAN, Charles L. A.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

LAW AND ITS COURTS: England:
   Institution of a Court of Criminal Appeal.

   An important innovation in the administration of criminal law
   was introduced in Great Britain by an Act of Parliament "to
   Establish a Court of Criminal Appeal," approved August 28,
   1907. In part, the enactment was as follows:

   "1.
   (1) There shall be a Court of Criminal Appeal, and the Lord
   Chief Justice of England and eight judges of the King’s Bench
   Division of the High Court, appointed for the purpose by the
   Lord Chief Justice with the consent of the Lord Chancellor for
   such period as he thinks desirable in each case, shall be
   judges of that court.

   "(2) For the purpose of hearing and determining appeals under
   this Act, and for the purpose of any other proceedings under
   this Act, the Court of Criminal Appeal shall be summoned in
   accordance with directions given by the Lord Chief Justice of
   England with the consent of the Lord Chancellor, and the court
   shall be duly constituted if it consists of not less than
   three judges and of an uneven number of judges.

   "If the Lord Chief Justice so directs, the court may sit in
   two or more divisions. The court shall sit in London except in
   cases where the Lord Chief Justice gives special directions
   that it shall sit at some other place. …

   "3. A person convicted on indictment may appeal under this Act
   to the Court of Criminal Appeal—

      (a) against his conviction on any ground of appeal
      which involves a question of law alone; and

      (b) with the leave of the Court of Criminal Appeal
      or upon the certificate of the Judge who tried him that it
      is a fit case for appeal against his conviction on any
      ground of appeal which involves a question of fact alone or
      a question of mixed law and fact, or any other ground which
      appears to the court to be a sufficient ground of appeal;
      and

      (c) with the leave of the Court of Criminal Appeal
      against the sentence passed on his conviction, unless the
      sentence is one fixed by law.

   "4.
   (1) The Court of Criminal Appeal on any such appeal against
   conviction shall allow the appeal if they think that the
   verdict of the jury should be set aside on the ground that it
   is unreasonable or cannot be supported having regard to the
   evidence, or that the judgment of the court before whom the
   appellant was convicted should be set aside on the ground of a
   wrong decision of any question of law or that on any ground
   there was a miscarriage of justice, and in any other case
   shall dismiss the appeal: Provided that the court may,
   notwithstanding that they are of opinion that the point raised
   in the appeal might be decided in favour of the appellant,
   dismiss the appeal if they consider that no substantial
   miscarriage of justice has actually occurred.

   "(2) Subject to the special provisions of this Act, the Court
   of Criminal Appeal shall, if they allow an appeal against
   conviction, quash the conviction and direct a judgment and
   verdict of acquittal to be entered.

   "(3) On an appeal against sentence the Court of Criminal
   Appeal shall, if they think that a different sentence should
   have been passed, quash the sentence passed at the trial, and
   pass such other sentence warranted in law by the verdict
   (whether more or less severe) in substitution therefor as they
   think ought to have been passed, and in any other case shall
   dismiss the appeal.

   "5.
   (1) If it appears to the Court of Criminal Appeal that an
   appellant, though not properly convicted on some count or part
   of the indictment, has been properly convicted on some other
   count or part of the indictment, the court may either affirm
   the sentence passed on the appellant at the trial, or pass
   such sentence in substitution therefor as they think proper,
   and as may be warranted in law by the verdict on the count or
   part of the indictment on which the court consider that the
   appellant has been properly convicted.

   "(2) Where an appellant has been convicted of an offence and
   the jury could on the indictment have found him guilty of some
   other offence, and on the finding of the jury it appears to
   the Court of Criminal Appeal that the jury must have been
   satisfied of facts which proved him guilty of that other
   offence, the court may, instead of allowing or dismissing the
   appeal, substitute for the verdict found by the jury a verdict
   of guilty of that other offence, and pass such sentence in
   substitution for the sentence passed at the trial as may be
   warranted in law for that other offence, not being a sentence
   of greater severity.

   "(3) Where on the conviction of the appellant the jury have
   found a special verdict, and the Court of Criminal Appeal
   consider that a wrong conclusion has been arrived at by the
   court before which the appellant has been convicted on the
   effect of that verdict, the Court of Criminal Appeal may,
   instead of allowing the appeal, order such conclusion to be
   recorded as appears to the court to be in law required by the
   verdict, and pass such sentence in substitution for the
   sentence passed at the trial as may be warranted in law.

   "(4) If on any appeal it appears to the Court of Criminal
   Appeal that, although the appellant was guilty of the act or
   omission charged against him, he was insane at the time the
   act was done or omission made so as not to be responsible
   according to law for his actions, the court may quash the
   sentence passed at the trial and order the appellant to be
   kept in custody as a criminal lunatic."

{412}

LAW AND ITS COURTS: France:
   Reform of Judicial Procedure in Criminal Trials.

   Criticism of French judicial procedure in criminal trials,
   under the system which puts the duties of a prosecuting
   attorney on the judge, was much sharpened in the autumn of
   1909 by the attention drawn to a sensational murder trial at
   Paris—the Steinheil case. The result was to impel the
   Government to undertake measures of reform, beginning with the
   appointment, November 20, of an extra-Parliamentary commission
   to study the whole question of reform. Within a month after
   the appointment of the commission one of its leading members,
   in an article in the Matin, indicated the main points
   of the recommendations which the commission was already
   prepared to make. It would recommend that the authority of the
   President of the Assize Court should remain intact, and that
   the Judge should as heretofore continue to direct the jury and
   preside over the whole process of the instruction or
   preliminary inquiry. In the view of the Commission the Judge's
   moral authority cannot but be augmented by the proposal to
   relieve him of the duty of cross-examining a prisoner at the
   bar. It would be recommended that in future a summary
   statement of the case by the Public Prosecutor, or in a civil
   suit by the plaintiff, should be followed by a presentation of
   the defendant’s case on the part of counsel for the defence.
   The jury would thus be made acquainted with the issue, and the
   witnesses would then be called. Each witness would be liable
   to cross-examination on behalf both of the defence and of the
   prosecution, and the Judge, remaining aloof from the
   discussion in his new rule as arbitrator, could not but gain
   moral authority in a degree which would materially promote the
   ends of even-handed justice.

   A Bill on these lines was introduced by the Minister of
   Justice in the following month.

LAW AND ITS COURTS: International:
   Naval Prize Court, and proposed Judicial Arbitration Court.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

LAW AND ITS COURTS: United States:
   The Question of Injunctions in Labor Disputes.

   The question of the issuance of writs of injunction by the
   courts in connection with labor disputes came much into
   discussion during the canvass preliminary to the American
   presidential election of 1908, and was a prominent subject of
   declaration in the platforms of the political parties.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908, APRIL-NOVEMBER).

   Subsequently, President Taft, in his first annual message to
   Congress, cited the pronouncement of the Republican party on
   this question, and said: "I recommend that in compliance with
   the promise thus made, appropriate legislation be adopted. The
   ends of justice will best be met and the chief cause of
   complaint against ill-considered injunctions without notice
   will be removed by the enactment of a statute forbidding
   hereafter the issuing of any injunction or restraining order,
   whether temporary or permanent, by any Federal court, without
   previous notice and a reasonable opportunity to be heard on
   behalf of the parties to be enjoined; unless it shall appear
   to the satisfaction of the court that the delay necessary to
   give such notice and hearing would result in irreparable
   injury to the complainant and unless also the court shall from
   the evidence make a written finding, which shall be spread
   upon the court minutes, that immediate and irreparable injury
   is likely to ensue to the complainant, and shall define the
   injury, state why it is irreparable, and shall also endorse on
   the order issued the date and the hour of the issuance of the
   order. Moreover, every such injunction or restraining order
   issued without previous notice and opportunity by the
   defendant to be heard should by force of the statute expire
   and be of no effect after seven days from the issuance
   thereof, or within any time less than that period which the
   court may fix, unless within such seven days or such less
   period, the injunction or order is extended or renewed after
   previous notice and opportunity to be heard."

LAW AND ITS COURTS: National and State Legislation.
   Need of Uniformity.
   Movements to secure it.

   Speaking in 1906 at a dinner of the Pennsylvania Society, the
   Honorable Elihu Root, then United States Secretary of State,
   addressed, in a few words, a very pregnant suggestion and
   admonition to the lawmakers of the States in the American
   Union. He spoke first of the strongly nationalized sentiment
   of patriotism that has had its rapid growth of late in the
   country, saying: "Our country as a whole, the noble and
   beloved land of every citizen of every State, has become the
   object of pride and devotion among all our people. North and
   South, within the limits of the proud old colonial
   commonwealths, through out that vast region where Burr once
   dreamed of a separate empire dominating the valley of the
   Mississippi, and upon the far distant shores of the Pacific:
   and by the side of this strong and glowing loyalty to the
   nation, sentiment for the separate States has become dim and
   faint in comparison." Then he added, warningly: "There is but
   one way in which the States of the Union can maintain their
   power and authority under the conditions which are now before
   us, and that way is by an awakening on the part of the States
   to a realization of their own duties to the country at large.
   Under the conditions which now exist, no State can live unto
   itself alone and regulate its affairs with sole reference to
   its own treasury, its own convenience, its own special
   interests. Every State is bound to frame its legislation and
   its administration with reference not only to its own social
   affairs but with reference to the effect upon all its sister
   States."

   Quoting and affirming these remarks of the thoughtful
   statesman, the National Civic Federation Review, of
   July, 1909, says: "The plain truth is that the movement of
   people and of merchandise goes on in our day without any
   regard to State lines; and it is becoming increasingly clear
   that unless the States will legislate with substantial
   uniformity on a number of subjects the tendency toward
   centralization and a corresponding increase of Federal power
   cannot permanently be resisted."

   In its preceding issue, of March, the Review had made
   the following announcement: "The National Civic Federation,
   through its experience in holding national conferences on such
   subjects as the trusts, taxation, immigration and election
   reform—conferences to which the Governors of States sent
   official representatives—has become impressed with the
   necessity for a systematic national effort toward securing,
   within reasonable limits, more uniform legislation in the
   States of the Union.

{413}

   "There are useful national organizations of farmers,
   manufacturers, wage-earners, bankers, merchants, lawyers,
   economists and other organizations which hold national
   meetings for the discussion of affairs peculiar to their own
   pursuits and callings. The Civic Federation, however, provides
   a forum in its annual conference for representatives of all
   these elements to discuss national problems in which they have
   a common interest. Heretofore there has been no effort to
   crystallize into State organizations this representative
   membership for the accomplishment of concrete aims.

   "A committee has been appointed to organize a Council of one
   hundred representative men in each State. Mr. John Hays
   Hammond has accepted the chairmanship of this committee, of
   which the following are also members: Messrs. Alton B. Parker,
   New York; Myron T. Herrick, Ohio; David R. Francis, Missouri;
   Curtis Guild, Jr., Massachusetts; Nahum J. Bachelder, New
   Hampshire; Edwin Warfield, Maryland; Herman Ridder, New York;
   C. F. Brooker, Connecticut; Bruce Haldeman, Kentucky; Victor
   Rosewater, Nebraska; Clark Howell, Georgia; P. I. Bonebrake,
   Kansas; James Lynch, Indiana; Harry Pratt Judson, Illinois; A.
   H. Revell, Illinois; John B. Lennon, Illinois; John H.
   Holliday, Indiana, and Benjamin Ide Wheeler, California.

   "The continued existence for eighteen years of the Annual
   Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws, created by
   the different States at the instance of the American Bar
   Association, shows that the State Executives and Legislatures
   are fully alive to the importance of this subject. The
   last-named organization has been instrumental in securing the
   passage in thirty-five States of a uniform negotiable
   instruments law, and is promoting other commercial measures,
   including a uniform food law to conform to the national law.

   "This necessity for uniform legislation is further illustrated
   by the proceedings at the annual meetings of the National
   Association of the State Attorneys General and of the State
   Labor Commissioners, Insurance Commissioners, etc., etc."

   Discussing the subject in the July issue of the Review,
   President Amasa M. Eaton of the Commissioners on Uniform State
   Laws, said: "The subject of uniform legislation is in the air
   all over the United States. At the instance of the President,
   a National Conference to secure the conservation of our
   national resources has been held in Washington, and to carry
   into effect the conclusions of this Conference there must
   follow uniform State legislation. At the instance of Governor
   Guild a conference of the Governors of the New England States,
   with other delegates, met in Boston last fall on the subject
   of forestry, shell fisheries and automobiles, all subjects
   calling for uniform legislation. A similar conference of the
   Governors of New York and the adjoining States has met in New
   York, at the instance of Governor Hughes of New York, to
   consider a uniform automobile law. A National Divorce
   Congress, called by Governor Pennypacker by virtue of an act
   of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, has framed a uniform
   divorce law which has been indorsed by the Conference of
   Commissioners on Uniform State Laws. In March a Conference on
   Uniform Child Labor Laws in the Southern States was held in
   New Orleans at the call of the Governor of Louisiana, at which
   the Governors and Delegates of those States were present. The
   result was the formation of a permanent organization, with the
   Governor of Louisiana as Chairman, and the executive committee
   of that organization is to draft a Uniform Child Labor Law and
   to submit it to the legislatures of the several Southern
   States.

   "All these are but expressions of the deep-seated necessity
   for uniform legislation that has existed ever since we
   acquired our independence of Great Britain, intensified by the
   requirements of a progressive civilization knitting us ever
   more and more closely into union as a nation."

   The whole movement was planned to receive effective
   organization at a National Conference in Washington which the
   National Civic Federation, after consultation with other
   bodies, announced, in the summer of 1909, its intention to
   call, for January 5-7, 1910. The Conference was held
   accordingly, in conjunction with a meeting of the Governors of
   States, which gave attention to the same subject.

LAW AND ITS COURTS:
   President Taft’s Recommendations for Expediting Procedure.

   The following is from President Taft’s first annual Message to
   Congress, December, 1909:

   "The deplorable delays in the administration of civil and
   criminal law have received the attention of committees of the
   American Bar Association and of many State Bar Associations,
   as well as the considered thought of judges and jurists. In my
   judgment, a change in judicial procedure, with a view to
   reducing its expense to private litigants in civil cases and
   facilitating the dispatch of business and final decision in
   both civil and criminal cases, constitutes the greatest need
   in our American institutions. I do not doubt for one moment
   that much of the lawless violence and cruelty exhibited in
   lynchings is directly due to the uncertainties and injustice
   growing out of the delays in trials, judgments, and the
   executions thereof by our courts. Of course, these remarks
   apply quite as well to the administration of justice in State
   courts as to that in Federal courts, and without making
   invidious distinction, it is, perhaps, not too much to say
   that, speaking generally, the defects are less in the Federal
   courts than in the State courts. But they are very great in
   the Federal courts. The expedition with which business is
   disposed of both on the civil and the criminal side of English
   courts, under modern rules of procedure, makes the delays in
   our courts seem archaic and barbarous.

   "The procedure in the Federal courts should furnish an example
   for the State courts. I presume it is impossible, without an
   amendment to the Constitution, to unite under one form of
   action the proceedings at common law and proceedings in equity
   in the Federal courts, but it is certainly not impossible by a
   statute to simplify and make short and direct the procedure
   both at law and in equity in those courts. It is not
   impossible to cut down still more than it is cut down the
   jurisdiction of the Supreme Court so as to confine it almost
   wholly to statutory and constitutional questions. Under the
   present statutes, the equity and admiralty procedure in the
   Federal courts is under the control of the Supreme Court, but
   in the pressure of business to which that court is subjected,
   it is impossible to hope that a radical and proper reform of
   the Federal equity procedure can be brought about.
{414}
   I therefore recommend legislation providing for the
   appointment by the President of a commission with authority to
   examine the law and equity procedure of the Federal courts of
   first instance, the law of appeals from those courts to the
   courts of appeals and to the Supreme Court, and the costs
   imposed in such procedure upon the private litigants and upon
   the public treasury, and make recommendation with a view to
   simplifying and expediting the procedure as far as possible,
   and making it as inexpensive as may be to the litigant of
   little means."

      See (in this Volume),
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

LEAGUE, ALL-INDIA MOSLEM.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907 (DECEMBER).

LEAGUE OF LIBERATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

LEAGUE OF UNION AND PROGRESS.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

LECOT, Cardinal.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

LEGARDA, BENITO.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

LEGISLATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      LAW AND ITS COURTS.

LEGUIA, Augusto B.:
   President of Peru.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERU: A. D. 1908-1909.

LENARD, PHILIPPE.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

LEO XIII.: Death.

      See (in this Volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1903 (JULY-AUGUST).

LEOPOLD II., KING OF BELGIUM:
   His Administration of the Congo State.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE.

LEOPOLD II., KING OF BELGIUM:
   His death.

      See (in this Volume)
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1909 (DECEMBER).

LERROUX, Señor:
   Socialist-Republican Leader in Spain.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

LÈSE MAJESTÉ:
   Prosecutions in Germany.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1903 .

LETCHWORTH PARK.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1907.

LEWIS, THOMAS L.:
   President of the United Mine Workers of America.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

LEWIS AND CLARK EXPOSITION.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTLAND, OREGON.

LEWIS ESTATE, Evicted Tenants of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1907.

LHASA: A. D. 1904.
   Reached by British Expedition under Colonel Younghusband.

      See (in this Volume)
      TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.

LIAO-TUNG PENINSULA.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

LIAO-YANG, Battle of.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

LIAUTEY, General:
   Operations in Morocco.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

LIBERAL-CONSERVATIVE SEPARATIST PARTY.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.

LIBERIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
   Good Relations between Colonists and Natives.
   Improved Prospects.

   "When it was decided in the United States to found a home for
   repatriated Africans, the prior experiment of Sierra Leone
   turned attention toward the same coast, and in 1821 and at
   subsequent dates settlements were effected, firstly at
   Monrovia, and later on at Roberts Port, Grand Basa, Sino, and
   Harper (Cape Palmas). Usually those who conducted the
   enterprise went through the form of buying small plats of land
   from local headmen or chiefs; but, as a rule, the promoters of
   this movement did not trouble overmuch about the rights of the
   ‘bush niggers,’ as the indigenous natives were termed.
   Consequently the first fifty years of the history of Liberia
   were marked by constant struggles between the
   American-Liberian invaders and the native blacks. During the
   last ten years, however, there has been a marked advance in
   good relations between the American settlers and their native
   subjects, as many of them may fairly be called. The wise
   policy of President Barclay has greatly promoted this good
   feeling since 1904. He has been able to assemble at different
   times at the capital chiefs or their representatives from
   almost all parts of Liberia, even from the Mandingo districts
   just beyond the limits of the coast belt. Therefore they have
   no subject of disagreement. Curiously enough one example of
   this mild rule of black by black is that the white man in
   Liberia is everywhere received with great friendliness,
   because he is not associated in the minds of the natives with
   anything like conquest or oppression.

   "How far the original experiment will succeed the next twenty
   years will, perhaps, indicate. The negroes of American origin
   who have settled in Liberia have not, as a general rule, been
   able to stand the climate very much better than Europeans,
   and, as a rule, they have not been able to rear large families
   of children. Yet it seems to me as though Liberians of the new
   generation born in the country are beginning to take hold, but
   this is partly due to the increasing and I think very sensible
   practice of intermarriage with women of the fine, vigorous,
   indigenous races. Probably the future of Liberia will be a
   negro state very like Sierra Leone in its development, with
   English as its government language, and such English or
   American institutions as may prove to be suited to an African
   country, a coast belt inhabited by negroes professing
   Christianity and wearing clothes of European cut, and a
   hinterland of Mohammedans dressed in the picturesque and
   wholly suitable costume worn at the present day by the
   Mandingos and by most Mohammedan negroes between Senegal and
   the White Nile."

      Sir Harry Johnston,
      Liberia
      (Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution, 1904-1905,
      pages 254-255).

LIBERIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
   English, French, and American attention to Conditions
   in the Republic.

   "The policy of the Liberian Republic has caused anxiety for
   some time past both to England and to France, the Powers whose
   territory adjoins the Liberian boundary. Some two years ago
   President Barclay came to Europe to discuss the situation with
   the British and French Governments. As a result of this
   exchange of views, Liberia appointed Europeans to her Customs
   Department, secured a gunboat to patrol her coast-line, and
   arranged for a frontier force. These measures were approved by
   the British and French Governments and also by the American
   Government, and their execution was facilitated by a loan
   negotiated on behalf of Liberia by the Liberian Development
   Company.
{415}
   The growth of British interests in the Republic led the
   Foreign Office to appoint a Consul-General at Monrovia, the
   capital, in the person of Captain Braithwaite Wallis, formerly
   acting district commissioner in Sierra Leone. So far as the
   first part of the reform programme was concerned the
   consequences have been eminently satisfactory. Liberia has
   been able to pay off some of her debts, and her revenue has
   increased."

      Correspondent London Times,
      April 22, 1909.

   While these movements were in progress, in June, 1908, three
   commissioners from Liberia came to Washington asking for aid
   in maintaining and administering its government. Probably in
   course of this application, the American Ambassador in London,
   Mr. Reid, addressed a note to the British Secretary of State
   for Foreign Affairs, on the 29th of June, in which he wrote:

   "We should be glad to have your views as to how the two
   Governments could best co-operate at the present time towards
   promoting the welfare of Liberia."

   In his reply to this Sir Edward Grey said:

   "As I had the honour to explain in March last to the United
   States Charge d’Affaires, his Majesty’s Government have in any
   measure they may be called upon to take in Liberia no designs
   whatever upon the independence or integrity of the country,
   and they do not intend to undertake any responsibility with
   regard to it. The services of British officials have been lent
   to the Liberians solely with a view to the better preservation
   of order, more particularly in that part of Liberia which
   marches with Sierra Leone, and improved administration.

   "The French Government also, as your Excellency is doubtless
   aware, takes a special interest in the affairs of the
   Republic, and his Majesty’s Government have already assured
   them that they would have no objection to the services of some
   French officials being lent for the same objects as the
   British officials. It is doubtful, therefore, whether there is
   at the present time any scope for the co-operation of the
   United States Government in the Customs or police, and if they
   desire to render active assistance to the Liberian Government
   they will perhaps prefer to direct their attention to other
   branches of the administration which are as urgently in need
   of reform.

   "That reforms are required in one other branch at least his
   Majesty’s Government have reason to know, for among the chief
   difficulties which his Majesty’s Government experience in
   regard to Liberia are the frequent complaints received from
   British subjects as to the treatment they receive in the
   Liberian Courts. If therefore the United States could see
   their way to introducing reforms into the judiciary, either by
   lending the services of an official to act as judicial advisor
   or in some other manner, much good would in the opinion of his
   Majesty’s Government be derived not only by the various
   subjects of foreign nationalities resident in the country but
   also by the Liberians themselves.

   "While calling attention more specially to this one branch of
   the administration, which has been a frequent source of
   trouble, I need hardly add that his Majesty’s Government would
   welcome the co-operation of the Government of the United
   States with them in Liberia in any other manner which may
   appear more suitable or more desirable on a consideration of
   all the circumstances."

   This and other information obtained by the State Department
   led President Roosevelt, on the 18th of January, 1909, to ask
   Congress for an appropriation of $20,000 to pay the expenses
   of a commission to go to Liberia "to examine into the
   situation, confer with the officers of the Liberian
   government, and with the representatives of other governments
   actually present in Monrovia, and report recommendations as to
   the specific action on the part of the United States most apt
   to render effective relief to the Republic of Liberia under
   the present critical circumstances." The conclusion reached by
   the State Department was that it "is quite clear that Liberia
   is very much in need of assistance, that the United States can
   help her substantially, and that it is our duty to help her."

   The seriousness of the situation was set forth by Secretary
   Root in a memorandum to the President. Between forty and fifty
   thousand civilized negroes, for the most part descendants of
   the original colonists from the United States, occupy a
   territory comprising 43,000 square miles, in which there are
   also over a million and a half members of uncivilized native
   tribes. The civilized part of the population have been to a
   great degree cut off from any intimate relation with the rest
   of the civilized world for two-thirds of a century. They began
   with little education, with no acquired skill in the art of
   government, and they have had little opportunity to improve
   through intercourse with other and more advanced communities.
   They find it especially difficult to control the native
   tribes, or to conduct their own government in accordance with
   modern requirements.

   The British colony of Sierra Leone to the north and the French
   possessions closing in their hinterland to the east are almost
   continuously complaining of the failure of Liberia to maintain
   order upon the border. "Notwithstanding the very kindly
   disposition on the part of Great Britain, and the similar
   disposition on the part of France, there is imminent danger
   that the republic, unless it receives outside assistance, will
   not be able to maintain itself very long," said Secretary
   Root.

   The Commission to visit Liberia was appointed in the following
   April, and was conveyed soon afterward to Monrovia by a
   squadron of three cruiser scouts. It was composed of three
   members, Mr. W. Morgan Shuster, who had been for a number of
   years in the Philippine service of the United States, Dr.
   George Sale, and Mr. Emmett J. Scott, private Secretary of Dr.
   Booker Washington. These Commissioners were accompanied by
   Captain Sydney A. Cloman, as Military Attache, and by Major
   Percy W. Ashburn, of the United States Of America Medical
   Department, who would study the sanitary conditions in
   Liberia.

   Early in October the Commission returned, but its report to
   the State Department was not transmitted to Congress until the
   25th of March, 1910. It recommended an extension of prompt and
   effective aid to the Liberian Government, in the refunding of
   its debt, the reform of its finances, the settlement of its
   boundary disputes, and the organizing of a competent
   constabulary force. Also that the United States establish in
   Liberia a naval coaling station and a research station.

{416}

LICENSE LAWS.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

LIFE INSURANCE.

      See (in this Volume)
      INSURANCE.

LILIENTHAL, Otto.

      See (in this Volume)
Science and Invention: Aeronautics.

LIMA, WENCESLAO DE.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM.

   February 12, 1909, the 100th anniversary of his birth, was
   made a legal holiday by act of Congress. The same bill
   appropriated $50,000 for making a highway from Washington to
   Gettysburg, to be known as the Lincoln Way.

LINDSEY, JUDGE BEN D.:
   His Juvenile Court at Denver.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW; AS OFFENDERS.

LINEVITCH, General.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

LIPPMAN, GABRIEL.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

LIQUOR QUESTION.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
   President of the Board of Trade.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
   Address at the Imperial Conference of 1907
   on Preferential Trade.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
   Success in arranging for the Pacific Settlement
   of Labor Disputes in the English Railway Service.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
   Chancellor of the Exchequer.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
   On the Working of the Old Age Pensions Act and
   its Disclosures of Poverty.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.

LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
   On the Development of the Natural Resources of Great Britain.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: GREAT BRITAIN.

LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
   His Budget of 1909.
   His speech on it.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

LOCAL OPTION:
   Progress in the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: UNITED STATES.

LOCKOUTS.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION.

LODGE, SIR OLIVER.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

LODZ, Disturbances in.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

LOEB, WILLIAM, JR.:
   Collector of Customs at New York.
   His unearthing of Corruptions.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

LOISY, ABBÉ:
   Appointment to be Professor of the History of Religions
   in the College de France.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

LONDON, ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Control of the London County Council lost by the Progressives.
   Defeat in Borough Councils Elections of 1909.

   The local party of Progressives, so called, who had controlled
   the London County Council since 1889, lost their majority in
   the elections of the spring of 1907, and the Conservatives, or
   Moderates, or Reformers, as they are variedly styled, were
   brought into power, electing 120 members, against 85. The
   Progressives, in their eighteen years of ascendancy, had
   wrought immense changes in the great city, widening congested
   streets, such as the Strand, opening great new thoroughfares
   and new parks, electrifying the street railways, remodelling
   antiquated public institutions, and the like. The cost of
   their works had been heavy, and ratepayers had become
   persuaded that there was extravagance in the progressiveness
   of the party. It had antagonized many powerful interests in
   the city, moreover, and the wonder seems to be that it had
   been permitted to conduct the City Government so long.

   Again, in elections to the borough councils, in 1909, the
   Progressives lost heavily, and the Conservatives, who have
   taken the name of Municipal Reformers, are strongly entrenched
   in most of the boroughs. Several women were elected, 61 of
   their sex having been candidates.

LONDON, ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
   Statistics of Elementary Schools.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

LONDON, ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
   International Naval Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      War, The Revolt against: A. D. 1907
      (appended to account of Second Peace Conference at The Hague).

LONG, John D.:
   Secretary of the Navy.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

LOPUKHIN, M.:
   His exposure of the Police Spy, Azeff,
   to the Russian Revolutionists.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-JULY).

LORDS, British House of:
   Decision in case of the Free Church of Scotland.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904.

LORDS, British House of:
   Defeat of Education Bill, 1906.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906.

LORDS, British House of:
   Menaced Limitation of its Legislative Powers
   by the House of Commons.
   Its own proposals of Constitutional Change.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (APRIL-DECEMBER); 1907-1908;
      1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER), and 1910.

LORDS, British House of:
   Rejection of Licensing Bill.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

LORDS, British House of:
   Rejection of Budget of 1909.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

LORENTZ, HENRIK ANTON.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA:
   Recent Rapid Growth of the City.

   "The advance of this city to the important position of
   metropolis of Southern California falls into two quite
   distinct periods, each, however, beginning with the advent of
   a transcontinental railroad. The first period opened with the
   completion of the Southern Pacific Railroad as a through line
   from San Francisco to the East, in 1881, and saw the
   transformation of Los Angeles from a sleepy, half-Spanish town
   of about 12,000 souls into a bustling progressive city of
   70,000 population. The second period of advance began with the
   entrance of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad in
   1885. This improved communication with the States east of the
   Rocky Mountains gave an impetus to tourist travel, especially
   in the winter season, and the fame of the city and of near-by
   localities as places of winter resort spread far and wide. The
   people of Los Angeles were quick to recognize the opportunity
   for gain and the whole community joined in methods of
   advertising of the most systematic character. By the aid of
   its local press and through the agency of an energetic Chamber
   of Commerce Los Angeles has become one of the best known
   cities of North America.

{417}

   "Since 1900, railroad communication has been further improved
   by the opening of an additional road to San Francisco by way
   of the ocean shore and the Salinas and Santa Clara Valleys.
   This line, known as the Southern Pacific ‘Coast Line,’ avoids
   the heavy grades of the Tehachapi Mountains and greatly
   shortens the running time between Los Angeles and San
   Francisco. The opening of the San Pedro, Los Angeles and Salt
   Lake Railroad eastward of Los Angeles in 1903 gave the city
   direct connection with the central Rocky Mountain region.

   "Two other important influences within the past decade
   contributed to the city’s remarkable advance in wealth and
   population. These are the building of a vast system of
   suburban electric railways making a large region of fertile
   attractive land, now densely populated, directly tributary to
   Los Angeles, and secondly, the introduction of cheap fuel
   through the discovery of local supplies of oil. The net-work
   of suburban electric railways of which Los Angeles is the
   center is one of the most perfect in the world. These lines
   reach out in every direction through distances of from 10 to
   50 miles, and connect Los Angeles with the many rapidly
   growing cities of Los Angeles County and its neighbor, Orange
   County.

   "Manufacturing in Los Angeles was for a long time handicapped
   by the high cost of fuel. This difficulty has been removed by
   the introduction of crude oil as fuel, and the city now has
   over 1500 manufacturing establishments, employing over 12,000
   people, with an annual output of over $40,000,000. These
   include rolling mills, brass-works, paper-box factories,
   manufactories of mining machinery, pumps, glass, etc. Los
   Angeles is becoming a manufacturing center for the mining and
   agricultural lands of Utah, Southern Nevada, Arizona, New
   Mexico and the Northern parts of Mexico, as well as Southern
   California itself.

   "The steady expansion of Los Angeles has been maintained by a
   policy of annexation of suburbs. The latest event in this line
   of growth has elevated the city into the rank of a sea-port.
   The city has long enjoyed abundant means of ocean traffic by
   way of Santa Monica, Redondo and San Pedro, but by the
   annexation of San Pedro and Wilmington, in 1906, with a
   connecting strip of territory 19 miles long by ½ mile in
   width, Los Angeles itself becomes a sea-port with the control
   of traffic on San Pedro Bay. The city thus achieves an extreme
   length from north to south of 33 miles."

      Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department,
      Lowell High School, San Francisco.

LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA:
   Experiments and Experiences in Municipal Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1905-1909.
   Water Supply.
   The Owens River Aqueduct.

   "The present water supply of the city of Los Angeles is taken
   from the flow of the Los Angeles River, supplemented by the
   underground flow of the San Fernando Valley in which the river
   lies. The demand for water within the city is supplemented by
   the need for water for irrigation purposes in the surrounding
   country. Some years ago it became evident that an increased
   supply must be obtained, or the further development of the
   city and its environs be brought to a standstill. Extensive
   investigations resulted in the decision that Owens River
   offered the best source of supply. This river, the principal
   drainage of the Owens Valley region, at the base of the Sierra
   Nevada Mountains, has a large number of tributaries, and
   empties into Owens Lake, from which the waters escape by
   evaporation only. The Los Angeles authorities adopted the plan
   of an aqueduct to conduct the waters of this river along the
   mountain slopes, over the Mojave Desert, and, by tunnel,
   through the San Fernando Mountains, to their city,--a total
   distance of 217½ miles. On the 7th of September, 1905, an
   election was held at which the voters of Los Angeles, by a
   majority of about fourteen to one, declared in favor of a bond
   issue of $23,000,000 for the undertaking. Besides the
   construction of the conduit, the project includes the building
   of a large reservoir in Long Valley, above the Owens Valley
   proper, for the storage of flood waters; also the construction
   of a system of additional reservoirs along the line of the
   aqueduct for the regulation of flow as well as for storage;
   and a terminal reservoir from which the distributing system
   proceeds. All of this work is well under way at this date
   (1909), and according to the last published report of the
   Aqueduct Bureau the chief engineer confidently expects that
   this great project will be brought to completion within the
   estimated period of five years--and within the estimated cost
   of $23,000,000.

   "Outside of the above estimates, the City also plans to build
   a great electric power plant which will utilize the drop of
   1500 feet where the aqueduct emerges from the San Fernando
   Mountains. This plant is estimated to cost from $4,500,000 to
   $5,000,000, and through the sale of electric power will become
   the source of very considerable revenue to the City. Taken
   altogether this Owens River Aqueduct is the greatest municipal
   undertaking in California at the present time, and one of the
   most important engineering achievements of recent years."

      Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department,
      Lowell High School, San Francisco.

LOUBET, Emile:
   President of France.

      See (in Volume VI.)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

LOUBET, Emile:
   Visit to the King of Italy.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

LOUBET, Emile:
   Expiration of term as President of the French Republic.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

LOUISIANA: A. D. 1908.
   Enactment against Race-track Gambling.

      See (in this Volume)
      GAMBLING.

LOUISIANA PURCHASE EXPOSITION.

      See (in this Volume)
      ST. LOUIS: A. D. 1904.

LOW, Seth:
   Mayor of New York.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1901-1903.

LOWELL, ABBOTT LAWRENCE:
   President of Harvard University.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

LOWTHER, JAMES WILLIAM:
   Elected Speaker of the House of Commons.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (JUNE).

LUBIN, DAVID:
   Originator of International Institute of Agriculture.

      See (in this Volume)
      AGRICULTURE.

{418}

LUIZ FELIPE, CROWN PRINCE OF PORTUGAL:
   His assassination.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

"LUSITANIA,"
   The Turbine Steamship.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TURBINE ENGINE.

LUZURIAGA, JOSÉ.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

M.

McADOO, WILLIAM GIBBS.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1909.

McANENY, GEORGE:
   President of the Borough of Manhattan.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.

McCALL, JOHN A.:
   President of New York Life Insurance Company.

      See (in this Volume)
      INSURANCE, LIFE.

McCLELLAN, GEORGE B.:
   Mayor of New York.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1901-1903, and 1905.

McCURDY, RICHARD A.:
   President of Mutual Life Insurance Company.

      See (in this Volume)
      INSURANCE, LIFE.

MACDONALD COLLEGE, The Founding of.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907.

MACEDONIA:
   The recent use of the Name.

   As employed very commonly at the present time, the name
   Macedonia simply signifies that part of the small remainder of
   the Turkish Empire in Europe which coincides nearly with the
   original Macedonia of ancient history. It is applied to the
   three Turkish vilayets or provinces of Salonika, Monastir and
   Kossovo, which have been the scene for years of conditions of
   strife and misery that are worse, perhaps, than can be found
   elsewhere in the world. Whether the wretched inhabitants have
   suffered more from their political masters, the Turks, than
   from their Bulgarian and Greek neighbors, who covet the ground
   they occupy, seems to be much of a question. For some account
   of the Macedonian troubles of late years.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY.

MCKENNA, REGINALD: First Lord of the British Admiralty.
   Speech on the Navy Estimates, 1909.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

MACKENZIE BASIN, Report on the.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1909.

MCKINLEY, WILLIAM:
   President of the United States.
   His assassination.

      See (in this Volume)
      BUFFALO: A. D. 1901, and
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901 (SEPTEMBER).

MCKINLEY, WILLIAM:
   Last public utterance.

      See (in this Volume)
      TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

MACLAURIN, RICHARD C.:
   President of Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

MACLEAN, Kaid Sir Harry:
   Capture by Raisuli and ransom.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

MACVEAGH, FRANKLIN:
   Secretary of the Treasury.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

MACVEAGH, FRANKLIN:
   On the corruptions in the United States Customs Service.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

MADAGASCAR:
   Agreement of England and France concerning matters in.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

MADRIZ, Dr.: President of Nicaragua.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.

MAGHRABI, AMINA HAFIZ.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: EGYPT.

MAGHREB EL-AKSA.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO.

MAGOON, CHARLES E.:
   Governor of the Panama Canal Zone.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH: PANAMA CANAL.

MAGOON, CHARLES E.:
   Provisional Governor of Cuba.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER), and 1906-1909.

MAHDI, THE MOORISH: BU HAMARA.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1903-1904.

MAHDI, A New:
   His summary destruction.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (SUDAN).

MAHMUD SHEVKET PASHA:
   Commander of the Turkish Constitutional Forces.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

MAHOMET and MAHOMETAN.

     See (in this Volume)
      MOHAMMED and MOHAMMEDAN.

MAKAROFF, Admiral.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

MALARIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH: MALARIA.

MALAY PENINSULA: A. D. 1909.
   Cession of Three States to Great Britain.

      See (in this Volume)
      SIAM: A. D. 1909.

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1901-1904.
   Persistent occupation by the Russians.
   Remonstrances by the Japanese.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1901.

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1903.
   Treaty opening two new Ports to Foreign Trade.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1904.
   The Russo-Japanese War.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1905.
   Treaty between China and Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER).

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
   The question of Municipalities on the line of the Chinese
   Eastern Railway.
   New Russo-Chinese Agreement.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

MANICKTOLLAH GARDEN, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

MANIKALAND.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA.

MANILLA: A. D. 1900-1902.
   The Stamping Out of the Bubonic Plague.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

MANITOBA: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Census.
   Increased Representation in Parliament.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

MANNESMANN CONCESSION, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

MANUEL II.: King of Portugal.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL.

MARCONI, Guglielmo.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.
      See, also,
      NOBEL PRIZES.

MARISCAL, Ignacio:
   Honorary President of Second International Conference of
   American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

MARRAKESH (Morocco City), Events at.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

{419}

MARRIAGE WITH A DECEASED WIFE’S SISTER:
   English Act to legalize it.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

MARSEILLES: A. D. 1902.
   Strikes of Dock Laborers, Sailors, and Stokers.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1902.

MARTENS, Frederick de.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

MARTINIQUE:
   Volcanic Explosion of Mont Pelée.

      See (in this Volume)
      VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.

MARYLAND: A. D. 1909.
   Defeat of Disfranchising Amendment to the Constitution.

   See (in this Volume)
   ELECTIVE FRANCHISE; UNITED STATES.

MASCHINE, Colonel:
   Leader of the Assassins of King Alexander, at Belgrade.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1909.
   Seeking a Leader for an Educational Revolution.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

MASSACRES:
   In Asia Minor.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

MASSACRES:
   Of "Bloody Sunday" in St. Petersburg.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

MASSACRES:
   Of Jews at Kishineff.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1903 (APRIL).

MATOS, Manuel A.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

MATSUKATA, Count.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).

MATTER, New Theory of.

      (See in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.

MAURA, Señor:
   Prime Minister of Spain.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1907-1909.

"MAURETANIA,"
   The Turbine Steamship.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TURBINE ENGINE.

MAURETANIE, French.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

MAY LAWS, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.

MECCA:
   Railway from Damascus.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS (TURKEY, ASIATIC: A. D. 1908).

MEDJLISS
MEJLIS:
   The Persian Parliament or National Assembly.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA.
      Also
      PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

MELILLA:
   Spanish hostilities with Moors.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

MENDEL, GREGOR, and his Law of Variation in Species.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: BIOLOGICAL.

MENELEK:
   Emperor of Ethiopia.

      See (in this Volume)
      ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

MERRY DEL VAL, CARDINAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

MERSINA:
   Moslem attack on Armenians.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

MESSINA:
   Its destruction by Earthquake.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES: ITALY.

METCALF, VICTOR H.:
   Secretary of Commerce and Labor, and Secretary of the Navy.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

METCHNIKOFF, PROFESSOR ELIE.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.
      See, also,
      NOBEL PRIZES.

MEXICO: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Invitation and entertainment of Second International
   Conference of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (May).
   Arbitration of the Pious Fund Question, between
   the United States and Mexico.

   From 1868 until 1902 a claim of the United States against
   Mexico had been in dispute. It related to the right of the
   Catholic missions in that part of old California which now
   forms the American State of California to a portion of the
   income from a certain fund which pious people of Spain and
   Mexico, more than two centuries ago, had established for the
   support of Catholic missions among the California Indians. In
   1767 the Jesuits who held the fund were driven from the
   country and the Spanish Government assumed the trust, which in
   turn devolved on Mexico when that colony acquired
   independence. When upper California was ceded to this country
   Mexico ceased to pay to the missions there the portion of the
   income due them. Their claim was finally taken up by the
   American Government, to be pressed against, the Mexican, and,
   after years of diplomatic controversy, was referred, May 22d,
   1902, to the Hague Tribunal for arbitration. This has the
   distinction of being the first controversy submitted to that
   permanent tribunal. The decision of the Tribunal was rendered
   on the 14th of October, 1902, in favor of the California
   claim, requiring Mexico to pay $1,420,682 (Mexican currency)
   of past dues, and $43,051 annually thereafter.

MEXICO: A. D. 1903.
   New Legislative Palace, and other Government Buildings.

   "The cities and towns of Mexico are improving at a surprising
   rate, and the capital city especially is just now in the midst
   of the greatest building boom that has ever, perhaps, been
   known in any Latin-American city except Buenos Ayres. The
   interesting monthly publication entitled Modern Mexico informs
   us that the federal government alone is entering upon an
   investment approximating $50,000,000 in new buildings in the
   City of Mexico.

   "The greatest of these buildings is the so-called Legislative
   Palace, corresponding to our Capitol building at Washington.
   The foundations of this building are now being laid, and it
   will cost, perhaps, $20,000,000. The City of Mexico has
   adopted the wise European plan of carefully regulating the
   height of new buildings, and preventing the construction of
   anything that would be inartistic or out of keeping with the
   harmony of the city’s architecture. Next to the Legislative
   Palace, perhaps the most imposing of the new Mexican buildings
   will be the National Pantheon, which is to cost more than
   $5,000,000, and is to be at once a memorial to Mexico’s
   eminent men and a place for their entombment. Several of the
   executive departments are to be housed in the buildings now
   approaching completion."

      American Review of Reviews,
      October, 1903.

MEXICO: A. D. 1903.
   Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

{420}

MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.
   Arbitration Treaty with the United States.
   Reelection of President Diaz for a Seventh Term.
   Extension of the Term.
   Currency Reform.
   End of the Free Zone.

   "Mexico was one of the countries with which the United States
   government negotiated an arbitration treaty early in the year
   [1905], a treaty which was dropped, like its fellows, by the
   Washington administration, because of the Senate amendments. …
   Though the tentative arbitration treaty between the United
   States and Mexico … fell through, another very practical and
   useful arbitration convention was concluded between the two
   nations during the year. This was the convention agreed to in
   principle during the Pan-American Conference in the city of
   Mexico in the winter of 1901-1902, which provides for the
   settlement by arbitration of all international questions
   growing out of pecuniary claims. The representatives of
   several of the nations taking part in that conference affixed
   their signatures to this preliminary compact, and it has since
   become operative among a number of them. It was ratified by
   the Mexican Senate during its spring sessions. As pecuniary
   claims have in point of fact been one of the most fruitful
   sources of difficulty between the United States and the other
   nations of the western hemisphere, the conclusion of an
   agreement, in a binding form, to dispose by arbitration of any
   such cases as may arise in the future, is a distinct gain for
   the cause of the rational adjustment of international
   controversies, and is a guarantee, not indeed absolute, but
   most substantial, of lasting peace among the nations of this
   continent. …

   "There were no striking developments in the political
   situation in Mexico. On December 1 of the previous year (1904)
   President Diaz had entered on his sixth consecutive term and
   his seventh term in all. By a constitutional amendment, a
   regular vice-president of the republic, for the first time
   since the early days of Mexico’s history, took the oath of
   office at the same time as the president, on December 1, 1904.
   The gentleman previously elected, and now occupying the
   position of vice-president, is the Honorable Ramon Corral,
   formerly governor of the state of Sonora. By virtue of another
   constitutional amendment, the present and future presidential
   terms will be six years, instead of four as formerly. …

   "A measure of vital importance to the economic well-being of
   the nation was promulgated on March 25, 1905. This was the
   decree for the reform of the currency, issued by the Executive
   under an enabling Act of Congress, approved on December 9,
   1904. The new monetary system, due to the initiative of the
   very able finance minister Señor José Yves Limantour, went
   into effect on the first of May, but the free coinage of
   silver ceased on April 16. Broadly speaking, the new system
   gives Mexico a fifty-cent dollar. It declares that the
   theoretical unit of the monetary system of the United Mexican
   States is represented by seventy-five centigrams of pure gold,
   and is denominated a peso. …

   "On July 1 that time-honored institution known as the Free
   Zone ceased to exist."

      F. R. Guernsey,
      The Year in Mexico
      (Atlantic Monthly, February, 1906).

MEXICO: A. D. 1906.
   Celebration of the Centenary of Benito Juarez.
   His relation to the Secularizing Movement a generation ago.
   Present Pacific Relations between Church and State.

   "Though Juarez is generally credited with the paternity of the
   laws generically known as the Reform Laws, and although he
   undoubtedly was the life and soul of the secularizing movement
   of his day, it is worthy of note that he had no formal
   participation in the chief measures framed against the Church.
   … He was not a signatory of the Constitution of 1857, which
   first attacked the existence of the religious orders; the law
   for the confiscation of church property was framed by Miguel
   Lerdo de Tejada, the Finance Minister of President Comoufort
   (1856); and the constitutional amendments which definitely
   established the separation of Church and State, instituted
   civil marriage, placed monastic communities outside the pale
   of the law, and forbade open-air religious services, were not
   enacted until 1873 and 1874, after the death of Juarez, and
   during the presidency of Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada.

   "March 21, 1906, was, by a decree of Congress, observed as a
   general holiday in Mexico. Pilgrimages to the tomb of Juarez
   took place in the morning; commemorative tablets were unveiled
   in the afternoon, and at night General Diaz, surrounded by his
   cabinet, presided in the Arbeu Theatre at an apotheosis of
   Juarez, during which the career and character of the reforming
   president were extolled in an eloquent oration by Honorable
   Justo Sierra, Minister of Public Instruction. On the stage
   with the President during these exercises were the son and
   other surviving descendants of Juarez, who are numerous.

   "Curiously enough, a question involving the interpretation of
   the Reform Laws arose soon after the celebration of the Juarez
   centenary. The ministers of all denominations in Mexico had
   been accustomed to conduct a service at the graveside in
   connection with the burial of the dead. It was generally held
   that this practice did not conflict with Article 5 of the Law
   of December 14, 1874, forbidding all forms of religious
   service other than those held inside the churches. But in May,
   1906, the Interior Department issued a circular declaring
   open-air burial services conducted in the cemeteries to be
   illegal. This rule has led to the erection of mortuary chapels
   in the cemeteries which previously were unprovided with them,
   and the burial services are held inside these chapels.

   "While this episode shows that there is no intention on the
   part of the governmental authorities of Mexico to relax one
   iota of the laws which curtailed the power of the Church, it
   is worthy of note that there is no serious religious conflict
   in Mexico at the present time; and, under laws which are
   probably as restrictive as those recently enacted in France,
   which have so agitated that country, Church and State in the
   Mexican Republic move smoothly in their separate orbits, with
   conciliatory if not cordial sentiments toward each other."

      F. R. Guernsey,
      The Year in Mexico
      (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1907).

MEXICO: A. D. 1906.
   Joint Action with the United States
   in Central American Mediation.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA.

{421}

MEXICO: A. D. 1906.
   Participation in Third International Conference
   of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

MEXICO: A. D. 1906.
   Nationalizing the Railway System.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: MEXICO.

MEXICO: A. D. 1909.
   Extended Governmental Control of Railways.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: MEXICO.

MEXICO: A. D. 1909.
   The Last Year of the Sixth Consecutive Term of Porfirio Diaz
   in the Presidency.
   His long practical Autocracy, and its effects on the Nation.
   A Mexican View.

   Since Napoleon remodeled a French republic into an empire
   there has been nothing of its kind in political workmanship to
   equal the masterpiece of practical autocracy which Porfirio
   Diaz has erected in Mexico, on a basis of nominal democracy,
   within the last 30 years. He has not throned or crowned
   himself, as Napoleon did, which saves his work from the
   vulgarity that the Corsican could not resist; but he has
   exercised more than the sovereignty that imperial seats and
   trappings could invest him with.

   On the 1st of December, 1909, Diaz entered the last year of
   his sixth consecutive term in the presidency—his seventh term
   in all—the previous term of four years having now been
   lengthened to six. Since 1884 he has held the reins of
   Government by what seems to have become sheer mastery,
   whatever of free popular election there may have been at the
   outset of his official career. If internal and external peace,
   general good order, rapid progress on all lines of material
   advancement, great gains in public education and a general
   uplift of the country in its standing before the world were
   sufficient fruits of his government to test its quality by,
   then Mexico might well be satisfied with it and with him; for
   the beneficence of his autocracy on this side of its working
   appears to be beyond dispute. But Mexico appears to have begun
   to feel the cost in public character and spirit which
   paternalized government must always exact for the superficial
   benefits it bestows, and the country is said to be filled with
   more than discontent.

   A notable Mexican writer, Rafael de Zayes Enriquez, who is
   described as a lifelong friend and supporter of Diaz, has been
   bold enough to give voice to the existing feeling in a recent
   book. The long administration of the masterful president is
   recounted and studied with honest friendliness, for the open
   purpose of addressing plain truths to the man whose life and
   work are discussed. "You have disarmed the judiciary and the
   Legislature," he is told, "until they are impotent, and in
   reality nothing more than branches of the executive."
   "Imitating the high example, almost everyone in Mexico who has
   any power abuses it, and the cowed public submits." "Everyone
   is permitted to despise the public and to treat it
   tyrannically." And the honest friend who thus commands the
   attention of Diaz to the evil workings of his dictatorship,
   appeals for the ending of it—for the restoration of a
   nullified constitution, for free elections, for independent
   legislatures and courts; for the averting of otherwise
   inevitable storms of revolution, and for the saving of himself
   from a verdict of history, that "he created a nation, but
   destroyed a people."

   On the other hand there are foreign observers in Mexico who
   believe that Diaz holds the peace and prosperity of the
   country in his hand. A Press correspondent wrote not long
   since: "He, Diaz, alone saved us from a disastrous panic last
   fall, the effects of which would have reached beyond our
   boundaries. The Government compelled the Banco Nacional to
   advance ready money to every institution that was in need and
   intrinsically sound. The bank was likewise compelled to sell
   exchange at a loss, so that the failure to keep silver at a
   parity was less apparent. The Government stood this loss.
   About January first one of the largest mercantile houses in
   Mexico, with many branches, was in serious difficulty. Its
   chief went straight to President Diaz, and said that he must
   have a million dollars or fail. Recognizing that the failure
   of this house would precipitate a panic, the Government let
   him have the money. … In my opinion, the most serious menace
   to the prosperity of Mexico is the fear that President Diaz is
   not as strong physically as is popularly believed. … The least
   of the evils which might come from his death, should it occur
   soon, would be increase in business stagnation and in popular
   unrest. Many politicians seem ready to avail themselves of the
   present wide-spread dislike of foreigners. The ferment of
   anti-foreign leaven is working among the masses."

   Whatever may be the kind and quality of the domination he has
   exercised for twenty-five years, Mexico must inevitably be put
   to a crucial test when he drops the helm of state.

MEXICO: A. D. 1909.
   Meeting of President Diaz with President Taft.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

MEXICO: A. D. 1909 (FEBRUARY).
   Participation in a North American Conference on the
   Conservation of Natural Resources.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: NORTH AMERICA.

MEYER, GEORGE VON L.:
   Postmaster-General.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909; SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

MICHELSEN, PROFESSOR ALBERT A.:
   Inventor of the Interferometer.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.
      See, also,
      NOBEL PRIZES.

MICHELSEN, M.:
   Premier of Norway.

      See (in this Volume)
      NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.

MICHIGAN: A. D. 1909.
   Legislation giving Home Rule to Cities.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: MICHIGAN.

MIDHAT PASHA.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

MIGNOT, Bishop.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

MIGUEL, Dom:
   Pretender to the Crown of Portugal.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.

MIGUELISTAS.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.

MILIOUKOV, PROFESSOR PAUL.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

MILLERAND, M.:
   Minister of Public Works, Posts, and Telegraphs
   in the Briand Cabinet.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

MILNER, Alfred, Lord:
   In South Africa.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902, and after.

MILWAUKEE REFRIGERATOR TRANSIT CASE.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

{422}

MIN, General: Assassination of.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

MINDANAO, Conditions in.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.

MINE OWNERS’ ASSOCIATION, WESTERN.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899-1907.

MINERS AND MINING.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR.

MINING, Wasteful.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

MINNESOTA: A. D. 1908.
   Organization of Coöperative Stores.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: COOPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

MINTO, Gilbert John Murray K. Elliott, Earl of:
   Governor-General of Canada.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1904.

MINTO, Gilbert John Murray K. Elliott, Earl of:
   Viceroy of India.
   His initiation of the Reform in Indian Government by
   the Indian Councils Bill.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

MIRSKY, Prince Svyatopolk.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

MISSIONS, Christian:
   At Large: Notable Movements of 1910.

   "The year 1910 will be notable in the annals of foreign
   missions. The Laymen’s Missionary Movement, now holding
   meetings in this city, plans an educative campaign covering
   over seventy centres and culminating next May in a national
   congress in Chicago. The Student Volunteer Movement, which
   enrols in its mission study classes over 25,000 collegians,
   and which has sent over 4,000 workers to the foreign field,
   has just closed a conference at Rochester, where were
   assembled nearly 3,000 college men and women. In this month
   also is the gathering of medical missionaries at Battle Creek,
   Michigan. Next June the important World Missionary Conference
   takes place in Edinburgh. In October the country’s oldest
   foreign missionary organization, the American Board,
   celebrates its centennial in connection with the National
   Congregational Council at Boston."

      New York Evening Post,
      January 10, 1910.

MISSIONS, Christian: China: A. D. 1906-1907.

   "In view of the recent remarkable awakening in China, and the
   strong desire on the part of the Chinese for a knowledge of
   Western civilisation and science, an influential Committee,
   ‘The China Missions Emergency Committee,’ was appointed last
   year, including in its membership an equal number of prominent
   representatives of the Anglican Church as well as of the Free
   Churches of Great Britain, to consider in what ways it might
   assist the missionary societies and their representatives in
   China in adjusting and extending their existing operations, so
   that the momentous demands now made upon them by the
   surprising changes of thought and policy that have so suddenly
   emerged, may be adequately met. …

   "It appointed as its representatives the Reverend Lord William
   and Lady Florence Gascoyne-Cecil, of Hatfield; Sir Alexander
   R. Simpson, of Edinburgh; Professor Alexander Macalister, of
   Cambridge; and Mr. Francis William Fox, of London, to attend
   the Missionary Conference held at Shanghai from April 26th to
   May 7th last, and also to pay a series of visits to
   missionaries and mission stations, for the purpose of learning
   from the most experienced missionaries what measures should be
   adopted to meet the new demands that had arisen."

   "We found everywhere throughout the Chinese Empire that
   greater religious liberty is enjoyed than is the case in many
   other parts of the world, and that, so long as the laws of the
   country are observed, there is, theoretically, no interference
   with the conscientious opinions of individuals, with, however,
   the exceptions that Chinese officials are required
   occasionally to perform certain ceremonies of an idolatrous
   character. …

   "In the year 1906, as before stated, there were approximately
   3,750 Foreign Protestant Missionaries residing in China. Of
   these, 1,950 were British, 1,457 American, and some 343
   Continental and Independent Workers.

   The number of Bible Women:
   In 1876, 90;
   in 1889, 180;
   in 1906, 894.

   Number of Boys’ and Girls’ Day Schools:
   In 1878, 289;
   in 1906, 385.

   Number of Scholars in Day Schools:
   In 1876, 4,909;
   in 1889, 16,836;
   in 1906, 42,546.

   Number of Intermediate, High Schools and Colleges:
   In 1906, 389.

   Number of Students in Colleges, etc. (male and female):
   In 1906, 15,137.

   Total number of Scholars and Students:
   In 1906, 57,683.

   "By the commencement of 1908 it is estimated that the total
   number of Foreign Protestant Missionaries in China will be at
   least 4,000. The number of Mission Stations (including the sub
   or smaller ones) is about 5,750. The ordained Chinese Pastors
   and other Chinese Preachers are now about 6,000. The number of
   recognized Protestant Church (full) Members and Catechumens is
   estimated as 250,000, which, with the addition of children and
   others not regarded as in full connection, represents a total
   of about 1,000,000 persons who are more or less closely
   connected with the Protestant Christian Churches of China."

      F. W. Fox, A. Macalister, and A. R. Simpson,
      Christian Missions in China
      (Contemporary Review, February, 1908).

      See, also, (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: CHINA.

MISSIONS, Christian: India and Korea:
   American Mission Schools.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: INDIA, AND KOREA.

MISSIONS, Christian: Japan.

   "Viscount Aoki, a former Minister for Foreign Affairs, is a
   Christian, and so is Viscount Okabé, Minister of Justice in
   the present Cabinet. There are 10 Christian members of the
   Imperial Diet, all men of high character and enjoying the
   respect of their fellow-countrymen, for there is no
   constituency in Japan which would elect a Christian qua
   Christian. It is perhaps among the commercial class that
   Christianity is gaining most ground, and at Osaka, the great
   industrial city of Japan, there are churches with Japanese
   ministers, supported entirely by Japanese congregations, who
   have at heart to remove the popular reproach that Christianity
   is a foreign creed which cannot live without foreign subsidies.
   Missionary activity has always had a free field in Japan, and
   its philanthropic aspects have never received wider
   recognition than of recent years. The Emperor himself has
   frequently marked by handsome contributions his personal
   interest in orphanages and hospitals conducted under
   missionary auspices. But if Christianity should ever become
   the national faith of Japan it will probably be in some new
   national form impressed upon it by Japanese teachers rather
   than in any sectarian form borrowed from the West.
{423}
   What is meanwhile unquestionably increasing very steadily is
   the influence of Christian ethics. … To quote a missionary:
   ‘If there are less than 200,000 professing Christians in
   Japan, there are more than a million educated Japanese who
   think in terms of Christian ethics, and who try to live up to
   them more truly than many millions of professing Christians in
   the West.’"

      Correspondent of The Times, London.

   In April, 1907, a great international mission conference was
   assembled at Tokyo, Japan, of which The Outlook gave
   the following account the next month:

   "Over six hundred delegates, representing organizations in
   twenty-five countries, assembled last month in Tokyo. They
   constituted the seventh Conference of the World’s Student
   Christian Federation. The body represented is a federation of
   various national associations of Christian students. Some of
   them are Young Men’s Christian Associations, organized in the
   colleges; some of them are student organizations, not
   affiliated with the Young Men’s Christian Association. The
   delegates received many messages of greeting from officials of
   high station; among these were messages from Viscount Hayashi,
   the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs; Marquis Ito, who
   sent a letter from Korea accompanied with a gift of five
   thousand dollars; Count Okuma, Elder Statesman; the President
   of the United States, the King of England, and the King of
   Norway.

   "The meetings were thronged by ten thousand students, mainly
   Japanese and Chinese. The Conference was of course
   distinctively Christian in character; it had a definite
   purpose of proclaiming a Christian message: it advocated
   ethical and intellectual progress by means of the Christian
   religion; it assembled in a non-Christian land; yet its
   existence, so far from arousing resentment or opposition,
   evoked rather the warmest expression of appreciation and even
   gratitude. That it stimulated emulation is not surprising. A
   Buddhist Conference, for example, was summoned in the same
   city at the same time; but at that Conference resolutions
   expressing its ‘profound respect’ to the gathering of
   Christians were passed, and a deputation to convey these
   resolutions was chosen. Similarly, a Conference of Shinto
   priests sent a letter to the Christian Conference expressing
   their sense of the honor which the Federation had shown to
   Japan by convening in Tokyo, and, in lieu of a reception which
   could not be arranged for lack of time, presented material
   ‘mementoes and tokens of esteem,’ in order, to use their own
   words, ‘to express our deep appreciation of your coming, and
   to commemorate this bright event in Japan’s history.’ The
   press of Japan was emphatic in its expression of good will."

MISSIONS, Christian: Turkey and the Near East:
   American Mission Schools.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: TURKEY.

MISSOURI: A. D. 1906-1909.
   Successful Prosecution of the Waters-Pierce and
   Standard Oil Companies.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

MISSOURI RIVER RATE CASE.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

MISTRAL, Frederic.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

MITCHELL, JOHN:
   President of the United Mine Workers of America.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

MITCHELL, JOHN:
   Resignation on account of ill health.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

MITCHELL, JOHN:
   Chairman of Trades Agreements Department
   of National Civic Federation.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

MITCHELL, JOHN:
   Sentence for alleged Violation of an Injunction.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

MITCHELL, John H.:
   United States Senator, involved in Land Frauds.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

MODERATE-REPUBLICANS.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE. A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

MODERNISM, Papal Encyclical against.

      See (in this Volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1907.
      Also,
      TYRREL, FATHER GEORGE.

MODUS VIVENDI:
   On American Fishing in Newfoundland waters.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

MOHAMMED ALI:
   Lately deposed Shah of Persia.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

MOHAMMEDAN CONFERENCE.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907 (DECEMBER).

MOHAMMEDANS OF INDIA:
   Their present Feeling.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1908-1909.

MOHAMID EL AMIN, a new Mahdi.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (SUDAN).

MOHAMMID RESCHAD EFFENDI:
   Made Sultan of Turkey as Mohammid V.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

MOHONK (LAKE) PEACE CONFERENCE.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

MOISSAN, H.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

MOLTKE, COUNT KUNO VON:
   His Libel Suit against Maximilien Harden.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1908.

MOMMSEN, THEODOR.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

MONASTIR:
   Beginnings of the Turkish Revolution.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

MONETA, ERNESTO T.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

MONEY. See (in this Volume) Finance and

MONO-RAIL SYSTEM.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: RAILWAYS.

MONOPOLIES.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL.

MONROE DOCTRINE:
   Interpreted relatively to German Claims and Complaints
   against Venezuela.
   Its Recognition by Germany.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1901, and
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

MONROE DOCTRINE:
   Impliedly recognized by the Hague Tribunal.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

MONROE DOCTRINE:
   In the case of San Domingo.

      See (in this Volume)
      SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1905.

MONROE DOCTRINE:
   Stated as an All-America Doctrine by Secretary Root, at the
   Third International Conference of American Republics,
   at Rio de Janeiro, in 1906.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

{424}

MONROE PALACE, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS: THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE.

MONTAGUE, A. J.:
   Delegate to Third International Conference
   of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

MONTENEGRO.

   See BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

MONTES, I.:
   President of Bolivia.

      See (in this Volume)
      ACRE DISPUTES.

MONT PELÉE, Volcanic explosion of.

      See (in this Volume)
      VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.

MONTT, Pedro:
   President of Chile.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILE: A. D. 1906.

MOODY, William H.:
   Secretary of the Navy, Attorney-General and Justice of the
   Supreme Court.

      See (in this Volume)

         UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

MOOR, F. R.:
   Premier of Natal.
   At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

MORALES, President Carlos F.

      See (in this Volume)
      SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

MORENGA, Chief of Hereros.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: GERMAN COLONIES.

MORET Y PRENDERGAST:
   Premier of Spain.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

MORGAN, J. Pierpont:
   His Intervention in the Anthracite Coal Strike of 1902.

      See (in this Volume)
      labor organization: united states: A. D. 1902-1903.

MORGAN, J. Pierpont:
   His organization of the International
   Mercantile Marine Company.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: INTERNATIONAL.

MORGAN, J. Pierpont:
   Enlarged Control of Banking Interests.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.

MORLEY, John, Viscount:
   Secretary of State for India.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

MORLEY, John, Viscount:
   On the Indian Councils Bill.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

MOROCCO (Maghreb el-Aksa):
   The Name.

   Maroc or Morocco, the name given by Europeans to the empire of
   the Moorish Sultan as a whole, is not so applied by the
   natives of the country. According to them, the Maroc or
   country of Marrakech, the Marruecos of the Spaniards, is only
   one of three States submissive to the authority of the
   Sultan-Shereef. At the north the kingdom of Fez, at the
   southwest the oasis of Tafilet, make up his real empire.
   Beyond these, vast territories occupied by numerous
   independent tribes, stretch over the space that is marked on
   our maps with the name Morocco. Its inhabitants have no common
   name for it as a whole. Their country, indicated in a general
   manner, with no precise delimitation, is the Maghreb
   el-Aksa,—that is to say, "The Extreme West."

      Élisée Reclus,
      Nouvelle Geographic Universelle,
      Volume 11, page 653.

MOROCCO: A. D. 1896-1906.
   The Creeping of the French Algerian Boundary
   into Moroccan Territory.
   A Justification of the Encroachment.

   "Something has happened during the two weeks preceding the
   Conference at Algeciras [see EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1906], which
   may or may not be brought to the attention of the
   international diplomats. France from the start has refused to
   submit her doings along the Algerian frontier to the
   discussion of the conference. That concerns herself and
   Morocco alone. What has been happening would in any case put
   the conference in face of an accomplished fact. Some time ago
   M. Jonnart, Governor-General of Algiers, was informed that
   emissaries from Fez were notifying the frontier tribes, whose
   submission to France dates only from the last few years, that
   Germany would help the Sultan very shortly to force the French
   to evacuate their tribal territories. … M. Jonnart at once set
   out on a long and ceremonious visit to the tribes along the
   extreme southern frontier. He was accompanied by General
   Lyautey, the ‘pacificating’ general, who has been M. Jaurès’
   bugbear in this Moroccan affair. The Governor-General returned
   to Algiers Friday last, just in time to have his news ready
   for the conference. He has reason to be satisfied. Except for
   a vague idea that the Moroccan territory along the Algerian
   frontier is a ‘hled-es-siba’—a country where the Sultan has
   difficulty in collecting his taxes—the foreign press has not
   kept pace with what has been going on for the last ten years.
   In one word, during that time France has brought under her
   domination a stretch of territory of some thousands of square
   miles. It is true that this territory is sparsely settled by
   wilfully independent tribes, who so far alternately aided in
   the Algerian harvests and raided the French outposts. This
   situation quite justifies the action of the French troops,
   which has consisted in throwing forward the unbroken line of
   outposts that enclose and keep in order the French dominion,
   and not in any military conquest of volatile tribes. M. Jaurès
   always fell foul of the latter policy, which he ascribed to
   the military; but it would be as useless as it is absurd. What
   General Lyautey has been doing all these years, without
   Germany or any other friend of the Sultan giving sign of life,
   is not only reasonable: it is better—it has proved effective.
   And M. Jonnart’s tour has secured the formal submission of
   these tribes whose territory geographers have all along made a
   part of Tafilalt--the southeasternmost of the four ancient
   kingdoms which, together, make up the empire of Morocco. The
   boundary between Morocco and French territory in Algiers has
   never been settled since the original treaty of 1845. That
   drew a line from the coast southward about a hundred miles to
   Teniet-es-Sassi, four degrees of longitude west from Paris,
   and then stopped. Whatever was to the south—then a No Man’s
   Land, so far as France was concerned—was to be divided
   amicably along as natural a line as possible, leaving the east
   to France as a sphere of influence (the word had not yet been
   invented). During these sixty years the frontier line has
   remained about the same on the maps. But France has steadily
   prolonged her settled domination southward, gaining over a
   Mohammedan population by serving their material interests
   without offence to their religion. The railway now reaches
   Beni Ounif, only a short distance from Fighig, whose Amel is
   among those notified that Morocco with German help will soon
   send the French over the desert and far away. At Beni Ounif,
   besides the Grand Hotel for tourists, there are extensive
   counting houses for the trade of all the Hinterland, with an
   appropriate banking system, and everything to draw the
   Moroccan tribes. There is no doubt that this territory has
   always been nominally a part of Morocco. … And now M. Jonnart
   has visited officially the great Zaouia, or religious centre
   of Kenadsa, still farther to the west."

      Paris Special Correspondence
      New York Evening Post,
      February 3, 1906.

{425}

MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.
   State of Affairs in the Moorish Sultanate.
   Abd el Aziz, the young Sultan.
   His expensive tastes.
   His enjoyment of the Playthings of Civilization and Science.

   "Regarded as a Moorish ruler and leader, the late Sultan,
   Mulai Hassan, was a strong man, almost, perhaps, a great man.
   The loss of Morocco is that apparently she cannot produce his
   like in the present generation. She was richer a few years
   ago; and that is part of her decadence. Mulai Hassan had a
   companion of his right hand: Ba Hamed, the Grand Wazeer. In
   them Morocco could boast the possession of two strong men;
   crude, narrow of vision, even brutal and merciless, if judged
   by European standards, yet genuinely strong men. The greater
   of them died, and his subordinate successfully hid the fact
   (though the Court was journeying at the time) from all
   Morocco, masquerading as one in close attendance upon a Sultan
   whose corpse, as a fact, was tied in its litter, until city
   walls were reached, preparations made, and the succession of
   the youth Abd el Aziz assured. Be it remembered that Ba Hamed,
   the survivor, was a strong man in his own right. Young Abd el
   Aziz [who succeeded his father in 1894] was docile perforce,
   and Ba Hamed ruled, without pity, with greed, and quite
   unhampered by what Europe calls honour or justice. …

   "Rather more than two years ago [1901], when already the
   country was perturbed by news of the French advance upon and
   occupation of Igli, the Moorish town which was regarded as the
   depot and junction via which the caravan traffic of the desert
   filtered through Morocco to the coast; at this critical
   juncture, in the thick of conflicting intrigues, poisonings,
   and official treachery, Ba Hamed, the greatly feared, greatly
   hated, and rigidly obeyed Wazeer, died at Marrakish, leaving
   many scheming heirs-presumptive to his office, but no single
   successor to the mantle of his authority, the inherent
   masterfulness of his personality.

   "Still youthful Abd el Aziz IV. stretched forth both hands and
   personally took up the fallen reins of government with a great
   flourish of trumpets and display of energy. … Optimistic
   Europeans, naturally gratified by the active good sense with
   which Abd el Aziz checked his Filali tribesmen’s turbulent
   resentment of contact with the French in Igli and its oasis,
   freely predicted a new lease of life for the Moorish Empire.
   They credited the new broom with powers which, in view of its
   origin and environment, had been little short of miraculous.
   And they omitted reflection regarding the hand which moved the
   new broom. This was a power behind the Parasol, a latent
   intelligence, not wholly Moorish, capricious, feminine,
   subtle, unstable, and somewhat vitiated from long repression
   in an unwholesome atmosphere. The late Mulai Hassan’s
   Circassian wife, young Abd el Aziz’s mother, Lalla R’kia, had
   also found a dangerous emancipation in the death of Ba Hamed.
   …

   "Casually observant Nazarenes saw rich, cruel officials swept
   from their high estate by wholesale, and predicted the birth
   of probity at Court. Notorious gainers by oppression were
   loaded with chains in Kasbah dungeons; the young Sultan’s
   brother, the One-Eyed, whom cautious Ba Hamed had kept secure
   in Tetuan prison, was established on parole at Mcquinez, and
   ‘Here’s positive purity of administration!’ cried the
   surface-reading hopeful in Christian-ridden Tangier.

   "Of a sudden, all movement ceased. The young Sultan was lost
   sight of—behind the curtain. … It is not given to us to know
   anything of pale Lalla R’kia’s attitude during this breathing
   space. … (Lalla R’kia died last year.)

   "Speaking metaphorically, his Shareefian Majesty Abd el Aziz
   reappeared on the arm of a commercial agent, a French
   Israelite, with a genius for the ‘placing’ of imported
   commodities. Allah’s Chosen had been initiated into the select
   manias of Europe, and become addicted to golfing, the use of
   the camera, the bicycle, and other less pretty pastimes from
   the West. …

   "Commercial agents continued to press upon the young Sultan
   the latest and most expensive of electrical and other toys,
   and those far-seeing gentlemen, the newspaper correspondents,
   bade Europe take note of the remarkable enlightenment and
   progressive wisdom of the ruler of Morocco, as evidenced by
   his interest in motor cars and Broadwood pianos. And the
   friends of these optimistic gentry criticised the present
   writer as a croaker and a bird of ill-omen when he published
   in The Fortnightly Review for July, 1901, the following
   extract from a letter sent him by a Moorish friend:

   "‘To sum all up, my friend, I grieve because I find the
   affairs of my native land in parlous order, demanding as never
   before in the history of Morocco the guidance of a strong,
   clear mind, a veritable Sultan. That my country’s affairs most
   urgently need. They have a governing power composed of half a
   dozen corrupt creatures, of a corrupt, short-sighted, cruel,
   and desperately greedy Wazeer, whose rightful Lord is occupied
   exclusively in—Bah! We have spoken of those whose graves will
   be defiled, and of the trumpery gauds from Paris bazaars. And
   this, while the turbulent Sus is aflame, the far south-east a
   mine charged by French aggression, waiting only the match of
   knowledge of our Lord’s indifference; the country between
   Tafilalt and Fas is openly given over to brigandage and
   anarchy, and even Al Ksar, Arzila, and the Gharb, Tangiers
   outskirts, are full of unrest and disorder, crimes and
   indifference to crimes.’"

      A. J. Dawson,
      Morocco, the Moors, and the Powers
      (Fortnightly Review, February, 1903).

{426}

   "I have not seen the Sultan face to face, but I have conversed
   with nearly all the leading Europeans who have been with him
   either at Marrakesh or Fez, and from what they have told me I
   have been forced to conclude that Mulai Abd-el-Aziz is a
   charming, kindly, headstrong man, suffering badly from youth,
   who delights in reforms for the sake of their novelty and
   lacks the brain power that distinguished his father, Mulai el
   Hassan, and his grandfather, Mulai Mohammed. While he stayed
   in his southern capital he was comparatively free from the
   attacks of commercial attaches and other rogues, whose designs
   upon his treasury should have been obvious, though he was
   guilty of many extravagances, including displays of fireworks
   that made his envoy to England speak slightingly of the
   special display arranged in his honour at the Crystal Palace.
   In Fez the agents surrounded him like summer flies. He has
   twelve motor cars and no roads to ride them over; he paid
   between three and four thousand pounds for a yacht, sixty feet
   long, that was to be used on the Sebu river, which is no more
   than thirty feet wide; in spite of the Koran’s prohibition, he
   has purchased a crown at a price I am afraid to name. He has
   put some of his soldiers into European uniforms and boots,
   only to find that they run away from Bu Hamara as readily as
   they did when dressed in native garments. He has developed an
   enthusiasm for photography—I have seen some of his work—and
   in addition to cameras with cases of pure gold, he has one
   apartment of his palace loaded from floor to ceiling with dark
   plates, and he was persuaded to order ten thousand francs’
   worth of printing paper. He has a menagerie in the grounds of
   the palace at Fez, and on a day when it was reported that the
   lion sent from England had quarrelled with and killed the lion
   sent from Berlin, one of the European visitors to the court
   suggested to him that a contest between the victorious lion
   and the Bengal tiger would afford good sport. ‘No,’ said
   Abd-el-Aziz, ‘the lion cost me three thousand pounds!’ All
   Europe knows that the Sultan is poor."

      S. L. Bensusan,
      Britain, France, and the Moorish Empire
      (Contemporary Review, November, 1903).

MOROCCO: A. D. 1903-1904.
   Appearance of the Mahdi, Bu Hamara,
   as a leader of Insurrection.

   In 1903 there appeared in Morocco one of the prophetic
   pretenders called Mahdis, of whom so many have arisen in the
   Moslem world, to take advantage of occasions of religious
   excitement, and to lead a rising of wild tribes. This Moorish
   Mahdi, known as Bu Hamara, was helped to a leadership of
   insurrection by an incident which greatly stirred the
   religious temper of tribes wherever known. An English
   missionary was killed at Fez, and the murderer, flying to a
   sanctuary of special sanctity, was pursued thereto by the
   Sultan’s guards, and slain within the sacred bounds. Against
   this sacrilege, committed to satisfy hated Christians, Bu
   Hamara roused the country, preaching extermination of all
   Christians within it. The insecure throne of Abd el Aziz was
   made more insecure, English influence in Morocco was shaken,
   the French frontiers east and south were endangered, and Bu
   Hamara’s revolt appears to have had much to do with the
   producing of all that followed,—in the Anglo-French Agreement
   of 1904, the Algeciras Conference, the dethronement of Abd el
   Aziz, etc.

MOROCCO: A. D. 1904.
   Declarations of England and France concerning Morocco
   in the Agreements of the Entente of 1904.
   Explanatory Despatch.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.
   Exploits of El Raisuli.
   The Kidnapping and Ransoming of Messrs. Perdicaris and Varley.
   The Capture and Ransom of Kaid Sir Harry MacLean.
   Present Respectability of Raisuli as a Moroccan Governor.

   One of the chiefs in that mountainous strip of northern
   Morocco, nearly parallel to the Mediterranean, which is called
   "The Riff," has played a startlingly troublesome part in
   recent Moroccan history. His name is Mulai Ahmed ben Mohammed,
   but he is commonly designated in all news-mentions of his
   doings by the title he bears,—El Raisuli, chieftain of a clan.
   The first exploit which made this title familiar to all the
   world was in May, 1904, when he kidnapped, from their
   residence near Tangier, a naturalized American and an
   Englishman, Mr. Ion Perdicaris and his stepson, Mr. Varley,
   carrying them into the mountains and holding them captive
   until he had extorted a ransom of $70,000, despite the utmost
   efforts of France, Great Britain, and the United States, with
   the aid of the Sultan, to obtain their release on less
   humiliating terms. This success failed, however, to satisfy
   the audacious brigand, and in July, 1907, he laid hands on
   another important hostage, this time a British officer, Sir
   Harry MacLean, who had been long in the service of the Sultan
   of Morocco, as military adviser, with the title of Kaid. Kaid
   MacLean ventured to visit the brigand in his mountain retreat
   for some negotiation, and was detained in pawn. Raisuli held
   this notable captive until the following February, and
   released him then on receipt of $25,000, cash down, with a
   pledge of $75,000 more at the end of three years, if he gave
   no fresh trouble within that time. Meanwhile, he and
   twenty-eight of his family were to be under British
   protection. Before this transaction was closed a new Sultan
   had won the Moroccan throne (as will be explained below) and
   he thought it wiser to employ the energies of Raisuli
   officially than to try to maintain a contest of authority with
   so unmanageable a subject. Accordingly, in February, 1909,
   Raisuli was appointed governor of twelve tribes in Northern
   Morocco, and is now one of the most respectable
   representatives of government in the last of the Barbary
   States.

MOROCCO: A. D. 1905-1906.
   German hostility to the Anglo-French Agreement.
   The Kaiser’s speech at Tangier.
   The International Conference at Algeciras.
   The resulting Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Mob-murder of Dr. Mauchamp at Morocco City.
   Conflict with Tribesmen at Casablanca.
   Bombardment by French and Spanish Ships.
   Campaign against the Tribes.
   Dethronement of Sultan Abd el Aziz by his brother Mulai Hafid.
   Fresh friction between France and Germany.
   Its Pacific Settlement by Arbitration at The Hague.

   Organization of police forces for the service which France and
   Spain were commissioned by the Powers at the Algeciras
   Conference to perform in Morocco was retarded, necessarily, by
   the prevailing anarchy in the Empire, and fresh causes of
   disorder occurred before the means for prompt treatment of
   them were prepared. In the spring of 1907 a French citizen,
   Dr. Mauchamp, at Marrakesh (Morocco City), undertook to
   install at his house the apparatus for wireless telegraphy.
   His Moorish neighbors suspected some diabolical intention,
   when he raised the necessary mast on his house, and proceeded
   with fanatic enterprise to kill the man of too much science
   and to demolish the house. The French Government demanded
   punishment of the outrage, with indemnity to the family of the
   victim, and put a force in motion, under General Liautey,
   which occupied the city of Ujda, not far from the Algerian
   frontier, to hold it until the demands of justice were
   complied with. None of the Powers signatory to the Algeciras
   Conference raised objections to this proceeding.

{427}

   A more serious intervention was occasioned in July, 1907, when
   the French took control of the collection of customs at the
   ports, as directed by the Algeciras agreement. At Casablanca,
   on the Atlantic coast, the tribesmen attacked a number of
   European laborers, employed there in quarries, and killed
   eight. All the foreign residents of the region were in danger,
   and French and Spanish war-ships were hurried to the scene.
   The local Moorish official confessed his inability to protect
   the threatened foreigners, who had taken refuge in the French,
   Spanish, and British consulates, with hostile tribes
   swarming around the town, and he asked for help. Marines were
   landed on the 4th of August and were attacked. "A sanguinary
   battle followed between the Arabs and the European soldiery,
   the French cruiser opening fire and shelling the Moorish
   batteries. Scenes of great disorder and violence followed upon
   the firing, a raging mob of Moors attacking and pillaging the
   entire city. The Jews particularly were massacred by hundreds.
   Another French warship soon appeared upon the scene,
   accompanied by a Spanish cruiser, and troops were landed to
   the number of 4000. General Drude, the French commander, was
   chosen to head the allied troops, Spanish and French, and
   reinforcements were hurried from France." A number of
   encounters followed. "The most serious were the attacks, on
   August 28, and September 2, upon Casablanca and its outskirts,
   both resulting from a reconnaissance in force by the French
   Algerian irregular cavalry and the famous Foreign Legion.
   Seven or eight thousand Moors attacked the Europeans, sweeping
   down from the hills with all the ferocity and courage
   traditional in their race. By the aid of machine guns and the
   batteries from their warships the French succeeded in
   repelling the tribesmen with considerable loss of life."

   Justification of the bombardment of Casablanca was somewhat
   questioned at the time, and with good reason if the following
   account of the circumstances, by an eye-witness, a Scotch
   missionary, are to be believed. His statement was published in
   the Glasgow Herald, and is given here as summarized in
   The Outlook, of September 21, 1907.

   "This missionary, Dr. Kerr, has lived many years in the
   country, and he asserts that in many ways the French residents
   and officials have continually irritated the Moors and
   provoked them to anger. Dr. Kerr states that no further
   outbreaks occurred after the massacre of French and Spanish
   workmen on July 30, and that when the bombardment began on
   August 1 there was absolutely no immediate provocation for it.
   He denounces it as contrary to the usages of civilized war and
   as ‘wicked and unjustifiable,’ adding that the British
   merchants in Casablanca will probably sue the French
   Government for damages caused to their property by what they
   consider an unnecessary bombardment. The punishment of the
   Moors concerned in the murder of the eight workmen, says Dr.
   Kerr, no one could object to, but instead of this the
   punishment took the form of an unprovoked massacre of persons
   many of whom were entirely innocent. The details of the affair
   as he gives them are certainly deplorable, and if his
   assertion that the landing force of the French fired the first
   shot is true, the succeeding episodes described are
   unpardonable. One of these episodes may be quoted here:

   "‘I saw two young women walking as quickly as they could. …
   Suddenly a volley was fired into them by the Spanish marines.
   They fell, but picked themselves up, and took refuge in a
   ledge of a wall. After waiting a few minutes they made to
   return, when another volley was fired at them, and they fell
   again. … One of these brave daughters of Ishmael refused to
   flee without taking with her the "khaik," or outer garment,
   which fell from her [thus leaving her face uncovered, contrary
   to Moslem law]. She turned back, picked up her garment, and
   fled as fast as she could, bleeding all over.’"

   In the fall of 1907 General Drude was succeeded in the command
   at Casablanca by General d’Amade, who prosecuted a more
   vigorous campaign against the obstinately hostile tribes of
   the region, and made but slow progress in reducing them to
   submission.

   Meantime a rising against Sultan Abd el Aziz, in favor of one
   of his brothers, Mulai Hafid, had been started and was making
   rapid headway. Mulai Hafid was proclaimed Sultan at Marrakesh
   on the 25th of August, 1907, and on the 4th of the following
   January his supporters had gained possession of Fez and
   proclaimed him there. Abd el Aziz kept the field against his
   rival until August, 1908, when he had practically no following
   left, and the direction of Government was assumed formally by
   Mulai Hafid. His authority had soon become established so
   fully that the German Government addressed a note to the
   Powers proposing an immediate recognition of it. France and
   Spain objected, insisting that Mulai Hafid must confirm
   existing treaties, accept responsibility for the debts of the
   previous regime, give pledges of indemnity for the Casablanca
   outbreak, disavow the "Holy War" which he had countenanced and
   which had given him his success, and take effective measures
   for securing the safety of foreigners in the Empire. Their
   objection was approved generally; Germany assented to the
   requirements proposed, and it was not until Mulai Hafid had
   satisfied them that he obtained recognition as the legitimate
   sovereign of Morocco. This was given in the following note,
   handed to his representative on the 5th of January, 1909, by
   the doyen of the Diplomatic Body at Tangier:

   "The signatory Governments of the Act of Algeciras have
   received the letter which Mulai Hafid sent to them through the
   agency of the Diplomatic Body at Tangier in reply to their
   communiqué of November 18. The Governments represented
   in Morocco received with satisfaction this reply, in which
   they saw a proof that the explanations which they formulated
   in their Note of November 18, in the interest of the relations
   of friendship and confidence which they desire to maintain
   with the sovereign authority of the Shereefian Empire, are in
   accordance with the views of Mulai Hafid. In consequence the
   signatory Powers of the Act of Algeciras have decided to
   recognize his Majesty Mulai Hafid as legitimate Sultan of
   Morocco, and have charged the doyen of the Diplomatic
   Body at Tangier to notify their recognition of him to the
   representatives of his Majesty in that town."

{428}

   Before this settlement was reached an incident had occurred at
   Casablanca on the 15th of September, 1908, which irritated the
   chronic sensitiveness of feeling between Germany and France.
   Five or six soldiers of the Foreign Legion in French service
   at Casablanca, including three Germans, deserted, and the
   German Consulate attempted to protect the Germans when their
   arrest was undertaken by French gendarmes. There was some
   struggle, but the arrest was accomplished, and the demand of
   the Consul for the release of the three Germans was refused.
   Germany demanded satisfaction for the treatment of her Consul.
   France maintained that satisfaction was due to herself for the
   interference of the Consul with her military rights; but
   offered to submit the affair to the Hague Tribunal for
   arbitration. Germany was willing to arbitrate the questions
   involved if France would first express regret for the official
   conduct on her side of the matter. France in reply suggested
   expressions of regret by both parties; and on these terms,
   supposedly vindicating national dignity on each side, the case
   went to The Hague. The Court of Arbitration held its first
   meeting on the 1st of May, 1909, and announced its judgment on
   the 22d of the same month. As summarized in an English
   despatch from The Hague, the opinion of the Court was as
   follows:

   "The Court considered that in this case there was a conflict
   of jurisdiction between the Consular and the military
   authority of two foreign Powers, the one Power exercising full
   Consular authority over her subjects, who happened to be
   soldiers in the Foreign Legion of the other Power. The latter
   Power had effected the military occupation of a certain
   territory, and in consequence exercised full authority over
   that territory. As it was impossible to decide this conflict
   by any absolute ruling, which might indicate in a general way
   the precedence of either jurisdiction, the Court considered
   that the question must be determined by the particular
   circumstances of any given case.

   "In this case the jurisdiction of the occupying force had
   precedence because the persons in question did not leave the
   territory occupied by that force. The Court decided that the
   Secretary of the German Consulate at Casablanca wrongly and
   through a grave and manifest error tried to embark in a German
   steamer deserters of the French Foreign Legion, who were not
   of German nationality. The German Consul and the other
   officials of the Consulate were not responsible for that fact;
   the Consul, however, in signing the safe conduct, which was
   laid before him, committed an unintentional error.

   "The German Consulate in the circumstances obtaining at that
   time was not entitled to grant its protection even to
   deserters of German nationality; the legal error, however,
   which was committed in this connexion by the officials of the
   Consulate could not be reckoned either as an intentional or as
   an unintentional error.

   "The French military authorities were wrong in not respecting,
   as far as possible, the de facto protection exercised
   over those deserters in the name of the German Consulate. The
   circumstances did not justify either menace by revolver on the
   part of the French soldiers, or the blows given to the
   Moroccan soldier of the Consulate."

   This proved satisfactory to all concerned, and the Casablanca
   incident was happily closed.

   A more important adjustment of matters between Germany and
   France, aiming at a general clearing of causes of friction in
   their relations, so far as concerned Morocco, had preceded the
   Casablanca arbitration by nearly three months. All Europe had
   been surprised and delighted on the 9th of February, 1909, by
   the announcement of a Franco-German Agreement, just concluded,
   in the following words:

   "The Government of the French Republic and the German Imperial
   Government, actuated by an equal desire to facilitate the
   execution of the Act of Algeciras, have agreed to define the
   significance which they attach to its clauses with a view to
   avoiding any cause of misunderstanding between them in the
   future.

   "Consequently, the Government of the French Republic, wholly
   attached to the maintenance of the integrity and of the
   independence of the Shereefian Empire, decided to safeguard
   economic equality there, and accordingly not to impede German
   commercial and industrial interests, and the German Imperial
   Government, pursuing only economic interests in Morocco,
   recognizing at the same time that the special political
   interests of France are closely bound up in that country with
   the consolidation of order and of internal peace, and resolved
   not to impede those interests, declare that they will not
   prosecute or encourage any measure calculated to create in
   their favour or in favour of any Power whatsoever an economic
   privilege, and that they will endeavour to associate their
   nationals in business for which these may be able to obtain
   contracts (l’entreprise)."

   This most important agreement resulted from negotiations that
   were said to have been opened by a suggestion from the German
   Foreign Secretary, Baron von Schön. Its importance to Europe
   was hardly exaggerated by the Paris Matin, when it
   said:

   "It is a great and happy event, the importance of which need
   not be emphasized. … This close of the Moroccan quarrel may,
   if such be the desire, mark a date of capital importance in
   the history of Europe. In fact, as Prince Bülow has said and
   repeated, Morocco was only a pretext. If therefore it has
   become an object of agreement, it is not merely because it has
   been recognized that the local problem was not insoluble, but
   also because the general situation has changed or because the
   ‘opportunity’ no longer exists."

MOROCCO: A. D. 1908.
   A German Statement of the Moroccan Policy of Germany.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

{429}

MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.
   Discontent with the new Sultan.
   His struggle with Pretenders.
   Spanish War with the Tribes of the Riff.
   Success of Mulai Hafid against his Rivals.
   French operations in and around the Moorish Empire.
   French Mauretanie.
   French Demands.
   The Mannesmann Mining Concession.

   France and Spain were now strengthened in the execution of
   their Algeciras commission, by a harmonious backing in Europe,
   and the native Government in Morocco had acquired, seemingly,
   a strong and capable man at its head. Sultan Mulai Hafid made
   that impression very positively on a correspondent of the
   London Times, to whom he gave audience on the 13th of
   February, and who wrote of him that day: "It is quite evident
   that Mulai Hafid is a man of large and independent ideas, with
   a leaning toward democracy. In appearance and manner he is
   most attractive, and both his looks and his conversation
   betoken a character at once strong and of quick decision.
   Everything he says is very much to the point, and his remarks
   are often touched with humour and even cynicism. His
   openmindedness and cordiality extend almost to breaches of the
   rigorous Moorish etiquette."

   Five days later the same correspondent wrote again: "The Fez
   Moors had hoped at Mulai Hafid’s accession for material though
   indefinite advantages, for they felt that the new Sultan, who
   owed his throne not to inheritance but to election, would be
   an instrument in their own hands, and that they would be able
   to exert their influence for their own purely selfish ends.
   But they had counted without Mulai Hafid. Once on the throne,
   he consolidated, at all events locally, his power, and the Fez
   population, who during the previous reign had undoubtedly held
   and used considerable influence, found themselves in the hands
   of a firm, masterful man, who did not hesitate to tax them to
   an extent formerly unknown, and gave them clearly to
   understand that he would brook no interference in matters of
   policy. The effect was instantaneous. The Fezzis began openly
   to regret the slack régime of Mulai Abdul Aziz, and
   Mulai Hafid became unpopular, as any monarch who really
   governs in Morocco must always be.

   "But if Mulai Hafid was unpopular, he inspired at the same
   time a wholesome fear. His indifference to public opinion, his
   breaches of the absurd prescriptions of Moorish etiquette, his
   personal supervision of every detail, and the publicity in
   which he lives show not only remarkable courage, but also
   remarkable knowledge of the people whom he governs. … Yet he
   has but a small army, and he is financially hampered. He
   receives Europeans publicly, and grants audiences in the
   presence of the whole Court, often before the whole army. He
   invites his guests to be seated, and chats in a natural and
   sympathetic manner on all kinds of subjects. But it is quite
   apparent that his entourage is in terror of him. Never
   have the viziers had less freedom or fewer opportunities for
   plunder. The Government is Mulai Hafid, and Mulai Hafid alone,
   and yet Mulai Hafid is a democrat. He desires to put down—and
   has already largely done so—the fanatical and always
   mischievous influence of the great Shereefian families. He
   works from morning till night, and keeps every one else
   working. His negotiations with the French Minister are
   progressing in a way that astonishes every one. … Mulai Hafid
   obtained the throne by preaching a holy war against Europeans.
   He will maintain himself upon the throne by a policy of reform
   which will win for him the assistance of France against his
   own fanatical people."

   But subsequent events did not realize the confident
   expectations of this writer. A month later he reported:

   "Shereef Sid Mohammed Kittani, a descendant of a former
   dynasty and chief of an important reactionary religious sect,
   who was freely spoken of as possible Sultan before Mulai
   Hafid’s proclamation, left Fez secretly yesterday. Apparently
   he had previously succeeded in dispatching his family and
   movable property from time to time to some spot in the Berber
   tribelands without exciting suspicion. His flight has caused
   what can only be described as consternation. His influence is
   very great, and he is known to lay claim to the Throne."

   Within another month this pretender had defeated Mulai Hafid’s
   forces in a sharp engagement and had an army encamped about
   eighteen miles east of Fez. French officers were reported to
   be doing notable work in organizing and equipping the Sultan’s
   troops. On the 8th of May there was alarming news that Mulai
   el Kebir, another brother of Mulai Hafid and of the ex-Sultan,
   Abd el Aziz, "who was accompanying the Southern Kaids to Fez,
   had left their camp secretly by night and had fled into the
   Zimmour country," and "many believe that he will take
   advantage of the Sultan’s unpopularity to raise a rebellion."
   Two days later "nothing is known of the whereabouts of Mulai
   el Kebir," and "the Sultan does not conceal his anxiety.
   Mulai-el-Kebir was on the best terms with his Majesty, but the
   Sultan’s severe treatment of other members of his family no
   doubt filled him with fear."

   From Paris, on the 26th of May, it was telegraphed that the
   Sultan’s Minister of Finance, El Mokri, then visiting Paris on
   a financial mission, "observes that Mulai Hafid’s authority is
   more solidly established at present than might at first sight
   appear to be the case. At no time has any Sultan been
   recognized over a much wider area of Moroccan territory. In
   the Beled el Makhzen his sway is uncontested. The kaids of the
   Haouz and the southern Atlas have always been his partisans.
   El Mokri has no fear of the pretenders."

   There were now two pretenders in the field: for Mulai Kebir
   had been heard from, "beyond Mekinez," where he had raised the
   standard of revolt. And Bu Hamara was on the stage of civil
   war again, east of Fez, with an army which "is camped at less
   than four hours distance from the capital," and which is
   "actively pillaging the only tribe that remains loyal to Mulai
   Hafid in that region." Troops sent against him a few days
   later were said to have been badly beaten. The Sultan was
   reported to be in quarrel with his viziers; was ill,—invisible
   in the palace,—and the situation did not seem to look well for
   him.

   Then, suddenly, all news reports from Morocco became silent as
   to Mulai Hafid and his rivals, and gave entire attention to a
   serious outbreak of warfare in that northeastern corner of the
   empire, known as the Riff, where Spain has had a long
   recognized "sphere of influence," and where she had undertaken
   the working of valuable iron mines near Melilla. Hostilities
   were begun in July by an attack of tribesmen on the miners,
   killing several, and the Spanish troops sent to the scene met
   disaster, being insufficient in force. In the end, so
   extensive a rising of Moorish tribesmen had occurred that
   Spain was obliged to put a large army into the field against
   them and organize a costly campaign. It was not until late in
   September that much success attended the Spanish arms, and not
   until late in November that the campaign was regarded as
   closed, the Spanish forces having secured positions which,
   when fortified, were expected to give them a firm footing in
   the region, and having brought most of the tribes to terms.

{430}

   Meantime, the war had been bitterly unpopular among large
   classes in Spain, and the feeling had been manifested in
   destructive rioting at Barcelona and elsewhere.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

   What France had been doing meanwhile, in and around Morocco,
   has been told by a writer in The Atlantic Monthly:

   "During the year [May, 1908, to May, 1909] the French army
   under General d’Amade, has continued occupying Casablanca, and
   the fertile Chaouïa (Shawia) region. It has forced peace, law,
   and order, and open markets on the inhabitants, to their great
   advantage. Agriculture has revived; and German trade itself
   has run up two million francs. Even so the ‘economic
   interests’ of Germany in Morocco are scant indeed compared
   with those of France and England; they are perhaps less than
   those of Spain—and yet they have long threatened the peace of
   Europe. … Meanwhile the interior of Morocco has been chiefly
   occupied in the unmaking and making of Sultans. Toward the
   German Emperor these fighting Moors have now a feeling much
   like that of the Transvaal Boers when the Kruger telegram
   failed to lead to eventualities. … The real success of France
   is along the entire land-frontier of Morocco. For its whole
   length this is now also the frontier of French
   territory,--Algiers to the east, the Sahara with its line of
   French posts to the south, and so on to the Atlantic Ocean
   through the new French civil territory of ‘Mauritanie.’ Here
   foreign geography will still be incomplete for some time; but
   it is childish to dismiss these territorial stretches as so
   many acres of sand. The empire which France might have had in
   Canada was, in like manner, denounced by Voltaire as acres of
   snow.

   "France absolutely refused to allow any question concerning
   this land-frontier to be brought up at the Conference of
   Algeciras. It is no business of Europe; it concerns the two
   neighbors, France and Morocco, only.

   "General Lyautey has had its more than eight hundred miles
   well under control. … Of late years France has successfully
   occupied territory farther and farther to the south, pushing
   forward the railway, and throwing out a long line of military
   posts through the Sahara. People who amuse themselves marking
   obscure changes of conquest on the map, may safely stick their
   pins one full degree farther west all along this part of
   Algiers, beginning where Spain at Melilla blocks the way along
   the Mediterranean coast."

      Stoddard Dewey,
      The Year in France
      (Atlantic Monthly, August, 1909).

   When newspaper attention reverted to Mulai Hafid a great
   improvement was found in his affairs. Seemingly, the
   pretenders to his throne had disappeared, and Bu Hamara, the
   rebel, now styled El Roghi, was decisively routed by troops of
   the Sultan on the 16th of August, captured a few days later,
   and taken to Fez in an iron cage. On the 13th of September it
   was announced that he had been executed the day before. Later,
   this was contradicted, and there seems to be no certainty as
   to his fate.

   The Moroccan Government was now being sharply pressed by
   France with demands over which negotiation had proceeded
   hitherto very slowly. M. Pichon, the French Minister for
   Foreign Affairs, made a statement on the subject to the
   Chamber of Deputies on the 23d of November, to the following
   effect: "On August 14 the representatives of the Sultan
   received a note summing up the conditions imposed by the
   French Government. These conditions were the evacuation of the
   Shawia region on condition of the organization by the Maghzen
   of a force; the evacuation of Casablanca when the French
   Government felt convinced that the organization of the Shawia
   police had become sufficiently effective; the organization of
   the police service on the Algero-Moroccan frontier; the
   payment of the Maghzen’s debts and the reimbursement of the
   costs of the French military expeditions. The Maghzen owed at
   present £3,200,000, more than £400,000 of which was due to
   private creditors. The French Government would allow the
   Moroccan Government to raise a loan in France in order to
   facilitate the payment of its debts. … The French conditions
   had been acknowledged to be very moderate by all who had had
   cognisance of them. Germany had recently informed the Maghzen
   that it was high time to contract a loan. M. Pichon dwelt on
   the loyalty with which the Franco-German Agreement had been
   observed by the Berlin Government. Nevertheless the adhesion
   of the Moroccan Government had not yet been obtained. That
   Government had admitted the principle of the loan of
   80,000,000f. and that of the indemnity of 70,000,000f. for the
   French military expedition, but there was disagreement still
   in regard to the guarantees required for the realization of
   that operation. Mulai Hafid, moreover, demanded the immediate
   evacuation of the Shawia and of Casablanca. On November 6 M.
   Pichon informed the Sultan’s envoys that it was futile to
   continue the pourparlers if France did not obtain a
   satisfactory reply. It would not be without danger for the
   Moroccan Government to persevere in its attitude."

   A little later it was made known that the Sultan had yielded
   to the terms prescribed by the French Government and was to
   obtain the loan which would help toward the payment of his
   debts.

   By this time a new Morocco question had sprung out of a
   sweeping mining concession which certain German exploiters,
   the Brothers Mannesmann, had obtained from Sultan Mulai Hafid,
   in distinct violation of the agreements at Algeciras which the
   Sultan had been a party to. The Mannesmann mining rights under
   this concession, if allowed, would swallow up all others, and
   large interests, French, Spanish, German, English, Italian,
   and Dutch, were arrayed against their claims. The backing of
   the Mannesmanns in Germany, however, by commercial and
   newspaper influence, appears to have been very powerful, and
   it has not been easy for the Government to resist being drawn
   into alliance with it. But the attitude of the Imperial
   Government appears to have been strictly loyal to the
   Algeciras agreements, and it has gone no farther for the
   Mannesmanns and their partisans than to negotiate with the
   other Powers concerned for a submission of the question of
   legality in the Mannesmann concession to a Court of
   Arbitration. That will probably be the mode of settling it.

{431}

MOROS, The.

   See (in this Volume)
   PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.

MORRIS, SIR EDWARD:
   Premier of Newfoundland.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

MORTON, PAUL:
   Secretary of the Navy.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

MORTON, PAUL:
   President of Equitable Life Assurance Society.

      See (in this Volume)
      INSURANCE, LIFE.

MOSCOW,
   Risings and Disturbances in.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA.

MOSLEM LEAGUE.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907 (December); also, 1907-1909.

MOSQUITO TERRITORY, THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1905.

MOTIENLING.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

MOVING PICTURE SHOWS.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION.

MUIJTEHEDS:
   The higher Persian Priests.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

MUKDEN: A. D. 1903.
   Opened to Foreign Trade.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

MUKDEN: Battle of.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

MULAI AHMED BEN MOHAMMED, EL RAISULI.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

MULAI HAFID:
   Sultan of Morocco by Dethronement of his Brother.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

MULAI HASSAN, Late Sultan of Morocco.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.

MULLAH, ABDULLA MUHAMMED.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: SOMALILAND.

MULLAS:
   The common Persian Priests.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

MUNICIPAL COMMITTEES IN INDIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

   ----------MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Start--------

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT:
   American Democracy’s most Serious Problem.
   Present Interest in it.
   Hopeful Movements.

   Americans have long been forced to acknowledge that political
   democracy in the United States makes its worst showing in the
   government of municipalities; and those who give any searching
   thought to the matter have little dispute over reasons for the
   fact. It connects very plainly with another fact, namely, that
   municipal politics, as a political interest distinct
   and apart from the interests of government in Nation and
   State, has had no growth in the country as yet. Up to the time
   of the formation of the national union, the few cities of
   America had a quite positive political life of their own,
   which might have carried them into conditions very different
   from what they have realized since, if it had not undergone
   the absorption that it did in the politics of a national
   government. The national political parties formed then on
   exciting issues, sectional, constitutional, and economic,
   caught all political feeling into their embrace, not
   instantly, but gradually, and surely, and appropriated the
   whole mechanism of political organization to themselves.
   Cities are the natural centers of such mechanism, and the
   great parties of Federal politics were able easily to impose
   on them a domination which left no free working of public
   opinion on the immediate concerns of the cities themselves.
   All political action was drawn into the mill which turns out
   Presidents, Congresses, Tariffs, Bank Acts, etc., and the mere
   by-product of Mayors, Aldermen, and City Ordinances which it
   drops incidentally into the cities, receives almost no stamp
   of quality or design from the local mind.

   Until the wheels of local government are loosened in some way
   from the clutch of the great party machines, and can work
   independently, under motive forces of their own, to produce
   the satisfaction of local needs, interests, and aims, there
   will be little success in undertakings of municipal reform.
   How to accomplish that political ungearing is one of the
   greatest, if not the greatest, of the problems now occupying
   the minds of the American people. Fortunately it is occupying
   their minds. Within the last few years they have given more
   thought to this subject than it ever received from them
   before; and it has been bold thought, as well as profoundly
   earnest. It has not been afraid of hospitality to new ideas
   and new experiences, but is giving them fair hearings and fair
   tests. The present attitude of the whole country in this
   matter is of the happiest hopefulness, and every day brightens
   the prospect of a better future for municipal government in
   America.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: BOSTON: A. D. 1909.
   A Plan of Government chosen by popular vote.

   In connection with the election of November 2, 1909, the
   citizens of Boston, Massachusetts, had two plans of City
   Government submitted to their vote, and the charter under
   which the City will be ruled and its business conducted after
   the beginning of February, 1910, was determined by the choice
   between these plans which a majority expressed at the polls.
   One of the plans emanated from an official body, called the
   Finance Commission, which had been appointed to investigate
   bad conditions in the City Government, and whose
   investigations had given rise to the demand for a radical
   reform. This plan had the approval, moreover, of a citizens
   Committee of One Hundred, which had given much attention to
   the subject; but it was exceedingly unsatisfactory to the
   party politicians, whose personal interests were flagrantly
   disregarded in its scheme. These drafted a form of charter
   which fitted their own purposes, and the two plans were
   submitted to the Legislature in the winter of 1909. That body
   escaped the responsibility of a decision between them by
   referring both to the voters of Boston. The charter wanted by
   the party managers was designated as "Plan No. 1"; that of the
   Finance Commission and the Committee of One Hundred as "Plan
   No. 2."
{432}
   A strenuous campaign of education was fought for some weeks
   before election day by the supporters of Plan No. 2, who seem
   to have included practically all single-minded seekers of good
   government, and an equally active campaign of wire-pulling was
   carried on by the champions of Plan No. 1. The education was
   successful in convincing 39,175 voters that Plan 2 should be
   preferred, while 35,306 were persuaded to the contrary, and
   about 34,000 remained so indifferent or undecided that they
   gave the question no vote. But public considerations prevailed
   over party motives and influences by 3869 votes, which is a
   highly important fact.

   The charter thus adopted for Boston differs in many features
   from what has acquired the name of "the Des Moines plan," but
   is fundamentally akin to it in principle and aim. Its prime
   purpose is to divorce local politics from national politics,
   freeing municipal elections from the baneful control of
   parties which have nothing rightly to do with the city’s
   affairs. Its secondary object is to concentrate official
   responsibility in a moderated way. It subjects the mayor of
   Boston, at the middle of his term, to a reconsideration of the
   vote which elected him (in the nature of the Swiss "recall"),
   but it does not introduce the initiative and referendum. The
   operation of the new charter under its provisions was outlined
   as follows by the Boston Herald on the day following
   its adoption:

   "By the acceptance of plan 2, party and all other designations
   will be eliminated from the ballots for the municipal
   elections, which will be held on the first Tuesday after the
   second Monday in January of each year. The coming city
   election will be held on January 11.

   "Candidates for mayor must be nominated by petition of not
   less than 5000 registered Boston voters. The candidate who
   receives the highest vote at the city election will hold
   office for four years, unless recalled at the end of two
   years. The salary will be $10,000 a year.

   "At the state election in the second year of the mayor’s term
   the ballots will contain the question: ‘Shall there be an
   election for mayor at the next municipal election?’ And this
   will be answered by ‘Yes,’ or ‘No.’ If a majority of the
   registered voters vote ‘Yes’ an election for mayor will be
   held at the following city election.

   "Whether recalled or not, the mayor holding office will have
   his name on the ballot at the city election unless in writing
   he requests the election commissioners not to place his name
   on the ballot. The mayor then elected will hold office for
   four years, subject to recall at the end of his second year.

   "The city council will consist of nine members, all elected at
   large. The salary will be $1500 each. In the election on
   January 11 the voters may vote for nine candidates, and the
   nine receiving the highest votes will be declared elected. The
   three highest will have three-year terms, the three next
   highest will serve for two years and the next three for one
   year each. Each year thereafter three candidates-at-large will
   be elected, and the voters may vote for three. All members of
   the city council will be elected at large, and there will be
   no ward members of the body. By the abolition of party
   designations no primary elections or caucuses for municipal
   offices will be held.

   "All candidates for mayor, city council and school board must
   be nominated by papers of not less than 5000 registered
   voters. No voter may sign more than one paper for mayor, not
   more than nine for council for the first election and for
   three candidates thereafter, and not more than two papers for
   the school board when there are two members to be elected.

   "If a candidate for any of the offices decides to withdraw
   from the contest before the election, vacancies in nominations
   for any cause may be filled by a committee of not less than
   five persons authorized in the nomination papers to fill such
   vacancies.

   "Members of the street commission, formerly elected at large,
   will be appointed by the mayor, subject to approval by the
   civil service commission, but without restriction as to their
   political affiliation. All department heads will be appointed
   by the mayor, subject to approval by the civil service
   commission.

   "The new municipal year will begin on the first Monday in
   February, when the mayor and city council will be inducted
   into office."

   The election, held at the appointed time, January 11, 1910,
   was managed so badly as to divide the vote of the reforming
   element between three candidates, against one, the former
   Mayor, Fitzgerald, whose scandalous administration had
   afforded the prime incentive to the reform movement, and thus
   giving opportunity for his election by a small plurality. A
   committee of the reform leaders had chosen for their candidate
   Mr. James J. Storrow, President of the Boston Chamber of
   Commerce, and strove to concentrate the opposition to
   Fitzgerald upon him; but the Mayor in office, who had secured
   renomination, persisted in keeping the field, and won the
   petty number of 1816 votes, which a little more than sufficed
   to elect Fitzgerald. The vote given the latter was 47,142,
   against 45,757 to Mr. Storrow, and 613 to the fourth
   candidate, Taylor. A recount of the vote was secured, but made
   no substantial change.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: California:
   Charter-framing Power given to Cities.

   "All cities in California except the very smallest are
   permitted to frame their own charters, which become effective
   upon ratification by the legislature. The cities are quick to
   avail themselves of this privilege, with the result that
   almost every possible experiment in municipal organization may
   be found on trial somewhere in California. That the cities are
   progressive is shown by the fact that within the past decade
   every city of any size in the State has remodeled its
   organization either by a new charter or by far-reaching
   amendments. A high standard of efficient city organization has
   been set by the recent charter of the city of Berkeley
   [adopted 1909], which furnishes a very perfect example of the
   ‘commission’ plan. Elections are freed from the influence of
   national parties, and the possibility of a final choice in the
   direct primary is sufficient to bring out the entire vote of
   the city.

   "The popular initiative, the referendum, and the recall are
   now generally established in all the larger cities of the
   State, but outside of San Francisco and Los Angeles without
   sufficient use to test their value for good government. In San
   Francisco the popular initiative has been used more frequently
   for bad measures than for good. In Los Angeles the spectacular
   removal of the mayor in 1909 will doubtless be regarded as a
   justification of the method of recall."

      Frederick H. Clark,
      Head of History Department, Lowell High School,
      San Francisco, California.

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MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Chicago:
   The Municipal Voters’ League.

   In 1896 there was thought in Chicago of attempting to organize
   a strictly Municipal Party for action in municipal politics
   alone, and a conference of citizens appointed a committee to
   deal with the scheme. The committee decided this project to be
   impracticable, but its deliberations resulted in the creation
   of a Municipal Voters’ League, acting through a non-partisan
   committee of nine, whose function was to scrutinize all
   candidacies and nominations for the City Common Council, and
   afford information concerning them to voters of all parties
   who desired the election of honest and capable men. A
   permanent office force was employed, and thorough
   investigations made as to the record and character of every
   nominee for the Council. The results of these investigations
   were published, with recommendations for or against the
   respective candidates. The league brought pressure to bear, in
   the first place, to prevent the nomination of objectionable
   candidates, and then exerted its influence to defeat such
   candidates at the polls.

   This has been done with such effect in election after election
   as to produce a remarkable change in the character of the
   Council. Similar agencies have been brought into action in a
   number of cities within the few last years, with equally good
   results.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT:
   Chicago’s Struggles for a Better Charter.

   A body known as the "Charter Convention," made up of delegates
   appointed by or representing the Governor of the State, the
   State Assembly, and the several branches and departments of
   the City Government, was organized in December, 1905, and
   labored at the framing of a new City Charter until the early
   part of 1907, when the product of its labors was submitted to
   the Legislature of Illinois. Some of the main features of the
   charter were these:

   Consolidation in the municipal government of Chicago of the
   power vested in the board of education, township, park, and
   other local governments within the city;

      submission of propositions to popular vote;

      aldermen to be elected once in four years;

      the raising of adequate revenue by the issue of bonds and
      by other means;

      the power to own, maintain, and operate all public
      utilities in the city, including intramural, railroads,
      subways and tunnels, and telephone, telegraph, gas,
      electric lighting, heating, refrigerating and power plants;

      the parks to be under the management of a city department
      of parks;

      the public-school system to be a department of the city
      government and under the control of a board of education of
      fifteen members appointed by the mayor for terms of three
      years;

      the public library to be managed by a board of nine
      directors appointed by the mayor for terms of six years.

   As it went to the Legislature this draft charter represented
   much compromising of divergent opinions, and, probably, was
   not really satisfactory to anybody. The Legislature made it
   less so by amendments, and when it went to the people of
   Chicago, in September, 1907, for their verdict on it at the
   polls, they rejected it by 121,935 votes against 59,786.

   Early in 1908 the Charter Convention was reassembled and
   revised its former work, cutting the requisite legislation up
   into seven distinct bills, with a view to securing better
   chances of success for some reforms, if the whole could not be
   won; but the entire lot was killed in the Legislature.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: The Galveston or Des Moines Plan.
   Its Features.
   Extent of its Present Trial.

   Curiously enough, the present trend of opinion on the
   question, "What structure of municipal government will lend
   itself best to the reforms that it needs?" is in a direction
   that was given to it by accident, about ten years ago. Perhaps
   nothing short of a great catastrophe, like that of hurricane
   and flood, which wrecked the city of Galveston, on the 8th of
   September, 1900, could have broken the conventional pattern on
   which our cities were constructed so long. At all events, it
   was that catastrophe which started a crack in the antique
   pattern first. In improvising for the needs of a desperate
   emergency, the wrecked community had sense and energy enough
   to follow the plain instincts of business, and put itself, as
   a municipal corporation, under the kind of administration that
   any other corporation would construct. All the folly of
   localized interests in this and that part of the town,
   requiring to be "represented" by ward aldermen, went out of
   their heads. Their common calamity compelled them to
   understand that particular interests within the narrow bounds
   of a civic commonwealth are either included in or superseded
   by the common interests of the whole. They acted accordingly;
   dismissed their locally representative aldermen, dropped their
   old corps of administrative functionaries, and put the
   undivided management of their affairs into the hands of five
   commissioners, with a "mayor-president" at the head.

   It would not seem to have needed much political wisdom to
   predict the success of this experiment; but the quick effect
   of its teaching was more than there could be reason to expect.
   Houston, the near neighbor-city, was prompt to receive and
   apply the lesson, but bettering it somewhat. For Houston
   employed the whole time of its five business managers, paying
   them fair salaries for the service; whereas Galveston
   contented itself with less service and paid less.

   The two examples then presented, of a municipal corporation
   conducting its business in the plain mode and by the plain
   methods of the commercial corporations, drew increasing
   attention, in all parts of the country, west and east. Boston
   was soon discussing the Galveston experiment with deep
   interest, and at a meeting of the highly influential Economic
   Club of that city, in January, 1907, President Eliot, of
   Harvard University, declared that he saw in it the dawning of
   a brighter day. "We have got down very low," he said, "in
   regard to our municipal governments, and we have got dark days
   here now, but we can see a light breaking, and one of the
   lights broke in Galveston. I have personally been interested
   in the enormous improvement in just one branch of municipal
   business in our country within the last ten years—that is,
   school boards and school administrations. There has been a
   real wave of reform sweeping over the country, in the great
   cities particularly, with regard to school boards, and every
   bit of that experience goes the way I am describing it.
{434}
   It is all in the direction of a few men not paid, originally
   determining the general policy of the schools of the city and
   trusting entirely to experts for executive action. Our whole
   experience in Massachusetts with the commissions we have had,
   tends the same way. If we ask what have been the best
   performances of the governmental functions in Massachusetts
   for the last twenty-five years, we have but one answer to
   make, namely, the work of our commissions, water, sewage,
   railroads, gas and electric lighting, public libraries where
   owned by the city, hospitals where owned by the city. You can
   think of numerous instances in Massachusetts where admirable
   work has been done by commissions acting on the principles
   which I have described. I say the day is dawning. What it
   needs, that the light may grow and get to full noon, is that
   the people, the great body of the people, should be convinced
   that municipal government means nothing but good, intelligent
   conduct of business."

   Meantime, in the West, action was already following study of
   the Galveston plan of city government, and the four states of
   Iowa, Kansas, North Dakota, and South Dakota passed acts in
   1907 to enable the adoption of it by any city so desiring. One
   of the first to exercise the privilege was the city of Des
   Moines, Iowa, certain of whose progressive young business men
   had been studying the municipal problem of late, and who had
   determined to bring some system of local government into
   operation that would make their city what it ought to be. On
   the basis of the Galveston plan they worked out the details of
   a charter which has become the model of its species most
   widely accepted, so that more has been heard latterly of "the
   Des Moines Charter" than of "the Galveston Plan." What is
   called the Des Moines charter, however, was no special
   enactment for that city, but a legislative frame of municipal
   government which any city in Iowa having not less than 25,000
   inhabitants may fit itself into.

   It confides the whole management of strictly local affairs in
   the city to four councilmen and a mayor, all elected by the
   voters of the city at large. It divides their administration
   into five departments, namely:
      The department of Public Affairs;
      The department of Accounts and Finances;
      The department of Public Safety;
      The department of Streets and Public Improvements;
      The department of Parks and Public Property.

   The mayor, by virtue of his office, is chairman of the
   council. He is also superintendent of the department of public
   affairs, and exercises a general supervision over the whole of
   the city administration.

   The council thus composed, with the mayor at its head, is
   invested with all executive, legislative and judicial
   authority, formerly exercised by perhaps twelve different
   officers, and twelve different boards. It appoints the city
   attorney, the city treasurer, the city auditor, the city
   engineer; and, in fact, every other appointive official. It
   makes every appropriation, and conducts the entire affairs of
   the city. "At the first meeting of this council, immediately
   following the election of its members, the work of the city is
   assigned to its most appropriate department; to one of these
   five departments. Each of the members of the council is also
   named as superintendent of a particular department; the theory
   of the law being that the man who is best qualified, by reason
   of his experience and training, will be placed at the head of
   that department where his training and experience will be of
   most value. As superintendent of this department, he is held
   strictly accountable for all matters which come within his
   jurisdiction; he is also charged with responsibility for all
   that is done or not done in his particular department." In the
   nomination and election of this important council, no party
   names are permitted to be connected with the candidates, in
   any manner whatsoever. Each candidate for the office becomes
   so by the filing of a petition with the city clerk, bearing
   the signatures of not less than twenty-five citizens, who make
   affidavit to the effect that the man is of good moral
   character, of age, and qualified to fill the office. "Ten days
   before the election is held, the city clerk takes the
   petitions which have been filed and prepares the ballot. He
   does this by arranging the names of candidates in alphabetical
   order. The candidates for mayor are arranged under the heading
   ‘Mayor’; the candidates for councilmen are also arranged in
   alphabetical order under the heading ‘Councilmen.’ There is no
   party designation, and because of this alphabetical
   arrangement there can be no favorite position on the ballot.
   The result is, that the candidate comes before the whole
   people of the city on his own merit, and on his own record."

   As a citizen of Des Moines has described the proceeding,
   "after the primary has been held the general election is
   called, and in order to secure names for the ballot in the
   general election, we take the two candidates who have received
   the highest number of votes for mayor at the primary, and
   place their names on the ballot. In order to secure the
   councilmen, we take the eight candidates for councilmen who
   have received the highest number of votes at the primary and
   place their names on the regular election ballot. This gives
   us two opportunities to weed out undesirable men. In the first
   place, we have the choice among all candidates at the primary.
   At the election, we have the choice of one of two men for
   mayor, and the choice of four out of eight candidates for
   councilmen."

   A most important provision of this Iowa charter for cities has
   to do with the civil service. "At the first meeting of the
   city council, after the election of these five commissioners
   or five councilmen--they are not commissioners—they appoint a
   civil service board composed of three members, and this civil
   service board, in whose charge is placed the work of preparing
   a civil service examination, is appointed for a period of six
   years. Thus they are removed from any influence that might be
   exerted by the councilmen, who are only elected for two years.
   This civil service commission prepares once a year an
   examination for all employees of the city, with the exception
   of unskilled labor and the heads of the departments, such as
   city attorney, city treasurer, city assessor, etc. (all of
   whom are appointed by a majority vote of the council). Having
   passed the examination successfully, the applicant is placed
   in a position, and so long as his work is satisfactory and he
   remains competent, he cannot be removed. He may be suspended,
   but he cannot be removed, and he is entitled to a hearing
   before the civil service board. This provision at once takes
   away all chance of a machine being built up through
   patronage."

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   This is a sufficient description of the official frame of
   government that has been instituted at Des Moines and other
   cities of Iowa under a general law of that State. The law goes
   farther, and connects with this frame or system a
   supplementary provision of methods for giving the whole body
   of the people an immediate agency in municipal legislation and
   a power to recall their election of any elected official
   during his term. By the use of the Swiss process of
   "initiative," a sufficient number of voters (25 per cent. of
   the whole) can propose measures which the Council must either
   adopt or else submit to the general vote, and can suspend
   measures adopted by the council until the general body of
   citizens has voted for or against them. These features, of the
   initiative, the referendum and the recall, are no more
   essential attachments to the Des Moines or Iowa form of
   municipal organization than to any other. To what extent the
   States and cities making trial of the general features of the
   Galveston scheme of municipal organization have followed Iowa
   in making the Swiss additions to it, information at present is
   wanting. Apparently the Des Moines pattern is having wide
   acceptance.

   In the fall of 1909 the towns in the United States which had
   adopted the so-called Des Moines plan of government were
   reported to number 12 in Texas, 7 in Kansas, 6 in Iowa, 3 in
   Massachusetts, 3 in California, 2 in Colorado, 2 in Missouri,
   2 in Tennessee, 1 in West Virginia, 1 in Mississippi, 1 in
   North Dakota, 1 in South Dakota, being 42 in all. Movements
   looking to the introduction of the same system were on foot in
   other cities. At the November election a draft of charter on
   the lines of the Des Moines plan was submitted to popular vote
   in the city of Buffalo, New York, and approved by 8848
   electors, out of a total of 11,346 who expressed themselves on
   the subject. The total vote, however, was only about one-sixth
   of that cast for candidates at the election. On the strength
   of the opinion expressed, the Legislature is now being asked
   to enact the charter. Should it do so, the form of government
   will have trial in the largest city that has yet introduced
   it.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: London, England:
   Defeat of the Progressives in the County and Borough Elections.

      See (in this Volume)
      LONDON: A. D. 1907-1909.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Los Angeles, California:
   Experiments and Experiences.

   Since 1900, Los Angeles, California, has been going through
   some interesting experiences, due to a series of charter
   amendments. The former charter of the city had been of the
   common pattern, organizing the municipal government under a
   mayor and a board of aldermen elected by wards. The amendments
   of recent years have created a Board of Public Works, with large
   powers in the management of municipal work; have changed the
   Board of Education from a body of nine members elected by
   wards to a membership of seven chosen from the city at large;
   have provided an elaborate system of municipal civil service
   regulation; and finally have provided for a complete system of
   popular initiative and referendum in municipal legislation,
   and for recall of elective officers. Popular initiative in
   legislation is made possible upon the demand by petition of 15
   per cent of the voters, estimated upon the total vote for
   mayor at the preceding municipal election; referendum in
   ordinary legislation is required upon a petition of 7 per cent
   of the voters; a recall election must be ordered upon the
   demand of 25 per cent of the voters concerned in the filling
   of the office. The official whom the petition seeks to remove
   is made a candidate for reflection without other nomination,
   unless in writing he notifies the city clerk that he is not a
   candidate.

   The recall methods, provided for in charter amendments of
   1903, have been put into actual service; first, in 1906, when
   a councilman was replaced by vote of the Ward, and again in
   February, 1909, when a recall election was ordered for the
   office of mayor. The proceedings in this case attracted
   widespread attention and interest throughout the country. They
   failed, however, to afford a perfect test of recall methods
   for the reason that after the election had been ordered but
   before the date had arrived the mayor in office resigned, thus
   surrendering without a struggle to the opponents who had
   sought his removal.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Michigan:
   Home Rule for Cities.

   The lately revised Constitution of Michigan authorizes cities
   and villages to frame, adopt and amend their charters, and to
   pass laws and ordinances in regard to their municipal
   concerns. Under this improved Constitution, the Michigan
   Legislature of 1909 adopted the necessary legislation for the
   formulation of action and for the limitation of taxes and
   debts. The following, from the New York Evening Post,
   is a summary of the more important provisions of the Act:
   "Charters of new cities will be framed by a commission of nine
   electors chosen by popular vote. Revised charters of existing
   cities will be framed, after a vote of the electors in favor
   of revision (submitted by a two-thirds vote of the local
   legislative body or on an initiatory petition of twenty per
   cent. of the total vote cast for Mayor), by an elected
   commission of one member from each ward and three electors at
   large. Candidates for charter commissioners are to be placed
   on the ballot without party affiliations designated. Charter
   amendments may be proposed by a two-thirds vote of the local
   legislative body, or by an initiatory petition of twenty per
   cent. of the vote for Mayor.

   "Every charter and charter amendment, before submission to the
   electors, must be submitted to the Governor of the State, but
   if disapproved by him, and passed on reconsideration by a
   two-thirds vote of the Charter Commission or local legislative
   body, shall be submitted to the electors. Copies of charters
   and charter amendments approved by the electors of the city
   shall be certified to the secretary of state, and shall
   thereupon become a law.

   "The law names certain things which each city charter shall
   provide, and imposes certain restrictions on the powers of
   cities. There must be an elected Mayor and a body vested with
   legislative power; the clerk, treasurer, and assessors, and
   other officers may be elected or appointed. This permits the
   establishment of a commission system, or of a Mayor and
   council with distinct powers. Provision must be made for the
   levy, collection, and return of State, county, and school
   taxes, for annual appropriations for municipal purposes, and
   for a system of accounts.

{436}

   "Provision may be made for municipal taxes and for borrowing
   money up to prescribed limits, for the regulation of trades,
   occupations, and amusements, for the purchase of franchises,
   for a plan of streets within three miles beyond the city
   limits, 'for a system of civil service,' for the referendum,
   and the following omnibus clause: for the exercise of all
   municipal powers in the management and control of municipal
   property and in the administration of the municipal
   government, whether such powers be expressly enumerated or
   not; for any act to advance the interests of the city, the
   good government and prosperity of the municipality and its
   inhabitants, and through its regularly constituted authority,
   to pass all laws and ordinances relating to its municipal
   concerns, subject to the Constitution and general laws of the
   State.

   "Limitations include the following: Existing limits to the tax
   rate and borrowing powers to remain until a change is
   authorized by vote of the electors, with a maximum limit of 2
   per cent. of the assessed valuation for the tax rate and 8 per
   cent. for loans; but, as authorized by the Constitution, bonds
   may be issued beyond this limit for public utilities, when
   secured only upon the property and revenues of the utility. A
   sinking fund must be provided for bonds. A charter or charter
   amendment may not be submitted oftener than once in two years.
   The salary of public officials may not be changed after
   election or appointment. Certain municipal property may only
   be sold or vacated when approved by three-fifths of the
   electors voting thereon.

   "A separate act was passed for villages. This follows the main
   features of the law for cities, but is briefer."

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: New York City: A. D. 1901-1909.
   The Municipal Elections of 1901, 1903, 1905, and 1909.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: New York City: A. D. 1905-1909.
   The Working of the Bureau of Municipal Research.

   The Bureau of Municipal Research, instituted in New York City
   by an organization of citizens in 1905, has proved to be as
   effective an agency as has ever been employed for the
   straightening of crookedness and the correcting of negligence
   in the conduct of municipal affairs. Its working is described
   fully in an article which appeared in the Atlantic
   Monthly of October, 1908, by the head of the Bureau, Dr.
   William H. Allen, under the title, "A National Fund for
   Efficient Democracy." What the writer aims to do, and does
   most effectively, is, first, to show how inefficient our
   democracy is in its practical working, how demoralizing that
   inefficiency is, how feebly education and religion are
   struggling against its demoralizations, so long as they do not
   work to make government efficient; and then he unfolds the
   remedy indicated in results obtained already from the public
   enlightenment—the citizen education—which the Bureau of
   Municipal Research is developing in New York. His final
   purpose is to plead for the great national fund that would
   establish a central foundation for the extending and
   organizing of similar educational work throughout the country
   at large.

   The simple object of the New York Bureau of Municipal Research
   has been to make and to keep the public acquainted with the
   working of things in its government; to make and keep it
   attentive to the facts of efficiency or inefficiency in that
   working, which proves to be the kind of political education
   that bears the most practical fruits. The aim of the bureau,
   says Dr. Allen, has been "educative, not detective. Infinitely
   more interested in pointing out what is needed than what is
   wrong, it realizes that the great problem of democracy is not
   the control of the officer, but the education of the citizen.
   It began, not by laying down principles of government or
   discussing men, but by studying the needs of the community and
   its official acts. It would educate democracy in facts about
   democracy’s acts and methods, democracy’s need, and
   democracy’s opportunity." Something of the results achieved is
   set forth in the following passage:

   "Three years, $150,000, and scientific method, have
   accomplished results surpassing all dreams of those who
   outlined its programme. So convincing are these results that
   onlookers who said three years ago, ‘The tiger will never
   change its stripes,’ are now saying, ‘You could hardly do this
   in cities where the tiger marks are less obvious.’ Although
   many phases of municipal administration have not yet been
   studied, there is hardly an obstacle to efficiency and honesty
   that has not been encountered and overcome by light. The
   real-estate bureau that eluded all graft charges is being
   reorganized to prevent either graft or one hundred per cent.
   profits for land sold the city at private sale. While its own
   staff, consisting of three investigators in 1907 and 40 in the
   summer of 1908, can of itself do no inconsiderable educational
   work, the bureau gauges its effectiveness, not by what its own
   staff accomplishes, but by what the city’s staff of 70,000,
   and through them the city’s population of 4,000,000, are
   enabled to accomplish because of its educational effort.

   "Methods that manufacture corruption and inefficiency, and
   that for 50 years defied political reform, are giving way to
   methods by which 70,000 employees must tell the truth about
   what they do when they do it, about what they spend when they
   spend it, in clear, legible form. … Tammany officials, when
   interested, make excellent collaborators. The commissioners of
   accounts, for 30 years, through reform and Tammany
   administrations alike, a whitewashing body that condoned and
   glossed over wasteful and corrupt acts, have become, as a
   direct result of the bureau’s work, a great educational
   agency."

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: New York City: A. D. 1909.
   Proposed New Charter, not acted on in the Legislature.

   A Commission appointed for the purpose by Governor Hughes,
   after long and careful study of the subject of a new charter
   for Greater New York, reported in March, 1909, submitting a
   recommended draft, which was submitted to the Legislature then
   in session, but obtained no action from that body before its
   adjournment. The ruling principle in the work of the
   Commission had been that of reducing the number of elected
   administrative officers, of putting into separate hands the
   power to appropriate and the power to spend money, and of
   concentrating power and responsibility in a few.
{437}
   As originally organized, the "Greater New York" City is
   divided into five boroughs. At the head of each borough is a
   Borough President, who has charge of the streets and the
   public buildings within the borough. There is also a Board of
   Estimate and Apportionment, consisting of the Mayor,
   Comptroller, the President of the Board of Aldermen, and the
   Borough Presidents. There is also a Board of Aldermen. The
   Commissioners proposed that the Borough Presidents shall cease
   to have administrative functions and shall devote their
   attention exclusively to the great financial work of the Board
   of Estimate and Apportionment; that the administrative work be
   given to heads of departments responsible to the Mayor, and to
   bureaus, some of them under the Board of Estimate and
   Apportionment and some under the various departments; and that
   the Board of Aldermen be supplanted by a Council of
   thirty-nine members to serve without pay; to have enlarged
   legislative powers, but none connected with the grant
   franchises, which the Board of Estimate and Apportionment
   should control. A new Department of Street Control was
   proposed, to take over all street work, abolishing the
   Street-Cleaning Department.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Philadelphia: A. D. 1905.
   A Temporary House Cleaning of the Municipality.
   Mayor Weaver’s Conversion.

   "Philadelphia has reformed. It is the swiftest and most
   thorough municipal revolution known in American civic annals.
   Without an election and without primaries, without warning and
   without preparation, the great deep of small
   householders,—which is Philadelphia,—moved from below. When
   the work was over, Mayor Weaver, who led the revolution, had
   not only changed the heads of the two executive departments,
   with ten thousand employees, but he was in full control of
   City Councils; he was recognized as the head of the city
   Republican party organization; he had forced the city
   Republican committee to withdraw the local ticket already
   nominated and await the choice of another ticket by the reform
   leaders; he had begun criminal prosecution, stopped work on
   contracts for filtration plants, boulevards, and highways
   amounting to some twelve million dollars, beginning a
   searching investigation by a board of expert engineers, and
   had defeated two grabs, one a contract for seventy-five years
   in gas and the other a street-car grab of one hundred and ten
   miles of streets, sought by the two local public-service
   corporations, the United Gas Improvement Company and the
   Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company. Both had been successfully
   passed before this revolution broke, and both were recalled,
   on the demand of the mayor, by the same councils that had
   passed them.

   "The coherent homogeneous vote of the myriads of small homes
   which make up Philadelphia has made this sweeping victory
   possible against great odds. The party majority in
   Pennsylvania and Philadelphia is the strongest in the country.
   The city machine is as well organized as Tammany Hall. It
   holds city, State, and federal patronage. For ten years it has
   without challenge chosen the executive officers at Harrisburg
   and Philadelphia and held the Legislature and Councils. The
   city ring, in a decade of unchecked rule, has issued
   $40,000,000 of city bonds; let on the filtration plant alone
   $13,660,000 of contracts; as much more on various public
   improvements, and had pending work authorized, but not let,
   costing about $30,000,000. The criminal investigation already
   made indicates that on the filtration-plant contracts alone
   the margin of loose profit is from 28 to 30 per cent. In this
   period the city gas works have been leased for a term ending
   in 1927, on provisions which yield $2,000,000 a year, twice
   the expected profit to the lessee, the United Gas Improvement
   Company. The other public-service corporation, the
   Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company, has had a free gift of a
   subway and over two hundred miles of street without payment
   and without limitation. The combination, under an antiquated
   law which threw no safeguards about the ballot of a venal vote
   controlled by machine office-holders of the great
   corporations, railroad and public-service, and of a corrupt
   combination of contractors and politicians, seemed omnipotent.
   By the adroit use of State and city appropriations for private
   charities and educational institutions, the respectable were
   placated. The leaders of this organization were also wise
   enough to meet reforms non-political halfway. The last State
   legislature passed excellent sanitary legislation, reorganized
   on sound lines the city schools of Philadelphia, passed
   efficient child-labor laws, and at many points improved State
   legislation. Carefully separating political management and
   elected officers, the leaders of the machine chose judicial
   candidates usually unexceptionable, and elected as governor of
   the State and mayor of Philadelphia men honest, dull, highly
   respected, without stain but pliant.

   "In April, so far as Philadelphia was concerned,
   self-government seemed to have disappeared. Its charter was
   amended, in the teeth of universal protest, so as to rob
   future mayors of all powers. Senator Boies Penrose and
   Insurance Commissioner Israel W. Durham made all nominations,
   State and city. The former awaits investigation. Durham has
   been shown to be a silent and secret partner in a contracting
   firm holding $13,660,000 of contracts, under city ordinances
   he passed, led by officers he chose, and yielding some 30 per
   cent. profit. In Pennsylvania and Philadelphia, the
   corporation pays the machine and the machine aids the
   corporation. It is like this in other States, but preeminently
   in that founded by Penn. After a long series of like gifts and
   franchises, councils voted the Rapid Transit Company one
   hundred and ten miles of streets, passed a costly boulevard
   system, and in return for $25,000,000 intended for more
   contracts proposed to lease the city gas works for
   seventy-five years, postponing reduction in the price of gas
   for three-quarters of a century.

   "This ran the pliant fingers of the machine into the pockets
   of every householder who had a gas bill to pay, some two
   hundred and eighty thousand in number. Suddenly this great
   mass moved from within. The pulpit of small churches knew it
   before the press, the little division leaders before the ward
   managers, and they before the chiefs of the organization. In a
   week, the city seethed. Children of councilmen came crying
   from the public schools. No one would play with them. Callous,
   thick-skinned politicians found their mail, their telephones,
   and their daily tours one hot rain of protest from their old
   neighbors. Division leaders reported defection by the
   avalanche.
{438}
   The small householder, the narrow burgher, comfortable,
   contented, owning his house, careless over ideals, education,
   corruption, and venal voter, was aflame over a bigger gas
   bill. It is the old story of ship money and stamp taxes. No
   vote was necessary. No primary was needed. The leaders of a
   political machine are ignorant of much, but they know the
   voice of the voter in the land. John Weaver, the mayor, chosen
   by the machine, and its lifelong friend and supporter, had
   been a fair case lawyer and district attorney. Honest, narrow,
   clean-lived, of a legal mind, restive at the way he was
   treated as a mere figurehead, he recognized the civic
   revolution because he was himself of the class that had risen.
   He had, moreover, in his day won his division and was a ward
   leader."

      American Review of Reviews,
      July, 1905.

   The Israel W. Durham referred to above, who was the absolute
   "boss" of Philadelphia from 1896 to 1905, died on the 28th of
   June, 1909.

      See, also,
      PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1906.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: A. D. 1909.
   The old Evil Conditions revived.
   Defeat of Revolt against them.

   The old mastery of the City Government by an all-powerful and
   shameless political "machine" was recovered at the end of the
   term of Mayor Weaver, and conditions were soon as rotten as
   before the momentary and partial cleansing had been performed.
   In 1909 a hopeful revolt against them was undertaken, under
   the lead of D. Clarence Gibboney a young lawyer who as
   secretary of an active "Law and Order Society," had shown
   inspiring powers of leadership and high qualities of sincerity
   and resolution. Gibboney had been put forward for District
   Attorney in 1906 on Democratic and Independent tickets, and
   had suffered defeat. Now he was brought again to the front,
   for that office, from which the plunderers of the city could
   be most advantageously attacked. A William Penn Party had been
   organized in the interest of reform, and his nomination by
   this was endorsed by the Democratic organization. A great
   effort was made to rouse the conscience and the self-respect
   of the city, to throw off the thraldom of blind partisanship
   under which it submits to be corrupted and robbed. But the
   effort failed. Gibboney was rejected by a majority of about
   40,000 voters.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Pittsburg:
   Achievements of a Reforming Mayor.

   George W. Guthrie became Mayor of Pittsburg in 1906. "When
   Mayor Guthrie went into office there was no merit system in
   Pittsburg; but he soon established an effective one of his
   own, and at the 1907 session of the Pennsylvania Legislature
   effectively co-operated with the Pennsylvania Civil Service
   Reform Association and similar bodies, with Mayor Dimmick, of
   Scranton, and the business bodies of second-class cities, to
   secure a law which would permanently establish the merit
   system in them. He and his colleagues succeeded. A short time
   ago some one asked the Mayor how many Democrats he had
   appointed to office. His immediate reply was, 'I haven’t the
   least idea. The question of party has never entered into the
   matter.’ …

   "The tax levied in February, 1906, before Mayor Guthrie
   assumed office, was 15 mills. That levied in February, 1907,
   the first under his administration, was 12½ mills. This year,
   had it not been for the annexation of Allegheny, the city
   would have required only 10 or 10½ mills. The Mayor’s first
   estimate was 11 mills; but the final figures, as made up by
   the Finance Committee, showed that the lower figure would have
   been sufficient. When the Mayor entered office, there was a
   cash deficit of $400,000, caused by the payment of bills left
   over from the previous administration. He closed his first
   year with a small surplus, and the second (1907) with a large
   one. The total tax valuation of the old city of Pittsburg is
   $599,852,923. Its total bonded indebtedness is $24,956,001,
   and its net indebtedness (arrived at by deducting bonds in the
   saving fund) is $16,532,425, or .0275 per cent of the
   valuation. This highly desirable financial result, however,
   has not been reached by any false economy. Inadequate salaries
   have been raised. All the street repairing for 1907 was paid
   for out of the tax levy, and the work on the filtration plant
   has been pushed unceasingly. Enough of the filter beds are
   finished to provide for present needs, and as soon as they are
   ‘ripened’ and the pumping machinery rearranged the city will
   have filtered water. …

   "For many years, under the old regime, Pittsburg had been free
   from many of the evils of an open city; but a syndicate of
   Councilmen and politicians had made immense sums out of the
   business. They controlled the leases of the houses, which they
   sublet at exorbitant sums. They also controlled the supplies
   which were furnished to them. The Mayor issued but one order
   for the regulation of this district. He made no attempt to
   solve the entire problem. As the law was plain about the sale
   of liquor, he declared that that must stop absolutely; and
   that no house could be run on streets on which there were
   surface cars. This order proved to be the death-blow of the
   combination that had previously existed. The politicians, when
   they heard the order, laughed. They had fooled every other
   Mayor, and they thought they could fool Guthrie. He would need
   Councils and must necessarily ‘deal’ with them. But he needed
   no one, and he ‘dealt’ with no one. He waited six weeks for
   his warning to be taken, and then he acted. One Saturday night
   the police drew a net around the district, and over one
   thousand arrests were made. Then came the final blow that
   stopped political interference. Under the old system police
   magistrates had been in the habit of holding fines or delaying
   sentences, which, under the pressure of political influence,
   were remitted or suspended. Such money as was paid in was held
   for a month before being turned over to the city treasury. …
   Mr. Guthrie established the rule that all fines and jail
   sentences, once imposed, would have to stand unless revoked by
   the county courts. Not only have the revenues of the city
   largely increased by this policy, as we have already seen, but
   one of the greatest sources of political evil has been
   removed. Since this policy was inaugurated there has been no
   political or machine interference in the administration of the
   law. Incidentally, I may mention that one Councilman went to
   jail for his complicity with the protection of the social
   evil.

{439}

   "The situation in Pittsburg is so changed and improved that
   the Secretary of the Civic Voters' League was able to say
   recently; ‘While we have forced Councils to be good, elected
   the best Mayor in the country, put in county offices men of
   ability and honesty, forced the politicians to give us a good
   civil service measure, I am convinced that our most important
   victory has been to convince the political leaders and bosses
   that there is a new era in politics, and that for the future
   none but the best men can be elected to public office.’"

      Clinton Rogers Woodruff,
      A Mayor with an Ideal
      (The Outlook, April 25, 1908).

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT:
   Defeat of the Reforming Mayor in 1909, but no Discouragement
   of the Reforming Activity of the Voters’ League.
   Unparalleled Success in convicting Bribed Officials
   and their Bribers.

   Mayor Guthrie, nominated for reëlection in 1909, was defeated
   by the nominee of a corrupt party "machine"; but this put no
   check on the efforts of the Voters’ League behind him to hunt
   down the corrupting influences and agencies which had mastered
   the city once more. A fortunate accident gave the League a
   single clue to the hidden labyrinth of rascality, and it
   sufficed for astounding revelations. It tracked and caught,
   first, a single ex-Councilman, who had handled large sums of
   bribe-money, receiving and dividing it among his fellow
   members of a gang known as the "Big Six." This man, John P.
   Klein, when he found himself helplessly in the toils, and
   likely to be the scape-goat for all his confederates and their
   corrupters, made confessions which uncovered much, if not all,
   of the bribe-giving and bribe-taking of several past years.
   Down to the 23d of March, 1910, when the following summary was
   published, the results coming from this confession had been as
   follows:

   In penitentiary—
   W. W. Ramsey, ex-president of the German National Bank;
   William Brand, ex-president of the Common Council;
   Joseph C. Wasson, ex-Councilman, and H. M. Bolder.

   Under sentence to the penitentiary—
   John F. Klein, ex-Councilman.

   Awaiting disposition of their cases—
   E. H. Jennings, president of the Columbia National Bank, and
   F. A. Griffin, cashier, who pleaded nolo contendere.

   Under indictment—
   Forty-one Councilmen.

   Confessors of bribe-sharing—
   Twenty Councilmen, former and present, Select and Common.

   More confessors awaiting turn—
   Ten former and present Councilmen.

   As this goes to the printers, the bribe-givers, including some
   of the multi-millionaires of Pittsburg, are being dragged into
   court.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: St. Louis: A. D. 1900-1940.
   The Unearthing of Thievery and Corruption
   by Circuit Attorney Folk.
   Prosecutions, Confessions, and Convictions.

   One of the most notable and effective cleansings of a
   corrupted municipality that has occurred in the United States
   was accomplished in St. Louis by Joseph Wingate Folk, using
   the powers of the office of Circuit Attorney of the City, to
   which he was fortunately elected in the spring of 1900. That
   bribery was active among the Aldermen and Councilmen of the
   two chambers of the municipal legislature, and that
   unscrupulous men of business were habitually employing it to
   secure iniquitous franchises and jobs, appears to have been a
   matter of common belief; but the belief had not roused feeling
   enough to bring about any change, until the opportunity to act
   was given to Mr. Folk.

   One notoriously suspicious transaction, which consolidated the
   street railways of the city, was outlawed for all but a single
   actor in it by the Missouri statute of limitations, which bars
   criminal proceedings after three years; but the one man had
   been absent from the State during so large a part of those
   three years that he could be reached by the law, and the
   Circuit Attorney turned the search light of a grand jury
   investigation on his case. This man, R. M. Snyder, of Kansas
   City, was indicted, arrested, and held for trial under bonds
   of $50,000. From that beginning Mr. Folk went on to the
   probing of a more recent franchise grant, and unearthed the
   fact that two deposits of cash, for sums of $60,000 and
   $75,000 were boxed in safety deposit vaults, each guarded by
   duplicate keys held on one side by a corporation agent, and on
   the other side by agents of the Council and the Aldermanic
   body respectively, waiting for distribution among the
   officials who had sold the public franchise for those sums. A
   rival corporation had, meantime, attacked the legality of the
   grant, held it up by an injunction, and so kept these
   corruption funds in suspension between the bribers and the
   bribed.

   By what resolute persistence, what shrewdness, what bold
   ventures of surmise, Mr. Folk uncovered the cunningly secreted
   facts, terrified the "boodlers" and the bribers into betraying
   one another, and fastened their crimes upon them, cannot be
   told here. Two of the wealthy buyers in the rascally trade, a
   Mr. Turner and a Mr. Stock, became witnesses for the State
   against the men whose crime they had bought. The two agents
   for Aldermen and Councilmen, who held the keys of the
   deposited bribe, J. K. Murrell and Charles Kratz, fled to
   Mexico, forfeiting their bail. Three others of the accused,
   Emil Meysenberg, Julius Lehmann and Harry Faulkner, were
   tried, convicted and sentenced to imprisonment for three and
   two years. The escape of Murrell and Kratz beyond reach of
   extradition embarrassed the prosecution of the remaining
   confederates, who seemed likely to go free for lack of
   sufficient evidence; but unexpectedly, in September, 1902,
   Murrell reappeared in St. Louis, saying that he could not
   endure exile any longer and was ready to bear the penalty of
   his wrongdoing. On his confessions eleven aldermen were
   arrested, charged with bribery in two cases and with perjury
   before the grand jury. Seven others made successful flights.

   In the course of the next year another of the refugees from
   justice returned, supposing his time of danger to have passed.
   This was Charles F. Kelly, who had been Speaker of the St.
   Louis House of Delegates and a ready tool of Edward Butler,
   the St. Louis political "Boss" and legislative broker. Butler
   had been involved in the prosecutions, and Kelly had fled to
   avoid giving testimony against him, being paid, as he
   confessed finally, $50,000 for his retirement into obscure
   foreign parts. What happened to him later, and what
   confessions he made were the subject of a brief story in THE
   OUTLOOK of November 5, 1904, in part as follows:

{440}

   "Returning when it was believed that his patron was secure
   through the operation of the statute of limitations, Kelly was
   arrested and sentenced to two years in the penitentiary for
   perjury in his testimony in one of the boodle cases. He
   appealed to the Supreme Court, and meanwhile was rearrested on
   the charge of accepting a bribe in another deal. At, this
   juncture he complained that Butler had deserted him and had
   advised him to plead guilty. ‘It didn’t look right,’ he said
   in an interview, ‘that we should take our medicine and that he
   should go free.’ Therefore he determined to relate his
   dealings with Butler in the bribery cases. In his statement he
   says that he has reason to believe that boodling had been in
   progress in the St. Louis Municipal Assembly for the last
   twenty-five years. The boodlers did not fear exposure, because
   they ‘knew that most of the politicians and many of the large
   financiers of St. Louis’ would be with them. One prosecutor
   who attempted to bring them to justice was ‘bluffed off.’ When
   Mr. Folk began his work, there were threats of assassination,
   and finally a deliberate plot was arranged to ruin the
   prosecutor’s influence by falsehoods. ‘Prominent financiers’
   as well as the boodlers were engaged in this attempt,
   according to the confession.

   "The general scheme of the boodle ‘combine’ is already fairly
   well known, but Mr. Kelly adds some interesting details. There
   were nineteen members, and the combine was ‘not along party
   lines.’ ‘My experience,’ he remarks, ‘has been that boodlers
   line up according to their interests, and not under party
   standards.’ The members of the combine held regular meetings,
   and decided by a majority vote on the prices to be charged for
   various measures. There was a ‘fixed schedule of prices’ for
   bills in accordance with the value of the privileges to be
   given. The combine rarely sold out for less than a thousand
   dollars, though once ‘some of the boys took five dollars each,
   but were so ashamed of it they would not speak of it
   afterwards, because the price was so small.’ The combine was
   in the habit of selecting one of its members to act as agent
   in the deals, and only in one or two instances did the
   representative prove untrustworthy. ‘Among ourselves,’ says
   this frank boodler, ‘we had a high code of morals, and it was
   considered extremely dishonest for a member of the combine to
   accept bribe money without dividing it among his fellows.’ A
   particularly interesting feature of the confession is the
   warning which it gives to St. Louis of the danger of a relapse
   to the old conditions when Mr. Folk’s term as Circuit Attorney
   shall have expired. Kelly asserts that Butler advised his
   indicted friends to get continuances until a new Circuit
   Attorney should be elected, and that he promised them that the
   prosecutor should be ‘his man.’ ‘What,’ asks Kelly, ‘has been
   done in St. Louis? Nothing at all. The prosecutor has, after
   three years’ fighting, whipped us. But it seems to me, such is
   the condition of public sentiment in St. Louis, that when the
   new prosecutor, who of course will be Ed Butler’s man, takes
   charge, boodlers will be in clover again.’ In his opinion the
   great trouble is that ‘so many of the large corporations of
   the city are mixed up in boodle one way or another’ that the
   town is willing to tolerate corruption."

   Here, as in all exposed cases, the power to organize "boodle"
   or "graft" in municipal government is found to have been
   derived from the "machines" of the national political parties.

   The exhibit of character and ability made by Mr. Folk in his
   extraordinary enforcement of law in St. Louis, to the
   overthrow of the stronghold of municipal thieves and
   corruptionists, so commended him to the people of Missouri
   that they nominated and elected him Governor of the State in
   1904, despite the most desperate endeavor of the party
   organizations to defeat him. In his higher office he continued
   his work of reform.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1901-1909.
   The Struggle with Political Corruption.

   "Before the enactment of the charter of 1899 the mayoralty in
   San Francisco had little power, and successive political
   bosses had ignored it. Instead of this, they aimed to control
   the municipal Board of Supervisors, which had the awarding of
   contracts and franchises. The charter of 1899 changed all
   this, by concentrating vast powers of appointment and removal
   in the mayoralty, the office being filled by biennial
   election. The office was ably and honestly administered for
   the first two years by Honorable Jas. D. Phelan.

   "During the latter portion of Phelan’s term there occurred a
   long and bitter industrial struggle, known as the ‘Teamsters’
   Strike,’ in which the sympathy of other labor organizations
   was deeply stirred. At the request of the employers Mayor
   Phelan consented to placing the city police upon drays and
   wagons as guards for non-union drivers. This action aroused
   violent denunciation on the part of the union labor leaders.
   It also served as a political object lesson. It was seen that
   to gain possession of the mayoralty in the interest of union
   labor would be a great political advantage, especially in a
   recurrence of industrial strife.

   "In the following election (1901) Eugene E. Schmitz, orchestra
   leader at the Columbia theatre and head of the musicians’
   union, the candidate of the union labor party, was elected
   mayor by 21,776 votes as against 30,365 votes somewhat evenly
   divided between the Republican and the Democratic candidates.
   Two years later (1903) Schmitz was reëlected in the same way,
   and in 1905 he was again successful, this time securing a
   large majority over the fusion candidate nominated by the
   Democratic and Republican parties combined. Throughout the
   whole period Schmitz's chief political manager was Abraham
   Ruef, a native of San Francisco, well educated, gifted and
   ambitious, an adroit politician, previously affiliated with
   the Republican party. In 1904 he was a delegate at large for
   California in the Republican national convention at Chicago.

   "Almost from the beginning of the Schmitz administration it
   became recognized throughout the city that the most certain
   way of obtaining favors from the mayor’s office was through
   the law office of Abraham Ruef, who acted as the legal and
   political adviser of Mayor Schmitz. Ruef steered a different
   course from political bosses generally. He kept his office
   open for all comers, high and low. He was thoroughly
   accessible. He welcomed all applicants and dealt out
   encouraging assurances to every request. It soon became a
   matter of general belief that under the guise of legal
   services Ruef was selling licenses, securing special
   privileges for favored clients and protecting illegal
   concerns. Ruef’s income increased enormously during the
   Schmitz regime, but to the end he maintained this pretense of
   ‘attorney’s fees,’ and only a few months before he was
   indicted for extortion he stoutly maintained before a public
   meeting that he had never made a dollar out of politics.’

{441}

   "In 1905 the grand jury made a thorough investigation of the
   municipal administration and became convinced of the existence
   of a wide-spread system of bribery and corruption. In its
   report to the Superior Court, filed August 19, 1905, it
   stated: ‘that wholesale and wide-spread violation of law is
   open, notorious and flagrant; that it meets with the
   acquiescence of the mayor; that it receives the approval of
   the police commission; that it is aided, abetted and protected
   by police officials. … We find that vice and crime have been
   organized so systematically, and fostered with such vigilant
   attention to detail, that nothing which business acumen or
   political expediency could suggest has been neglected or
   omitted.’ For lack of legal evidence, however, or the funds
   with which to carry on an investigation for securing it, no
   indictments in these matters were returned.

   "The municipal election of 1905 gave to Ruef the control of
   the Board of Supervisors as well as the administrative
   departments of the city. The great upheaval in business
   conditions produced by the earthquake and fire of April, 1906,
   brought new and wealthier clients to his office. Evidence made
   public in the later prosecutions goes to show that Ruef was
   paid to secure from the Board of Supervisors for the United
   Railroads permission to use an overhead trolley system for
   operating its street cars instead of the cable system in use
   before the fire; that the gas company had bribed the
   supervisors to raise the price of gas from 75 to 85 cents per
   thousand feet; and that the telephone companies had used the
   same means to promote their interests.

   "The work of securing the evidence upon which criminal
   indictments could be based was performed by a few determined
   men. Rudolph Spreckels, a young man of large fortune, came
   forward with a pledge of $100,000 for the expenses of a
   searching investigation. District Attorney William H. Langdon,
   who had been elected on the same ticket with Schmitz,
   announced that he would conduct the inquiry without regard to
   party affiliations, and appointed Francis J. Heney, assistant
   district attorney. A man of courage and devotion to public
   honesty, Heney had gained distinction by the successful
   prosecution of land frauds before the Federal courts in
   Oregon. Heney requested and obtained the assistance of William
   J. Burns, a detective in the United States Secret Service.

   "Ruef and Schmitz were soon indicted by the grand jury,
   charged with extorting money from restaurant proprietors.
   During the progress of his trial Ruef changed his plea from
   ‘Not guilty’ to ‘Guilty.’ Judgment against him was delayed,
   however, by the prosecution for the purpose of gaining
   evidence against others. Schmitz was tried on a similar charge
   and with the aid of testimony given by Ruef was convicted and
   [July, 1907] sentenced to imprisonment for five years in the
   state penitentiary.

   "Meanwhile, some of the weaker supervisors having been caught
   in a trap set for them by Burns, confessions of bribery were
   obtained by the grand jury from fifteen out of eighteen
   members of the Board. In return for these confessions the
   district attorney entered into immunity contracts with the
   supervisors, and became temporarily the directing power in the
   municipal government. The office of mayor was declared vacant,
   and Honorable. Edward R. Taylor, a learned and conscientious
   man, a professor in the Hastings College of Law in San
   Francisco, was appointed to the position. Gradually the whole
   Board of Supervisors was replaced by honest and experienced
   men.

   "On the confessions of the discredited supervisors there
   followed a large number of indictments against Ruef, Schmitz
   and the various officers and employees of the public service
   corporations concerned in corrupting the city government. By
   May 25, 1907, the number of so-called ‘graft’ indictments was
   137, against 19 persons. From collateral issues the number of
   indictments later rose to 160. The indictments against a few
   of the accused were subsequently dismissed. Five of the
   original 19 accused persons had been put on trial one or more
   times previous to January, 1910,—the expiration of the term of
   office of District Attorney Langdon. These trials were carried
   on with the utmost rancor on the part of opposing counsel. The
   greatest difficulties were encountered in securing juries and
   in several cases juries failed to agree. Throughout the
   community and in the public prints there developed factional
   division and bitterness. This factional hatred culminated in
   acts of violence and terrorism. Two houses in Oakland, Alameda
   County, one occupied, the other owned by James L. Gallagher,
   former supervisor and lieutenant of Ruef, later a most
   important witness for the prosecution, were dynamited and
   nearly destroyed. For these crimes a culprit was discovered
   and sent to the state prison for life by the courts of Alameda
   County. On November 13, 1908, during the trial of Ruef on
   bribery charges, Mr. Heney was shot from behind while at his
   post in the court-room by a half-demented sympathizer with the
   accused. A day later the assassin took his own life while in
   jail. By the merest chance Mr. Heney’s wound proved not to be
   fatal, and after a few months he returned to his duties.

   "Even in the few cases in which convictions were obtained
   judgment was arrested by appeals to the higher courts, which
   uniformly resolved all technical questions in favor of the
   accused. To the end of 1909, the record of these cases is as
   follows:

   "Number of indictments 160.

   "Contracts of immunity 19.

   "Tried and acquitted twice:
   Tirey L. Ford, attorney for the United Railroads.

   "Trials in which the jury disagreed:
   Louis Glass, manager for the Pacific States Telephone Co.;
   Tirey L. Ford;
   Abraham Ruef;
   Patrick Calhoun, president of the United Railroads.

   "Judgments reversed by higher court,
   Eugene E. Schmitz and Louis Glass.

   "Plea of guilty nullified by higher court:
   Abraham Ruef.

   "Convicted, but appeals to higher court in progress:
   Abraham Ruef and M. W. Coffey, a supervisor who broke his
   immunity contract.

{442}

   "Thus it is evident that the prosecution has so far failed to
   punish extortion and bribery by criminal procedure. The real
   results of the prosecution are to be found in the prompt
   reform of the municipal government of San Francisco in 1907,
   and, in a larger way, in an awakened public conscience and a
   strengthened sense of civic duty. These results are not
   limited to San Francisco, but are a part of the great work of
   political regeneration in which the whole country is
   concerned.

   "The question of further efforts to secure convictions in
   these ‘graft’ cases was made a political issue in San
   Francisco by the candidacy of Mr. Heney for the office of
   district attorney in 1909. That a large number of voters
   considered such continued efforts useless or hopeless was
   shown by his defeat by a decisive majority of 10,000 votes
   against him."

   The new Mayor placed at the head of the City Government by
   this election was the nominee of the same Union Labor Party
   which had seated Schmitz and his manager, Ruef, and it was
   made plain that he represented the opposition to all that had
   been done and attempted toward municipal reform.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Spain: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Municipal Reforms.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: The Transvaal: A. D. 1909.
   Introduction of Proportional Representation.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: United States:
   The "Municipal Program," framed
   by the National Municipal League.

   "At the joint invitation of the City Club of New York and the
   Municipal League of Philadelphia, a Conference for Good City
   Government was held in Philadelphia in January, 1894. Out of
   this conference grew the National Municipal League, formally
   organized in New York City in May, 1894. The League includes
   in its affiliated membership, the leading municipal reform
   organizations of the country, and, in its associated
   membership the leading students of municipal government. At
   the annual meeting of the League in 1897 held in Louisville, a
   special committee was appointed ‘to report on the feasibility
   of a Municipal Program which will embody the essential
   principles that must underlie successful municipal government,
   and which shall also set forth a working plan or system,
   consistent with American industrial and political conditions,
   for putting such principles into practical operation; and the
   Committee, if it finds such Municipal Program to be
   feasible, is instructed to report the same with its reasons
   therefor, to the League, for consideration.’

   "The Committee appointed under this resolution made a
   preliminary report at the annual meeting of the League held in
   Indianapolis in 1898, and a final one at the annual meeting of
   the League held in Columbus in 1899. The Committee did not
   claim that its report constituted the final word upon the
   subject referred to it, but its members were convinced, as a
   result of their studies and investigations, that ‘A
   Municipal Program’ which would embody the essential
   principles that must underlie successful municipal government
   was entirely feasible, and they recommended certain
   Constitutional Amendments and a general Municipal Corporations
   Act, as setting forth a working plan or system consistent with
   American industrial and political conditions, for putting such
   principles into practical operation. The Committee’s
   recommendations were unanimously adopted by the League at its
   Columbus meeting."

      Horace E. Deming,
      The Government of American Cities,
      page 203 (G. P. Putnam’s Sons, New York).

   As originally published, the "Municipal Program" has gone out
   of print, but Mr. Deming, under an arrangement with the
   League, has reproduced it as an appendix to his book, with an
   explanatory discussion of it. The main objects sought in it
   are "to clothe the city government with such broad powers as
   will enable it to perform all the appropriate functions of a
   local government without resort to the State Legislature for
   the grant of additional power"; and to "prevent the
   interference by the State Legislature with the free exercise
   by the city of the governmental powers granted it." Beyond
   this, the designers of the "Program" have worked out what
   seemed to them the most effective plan of organization in
   municipal government for the exercise of such full powers.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: WISCONSIN:
   Organization of a Municipal Reference Bureau
   by the State University.

   Within the past year a Municipal Reference Bureau has been
   organized in connection with the Extension Department of the
   Wisconsin State University, its purpose being to offer the
   widest possible use of the material on questions relative to
   municipal government which the University has collected, by
   answering inquiries. The Bureau is under the charge of Mr.
   Ford H. MacGregor, and will work in cooperation with the very
   useful Legislative Reference Department of the Wisconsin Free
   Library Commission, which was organized a few years ago and is
   still conducted by Dr. Charles McCarthy.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

      See, also, (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES, AND SOCIAL BETTERMENT.

   ----------MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: End--------

MURRELL, J. K.:
   Confessions.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: ST. LOUIS.

MÜRZSTEG PROGRAMME, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904, and 1905-1908.

MUSHIR-ED-DOWLEH.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1907-1908 (SEPTEMBER-JUNE).

MUSTAFA FAZIL PASHA.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

MUTINY IN THE RUSSIAN NAVY.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

MUTUAL LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY:
   Legislative Investigation.

      See (in this Volume)
      INSURANCE, LIFE.

MUZZAFER-ED-DIN:
   Late Shah of Persia.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

MYTILENE, International Occupation of.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

{443}

N.

NABUCO, DR. JOAQUIN:
   President of Third International Conference
   of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

NACIONALISTAS.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

NAGEL, CHARLES:
   Secretary of Commerce and Labor.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

NAKAMURA, GENERAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

NANSHAN, BATTLE OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY),
      A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

NAPOLEON I.:
   Declining Worship of his Memory in France.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.

NASR-UL-MULK: PRIME MINISTER OF PERSIA.
   His exile.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1907-1908 (SEPTEMBER-JUNE), AND 1908-1909.

NATAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA.

NATHAN, ERNESTO: MAYOR OF ROME.

      See (in this Volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1909.

NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.

NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:
   Its notable Conference on Industrial Disputes.
   Its great Committee for Intermediation and Conciliation.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.

NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:
   Its Intermediation in Coal Strike.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:
   National Conference at Chicago, 1907, on Trusts
   and Combinations.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:
   Its work in Promotion of Trades Agreements.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:
   Its work for Uniformity in State Legislation.

      See (in this Volume)
      LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

NATIONAL CONSERVATION ASSOCIATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

NATIONAL FARMERS’ UNION.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

NATURAL RESOURCES, The Conservation of.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

NATURALIZATION:
   Convention between American Republics.

   The following Convention was adopted and signed at the Second
   Conference of the American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro, 1906.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

   "Article I.
   If a citizen a native of any of the countries signing the
   present Convention, and naturalized in another, shall again
   take up his residence in his native country without the
   intention of returning to the country in which he has been
   naturalized, he will be considered as having resumed his
   original citizenship, and as having renounced the citizenship
   acquired by the said naturalization."

   "Article II.
   The intention not to return will be presumed to exist when the
   naturalized person shall have resided in his native country
   for more than two years. But this presumption may be destroyed
   by evidence to the contrary."

   "Article III.
   This Convention will become effective in the countries that
   ratify it three months from the dates upon which said
   ratifications shall be communicated to the Government of the
   United States of Brazil; and if it should be denounced by any
   one of them, it shall continue in effect for one year more, to
   count from the date of such denouncement."

   "Article IV.
   The denouncement of this Convention by any one of the
   signatory States shall be made to the Government of the United
   States of Brazil and shall take effect only with regard to the
   country that may make it."

NATURALIZATION: In the British Empire:
   Proposed Uniformity of Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

NATURALIZATION: In the United States:
   The Question of Treatment of Expatriated Citizens who
   visit their Native Country.
   The Principle asserted to Germany.
   New Law of American Citizenship.-

   Consequent on an increasing disposition in Germany to curtail
   the revisiting of their native country by Germans who had
   become naturalized citizens of the United States, the American
   Ambassador to Berlin discussed the subject with the German
   Foreign Minister, on the 12th of August, 1902, and reported
   the substance of the conversation to Washington: "Statements
   were made on the part of the embassy as follows: No sympathy
   whatever is felt with the person who deliberately emigrates
   and avails himself of the American naturalization laws for the
   mere purpose of escaping military service in Germany, and
   there is no wish on the part of the American authorities to
   enable such persons to make a convenience of their American
   naturalization. The embassy has also consistently declined to
   intervene in behalf of persons whose wish was to make their
   permanent residence in Germany. It is thought, however, that
   where German emigrants have fulfilled the conditions necessary
   to entitle them to ‘be treated as American citizens’ they
   should actually be so treated, and when they have emigrated in
   good faith they should be permitted to sojourn in Germany, for
   their business or pleasure, to visit at their former homes, or
   to enjoy the benefits afforded by German watering places,
   etc., in accordance with the terms of the treaty with Prussia
   of 1828. The sovereign right of Prussia to expel persons whose
   presence is not considered desirable is not contested, but it
   is thought that the American Government has the right to know
   why the presence of any American citizen is so considered.

   "Dr. Von Mühlberg’s attention was called to a number of cases
   now pending, where naturalized American citizens have received
   orders to leave the country after a stay of a few weeks. He
   said that he would take the matter up personally and would
   communicate with the Prussian minister of the interior in
   regard to it at once."

{444}

   In reply from the Department of State at Washington, the
   action of Ambassador White was approved, and it was said
   further: "You should lose no suitable opportunity to press and
   to emphasize the considerations which you advanced in your
   interview with Dr. Von Mühlberg. The essence of the right of
   expulsion which the German States claim is that it should be
   reasonably and justly applied in cases obviously calling for
   so extreme a measure. Expulsion should not be invoked
   indiscriminately, so as to operate as a deterrent to the
   exercise of the rights of expatriation and acquisition of new
   allegiance granted under the naturalization treaties, or so as
   to neutralize, by indirection, treatment stipulated thereafter
   regarding the recognition of the new national character."

      Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of
      the United States, 1902, page 441.

   The doctrine of citizenship stated by Ambassador White on this
   occasion was embodied subsequently in a new citizenship law,
   which came into force on the 2d of March, 1907. The new law
   was based on a report made by an official commission, one of
   the members of which has written of it as follows:

   "When a future historian shall write an account of the
   achievements of this the most remarkable administration of our
   government since the Civil War, he will give prominent place
   to the naturalization law of a year ago and the citizenship
   law which was approved last March and is now becoming
   effective; for these two measures are the culmination of a
   hundred years of effort for reform, and affect the very
   foundation of our political structure. …

   "So far as the naturalization law is concerned, the objections
   to it come chiefly from petty courts throughout the country
   which are now not permitted to naturalize, and which formerly
   derived part of their prestige and their fees from
   naturalization business. Dissatisfaction with the new
   citizenship law flows from those people who have been living
   abroad in fancied security of their American citizenship, and
   who now find themselves obliged to take positive steps to
   preserve a status which they have heretofore supposed attached
   to them indefinitely, without the performance of any
   obligations on their part. Both of these laws originated in
   the House of Representatives, but each resulted from a report
   made by executive officers, and the Senate can claim little
   agency in them. The citizenship law was based upon a report
   made to Secretary Root by a board of officers of his
   Department, the members being James Brown Scott, the Solicitor
   for the Department of State, David Jayne Hill, our Minister at
   The Hague, and the writer of this article, with Samuel B.
   Crandall, Ph. D., of the Department as Secretary. … From this
   report sprang a bill, introduced in the House by the Honorable
   James Breck Perkins of New York, which became a law on March
   2nd.

   "The law does not change or even modify the American doctrine
   of citizenship. That was already settled by the Constitution
   and the decisions of the Supreme Court. Anybody born in the
   United States, no matter what his race, unless he is an Indian
   living with a tribe, or however ineligible to our citizenship
   he may be for any other reason, is a citizen of the United
   States. …

   "Broadly speaking, an individual becomes a citizen of the
   United States by birth or naturalization, and these facts have
   been well settled; but how does he lose American citizenship?
   This was the question to which the citizenship board chiefly
   addressed itself, and which Congress settled a few months ago
   by declaring that an American shall be held to have
   expatriated himself when he becomes naturalized as a citizen
   of another country, or when he takes an oath of allegiance to
   another state, or when he lives permanently outside of the
   United States without intent to return. …

   "We have had a constantly increasing number of so-called
   American citizens living abroad—men who have lived in the
   United States for only five years and in many cases have
   fraudulently secured naturalization papers after less than
   five years of residence; who never were really domiciled
   there; who never have performed any of the duties of American
   citizenship and who never intended to do so. … Until the new
   naturalization law went into effect, it was not actually
   against the letter of the law for a man to commit this fraud;
   for, when he applied for citizenship, he was required merely
   to show that he had resided in the United States for five
   years, and no inquiry was made concerning his future
   intentions."

      Gaillard Hunt,
      The New Citizenship Law
      (North American Review, July, 1907).

NAVAL CONFERENCE, INTERNATIONAL, AT LONDON, 1908-1909.

      See (in this Volume)
      War, The Revolt against: A. D. 1907
      (appended to account of Second Peace Conference
      at The Hague).

NAVIES.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

NAVIGATION LAWS:
   Proposed British Imperial Policy.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

NEERGAARD, M.: PREMIER OF DENMARK.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.

NEGRO PROBLEMS, IN THE UNITED STATES.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.

NELIDOW, M.:
   President of the Second Peace Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1870-1905.
   Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1902.
   Offer of mediation between Great Britain and the Boers.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1903.
   Laws against Railway Strikes.
   Failure of General Labor Strike to prevent their Enactment.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1903.

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1903.
   Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1904.
   Military operations against the Atchinese.

   A Dutch military expedition against the long-insurgent natives
   of the old Sultanate of Atchin, in Sumatra, which was said to
   have carried death to a thousand women and children, gave rise
   to stormy scenes in the Netherlands when its session was
   opened in September. The excuse of the Government was that the
   warriors used the women and children as shields.

{445}

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.
   Defeat and Fall of the Calvinistic Party of the
   Reverend Dr. Kuyper.
   The Suffrage and Education Questions.
   The six principal Parties.
   Success of the groups of "the Right" in the latest Elections.

   Elections to the lower chamber of the States-General, held in
   June, overthrew the Conservative majority in that body and
   gave the Liberals a small majority of 4. An important issue
   between parties had been on the question of universal
   suffrage, but the support given to its advocates was not
   strong enough to justify immediate attempts on their part to
   carry any measure of law. A royal Commission was appointed,
   however, to investigate and report generally on the need or
   expediency of a revision of the Constitution. The defeated
   Ministry of Dr. Abraham Kuyper represented an
   ultra-Calvinistic Church element in politics, and its defeat
   appears to have been due in the main to educational laws which
   it had carried through. According to the Dutch review, De
   Gids, from which the following has been translated, the
   aim of the new laws and the objection to them were much the
   same as in the English controversy over the Education Act of
   1902, when church and clerical influences carried the day
   against the supporters of secular schools. "These educational
   laws," said De Gids, "were unanimously supported by, if
   they did not wholly originate with, the clericals, or the
   Anti-Revolutionary party, as they call themselves, of which
   Dr. Kuyper is the astute and able leader and head. They had
   the undivided support also of the Catholics, but were
   strenuously opposed by the Liberals and all the
   anti-clericals, including the Social Democrats. The
   Anti-Revolutionists and Catholics on the one hand, and the
   Liberals and their allies on the other, form, respectively,
   the Right and Left in the Chambers."

   Since 1905 there seems to have been little if any change in
   the Dutch parties. On the approach of the quadrennial general
   elections of June, 1909, a correspondent of the London
   Times wrote of "the complex grouping" of the political
   parties contending in them: "There are six which may fairly
   claim to be important. The largest is probably the Catholic.
   It is estimated that a third of the population is Catholic by
   religion, and of the Catholics a very large proportion belong
   to the Catholic political party, and vote consistently in
   accordance with the commands of its leaders. Next to the
   Catholics come the strict Calvinists, who have been organized
   by Dr. Kuyper into a compact and most formidable party,
   generally called the Anti-Révolutionnaire party. It finds its
   chief supporters among the rural population and the petite
   bourgeoisie, and owes its name to the doctrine, sedulously
   preached by Dr. Kuyper, that the Radical and Liberal parties
   are fomenting an anti-religious revolution, and that it is
   therefore necessary to choose between Christianity and
   Heathenism. This doctrine is generally known as ‘the
   antithesis,’ and, though its influence has waned somewhat in
   the towns, it still has considerable influence in the country.
   Closely allied to the Anti-Révolutionnaire party is the
   Christlijk Historisch party, which is more aristocratic, but
   less energetic, with many principles but no very definite
   programme. It not infrequently speaks against the Calvinist
   party, but as a rule joins it when it comes to voting.

   "These three parties, Catholic, Anti-Révolutionnaire, and
   Christlijk Historisch, form the Right. The Left is composed of
   the Old and United Liberals, the Radicals or Vrijzinnige
   Democraten, and the Socialists, representing all shades of
   opinion from what in England might be called Whiggism to
   extreme Socialism. The questions which really divide these
   parties, as distinguished from the party cries on which the
   election is being fought, are Clericalism and Socialism, and a
   very large proportion of the electors are not quite sure which
   enemy they most fear. There is no doubt that the
   Anti-Révolutionnaire party and the Catholics represent two
   forms of Clericalism, while the Socialists are openly
   Collectivists. The other parties, with the exception of the
   Vrijzinnige Democraten, can be better described as opposed to
   the two extremes than as presenting any clearly marked
   characteristics of their own."

   The first balloting of this election took place on the 11th of
   June and the second on the 23d. The Anti-Révolutionnaires came
   out of it with 23, the Catholics with 25, the Christlijk
   Historischs with 12, making 60 for the groups of "the Right";
   against a total of 40 in the groups of "the Left." Of this
   minority only 7 were in the ranks of the Social Democrats. Dr.
   Kuyper was among the defeated candidates.

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1906.
   At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco Question.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1906.
   The Second Peace Conference at The Hague convoked by the Queen.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1908 (April).
   Treaty with Denmark, England, France, Germany, and Sweden,
   for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Trouble with Castro of Venezuela.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1908-1909.

NEW BRUNSWICK: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Census.
   Reduced representation in Parliament.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

NEWCOMB, PROFESSOR SIMON.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION:
      CARNEGIE INSTITUTION, AND AERONAUTICS.

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902.
   British Colonial Conference at London.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE.

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.
   Negotiation and Senatorial Destruction of the Hay-Bond
   Reciprocity Treaty with the United States.

   In November, 1902, a Treaty of Reciprocity which would have
   settled the long-standing disputes over American rights of
   fishing on the Newfoundland coast, on terms of most equitable
   advantage to both countries, and especially favorable to the
   interests of the general public in the United States, was
   concluded and signed at Washington by Secretary Hay and the
   British Ambassador, Sir Michael Herbert. The Premier of
   Newfoundland, Sir Robert Bond, had taken a principal part in
   the negotiation, and the resulting document was known
   consequently as the Hay-Bond Treaty. It secured to the New
   England fishermen the coveted privilege of buying bait and
   other supplies and hiring crews in Newfoundland ports; and it
   admitted the greater part of American manufactures into the
   island duty free.
{446}
   On the other hand, it opened the markets of the United States
   to the fish and fish products, the coal, oil, and ores of
   Newfoundland, for the benefit of the consumers of the country.
   The treaty was hailed with satisfaction by the general public
   of the United States, but opposed by a few interests whose
   gains might be lessened if any breach in their monopoly of the
   sale of salted fish and coal and oil should be permitted. The
   majority which has seldom failed of late to be retainable in
   the United States Senate for the service of such private
   interests, against the public good, was promptly organized by
   Senator Lodge, first for pocketing the Treaty throughout more
   than two years, and finally for amending it to death, in
   February, 1905. The provisions that made it advantageous to
   Newfoundland were cut out, and it was reduced to a state which
   made it insulting as an offer of reciprocity. It suffered the
   fate which, in late years, is quite certain to befall any
   project of real statesmanship that has to go through the hands
   of the United States Senate.

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1904.
   Convention between England and France touching Fishery Rights.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
   Renewed Disputes over American Fishing Rights
   on the Treaty Coast.
   Arrangement of a Modus Vivendi.
   Agreement on Questions to be submitted to a Tribunal
   of Arbitration at The Hague.
   Constitution of the Tribunal.

   The endless friction that has attended the exercise of
   treaty-rights by American fishermen in the Newfoundland
   fisheries was freshly roughened in the fall of 1905, by a new
   enactment of the provincial legislature, to prevent the sale
   of bait or outfits and supplies of any nature to foreign
   fishermen, and by orders from the Minister of Marine and
   Fisheries forbidding vessels of American registry to fish on
   the Treaty Coast. This reopened debate between the State
   Department at Washington and the Foreign Office at London,
   over the intentions and meanings of that first article in the
   Treaty of 1818 which has been a source of incessant dispute
   for ninety-one years. The following is the language of the
   article:

   "Article I.
   Whereas differences have arisen respecting the liberty claimed
   by the United States, for the inhabitants thereof, to take,
   dry, and cure fish, on certain coasts, bays, harbours, and
   creeks of His Britannick Majesty’s Dominions in America, it is
   agreed between the High Contracting Parties that the
   inhabitants of the said United States shall have, for ever, in
   common with the subjects of His Britannick Majesty, the
   liberty to take fish of every kind, on that part of the
   southern coast of Newfoundland, which extends from Cape Ray
   to the Rameau Islands, on the western and northern coast of
   Newfoundland, from the said Cape Ray to the Quirpon Islands,
   on the shores of the Magdalen Islands, and also on the coasts,
   bays, harbours, and creeks, from Mount Joly, on the southern
   coast of Labrador, to and through the Streights of Belleisle,
   and thence northwardly indefinitely along the coast, without
   prejudice, however, to any of the exclusive rights of the
   Hudson’s Bay Company. And that the American fishermen shall
   also have liberty, for ever, to dry and cure fish in any of
   the unsettled bays, harbours, and creeks of the southern part
   of the coast of Newfoundland, here above described, and of the
   coast of Labrador; but so soon as the same, or any portion
   thereof, shall be settled, it shall not be lawful for the said
   fishermen to dry or cure fish at such portion so settled,
   without previous agreement for such purpose, with the
   inhabitants, proprietors, or possessors of the ground. And the
   United States hereby renounced, for ever, any liberty
   heretofore enjoyed or claimed by the inhabitants thereof, to
   take, dry, or cure fish on or within three marine miles of any
   of the coasts, bays, creeks, or harbours of His Britannick
   Majesty’s Dominions in America, not included within the
   above-mentioned limits: provided, however, that the American
   fishermen shall be admitted to enter such bays or harbours,
   for the purpose of shelter, and of repairing damages therein,
   of purchasing wood, and of obtaining water, and for no other
   purpose whatever. But they shall be under such restrictions as
   may be necessary to prevent their taking, drying, or curing
   fish therein, or in any other manner whatever abusing the
   privileges hereby reserved to them."

   With reference to the present obstruction to American fishing
   in Newfoundland waters, the contention of Secretary Root was
   set forth in the following propositions:

   "1. Any American vessel is entitled to go into the waters of
   the Treaty Coast and take fish of any kind.

   "She derives this right from the Treaty (or from the
   conditions existing prior to the Treaty and recognized by it)
   and not from any permission or authority proceeding from the
   Government of Newfoundland.

   "2. An American vessel seeking to exercise the Treaty right is
   not bound to obtain a licence from the Government of
   Newfoundland, and, if she does not purpose to trade as well as
   fish, she is not bound to enter at any Newfoundland
   custom-house.

   "3. The only concern of the Government of Newfoundland with
   such a vessel is to call for proper evidence that she is an
   American vessel, and, therefore, entitled to exercise the
   Treaty right, and to have her refrain from violating any laws
   of Newfoundland not inconsistent with the Treaty.

   "4. The proper evidence that a vessel is an American vessel
   and entitled to exercise the Treaty right is the production of
   the ship’s papers of the kind generally recognized in the
   maritime world as evidence of a vessel’s national character.

   "5. When a vessel has produced papers showing that she is an
   American vessel, the officials of Newfoundland have no concern
   with the character or extent of the privileges accorded to
   such a vessel by the Government of the United States. No
   question as between a registry and licence is a proper subject
   for their consideration. They are not charged with enforcing
   any laws or regulations of the United States. As to them, if
   the vessel is American she has the Treaty right, and they are
   not at liberty to deny it.

   "6. If any such matter were a proper subject for the
   consideration of the officials of Newfoundland, the statement
   of this Department that vessels bearing an American registry
   are entitled to exercise the Treaty right should be taken by
   such officials as conclusive."

{447}

   On the British side, Sir Edward Grey raised two principal
   objections to these propositions of Mr. Root: First—that "the
   privilege of fishing conceded by Article I of the Convention
   of 1818 is conceded, not to American vessels, but to
   inhabitants of the United States and to American fishermen;"
   second, that "inhabitants of the United States would not now
   be entitled to fish in British North American waters but for
   the fact that they were entitled to do so when they were
   British subjects. American fishermen cannot therefore rightly
   claim to exercise their right of fishery under the Convention
   of 1818 on a footing of greater freedom than if they had never
   ceased to be British subjects. Nor consistently with the terms
   of the Convention can they claim to exercise it on a footing
   of greater freedom than the British subjects ‘in common with’
   whom they exercise it under the Convention. In other words,
   the American fishery under the Convention is not a free but a
   regulated fishery, and, in the opinion of His Majesty’s
   Government, American fishermen are bound to comply with all
   Colonial Laws and Regulations, including any touching the
   conduct of the fishery, so long as these are not in their
   nature unreasonable, and are applicable to all fishermen
   alike."

   To the first of these objections Mr. Root replied;

   "We may agree that ships, strictly speaking, can have no
   rights or duties, and that whenever the Memorandum, or the
   letter upon which it comments, speaks of a ship’s rights and
   duties, it but uses a convenient and customary form of
   describing the owner’s or master’s right and duties in respect
   of the ship. … The liberty assured to us by the Treaty plainly
   includes the right to use all the means customary or
   appropriate for fishing upon the sea, not only ships and nets
   and boats, but crews to handle the ships and the nets and the
   boats. … I am not able to discover that any suggestion has
   ever been made of a right to scrutinize the nationality of the
   crews." As for the second objection, the American Secretary
   appealed to history against it. "The qualification," he said,
   "that the liberty assured to American fishermen by the Treaty
   of 1818 they were to have ‘in common with the subjects of
   Great Britain ’ merely negatives an exclusive right. Under the
   Treaties of Utrecht, of 1763 and 1783, between Great Britain
   and France, the French had constantly maintained that they
   enjoyed an exclusive right of fishery on that portion of the
   coast of Newfoundland between Cape St. John and Cape Raye,
   passing around by the north of the island. The British, on the
   other hand, had maintained that British subjects had a right
   to fish along with the French, so long as they did not
   interrupt them. The dissension arising from these conflicting
   views had been serious and annoying, and the provision that
   the liberty of the inhabitants of the United States to take
   fish should be in common with the liberty of the subjects of
   His Britannic Majesty to take fish was precisely appropriate
   to exclude the French construction and leave no doubt that the
   British construction of such a general grant should apply
   under the new Treaty. The words used have no greater or other
   effect. The provision is that the liberty to take fish
   shall be held in common, not that the exercise of that
   liberty by one people shall be the limit of the exercise of
   that liberty by the other."

   As between these chief disputants in the matter, the first
   result of their exchange of arguments was a ready disposition
   to arrange some modus vivendi, under which peace might
   be kept on the fishing grounds until fresh undertakings could
   be planned for a lasting interpretation of the old enigmas in
   Article 1 of 1818. But the provincial Government of
   Newfoundland resented bitterly the imperial interference with
   its measures, charging that it was in violation of a pledge
   "given by the late Lord Salisbury in the House of Lords in
   1891, to the effect that the colony had been given unlimited
   power with respect to its internal affairs." They were
   promptly told, however, that what concerned action under a
   British treaty went considerably beyond the internal affairs
   of their colony.

   Considerable correspondence on the terms of the proposed
   modus vivendi brought an agreement on the 6th of
   October, 1906, set forth in the following communication from
   Ambassador Whitelaw Reid to Sir Edward Grey.

   "I am authorized by my government to ratify a modus
   vivendi in regard to the Newfoundland fishery question on
   the basis of the Foreign Office Memorandum, dated the 25th
   ultimo, in which you accept the arrangement set out in my
   Memorandum of the 12th ultimo, and consent accordingly to the
   use of purse seines by American fishermen during the ensuing
   season, subject, of course, to due regard being paid in the
   use of such implements to other modes of fishery, which, as
   you state, is only intended to secure that there shall be the
   same spirit of give and take and of respect for common rights
   between the users of purse seines and the users of stationary
   nets as would be expected to exist if both sets of fishermen
   employed the same gear.

   "My Government understand by this that the use of purse seines
   by American fishermen is not to be interfered with, and the
   shipment of Newfoundlanders by American fishermen outside the
   3-mile limit is not to be made the basis of interference or to
   be penalized; at the same time they are glad to assure His
   Majesty’s Government, should such shipments be found
   necessary, that they will be made far enough from the exact
   3-mile limit to avoid any reasonable doubt.

   "On the other hand, it is also understood that our fishermen
   are to be advised by my Government, and to agree, not to fish
   on Sunday.

   "It is further understood that His Majesty’s Government will
   not bring into force the Newfoundland Foreign Fishing-Vessels
   Act of 1906, which imposes on American fishing-vessels certain
   restrictions in addition to those imposed by the Act of 1905,
   and also that the provisions of the first part of section 1 of
   the Act of 1905, as to boarding and bringing into port, and
   also the whole of section 3 of the same Act, will not be
   regarded as applying to American fishing-vessels.

   "It also being understood that our fishermen will gladly pay
   light dues if they are not deprived of their rights to fish,
   and that our fishermen are not unwilling to comply with the
   provisions of the Colonial Customs Law as to reporting at a
   custom-house when physically possible to do so."

   To explain the stipulation relative to "purse seines" it
   should be said that the New England fishermen claimed to be
   driven to the use of them, by the local regulations which
   hampered their fishing otherwise.

{448}

   As formulated in the note of Ambassador Reid the modus
   vivendi was accepted by the British Government and went
   into effect. In due time thereafter the two Governments
   entered upon a discussion of ways and means for accomplishing
   a definite and final settlement of the whole question of
   American rights in the Newfoundland fisheries. The outcome was
   an agreement signed at Washington on the 27th of January,
   1909, to the effect that the following questions shall be
   submitted for decision to a Tribunal of Arbitration,
   constituted as subsequent articles provide:—

   "Question 1.
   To what extent are the following contentions or either of them
   justified?

   "It is contended on the part of Great Britain that the
   exercise of the liberty to take fish referred to in the said
   Article, which the inhabitants of the United States have for
   ever in common with the subjects of his Britannic Majesty, is
   subject, without the consent of the United States, to
   reasonable regulation by Great Britain, Canada, or
   Newfoundland in the form of municipal laws, ordinances, or
   rules, as, for example, to regulations in respect of

      (1) the hours, days, or seasons when fish may be taken on
      the Treaty coasts;

      (2) the method, means, and implements to be used in the
      taking of fish or in the carrying on of fishing operations
      on such coasts;

      (3) any other matters of a similar character relating to
      fishing; such regulations being reasonable, as being, for
      instance—

      "(a) Appropriate or necessary for the protection and
      preservation of such fisheries and the exercise of the
      rights of British subjects therein and of the liberty which
      by the said Article 1 the inhabitants of the United States
      have therein in common with British subjects;

      "(b) Desirable on grounds of public order and morals;

      "(c) Equitable and fair as between local fishermen and the
      inhabitants of the United States exercising the said Treaty
      liberty and not so framed as to give unfairly an advantage
      to the former over the latter class.

   "It is contended on the part of the United States that the
   exercise of such liberty is not subject to limitations or
   restraints by Great Britain, Canada, or Newfoundland in the
   form of municipal laws, ordinances, or regulations in respect
   of

      (1) the hours, days, or seasons when the inhabitants of the
      United States may take fish on the Treaty coasts, or

      (2) the method, means, and implements used by them in
      taking fish or in carrying on fishing operations on such
      coasts, or

      (3) any other limitations or restraints of similar character—

         "(a) Unless they are appropriate and necessary for the
         protection and preservation of the common rights in such
         fisheries and the exercise thereof; and

         "(b) Unless they are reasonable in themselves and fair
         as between local fishermen and fishermen coming from the
         United States, and not so framed as to give an advantage
         to the former over the latter class; and

         "(c) Unless their appropriateness, necessity,
         reasonableness, and fairness be determined by the United
         States and Great Britain by common accord and the United
         States concurs in their enforcement.

   "Question 2.
   Have the inhabitants of the United States, while exercising
   the liberties referred to in said Article, a right to employ
   as members of the fishing crews of their vessels persons not
   inhabitants of the United States?

   "Question 3.
   Can the exercise by the inhabitants of the United States of
   the liberties referred to in the said Article be subjected,
   without the consent of the United States, to the requirements
   of entry or report at custom-houses or the payment of light or
   harbour or other dues, or to any other similar requirement or
   condition or exaction?

   "Question 4.
   Under the provision of the said Article that the American
   fishermen shall be admitted to enter certain bays or harbours
   for shelter, repairs, wood, or water, and for no other purpose
   whatever, but that they shall be under such restrictions as
   may be necessary to prevent their taking, drying, or curing
   fish therein or in any other manner whatever abusing the
   privileges thereby reserved to them, is it permissible to
   impose restrictions making the exercise of such privileges
   conditional upon the payment of light or harbour or other
   dues, or entering or reporting at custom-houses or any similar
   conditions?

   "Question 5.
   From where must be measured the ‘3 marine miles of any of the
   coasts, bays, creeks or harbours’ referred to in the said
   Article?

   "Question 6.
   Have the inhabitants of the United States the liberty under
   the said Article or otherwise to take fish in the bays,
   harbours, and creeks on that part of the southern coast of
   Newfoundland which extends from Cape Ray to Rameau Islands, or
   on the western and northern coasts of Newfoundland from Cape
   Ray to Quirpon Islands, or on the Magdalen Islands?

   "Question 7.
   Are the inhabitants of the United States whose vessels resort
   to the Treaty coasts for the purpose of exercising the
   liberties referred to in Article 1 of the Treaty of 1818
   entitled to have for those vessels, when duly authorized by
   the United States in that behalf, the commercial privileges on
   the Treaty coasts accorded by agreement or otherwise to United
   States trading vessels generally?"

   Of the remaining articles of the Agreement, IV. and V. provide
   for the determination of future questions that may arise, and
   for the composition of the Tribunal of Arbitration, which is
   to be chosen from the members of the Permanent Court at The
   Hague.

   The agreement above was formulated at a conference in
   Washington between Secretary Root, Ambassador Bryce,
   Honourable A. B. Aylesworth, Canadian Minister of Justice, and
   Attorney-General Kent of Newfoundland. In March the following
   were chosen from the general membership of the Permanent Court
   at The Hague to constitute the Tribunal for this arbitration,
   namely:
      Dr. Luis Maria Drago, Argentina;
      Jonkheer de Savornin Lohmnan, Netherlands;
      Judge George Gray, United States; and
      Sir Charles Fitzpatrick, Chief Justice of Canada, with
      Dr. H. Lammasch, of Vienna, to be umpire on points of
      disagreement.

   The case for the United States was delivered to the British
   Embassy at Washington, and that for Great Britain to the
   American Embassy at London, on the 4th of October. A little
   later it was announced that the modus vivendi of 1908
   had been renewed until the termination of the arbitration
   proceedings.

{449}

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1907.
   Imperial Conference at London.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1908-1909 (November-May).
   Six Months of Political Deadlock.

   From November, 1908, until the following May an extraordinary
   deadlock resulted from a tie between rival parties in the
   House of Assembly. The situation, as described by a
   correspondent of the London Times, was as follows:

   "Each side has 18 seats. Neither, therefore, can elect a
   Speaker, much less undertake the control of public business,
   when Parliament meets. Sir Robert Bond, who carried 32 seats
   against 4 in 1900 and 30 seats against 6 in 1904, returns with
   only half the House—18 men. In the former contests Sir Edward
   Morris, who now leads the Opposition against him, had been a
   member of his Cabinet and his ‘right-hand man,’ and the
   November results prove that Morris’s withdrawal was a serious
   injury to Bond. Morris went out a year or so previously owing
   to a disagreement as to raising the rate of wages on public
   works, and, being the leading Roman Catholic politician of the
   Island, had 14 seats, of that creed, as a solid block in
   Bond’s party during all this period. It was therefore felt,
   when he resigned, that this ‘solid 14’ would be broken, and
   this conclusion proved correct, because Morris carried half of
   them in spite of the open and avowed hostility of many of the
   priests in the diocese of St. Johns."

   Sir Robert Bond retained the Prime Ministry until the end of
   February, 1909, when, having failed to obtain a dissolution of
   Parliament and a new election from the Governor, Sir William
   Macgregor, he resigned. Sir Edward Morris then took office,
   and the continued deadlock made it necessary, in a few weeks,
   to command a dissolution and call a new election, which was
   held on the 8th of May. It broke the tie of parties
   effectually, Sir Edward Morris carrying 26 seats, against 10
   filled by the partisans of Sir Robert Bond.

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1909.
   A Year of Misfortune and Depression.
   Scant earnings from the Fisheries and from Whaling.
   Attitude of the people toward Confederation with Canada.

   "The Fisheries represent fully eighty per cent. of the
   exports, and in order to understand the financial stringency
   which has now fairly settled down upon ‘Our Cousin to the
   East’ it must be borne in mind that while the catch of fish
   remains about the same from year to year, the price has been
   steadily increasing for the past ten years, until last year it
   was double what it was a decade ago. But this year the price
   has suddenly fallen to what it was at the beginning of the
   decade. In other words, the value of last season’s catch will
   be just about half what it was the season before; and, instead
   of the merchants receiving $7,800,000 for their fish, they
   will receive considerably less than $4,000,000; and the
   individual fisherman who at the former price was barely able
   to earn $350 will receive this year probably less than $175,
   on which to support himself and family for the year, and to
   provide himself with an outfit for the next season’s work.
   Many of course will not receive that much. … Although other
   industries are springing up in Newfoundland, the codfishery
   remains the great staple and dependence of the population—the
   vast majority of which are fishermen, born and bred, who do
   not readily adapt themselves to other methods of earning a
   living. The present depression is widespread and far-reaching,
   and every form of industry and trade, business and commerce in
   the Colony is suffering seriously thereby. The latest ill
   report comes from Bay of Islands, to the effect that the
   winter herring fishery on the west coast—the scene of the
   present controversy with the United States—is a failure. Last
   spring’s seal fishery was not up to the average, and owing to
   many accidents to the fleet, necessitating heavy outlay for
   repairs, the promoters have realized much less than they
   otherwise would have secured. The whale fishery, also, which a
   few years ago had assumed enormous proportions, and was
   yielding handsome returns, has now almost reached the
   vanishing point. To complete the sum of the Colony’s
   misfortunes comes the partial suspension of [iron] mining
   operations at Bell Island, during the winter months, at the
   very time when the men need employment most, and when, as a
   result of the lack of it, they will probably emigrate to other
   countries.

   "This combination of misfortune is not only causing distress
   among all classes of citizens, but the government will also
   keenly feel the loss of revenue; for a conservative estimate
   of the reduction in the customs revenue for the current fiscal
   year puts the figures at $450,000; in other words, that the
   revenue will not exceed $2,000,000.

   "The great drawback in Newfoundland institutions is the
   disproportion between the big machinery of government and the
   small population to be governed. A local politician has aptly
   described it as ‘the trappings of an elephant on the back of a
   rat.’"

      Edwin Smith,
      The Land of Baccalhos
      (Canadian Magazine, July, 1909).

   Another writer in the same number of The Canadian
   Magazine discusses the opposition in Newfoundland to union
   with the Dominion of Canada as follows: "The political leader
   who should to-day appeal to the Newfoundland electorate on the
   question of Confederation would be disastrously defeated. But
   on the day when the leader of a party in the Island Colony
   makes up his mind to risk temporary defeat for the purpose of
   accomplishing Confederation, that day brings union between
   Newfoundland and Canada within the horizon of the proximate
   future. That leader must—unless the financial exigencies of
   the Island bring him extraneous aid—face an arduous campaign
   of education, but it will be a campaign crowned with victory.

   "These are the impressions left on my mind by a visit to St.
   John’s made with the object of studying the political deadlock
   and the causes which led up to it. … The residents of the
   outports—all settlements except St. John’s are known as
   outports—are opposed to Confederation because they have been
   told that it would mean a heavy increase in their taxes; that
   their windows, all their domestic animals and all their
   personal property would be taxed. If this wrong impression
   were dispelled by a campaign of education, and they understood
   that instead of higher taxation Confederation would mean the
   opening up of the country, bonuses for the fishermen, and new
   markets for the fish in Canada and abroad through the services
   of Canadian Commercial agents, instead of opponents of union
   they would become its advocates."

{450}

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1909. (July-August).
   The Imperial Defence Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

NEW HEBRIDES: Arrangement between England and France.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

NEW PROTECTION, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: THE NEW PROTECTION.

NEW YORK CENTRAL RAILROAD COMPANY.:
   Fined for unlawful Rebates.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1897.
   Leadership in the Administrative Control of Tuberculosis.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH: TUBERCULOSIS.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1903.
   Beginning of Tenement House Reform.

   By a steady process, accelerated in the last ten years, the
   congested tenement districts of New York have become one great
   aggregation of sunless and airless rooms. Immense buildings
   have gone up by the thousands, five, six, and seven stories
   high, in which practically no provision for ventilation has
   been made; and in which the occupants are undergoing a slow
   process of asphyxiation. Nor are these disadvantages confined
   to the submerged proletariat. The New York tenement system is
   pervasive. … Two-thirds of the total population of New York,
   or 2,500,000 out of 3,500,000, live in tenement houses, a
   proportion which is increasing every day. …

   "It was not until Governor Roosevelt’s appointment of the De
   Forest Tenement House Commission in 1900 that the necessary
   remedial legislation took practical shape. This act itself was
   the result of many years’ struggle against corrupt
   politicians,—Tammany Hall, the self-appointed guardian of the
   poorer classes, has been a bitter enemy of tenement
   reform,—and against vested interests. Its long delay had
   greatly exaggerated the problem; for meanwhile the conditions
   described had accumulated in appalling Volume. The commission,
   however, was of high civic character, and was composed of men,
   several of whom had made an exhaustive study of the tenement
   problem. The law which was passed as a result of their
   investigation was the first sweeping and effective tenement
   measure since the enactment in 1867 of the first tenement
   house act. The newly elected Low administration found the
   enforcement of this statute one of its most important
   responsibilities. The law created a new branch of municipal
   service,—the tenement house department; and gave the tenement
   commission, in the shape of an elaborate code of housing laws,
   important supervision over the building of new tenements and
   the maintenance of old."

      B. J. Hendrick,
      A Great Municipal Reform
      (Atlantic Monthly, November, 1903).

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1909.
   Subways and Tunnels.

   It was not until 1900 that the building of subways for city
   transit in New York was begun. The first line, from the City
   Hall to Kingsbridge and the Bronx Park, was opened in 1904.
   During its construction plans for its extension southerly and
   under East River into Brooklyn were adopted, and contracts
   were let. The original work was executed under an arrangement
   with a company known as the McDonald Syndicate, whereby the
   City gave its credit to secure the requisite funds and would
   acquire the ownership of the subway and road at the end of
   fifty years. In 1902 the interests of the McDonald Syndicate
   were transferred to a new corporation, the Interborough Rapid
   Transit Company, which ultimately acquired a general control
   of the city railway service, and ran a crooked career to
   results of disaster, so far as the public was concerned. In
   1905 the Board of Rapid Transit Commissioners, then exercising
   authority in this region of municipal affairs, under the New
   York State Rapid Transit Act of 1891, approved plans for an
   extensive additional system, comprehending as many as nineteen
   routes, with various "spurs," and the Board of Estimate and
   Apportionment consented to the execution of the plan.

   The East River Tunnel to Brooklyn was finished early in 1908,
   and the first two tubes of four Hudson Tunnels, connecting
   Manhattan Island with New Jersey was opened in the last week
   of February, the same year. This first pair of the Hudson
   Tunnels realized a project which had been undertaken as far
   back as 1878 and which had undergone two financial failures,
   in 1882 and 1892. In 1902 its remains and its charter were
   passed on to a third courageous company, organized by Mr.
   William Gibbs McAdoo, who became the master-spirit of bold
   enterprise at New York in this engineering field. In 1903 Mr.
   McAdoo organized another company for the undertaking of a
   connection of the Pennsylvania Railroad in Jersey City with
   downtown New York, and also for connecting the uptown and
   downtown tunnels by means of a north and south line along the
   New Jersey water-front, so as to connect the Lackawanna, Erie,
   and Pennsylvania Railroads with the tunnel system, and thereby
   be able to give to their passengers an uptown and downtown
   railway delivery.

   The second pair of Hudson River tubes (the downtown link)
   forming this New York and Jersey City Tunnel were opened on
   the 19th of July, 1909. Writing of the event a few days before
   its occurrence, the New York Evening Post summed up the
   existing and prospective conditions of entrance to and exit
   from the island of Manhattan by under-river passages as
   follows:

   "Since the city entered its rapid transit boom and the
   practicability of sub-river tunnels was demonstrated to the
   satisfaction of the leading engineers of the world, fourteen
   such tubes have been under construction here. Four of them are
   in operation. The downtown link of the Hudson Company’s system
   will add two more, and the remaining eight are to be opened in
   the course of the next two years, according to present plans.

{451}

   "After the opening of the downtown Hudson tunnels, the
   travelling public will look forward to the operation of the
   other eight tubes, as follows: Two Pennsylvania Railroad
   tunnels beneath the Hudson River and four under the East
   River, meeting in Manhattan at the great terminal station now
   nearing completion, between Thirty-first and Thirty-third
   Streets, along Seventh Avenue; the pair of Steinway-Belmont
   tunnels, deriving their name from the originator of the
   franchise and the present controlling influence, running from
   Forty-second Street to Long Island City and held practically
   by the same men who control the operation of the
   Manhattan-Bronx subway (the Interborough Company).

   "The Pennsylvania tubes under the North (Hudson) River are
   practically completed, and await only the finishing of the
   depot, while the East River tubes, though a little behind hand
   on account of difficulties met in the form of treacherous rock
   ledges, are within possibly a year of opening. The
   Steinway-Belmont tunnels are completed, and will be ready for
   operation as soon as the company makes a satisfactory
   arrangement with the Public Service Commission."

   An official party in a passenger car went through the
   Pennsylvania Railroad’s tubes between New Jersey and Long
   Island on the 18th of November.

   Work on a Fourth Avenue Subway in Brooklyn was begun November
   13.

   The Hudson Terminal at Cortlaudt and Church Streets is one of
   the most interesting structures in the world. Below the street
   is the terminal station, where all the trains "downtown"
   arrive and depart. This station is wholly below tide level. It
   is surrounded by a cofferdam of reinforced concrete 8 ft.
   thick, 400 ft. long, and 177 ft. wide, and is sunk 95 ft. deep
   to solid rock. Forty feet below the street is the track floor.
   Twenty feet below the street is the great "Concourse," where
   all traffic is collected and distributed to the various train
   platforms underneath. On the Concourse the Pennsylvania, the
   Lehigh Valley, and the Erie Railroads have ticket offices,
   where tickets to any part of America may be bought. This
   Concourse, which is about 1½ acres in extent, is one of the
   show places of New York. Above the street level are two great
   office buildings, each 22 stories in height, and containing
   approximately 27 acres of rentable area.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1901-1903.
   Municipal Elections.
   Tammany’s Loss and Recovery of the Government.

   Tammany Hall suffered defeat in the municipal election of
   1901, the Honorable Seth Low, formerly a notable Mayor of
   Brooklyn and latterly President of Columbia University, being
   carried into the Mayor’s office by a roused movement of reform
   which fused the elements of opposition to the corrupting
   Tammany power. Unfortunately the Mayor’s term of office had
   been shortened to two years by the charter amendment of the
   previous year, and the term was too brief for much depth and
   thoroughness of reform; but the city was greatly cleansed
   during those two years. When the next election came, in 1903,
   Tammany had rallied its hungry forces and secured a highly
   respectable nominee for Mayor, in the person of Honorable
   George B. McClellan, son of the famous General of the Civil
   War. Mayor Low, renominated by a second Fusion of opponents to
   Tammany, experienced defeat.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1904 (June).
   The Burning of the Steamer Slocum.

   A catastrophe of such horror as to be historical attended the
   burning of the excursion steamer General Slocum, at New
   York, on the 15th of June, 1904. The boat left a New York dock
   in the morning with a Sunday-school picnic party aboard
   numbering about eleven hundred,—nearly all women and children.
   While passing through that part of the East River known as
   Hell Gate, within the New York City limits, fire was
   discovered in the forward part of the vessel. It was then
   flood tide, and the eddies and currents in those waters are
   very strong. The captain decided that it would be folly to
   attempt to land on either shore, or to beach his boat. He
   therefore headed the Slocum for an island two miles up
   stream. As the boat went forward at full steam, the
   fore-and-aft draught thus created fanned the flames and
   hastened her destruction. On the discovery of the fire by the
   passengers, the wildest panic ensued. It was found that the
   life-preservers with which the Slocum was equipped were
   worthless. No attempt was made to lower boats or life-rafts.
   The crew were engaged in trying to cope with the fire, but
   their efforts were futile. Within twenty minutes, the boat
   went to her doom, and of the women and helpless children who
   had embarked so gaily an hour before, more than nine hundred
   were drowned or burned to death. Hundreds were saved by the
   heroic efforts of policemen, river men, and the nurses on
   North Brother Island, the seat of New York’s hospital for
   contagious diseases, where the Slocum was finally
   beached. Most of those who met this awful death had come from
   a single densely populated district of New York’s great "East
   Side." In some cases, whole families were wiped out.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905.
   Institution of the Bureau of Municipal Research.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: NEW YORK CITY.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905.
   The Municipal Election.

   Especial excitements were given to the municipal election of
   this year in New York by the appearance in it of William R.
   Hearst, proprietor of several newspapers in the country which
   are foremost representatives of the recklessly sensational
   journalism called "yellow." The methods by which these papers
   won a great circulation include much that can hardly be
   described otherwise than as demagoguism, and many groups and
   classes of people who are restlessly discontented in life,
   whether reasonably or otherwise, had learned to look on Mr.
   Hearst as a champion of human rights. This prepared material
   from which to organize a personal following that took the
   character, for a time, of a formidable political organization,
   incorporated under the name of the Independence League; and
   the great wealth which Mr. Hearst had inherited, and which his
   prosperous newspapers replenished, was spent lavishly in
   exploiting, supporting, and controlling the organization. His
   political ambitions aimed high, and the mayoralty of New York
   City, for which his Independence League nominated him in 1905,
   was by no means the contemplated end.

   The Tammany Democracy gave its nomination to George B.
   McClellan, son of the famous General, while the Republican
   party named William M. Ivins, a prominent lawyer of the city.
   The canvas was a heated one, and as it progressed the League
   of Mr. Hearst was seen to be dangerously large. As a
   consequence. Republicans who feared its control of the City
   government even more than they feared that of Tammany, threw
   their votes for McClellan, giving him a plurality of about
   3500 over Hearst, and leaving Mr. Ivins far behind.
{452}
   Frauds were claimed and the election contested by Hearst and
   his supporters, who secured, by order of a Justice of the
   Supreme Court of the State, a recounting of the ballots in
   four election districts, with the result of a gain of
   seventeen votes for Mr. Hearst. Appeal was then taken to the
   Appellate Division of the Supreme Court for an order directing
   not only a recount but a recanvass of votes. Such an order was
   granted, but set aside by the Court of Appeals, to which the
   question went then; the court of last resort reversing, also,
   the order under which the four boxes had been recounted. The
   assertion of fraud was still maintained with vehemence, and
   the legitimacy of Mayor McClellan’s title to the office he
   filled was denied for more than a year. The Legislature then
   passed an Act directing a recanvass and recount of the entire
   ballots of the election, which had been preserved under seal.
   This was a labor of months, performed under the direction of
   Judge Lambert, of the Supreme Court. It gave a gain of 1094
   votes to Hearst and a gain of 231 to McClellan, leaving a net
   gain of 863 to Hearst, and diminishing McClellan’s plurality
   in the total vote to 2791. The validity of his election was
   thereupon declared.

   A more successful and far more notable independent candidacy
   than that of Mr. Hearst, in the New York City election of
   1905, was conducted for the purpose of retaining Mr. William
   Travers Jerome in the office of District Attorney for the
   county of New York. He had been carried into the office on a
   fusion ticket, four years before, and had performed its
   important duties with a courage, a force, an independence and
   a rectitude that were beyond praise. The machines of the
   parties would not nominate him for reëlection; but an
   extraordinary rally of the friends of good government in all
   parties put him into the field, with an emergency organization
   that sufficed to carry him triumphantly through. He was elected
   by a plurality of about 16,000. So striking a proof of the
   political popularity which a high quality of public service
   can win has not often been given.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905-1909.
   The Undertaking of Works for a Water Supply from
   the Catskill Mountains.

   In 1905 the City of New York procured authority from the
   Legislature to construct the works necessary for an adequate
   supply of water, additional to that which had been drawn for
   many years from the Croton River for old New York and from the
   Ridgewood system for Brooklyn. The source determined on was
   in the Catskill Mountains, including several streams, called
   creeks,—namely Esopus, Rondout, Schoharie, and Catskill,—
   having a total water shed of 885 square miles, and estimated
   to furnish about 770 millions of gallons daily, even in dry
   years. The plan of the project in its entirety contemplates
   the construction of eight great reservoirs for storing and
   controlling the waters derived from these streams. The first
   to be built and the largest of such reservoirs is named the
   Ashokan, on Esopus Creek, about 14 miles west of the Hudson
   River at Kingston, near Brown’s station on the Ulster and
   Delaware Railway. Work on this was begun in 1907. It is being
   constructed in the form of two basins, having a united length
   of about twelve and a half miles, lying between hills which
   are connected by numerous massive dams. The dams necessary to
   complete the enclosure of the water have a total length of
   more than five miles.

   In a straight line the distance from the Ashokan Reservoir to
   New York is 86 miles; but the windings of the course that will
   have to be given to the great aqueduct from the reservoir to
   the city will add six miles to its length. The aqueduct is to
   pass from the western to the eastern side of the Hudson at
   Storm King Mountain, through a tunnel in solid rock, far
   beneath the river bed. From Breakneck on the western shore it
   will cross a corner of the Croton watershed to a filter site,
   and to two final reservoirs, the Kensico and the Hill View. In
   connection with both Ashokan and Kensico reservoirs the plan
   of the system contemplates an aeration of the water, by
   flinging it to the air in thousands of fountain jets.

   In the parts of the great concrete aqueduct that can be built
   in an open cut its dimensions are seventeen feet of height and
   seventeen and a half feet of width. Where it traverses tunnels
   the width is reduced to thirteen feet. Its delivery of water
   to New York is calculated to add 500,000,000 of gallons daily
   to the water supply of the city. The undertaking as a whole is
   claimed to be the greatest that any city has yet engaged in,
   while the engineering work involved is said to be second only
   in magnitude to that of the Panama Canal.

      Alfred D. Flinn,
      The World's Greatest Aqueduct
      (The Century Magazine, September, 1909).

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1907 (April).
   Great Peace Congress.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR: THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.
   Unearthing of Corruptions in the Custom House.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909 (June).
   The Wall Street Investigation, so-called.
   Report on the Operations of the Stock Exchange and
   other Exchanges.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.
   Renewed Struggle against Tammany, with Partial
   but Substantial Success.

   Although Tammany elected its candidate for Mayor in the
   municipal election of 1909, its domination was practically
   overthrown by the defeat of its nominees for all other offices
   of importance in the City Government. A coalition of the
   Republicans with anti-Tammany Democrats and other
   organizations had presented a fusion ticket headed by a
   prominent and much-trusted business man, Mr. Otto T. Bannard.
   William R. Hearst entered the field again, as an independent
   nominee, and Tammany named Judge William J. Gaynor, who had
   been one of its opponents, as a Democrat, in the past. Judge
   Gaynor was elected by a plurality of 73,016, the vote cast for
   mayor being: Gaynor 250,678; Bannard 177,662; Hearst 153,843.
   The City Comptroller, four of the five borough presidents, and
   the President of the Board of Aldermen, were elected by the
   Fusionists. By the election of Mr. McAneny to be President of
   the Borough of Manhattan (the old New York City), a very
   eminent political reformer and one of great force, was brought
   into the City Government. As president of the energetic City
   Club, which became a power in reform politics under his lead,
   and as secretary of the National Civil Service Reform League,
   Mr. McAneny had given abundant proof of his capacity and his
   earnestness in work for good government.

{453}

   By controlling twelve of the sixteen votes in the important
   Board of Estimate, the opponents of Tammany stripped that
   organization of all power over public "jobs." As the fact was
   expressed exultingly in one of the journals of New York on the
   day after election, "after January 1 Charles F. Murphy and his
   associates no longer will say who shall have public
   franchises; they, too, will no longer fix the budget, sell the
   city’s bonds, and pay political debts with salary increases.
   In other words, the Tiger has lost his grip on the city’s
   purse-strings, and this fact, perhaps, more than any other,
   has turned his den into a cavern of gloom."

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.
   Proposed New Charter, not acted on in the Legislature.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: NEW YORK CITY.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909-1910.
   The Shirtwaist Makers’ Strike.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.

NEW YORK LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY:
   Legislative Investigation.

      See (in this Volume)
      INSURANCE, LIFE.

NEW YORK, NEW HAVEN AND HARTFORD RAILROAD CASE.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1899-1909.
   The Barge Canal under Construction.

   On the 8th of March, 1899, Theodore Roosevelt, then Governor
   of New York, appointed a committee of private citizens, for
   service without pay, in studying and reporting on the policy
   to be adopted by the State of New York in dealing with its
   canals. The appointed chairman of the committee was General
   Francis Vinton Greene, and the following account of the
   recommendations made by the committee is taken from a paper on
   the subject contributed by General Greene to Volume XIII. of
   the Publications of the Buffalo Historical Society, published
   in December, 1909:

   "The other members were Major Thomas W. Symons of the Corps of
   Engineers, United States Army, then stationed at Buffalo in
   charge of river and harbor improvements, Honorable Frank S.
   Witherbee of Port Henry in the Champlain district, Honorable
   George E. Green, State Senator from Binghamton in the southern
   tier of counties, Honorable John N. Scatcherd of Buffalo, and
   the two state officials most intimately connected with the
   administration of canals, viz., Honorable Edward A. Bond,
   State Engineer, and Honorable John N. Partridge,
   Superintendent of Public Works.

   "The request of the Governor was simply that we should study
   the canal problem and advise him. … We devoted the greater
   part of the year 1899 to a study of the subject, and made our
   report to the Governor under date of January 15, 1900. … The
   Governor promptly transmitted the report to the Legislature,
   adopting the conclusions and recommendations which it
   contained, and advising that legislation be enacted to carry
   them into effect. This was done in successive years … ;
   finally the project was ratified and adopted by an
   overwhelming vote of the people in the election of 1903. …

   "As to our conclusions and recommendations, the first question
   to be decided was whether or not the canals should be entirely
   abandoned. It was claimed by many that canal transportation
   was antiquated and altogether out of date; that ‘the
   railroads, with their large capital and scientific management,
   their durable roadbeds, powerful locomotives, larger cars,
   greater train loads, greater speed, and more certainty of
   delivery, will be able now or in the early future to reduce
   the cost of transportation below what is possible on the
   canals.’ If it should seem probable that the railroads could
   accomplish this, then it would be manifestly unwise and
   improper to expend any more public money upon the canals.

   "From a consideration of all [the] facts we reached our first
   conclusion—which, like all the other portions of our report,
   was unanimously adopted—to wit, ‘That the canals connecting
   the Hudson river with Lakes Erie, Ontario and Champlain should
   not be abandoned, but should be maintained and enlarged.’

   "The next point to be considered was, to what extent should
   they be enlarged, what size of vessel they should be adapted
   to carry, and what would be the estimated cost of
   construction.

   "As to the proper size of the enlarged canal, widely different
   views were held by engineers and by economists. Some contended
   that the nine foot canal authorized in 1894 was sufficiently
   large; others brought forward the supposed advantages of a
   ship canal large enough to carry ocean-going steamers without
   breaking bulk from Duluth to Liverpool, or any other port;
   others contended that a canal of intermediate size would be
   found to be the most economical, would cost the least amount
   of money for the results produced, and would, in fact, produce
   a lower freight rate than either the small canal on the one
   hand, or the ship canal on the other.

   "To these questions we gave the most careful study. The ship
   canal had many glittering attractions, and there was a large
   sentiment along the lakes which had found expression in Deep
   Waterways conventions, which had been held in recent years and
   had advocated a water route of either 21 or 28 feet depth from
   Lake Erie to the Atlantic ocean. … But a careful examination
   of the facts led us to the conclusion that while a ship canal
   of 21 or 28 feet depth would cost enormously more than a barge
   canal of say, 12 feet depth, it would not produce as low a
   freight rate. …

   "Having rejected the ship canal project, we had then to
   consider what size of enlarged canal we should recommend. In
   any event, we were satisfied that the route of the canal
   should be changed so as to use the waterways of the Seneca and
   Oneida rivers, Oneida lake and the Mohawk river in place of
   the present route; but the question was whether the depth of
   the canal should be 9 feet, capable of carrying a boat with
   cargo capacity of 450 tons, or a depth of 12 feet, carrying a
   boat with a cargo capacity of about 1,000 tons. With such data
   as we could obtain in the short time at our disposal, and
   without adequate surveys, we estimated the cost of the smaller
   project at a little more than $21,000,000, and of the larger
   project at a little less than $59,000,000.

{454}

   "Our conclusion was in these words: ‘In our judgment, arrived
   at after long consideration, and with some reluctance, the
   State should undertake the larger project on the ground that
   the smaller one is at best a temporary makeshift, and that the
   larger project will permanently secure the commercial
   supremacy of New York, and that this can be assured by no
   other means.’ …

   "We made a fourth recommendation in the following words:

   "‘That the money for these improvements should be raised by
   the issue of eighteen-year bonds in the manner prescribed by
   the State Constitution, and that the interest and principal of
   these bonds should be paid out of taxes specifically levied,
   for benefits received, in the counties bordering in whole or
   in part on the canals, the Hudson river and Lake Champlain;
   such taxes to be levied in proportion to the assessed
   valuation of the real and personal estate in such counties.
   These taxes will amount to about 10 cents per $100 of assessed
   valuation annually during the period of eighteen years.’

   "Our object in making this recommendation was to disarm the
   opposition of the non-canal counties. … We also submitted
   statistics in tabular and graphic form showing that the
   valuation of the river and canal counties was 90% of the
   entire valuation of the State. In any event, they would bear
   90% of the expense, and it was thought wise to suggest that
   they bear the entire expense so as to remove every ground of
   alleged injustice in taxing the counties which claimed to
   derive no benefit.

   "This recommendation was not adopted by the Legislature, nor
   submitted to the people. …

   "At the election the non-canal counties voted against the
   project by large majorities, St. Lawrence county, for
   instance, being 12 to 1 against it, and Steuben county, 10 to
   1 against it; but, on the other hand, the canal counties voted
   in favor of it by almost equally large majorities, New York
   being 9 to 1 in favor of it; Kings, 8 to 1; Queens, 5 to 1,
   and Erie, nearly 5 to 1. For some unexplained reason Monroe
   county, in which Rochester is situated, and Onondaga county,
   in which Syracuse is situated, voted against it. The
   overwhelming vote, however, in the counties at the two
   terminals, New York and Buffalo, made a majority of 245,312 in
   the entire State in favor of the project, and a total vote of
   1,100,708.

   "Our fifth and final recommendation was as follows:

   "That the efficiency of the canals depends upon their
   management quite as much as upon their physical size, and that
   no money should be spent for further enlargement unless
   accompanied by measures which will accomplish the following
   results:

   "(a) The removal of all restrictions as to the amount of
   capital of companies engaged in transportation on the canals,
   and the encouragement of large transportation lines for
   handling canal business, in place of hampering them, as has
   hitherto been the case.

   "(b) The use of mechanical means of traction, either steam or
   electricity, in place of draft animals; and the use of
   mechanical power in place of hand power for operating the
   gates and valves, and moving boats in locks.

   "(c) The organization of the force engaged on the public works
   of the State on a more permanent basis, so as to afford an
   attractive career to graduates of scientific institutions,
   with the assurance that their entry into the service, their
   tenure of office, and their promotion will depend solely on
   their fitness, as determined by proper and practical tests.

   "(d) A revision of the laws in regard to the letting of public
   contracts by the State, so as to make impossible a repetition
   of the unfortunate results of the $9,000,000 appropriation.

   "Legislation has already been adopted to carry into effect (a)
   and (c); the adopted plans for the canal are in accordance
   with (b); and the specific form of contract which we
   recommended in connection with (d) was not adopted, but
   another form of contract was adopted which will practically
   accomplish the same result.

   "It only remains to speak of the cost of the project. With
   such data as we had available and with such surveys as were
   possible during the year 1899, we estimated the cost of the
   project we recommended at $58,894,668 for the Erie Canal and
   $2,642,120 for the Oswego and Champlain canals, making a total
   of $61,536,788. This contemplated a canal with 12 feet depth
   and suitable locks for carrying a barge of approximately 1,000
   tons capacity from Buffalo to the Hudson river, but as to the
   Oswego and Champlain canals, it recommended only the
   completion of the work already undertaken to provide for boats
   of six feet draft. … It was ultimately determined to enlarge
   the Champlain and Oswego canals to the same size as the main
   canal between Buffalo and the Hudson river, and also to
   include the dredging of a 12 foot channel in the Hudson river,
   which we had anticipated would be done by the Federal
   Government. This enlargement of the project very materially
   increased the cost, and in the interval between the time of
   our report and the completion of the detailed report of the
   State Engineer, the prices of labor and materials had very
   largely advanced. In order to cover all possible
   contingencies, the State Engineer carried his estimate to
   $101,000,000, and this was the amount appropriated by the
   Legislature and ratified by the people at the election of
   1903."

      Francis Vinton Greene,
      The Inception of the Barge Canal Project
      (Buffalo Historical Society Publications, Volume 13).

   The first six contracts for the construction of the Barge
   Canal were let in April, 1905. The state of the work at the
   end of the year 1909 was announced by Governor Hughes in his
   Message to the next Legislature as follows:

   "The contracts in force for the Barge Canal improvement amount
   in total price to $48,229,467, and the contract value of the
   work performed to December 1, 1909, was $15,821,275. It is
   estimated by the State engineer and surveyor that during 1910
   work will be completed amounting to $16,000,000, and it is
   expected that the work for the entire length of the Barge
   Canal system will be under contract by April 1, 1910. At the
   present rate of progress, it is said that it is not
   unreasonable to expect that the Barge Canal system will be
   completed by the end of the year 1914. It is further stated
   that the work is being carried on within the original
   estimates. This enterprise should be pushed to completion as
   speedily, as economically, and efficiently as possible."

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1901-1909.
   Legislation developing the Parole System
   of dealing with Convicts.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: INDETERMINATE SENTENCES.

{455}

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Legislative Investigation of Life Insurance Companies and the
   State Superintendency of them.
   Startling Disclosures.
   Remedial Legislation.

      See (in this Volume)
      INSURANCE, LIFE.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910.
   The Epoch of Governor Hughes.
   The Special Significance of his Administration.
   His Exemplary Fidelity to Fundamental Political Principles.
   His Public Support against Hostile Party-Managers.

   The election of 1906 is likely to be marked in the political
   history of New York as the introduction of an epoch,—the Epoch
   of Governor Hughes. The State has had a number of very notable
   Governors, in both early and late times,—Governors who left a
   deep and lasting impression of themselves on its history, and
   who have been large contributors to its prestige and influence
   as the Empire State of the American Union; but Governor Hughes
   is of a type so different from any of his predecessors, and
   his conduct of the Governor’s high office has been so
   distinctive in principle and method, that his administration
   can hardly fail, in the retrospect, to take on a special
   significance of its own.

   As counsel to the Legislative Committee which investigated the
   scandals of life-insurance management in 1905-1906 (see, in this
   Volume, INSURANCE, LIFE), the conduct of the investigation by
   Mr. Charles Evans Hughes drew public attention, and made him
   known so favorably that when in the autumn of 1906 the
   Republican Party of the State had special need of a personally
   attractive candidate for Governor, an unmistakable expression
   of popular opinion directed the choice to him. The
   Independence League which Mr. William R. Hearst had rallied
   and organized, and which had served him the previous year in
   his candidacy for the mayoralty of New York (see, above, NEW
   YORK CITY: A. D. 1905), had been recruited so successfully
   throughout the State, and had absorbed so much of some
   elements of the Democratic Party, that the latter made terms
   of combination with it, and adopted Mr. Hearst as its
   gubernatorial nominee. The combination was one which the
   ordinary forces acting for the Republican Party could hardly
   hope to overcome; but the recent prestige of Mr. Hughes might
   call out reinforcements that would save the day. It was not
   willingly that the professional managers of the party
   consented to his nomination, and it was not willingly that he
   accepted it. He was heartily a Republican in politics, but
   never active in its affairs, being devoted to his profession
   and plainly reluctant to be turned aside at all from the
   career it had just fairly opened before him. But he yielded,
   as the party managers did, to a call from the public of the
   party, and the result of the election afforded proof of the
   reality and sincerity of the call. Hughes alone on the State
   ticket of the Republicans was elected; Hearst alone on the
   ticket of the Democratic-Independence-League combination was
   defeated. Governor Hughes was thus placed, on the 1st of
   January, 1907, at the head of an administration in which every
   other elective office was filled by his political opponents.

   This political aloneness of Governor Hughes in his office
   would have mattered very little, however, if his own party
   surroundings in it had been friendly and sympathetic; but very
   quickly it was seen that he had conceptions of official duty
   which those who controlled the machine-like "organization" of
   the party, with consequent powers of influence over its
   representatives in the legislature and in other official
   places, could in no wise comprehend. With a degree of
   precision and decision hardly matched by another executive,
   this Governor had studied, constitutionally and ethically, and
   had defined to himself, the obligations and limitations of his
   office, and had resolved them into principles of action from
   which he never swerved. In one particular, especially, this
   held him to a course which some former governors had adhered
   to in the main, but none, perhaps, with a consistency as firm.
   In the use of two powers confided to the Governor, that of the
   veto in legislation and that of appointment to many State
   offices, there had always been more or less of giving and
   taking between the Executive, on one side, and the Legislature
   and the controlling leaders of party organization on the
   other. A Governor actuated by personal motives, of ambition or
   other self-interest, would use these powers freely, in
   bargaining for or enforcing his desires; and a Governor who
   cared for public interests alone would sometimes feel driven
   to secure measures needful to that end at some price of
   concession in appointments and in the approval of bills, or
   some coercive use of the veto whip. Governor Hughes would do
   neither, and his attitude in this matter stands out so
   conspicuously as to mark in itself an epoch of great example
   in the right exercise of executive power.

   No Governor has ever interested himself more earnestly in the
   work of the Legislature, with a watchful eye to the needs,
   interests, and rights of the public and to the demands of good
   government on every side. No Governor has ever taken a more
   active and effective part in the production of important
   legislation, and none has ever put his stamp on more of such
   legislation within the same time. But all that he has done in
   that line of executive duty has been strictly by
   recommendation and by argument, addressed first to the
   Legislature and then to the public behind it; never by any
   other means. Legislatures have been coerced irresistibly into
   compliance with his recommendations, by public opinion,
   wakened by the Governor’s voice; never directly by him. There
   has been no departure from the principle of action which he
   stated once in these words: "I have not attempted, through the
   use of political patronage or political machinery to coerce
   anybody, and I don’t propose to do so. But under the
   constitution, it is my privilege and my duty to recommend
   legislation. If I mean what I say when I recommend, I ought to
   be able to tell why it is recommended, and my constituency is
   not the Legislature, and not any particular part of the
   people, but my constituency is the people of the State, and I
   propose, therefore, whenever I make a recommendation, and
   there is any question about it, to tell as forcibly, as fully
   and as frankly as possible why I stand for it. If it is wrong,
   you will know it all the sooner; if it is right, you will give
   it the support it deserves. I call that American government,
   and if we had a little less trading, a little less wirepulling
   and bulldozing, we would prosper to a far greater degree."

{456}

   The Legislature of New York has been honored by this
   highminded and respectful treatment of it, which the
   highminded among its members have appreciated; but these have
   been at most times a minority. The majority, obedient to
   resentful party "bosses," have acted sullenly with him when
   the lash of public opinion has driven them to his side, and
   defiantly against him when they dared. His obstinate
   antagonists have found a reflection hard to obtain.

   The most signal showing of the attitude of the public toward
   antagonists of Governor Hughes in the Legislature occurred in
   connection with a bill, recommended by the Governor in 1907,
   for the amendment of a disgraceful existing law relative to
   race-track gambling. The State Constitution, as revised in
   1894, prohibits all forms of gambling, and declares that "the
   Legislature shall pass appropriate laws to prevent offenses
   against any of the provisions of this section." In 1895 an
   Act (known as the Percy-Gray Law) was got through the
   Legislature, professedly in obedience to this mandate of the
   Constitution, which verbally prohibited betting on races, but
   penalized it only by providing that the loser of a race-track
   bet might sue the winner and recover twice the amount of his
   bet, while betting and gambling in other places were punished
   heavily by imprisonment and fine. This scandalous favor to the
   race-track interests carried a bribe at the same time to the
   farmers of the State, in the form of a cunning provision of
   the Act, which appropriated five per cent. of the gross
   receipts of racing associations to the benefit of agricultural
   societies. Repeated attempts to correct so contemptuous a
   violation of the Constitution had failed; but Governor Hughes
   renewed the attempt, with a feeling of reverence for Law and
   for the honor of the State which could not tolerate defeat.
   When the amending Bill that he recommended was put in suspense
   by a tie vote in the Senate, the Governor called a special
   session of the Legislature, and brought the question before
   the people in speeches which made a mighty stir. The racing
   interests in the State were so powerful that they almost
   defied defeat, and all their influence came into play.
   Meantime a special election to fill a vacancy in the Senate
   was pending in Western New York, and the issue on the
   race-track gambling bill was fought out there, with the
   Governor in the field, contending for an honest enforcement of
   the constitutional law of the State. The result of the
   election gave support to that contention, and when, at the
   special session, the Bill in question was again called up in
   the Senate, as it could be, it was passed by a majority of
   one. The Republican senators who voted against it were most of
   them retired to private life by their constituents at the
   senatorial elections of the ensuing fall.

   Almost everything of importance in New York legislation since
   Governor Hughes entered office has had its origin in his
   recommendations, and has been carried by the weight of public
   backing which belief in him calls out, against resisting
   influences that would ordinarily have prevailed. This was
   notably the fact in the case of the Public Service Commissions
   Act of 1907 (See (in this Volume) PUBLIC UTILITIES), which
   established an effective supervision and regulation of
   corporations engaged in public services, by placing over them
   two commissions, appointed by the Governor, one with
   jurisdiction in New York City, the other in the remainder of
   the State, both armed with large powers. The services covered
   are those of railways, gas and electric light and power
   companies, and the authority established over them extends not
   only to their rates, but to their capitalization, their issues
   of stock and bonds, their franchises, the labor conditions
   under them, their equipment, and the sufficiency and quality
   of the service they render. The excellence of the Act has been
   proved by its working, in the hands of the commissions
   appointed by Governor Hughes.

   In the checking of improper legislation by his vetoes,
   especially against encroachments on local rights of
   self-government, and against special enactments that intrude
   on general laws, Governor Hughes has been a teacher of
   political principles, as importantly as in the legislative
   advice which it is part of his constitutional duty to render.
   He taught a great lesson to every legislative body and every
   executive in the Union, when he disapproved a highly popular
   bill which prescribed a fixed rate of railway passenger fares
   at two cents per mile, on the ground that it was not a matter
   to be dealt with summarily,—without careful investigation and
   determination of the facts involved. So consistent, so
   forceful, so effective a teacher, in fact, by precept and high
   example, of the fundamentals of principle in political action,
   has rarely appeared in any country.

   That Governor Hughes was renominated and reelected in 1908 for
   a second term was again by reason of a public insistence which
   neither he nor the hostile manipulators of caucus-work in his
   party could resist. If the election had not been coincident in
   time with a presidential election the "bosses" of the party
   would have refused the nomination to him at any cost. They
   were able to secure a convention of delegates that would
   eagerly have made that refusal; but when the Governor was
   persuaded to say that he would accept renomination, they dared
   not imperil the national interests of the party by flouting
   demands which came from every quarter of the land. He had
   become so national a figure that interest in his reelection
   was nation-wide.

   On the powerful movement in New York to break down the
   practical exclusion of the people from the choosing of
   candidates for office, which Governor Hughes inspired.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES:
      DIRECT PRIMARY NOMINATIONS.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.
   Work of Reforestation.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1907.
   The Gift of Letchworth Park.

   A noble gift to the State was made in January, 1907, by the
   Honorable William Pryor Letchworth, a gentleman of distinction
   in benevolent work, officially as president for many years of
   the State Board of Charities, and privately, at the same time,
   as a profound student of and writer on, some of the gravest of
   the problems of philanthropy, especially that of the treatment
   of the insane. The home of Mr. Letchworth for many years has
   been on a great estate which embraces the finest and most
   famous scenery of the Upper Genesee River, lying on both sides
   of the cañon [canyon] down which the river plunges in three
   successive falls.
{457}
   The thousand acres of the estate enclose all three of the
   falls. This magnificent domain, preserved in all its natural
   beauty and improved with careful taste by half a century of
   Mr. Letchworth’s care, has been conveyed in trust to the
   State, under the future custody of The American Scenic and
   Historic Preservation Society, to be forever, after the death
   of Mr. Letchworth, a Public Park. A generous citizen has thus
   saved from destructive uses a piece of scenery which has
   hardly its equal for picturesque and varied beauty in another
   part of the State.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1907.
   Enactment of the Public Utilities Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC UTILITIES.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Creation of the Probation System.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PROBATION.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.
   Gas Company’s Refund.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC UTILITIES.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.
   Historical Commemorations.
   The Champlain and the Hudson-Fulton.

   Three notable events of the far past were notably commemorated
   in New York during the summer and autumn of 1909. The
   tercentenary year of Champlain’s discovery, in July, 1609, of
   the Lake which bears his name, was signalized by a week of
   historical pageants, fêtes, and gatherings for speech and
   ceremony, on and around the lake, beginning on the 4th of
   July. France, England, Canada, and the United States were
   represented in the addresses and exercises of the occasion, by
   the British and French Ambassadors, the Postmaster-General of
   the Dominion, President Taft and ex-Secretary Root, Governor
   Hughes of New York and Governor Prouty of Vermont. A large
   number of Indians took part in the pageants, occupying a
   floating island constructed for the occasion on the lake, and
   representing scenes of Indian life and warfare, the story of
   Hiawatha, and other reminders of the time when men of their
   race were the lords of the region of Lake Champlain. The
   occasion was made one of great interest.

   Still more of interest was given to the double commemoration,
   in September, of Hendrick Hudson’s exploration of Hudson River
   and of Robert Fulton’s first practically successful
   undertaking of steamboating, on that river. The celebration of
   the event first named was timed appropriately on its third
   centennial anniversary. That of the second was belated by two
   years; but the two were most fitly connected. The people of
   Holland joined heartily in the Hudson commemoration, building
   and sending over to New York an exact replica of Hudson’s
   little ship, the Halve Maen, or Half Moon, in which his
   voyage was made. Fulton’s steamboat, the Clermont, was
   also reproduced for the occasion, and the two small, quaint
   vessels, strikingly in contrast with the monster battle ships
   and ocean liners that surrounded them, lent a singular
   interest to the affair. Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy,
   the Netherlands, Mexico, Cuba, and the Argentine Republic
   accepted invitations to take part in the naval parades which
   formed a grand feature of the celebration, and an imposing
   assembly of great ships of war was shown. Eight days, from
   Saturday, September 25th, until the following Saturday, were
   filled with church services, school exercises, historical
   exhibitions and processions, military and naval parades,
   aquatic sports, carnival doings, aeroplane flights, banquets
   to foreign guests, etc., at New York City, after which the
   Half Moon and the Clermont proceeded up the
   river and the celebration was continued in various towns.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.
   Defeat of the Direct Primary Bill.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES:
      DIRECT PRIMARY NOMINATION.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909-1910.
   Munificent Gifts of Land on the Hudson
   for Park Purposes offered.

   In his annual Message to the Legislature, January 5, 1910,
   Governor Hughes announced the details of a munificent project
   of gifts proffered to the State for the purpose of creating a
   noble State Park on and near the Hudson River. Mrs. Mary W.
   Harriman, widow of the late E. H. Harriman, offered to convey
   to the State a tract of about ten thousand acres of land in
   Orange and Rockland counties, to be held in perpetuity as a
   State park; offering further to give the State $1,000,000 in
   trust, to be used for the purchase of land lying between the
   tract mentioned and the Hudson River, so that the park may
   have the advantage of a river frontage. Other gifts for
   similar purposes amounting to $1,625,000 were announced as a
   result of the activity of the Palisades Park Commission, from
   residents of New York, New Jersey, and Philadelphia. John D.
   Rockefeller and J. Pierpont Morgan each subscribed $500,000;
   Margaret Olivia Sage, William K. Vanderbilt, George F. Baker,
   James Stillman, John D. Archbold, Frank A. Munsey, Henry
   Phipps, E. T. Stotesbury, E. H. Gary, and George W. Perkins
   gave $50,000 each: Helen M. Gould and V. Everit Macy
   contributed $25,000 each, and Ellen F. James and Arthur C.
   James jointly gave a similar amount. These subscriptions were
   secured upon conditions stipulating, among other things, that
   New York State shall appropriate $2,500,000 for the acquiring
   of land and the building of roads and general park purposes;
   that the State of New Jersey shall contribute a fair share,
   and that the State discontinue work on the new State prison at
   Great Bear Mountain in Rockland County, where preliminary work
   on the site for a new $2,000,000 structure has been under way
   for several months.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1886-1893.
   Extension of the Suffrage to Women.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1896-1908.
   Twelve Years of Local Option.
   The working of the Law.
   Warning to the Liquor Trade.
   The Vote of Women.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: NEW ZEALAND.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1902.
   Colonial Conference at London.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1903.
   The Maori King a Colonial Minister.

   The old fierce conflict of the Maoris with the English
   colonists in New Zealand would seem to have been effectually
   ended, since the Maori King accepted a seat in the colonial
   Cabinet, as a responsible Minister, in 1903.

{458}

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1905.
   Government Ownership and Long-leasing of Land.
   Its working.
   Government Loans to Farmers.

   The land system of New Zealand, as it was in 1895, is
   described in Volume VI. of this work (see NEW ZEALAND). It has
   since been carried farther on social-paternalistic lines, by
   extensive expropriations or compulsory sales of large estates
   to the Government, and by the institution of public loans of
   capital to farmers at a moderate rate of interest. The
   operation and result are thus described in a recent work:

   "So far the government has lent to the farmers about
   $20,000,000, but it has saved them $20,000,000 in interest,
   because as soon as it came into the field with its cheap
   loans, interest rates dropped everywhere. You see Shylock has
   fled from these shores and will not return. The government has
   never lost a cent in these loans. Reform proceeded next, with
   a land tax graduated to an ascending scale, to discourage
   land-grabbing, and land speculation; so that the more land a
   man owns the higher is the tax-rate upon it. Thus for farms of
   ordinary size the rate is two cents in every $5 of assessed
   valuation; but on estates of more than $25,000 the rate
   increases in regular ratio to the maximum of six cents for
   every $5, except for absentee owners. They must pay fifty per
   cent. more than residents. You can see that in New Zealand the
   chance for fine old families and landed gentry is slim. No
   doubt the theory of these things is extremely reprehensible,
   but the practice is excellent. What with seizing the big
   estates, and what with the graduated land tax, the size of
   holdings has been so reduced that of 115,713 landowners in
   1905 only 22,778 came under the operations of the augmented
   land tax. The others, having small properties, paid the
   smallest rate. Under the land purchase act the government has
   seized 691,594 acres, mostly hunting fields and uncultivated
   family inheritances. These have been partitioned into small
   farms and are occupied by actual settlers. Under the operation
   of all the new land laws together, the produce of New Zealand
   has trebled, and the New Zealand farmer has become the most
   prosperous in the world."

      Charles E. Russell,
      The Uprising of the Many,
      chapter 29
      (copyright, 1907, by Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, 1907).

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1906.
   The Democratizing of Competition.
   Labor Group Coöperation.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1906-1909.
   The Liberal Party and the Liberal Ministry.
   Their years of Great Power.
   Their Strength shaken in the latest Election.
   Its Method and Result.
   The new Ministry of Sir Joseph Ward.

   In June, 1906, the Liberal Party in New Zealand experienced a
   great loss, in the death of Mr. Richard J. Seddon, its strong
   leader, and the Prime Minister of Government for some time
   past. His place was taken temporarily by Mr. Hall-Jones, until
   Sir Joseph Ward, then absent from the country, returned and
   received the chief ministerial seat. Since 1893 the Liberal
   Party had derived large majorities in Parliament from each
   triennial election. The Liberal Administration had advanced
   accordingly, says a recent letter to the London Times,
   "under the banner of labour legislation, new land laws, and
   State Socialism, and was strengthened in its position by the
   general prosperity of the country and the expenditure of large
   sums of borrowed money upon public works. At the end of last
   Session, it was still at the head of affairs with a majority
   (including the four Maori members) of no fewer than 46.

   "In the meantime, however, the guiding hand of Mr. Seddon, the
   great apostle of New Zealand democracy, had been removed from
   the scene, the harsh working of the Compulsory Arbitration Act
   had begun to alienate the sympathies of both employers and
   workers; the anti-freehold tendencies of the present
   Administration were effecting a change of feeling in the
   country constituencies, and the drop in the prices of some of
   our staple products, combined with the stringency in the local
   money market, began to act as a check on our commercial
   prosperity. Finally, the Government made some tactical
   blunders." Hence the Opposition, at the Parliamentary election
   of November, 1908, was greatly strengthened, though the
   ascendancy of the Liberals was still maintained. The conduct
   of the election and its result are described by the
   correspondent already quoted, as follows: "An election in New
   Zealand is conducted in a most orderly manner. The
   distribution of literature, the wearing of badges, and any
   touting for votes from electors on their way to the polls or
   in front of the polling booths are strictly prohibited by law.
   A half-holiday has to be observed in shops and offices, and
   factory owners must allow their employés time off to
   vote. The publichouses remain closed from noon until the polls
   are closed, the closing hour being in the country 6 P. M., and
   in the cities 7 P. M. Time was, in the very early days, when
   the polling booths were in some cases located between two
   drinking saloons that did a roaring trade, and the result was
   much loud disputation, bad language, and fighting. Nowadays
   all that is changed, and women can walk into the polling
   booths with complete unconcern. For the 76 seats 213
   candidates had been nominated. Of these 114 claimed to be
   Ministerialists and 52 Oppositionists, while 46 were
   Independents, among whom were a few Socialists and Independent
   Labourites. The result of the first ballot was that 34
   Government supporters, 16 Opposition candidates, and three
   Independents were elected by absolute majorities. In 23
   constituencies the candidates at the head of the poll failed
   to secure absolute majorities of the total votes polled, and
   it became necessary to hold second ballots, the number of
   these being practically double what was estimated by the Prime
   Minister. … Twenty-two of these were held a week later, and
   resulted in a further strengthening of the Opposition party.
   One—in a widely scattered country constituency—has yet to be
   held. The Government secured 12 of the seats, the Opposition
   nine, and Independent Labour one. …

   "The result of the elections, as a whole, is greatly to
   strengthen the Opposition, and correspondingly to weaken the
   Government. The next most noticeable feature about it is the
   unusual change it has made in the personnel of the
   House of Representatives. While not a single Opposition member
   of the last Parliament who stood has lost his seat, no fewer
   than 17 followers of the Ministry have been relegated to
   private life; while the new Parliament will contain 27 new
   members out of 76.
{459}
   The position of parties, with one second ballot yet to be
   decided, is—Government, 45; Opposition, 25; Independent, 4;
   Independent Labour, 1. At the end of last Session (excluding
   Maori members) the Government were 59 strong, while the
   Opposition, including one Independent, numbered only 17. Thus,
   whereas in the last Parliament the Government could reckon on
   a majority of 42, they cannot now be absolutely sure of a
   majority of more than 15 of the European members on certain
   issues. There are four Maori members still to be elected, and
   as these generally vote with the party in power the assured
   Ministerial majority will be 19. This should be amply
   sufficient to enable Sir Joseph Ward to continue in power for
   the full term of the Parliament—three years."

   Early in January, 1909, the Ministry was reconstructed, the
   Premier, Sir Joseph Ward, burdening himself with the
   portfolios of Finance, Defence, Lands, Agriculture, and the
   Post Office. This was said to be made necessary by the
   inexperience in office of the new Ministers whom he called to
   his side.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1907 (April-May).
   Imperial Conference at London.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Working of the Compulsory Arbitration Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: NEW ZEALAND.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1908.
   Population.

   The population of the Dominion of New Zealand on December 31,
   1908, was estimated as follows:
   Europeans 960,000;
   Maoris, 49,000;
   Cook Islanders, 12,000.
   There was an increase of Europeans during the year of 31,000,
   being at the rate of 3.36 percent. The excess of immigration
   over departures was 14,000—a record; while the natural
   increase was 17,000. The death-rate was 9.57 per thousand, as
   compared with 10.95 in 1907; and the birth-rate was 27.45 per
   thousand, as compared with 27.30.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Labor Strike caused by Legislation making "Miners’ Disease"
   a ground of Compensation from Employers.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION: EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1909.
   Announcement of Railway-Building Policy.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: NEW ZEALAND.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1909.
   Act establishing compulsory Military Training.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY: NEW ZEALAND.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1909.
   The Prime Minister’s testimony to the good working
   of Woman Suffrage.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1909 (July-August).
   Imperial Defence Conference.
   Offer of a "Dreadnought" to the Imperial Navy.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

NIAGARA FALLS:
   Preservation of their "Scenic Grandeur."

   An Act of Congress, designed "to preserve the scenic grandeur"
   of Niagara Falls, approved in June, 1906, authorized the
   Secretary of War to grant permits for the diversion of water
   for the creation of power to an aggregate amount not exceeding
   15,600 cubic feet a second, and to grant permits for the
   transmission of power from Canada to an aggregate quantity not
   exceeding 160,000 horsepower. The then Secretary of War, Mr.
   Taft, since elected President of the United States, after
   careful investigations and hearings, granted permits for the
   diversion of the maximum amount of water under the act and for
   the admission of the maximum quantity of power. In reporting
   his decision Mr. Taft explained why he believed that the
   diversion authorized could be made without harm to the Falls:
   "I have reached," he said, "the conclusion that with the
   diversion of 15,600 cubic feet on the American side and the
   transmission of 160,000 horse power from the Canadian side,
   the scenic grandeur of the Falls will not be affected
   substantially or perceptibly to the eye. With respect to the
   American falls this is an increase of only 2,500 cubic feet a
   second over what is now being diverted and has been diverted
   for many years, and has not affected the Falls as a scenic
   wonder. With respect to the Canadian side, the water is drawn
   from the river in such a way as not to affect the American
   falls at all, because the point from which it is drawn is
   considerably below the level of the water, at the point where
   the waters separate above Goat Island, and the Waterways
   Commission and Dr. Clark agree that the taking of 13,000 cubic
   feet from the Canadian side will not in any way affect or
   reduce the water going over the American falls. The water
   going over the Falls on the Canadian side of Goat Island is
   about five times the Volume of that which goes over the
   American falls. … If the amount withdrawn on the Canada side
   for Canadian use were 5,000 cubic feet a second, which it is
   not likely to be during the three years’ life of these
   permits, the total to be withdrawn would not exceed ten per
   cent, of the Volume of the stream, and, considering the
   immense quantity which goes over the Horseshoe Falls, the
   diminution would not be perceptible to the eye."

      See, also, provisions of "WATERWAYS TREATY,"
      in this Volume, under CANADA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

NIAGARA MOVEMENT, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.

NICARAGUA.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA.

NICHOLAS II., TSAR OF RUSSIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA.

NICHOLS, ERNEST FOX:
   President of Dartmouth University.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

NICOLSON, SIR ARTHUR:
   British Ambassador at St. Petersburg.
   Convention with Russia.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

NIEL, M.:
   The head of the Confédération Générale du Travail in France.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.

NIGERIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: FRENCH CENTRAL.

NIGHT RIDERS, of the Tobacco Farmers’ Union.

      See (in this Volume)
      KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.

NILE BARRAGE.

      See (in this Volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1902 (DECEMBER).

{460}

NOBEL PRIZES.

   By the will of Alfred Bernard Nobel, the distinguished Swedish
   engineer and chemist, pupil of John Ericsson and inventor of
   dynamite and other explosives, five great prizes, averaging
   nearly $40,000 each in value, were instituted, for annual
   reward to persons who shall severally have made the most
   important discovery or invention in the domain of physics,
   chemistry and physiology or medicine; to the writer who has
   produced in literature the most distinguished work of an
   idealistic tendency, and to the person who has most or best
   promoted the fraternity of nations, the abolition or reduction
   of standing armies and the formation and increase of peace
   congresses. The award of the two prizes first named to be made
   by the Royal Academy of Science in Stockholm; the third by the
   Caroline Medical-Chirurgical Institute in Stockholm; the
   fourth by the Swedish Academy in the same city; the fifth by
   the Storthing or Parliament of Norway.

   The presentation of prizes on the first award was made with
   impressive ceremonies on the 10th of December, 1901, that
   being the fifth anniversary of Mr. Nobel’s death. Each year
   since, the awards have been made on that anniversary day. The
   recipients have been as follows:

   PHYSICS.

   1901
   William Conrad Roentgen,
   professor of physics at the University of Munich.

   1902
   Divided equally between Henrik Anton Lorentz, professor
   of physics at the University of Leyden, and Peter Zeeman,
   professor of physics at the University of Amsterdam.

   1903
   Half to Antoine Henri Becquerel, professor of physics
   at the École Polytechnique and at the Museum d’Histoire
   Naturelle, Paris, France, member Institut Française, and half
   to Pierre Curie, professor of physics at the University of
   Paris (Sorbonne) and teacher in physics at the Paris Municipal
   School of Industrial Physics and Chemistry, and his wife, Marie
   Sklodovska Curie, preceptress at the Higher Normal School
   for Young Girls at Sevres.

   1904
   Lord Rayleigh, professor of natural philosophy,
   Royal Institution of Great Britain, London.

   1905
   Philippe Lenard, professor of physics at the
   physical Institute of Kiel.

   1906
   J. J. Thomson, professor of experimental physics
   at the University of Cambridge.

   1907
   Albert A. Michelsen, professor of physics at the
   University of Chicago.

   1908
   Professor Gabriel Lippman of the University of Paris.

   1909
   G. Marconi, Italy, and
   Professor Ferdinand Braun of Strassburg.

   MEDICINE.

   1901
   Emil Adolf von Behring, professor of hygiene and
   medical history at the University of Marburg, Prussia.

   1902
   Ronald Ross, professor of tropical medicine at the
   University college of Liverpool.

   1903
   Niels Ryberg Finsen, professor of medicine,
   Copenhagen, Denmark.

   1904
   Ivan Petrovic Pawlow, professor of physiology in the
   Military Academy of Medicine, St. Petersburg.

   1905
   Robert Koch, member of the
   Royal Academy of Science, Berlin.

   1906
   Professors Ramon y Cajal and Camillo Golgi of the
   Pavia university, Italy.

   1907
   Charles L. A. Laveran of the Pasteur Institute in Paris.

   1908
   Dr. Paul Ehrlich of Berlin and Professor Elie Metchnikoff
   of the Pasteur Institute, Paris.

   1909
   Professor E. T. Kocher, Switzerland.


   CHEMISTRY.

   1901
   Jakob Hendrik van’t Hoff, professor of chemistry
   in the University of Berlin.

   1902
   Emil Fischer, professor of chemistry
   in the University of Berlin.

   1903
   Svante August Arrhenius, professor at
   the University of Stockholm.

   1904
   Sir William Ramsay, professor of chemistry
   in the University college, London.

   1905
   Adolf von Baeyer, professor of chemistry at Munich.

   1906
   H. Moissan, professor of chemistry at the Sorbonne, Paris.

   1907
   Eduard Buchner, professor of chemistry in the
   agricultural high school of Berlin.

   1908
   Professor Ernest Rutherford of the
   University of Manchester, England.

   1909
   Professor W. Ostwald of Leipsic.


   LITERATURE.

   1901
   Rene Francois Armand Sully-Prudhomme,
   member of the French Academy.

   1902
   Theodor Mommsen, professor of history at
   the University of Berlin.

   1903
   Bjornstjerne Bjornson, author, Norway.

   1904
   Half to Frederic Mistral of France and
   half to José Echegaray of Spain.

   1905
   Henryk Sienkiewicz, the author of "Quo Vadis?"

   1906
   Professor Giosue Carducci of Bologna, Italy.

   1907
   Rudyard Kipling of England.

   1908
   Professor Rudolf Eucken of the University of Java.

   1909
   Selma Lagerlof, Sweden.


   PEACE.

   1901
   Divided equally between Henri Dunant, founder of the
   International Red Cross Society of Geneva, and Frederic Passay,
   founder of the first French peace association, the
   "Société Française pour l’Arbitrage Entre Nations."

   1902
   Divided equally between Elie Ducommum, secretary of
   the international peace bureau at Bern, and Albert Gobat,
   chief of the interparliamentary peace bureau at Bern.

   1903
   William Randal Cremer, M. P., secretary of the
   International Arbitration league, London.

   1904
   The Institute of International Right, a scientific
   association founded in 1873 in Ghent, Belgium.

   1905
   Baroness Bertha von Suttner for her literary work
   written in the interest of the world’s peace movement.

   1906
   Theodore Roosevelt, president of the United States,
   for the part he took in bringing the Russo-Japanese war to
   an end. Money set apart by the president for the establishment
   of a permanent industrial peace commission.

   1907
   Divided equally between Ernesto T. Moneta, president of
   the Lombardy Peace union, and Louis Renault, professor of
   international law at the University of Paris.

   1908
   K. P. Arnoldsen of Sweden and M. F. Bajer of Denmark.

   1909
   Baron d’Estournelles de Constant, Paris,
   and M. Beernaert, Holland, ex-Premier.

   [For a contemporary list see
   https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Nobel_laureates]


NODZU, General.

   See (in this Volume)
   JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

NOGI, GENERAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and
      1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

NOMINATIONS, Political:
   By Direct Primary Vote.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

NOMINAVIT NOVIS CONTROVERSY.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

NORD ALEXIS, GENERAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      HAITI: A. D. 1902 and 1908.

{461}

NORDENSKJÖLD, DR. OTTO:
   Commanding Swedish Antarctic Expedition.

      See (in this Volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION.

NORDEZ, BISHOP LE.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1900.

NORTHCOTE, LORD:
   On the Australian Land and Immigration Questions.

      See (in this Volume)
      IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: AUSTRALIA.

NORTHERN SECURITIES COMPANY CASE, THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

NORTH SEA AND BALTIC AGREEMENTS.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

NORTHWEST TERRITORIES, CANADIAN: A. D. 1896-1909.
   Their Rapid Settlement.
   The "American Invasion."

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.

NORTHWEST TERRITORIES, CANADIAN: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Census.
   Increased Representation in Parliament.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: 1901-1902.

NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.
   Result of the Consular Question.
   Secession from the Union of Crowns with Sweden.
   Acceptance by King Oscar of his virtual Deposition.
   Election of Prince Charles of Denmark to the Throne.

   The discontent of Norway in its union with Sweden, especially
   because it could have no distinct national representation,
   consular or diplomatic, in foreign countries, is described in
   Volume VI. of this work.

      See (in this Volume)
      SWEDEN AND NORWAY.

   In 1902 a Swedish-Norwegian Consular Commission was appointed
   to investigate the practicability of separate consuls for each
   of the united kingdoms, with joint diplomatic representation.
   The Commission produced a report very favorable to the
   proposition. Prolonged negotiations followed, between
   representatives of the two governments, and the outlines of a
   system under which Norway should acquire a separate consular
   service were definitely settled and accepted formally by the
   King, on the 21st of December, 1903. When it came, however, to
   the definite framing of laws for carrying the plan into
   effect, irreconcilable disagreements arose. Several details of
   the arrangement which Sweden insisted on implied a precedence
   and superiority of standing for that kingdom in the union of
   crowns which offended Norwegian pride. The Norwegian
   Government objected to having its selection of consuls made
   subject to the approval of the Foreign Minister of the dual
   monarchy. It objected to having the King, in his commission to
   them, entitled "King of Sweden and Norway"; and it rejected
   the Swedish proposals on other points. When the Government of
   Sweden replied that, while it might be willing to consider
   some modifications of its proposals, it must maintain the
   important parts of them, the Norwegian Government announced
   that it had no further statements to make, indicating that
   negotiation in the matter was at an end. Thereupon, on the 7th
   of February, 1905, the King made public the following
   statement:

   "Under the present circumstances I do not see that I can
   resolve otherwise than to approve of what the Foreign Minister
   has proposed; but I cannot refrain from expressing to both my
   peoples my hearty desire that the two kingdoms, which have now
   been united for nearly a century, will never let any
   difference of opinion be hurtful to the Union itself. This
   Union is in truth the safest guarantee for the independence,
   the security and the happiness of both my peoples."

   Feeble health now compelled King Oscar to yield the functions
   of royalty to his son, and the Crown Prince visited
   Christiania, as Regent, to confer personally with the leaders
   in Norwegian affairs. The outcome of his visit was the
   resignation of the Ministry of M. Hagcrup on the 1st of March,
   the formation of a new Cabinet, under M. Michelsen, and the
   announcement by the latter that the Government would
   steadfastly maintain the sovereignty of Norway, as an
   independent kingdom, according to the words of its
   constitution, the realization of which must depend on the
   strength and will of the Norwegian people. All attempts in the
   next three months to overcome or much modify the attitude of
   Norway were unsuccessful. In May, the Storthing passed an
   independent Consular Bill and laid it before King Oscar, who
   had resumed his duties, and the King refused to sanction it,
   saying: "The Crown Prince, as Regent, in Joint Council of
   State of April 5, has already shown the only way in which this
   important question can be advanced and all difficulties most
   likely removed, viz., through negotiation. I entirely agree
   with this view, and do not for the time being find it
   expedient to sanction this law, which means an alteration of
   the existing joint consular service which cannot be severed
   except by mutual arrangement. … When I now refuse to sanction
   this law I do so in accordance with the right conferred upon
   the King."

      See in Volume I. of this work
      Section 30, Title 3, of the CONSTITUTION OF NORWAY.

   "… It is my equally great love to both nations which makes it
   my duty to exercise this right;"

   On the 7th of June, M. Michelsen, the Prime Minister, and his
   colleagues, gave their resignations to the Storthing,
   whereupon that body, by unanimous vote, adopted the following
   resolution:

   "As all the members of the Council of State have resigned
   their offices; as his Majesty the King has declared himself
   unable to give the country a new Government; and as the
   constitutional kingdom has thus ceased to function, the
   Storthing authorizes the members of the Ministry, to-day
   resigned, to exercise in the meantime, as the Government of
   Norway, the authority vested in the King, in accordance with
   Norway’s constitution and existing laws, with the alterations
   necessitated by the fact that the Union with Sweden under one
   King has ceased on account of the king having ceased to act as
   Norwegian King." This action was proclaimed to the people on
   the same day. On the 9th the Union flag was lowered from
   Norwegian forts and war ships and the Norwegian flag raised in
   its place. On the 28th of July with King Oscar’s consent, the
   Swedish Riksdag adopted a resolution assenting to the
   severance of the Union, on condition that it be approved by a
   vote of the people of Norway. Accordingly the question was
   submitted to the people on the 13th of August, and all but 184
   out of 368,392 votes were given in favor of the separation. A
   conference at Karlstadt in September arranged the future
   relations of the two kingdoms with success, and the
   dissolution was complete. It was formally acknowledged by King
   Oscar on October 26th.
{462}
   As he made it known that he did not wish any member of his
   family to accept the crown of Norway if offered, the Storthing
   authorized the Government to open negotiations with Prince
   Charles of Denmark, with a view to its acceptance by him, if
   its proffer should be sanctioned by a popular vote. Again a
   plebiscite was polled and a large majority given in favor of
   the proffer of the crown to Prince Charles. The Prince
   accepted, with the permission of his grandfather, the Danish
   King, and proposed to take the name of Haakon VII. The name
   was well chosen for its significance, Haakon VI. having been
   the last of the old royal line of Norway, which became extinct
   at his death in 1387. The King-elect and his wife entered
   Christiania on the 25th of November and took the oath of
   fidelity to the Norwegian Constitution on the 27th. In the
   following June King Haakon was anointed and crowned with
   solemn ceremonies, in the ancient cathedral of Trondhjem, the
   capital of the first King who reigned over the whole Norse
   realm.

NORWAY: A. D. 1903.
   Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

NORWAY: A. D. 1907.
   Treaty with Great Britain, France, Germany, and Russia
   guaranteeing the Integrity of the Kingdom.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908, and 1908.

NORWAY: A. D. 1908.
   Parliamentary Suffrage extended to Women.
   See (in this Volume)
   ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

NORWAY: A. D. 1909 (October).
   Arbitration of the Frontier Dispute with Sweden.

   The maritime frontier dispute between Norway and Sweden,
   consequent on their separation, was referred to The Hague
   Tribunal, and decided in October, more favorably to Sweden
   than to Norway, but the decision was loyally accepted by the
   latter.

NOVA SCOTIA: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Census.
   Reduced Representation in Parliament.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

O.

OBOLENSKI, PRINCE JOHN.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINLAND: A. D. 1905.

O’CONOR, Sir N.:
   British Ambassador to Turkey.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904, and 1905-1908.

OCTOBRISTS.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905. and 1907.

ODESSA, Disturbances in.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

OGDEN, Robert C.:
   Promoter of the Annual Conference for Education in the South.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1898-1909.

OIL, PETROLEUM:
   The Supply and the Waste in the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

OKLAHOMA: A. D. 1904.
   Marvelous Growth of Fifteen Years.

   "Oklahoma is the Minerva of the States. With her there was no
   period of slow settlement. On the day that her borders were
   opened to the settler she sprang full-fledged, a vigorous
   young commonwealth, into the Union. And on the day that
   Congress admits her to Statehood she will take rank with the
   foremost of the Western States. Her population of a million
   and three hundred thousand—which is the combined population
   of Oklahoma and Indian Territory, according to the annual
   report of Governor Ferguson for the year ending June 30, 1904,
   it is probably somewhat more than that now [1905]—will place
   her in advance of at least twenty-one of her sister States,
   several of them among the original thirteen. Not counting
   Texas, only two States west of the Missouri will be her equal
   in number of people—Kansas and California. In old New England,
   three States—New Hampshire, Vermont, and Rhode Island—could be
   combined and still not contain as great a population as this
   new commonwealth in the West will have on the first day of its
   Statehood.

   "No other State ever had such a remarkable growth and
   prosperity as Oklahoma. Sixteen years ago last March the
   prairie winds blew over wide expanses of plains with no signs
   of human habitation on them for miles at a stretch. A month
   later, on April 22, 1889, upward of one hundred thousand
   persons engaged in the most spectacular race in history--a
   race for homes.

      See, in Volume V. of this work,
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1889-1890].

   That was the day when the first Oklahoma counties were opened
   for settlement. … At nightfall of that first day of its
   history Oklahoma had a larger population than the State of
   Nevada. Towns were surveyed, and sprung up in a night, and in
   a week a new empire had been created in the Southwest. A year
   later the Iowa, Pottawatomie, and Sac and Fox reservations
   were opened for settlement."

      Clarence H. Matson,
      Oklahoma
      (American Review of Reviews, September, 1905).

OKLAHOMA: A. D. 1906-1907.
   Joined in Statehood with Indian Territory and
   admitted to the Union.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.
      See, also, (in this Volume)
      CONSTITUTION OF OKLAHOMA.

OKU, GENERAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

OLD AGE HOMES, in Vienna.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF.

OLD AGE PENSIONS.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF.

"OLD BELIEVERS," RUSSIAN.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-AUGUST.).

OLDENBURG: A. D. 1906.
   Committed to Universal Suffrage.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

OMAR JAN.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

ONTARIO: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Census.
   Reduced Representation in Parliament.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

ONTARIO: A. D. 1906-1907.
   Political Experiments.
   The Salaried Leader of Opposition, etc.

   See (in this Volume)
   CANADA: A. D. 1906-1907.

"OPEN DOOR," THE COMING OF THE EPOCH OF THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      WORLD MOVEMENTS.

{463}

OPIUM PROBLEM: China: A. D. 1900-1906.
   Progressive Tariff and Internal Taxation measures to check
   the Consumption of the Drug.

   The following is from a report on opium production and
   taxation in China prepared by Mr. Williams, Chinese secretary
   of the United States Legation at Peking, and sent to the State
   Department at Washington, in September, 1906:

   [Transcriber's note: The following paragraph includes a
   variety of spellings and possibly defective type slugs.
   The tael was said to be worth 73 cents in gold in 1905.
   The weight of the picul is 133½ pounds.]

   "Previous to 1900 native opium passing through the maritime
   customs at Ichaug had been paying a total charge of taels, 60
   per picul exclusive of taxes at the place of production. In
   July, 1900, the viceroy, Chang Chih-tung, with a view to
   cheeking the consumption of opium in the territory under his
   jurisdiction, increased this charge to taels 72 per picul, and
   near the close of 1901 increased it again, making it taels 80
   per picul. This, with the likin charged in Szechuen, made a
   total on the product coming from that province of taels 84.76.
   Opium designed for local consumption was still more heavily
   taxed, being required to pay taels 90 besides the likin of
   Szeehuen, or a total of 94.76 taels per picul. The immediate
   result of this action was to greatly increase smuggling and to
   drive legitimate traffic to the use of native junks or
   roundabout land routes controlled by the native customs or
   likin offices, and thus to reduce the receipts of the maritime
   customs. Another significant result was the importation of a
   small amount of foreign opium to a district where it had been
   unknown for many years. In view of these facts, in 1903 the
   authorities reduced the tax to a total of 76.75 taels per
   picul, including the Szcchuen likin.

   "In February, 1904, the same tax was imposed in the province
   of Hunan, also in the jurisdiction of the Viceroy Chang
   Chih-tung, and in the summer of the same year an agreement was
   made with the provincial authorities of the provinces of
   Kiangse and Anhui that one consolidated tax, to include both
   likin and customs duties, should be levied at a uniform rate
   in the four provinces, and to prevent discrimination by the
   native customs as against the maritime service it was agreed
   that the collection of this consolidated tax should be
   intrusted to the imperial maritime customs at Ichang and to
   branch offices under its control. The port of Ichang was
   chosen because it is at the head of steam navigation on the
   Yangtze, for which reason most of the opium from Yunnan and
   Szechuen was sent thither for distribution. In 1905 this
   arrangement was extended to four other provinces, Kiangse,
   Fukien, Kuangtung, and Kuangsi, and the tax increased to taels
   134.79 per picul for opium destined to the four inner
   provinces and taels 104 for that going to those on the
   seaboard. Previous to this latter arrangement, however, after
   the experience of 1902, it was seen that unless the tax on
   foreign opium should also be increased the effort to stamp out
   the vice by heavy taxation would fail, and therefore in 1903
   representations were made to the British Government by the
   Chinese minister in London looking toward the increase of the
   duty upon Indian opium. The reply of the British Government,
   as quoted in the Peking Gazette, was that the tax on the
   native drug ought to be increased by the same amount as any
   addition made to the duty on the foreign article. Upon this a
   memorial was submitted to the Imperial Chinese Government,
   asking that the customs duty and likin on foreign and native
   opium be increased by an equal amount, and the matter was
   referred to the proper boards for consideration and report. No
   further report has as yet appeared relating to the
   negotiations respecting foreign opium. As to the native drug,
   the steps to increase the taxes upon it in eight of the
   provinces have been related above. The success of this
   arrangement has been so pronounced that on the 7th of May this
   year (1906) an imperial edict appeared directing that the
   system adopted in the eight provinces mentioned above should
   be at once extended to all the provinces of China proper and
   at a later date, to be hereafter determined, to Turkestan and
   Manchuria."

OPIUM PROBLEM: A. D. 1906.
   Imperial Edict against the use of Opium.
   Undertaking to suppress it in Ten Years.

   By a formal edict from the throne, published in September,
   1906, the imperial Government of China undertook to eradicate
   the use of opium in that empire, and to do so by heroic
   measures within ten years. A register was ordered to be made
   of every consumer of the drug (estimated at 40 per cent. of
   the vast population of the empire) and of the quantity that he
   consumes. Those who are under 60 years of age must thereafter
   diminish their consumption by not less than twenty per cent,
   each year, till they are free of the habit and the use is
   stopped. Meantime there would be a public provision of
   medicines to assist the cure. To those beyond 60 years in age,
   and to the princes, nobles, and magnates of the empire, a
   certain relaxation of these rules would be allowed. But all
   minor officials under 60 years must drop opium entirely, at
   once, and there would be no toleration of an acquirement of
   the opium habit thereafter. No further cultivation of the
   poppy would be allowed, and, of course, the importation would
   be controlled.

   Tang Shao Yi, the special Chinese envoy who visited the United
   States and England early in 1909, had much to do with this
   measure on the part of his Government, and, in addressing a
   deputation which called on him in London, had this to say of
   the circumstances connected with it:

   "He had always taken a deep interest in the anti-opium
   movement ever since he was a student in America in the early
   seventies. He had never realized, however, that they could
   attempt to make such a movement in China till he was sent by
   his Government to India in 1905 in connexion with the Lhasa
   Convention. While there he had opportunities of studying the
   opium question, and he was fortunate enough to make the
   acquaintance of the finance secretary, Mr. Baker. From him he
   learnt that the Government of India could dispense with the
   revenue derived from opium. Nothing was more surprising to him
   and nothing gave him greater joy than to hear that. In that
   year the question was brought up in England, and when he
   returned to China in the winter of 1905 he informed his
   Government that the British public was very ‘anti-opium’ and
   also that the Indian Government was not at all anxious for the
   revenue derived from opium. Therefore, he told his Government
   that it was for the Chinese themselves to put a stop to the
   opium trade, and that they must not rely upon others. He had
   already got regulations in his head and the Government asked
   him to draw up certain rules to put a stop to the opium curse.
{464}
   In order not to be too radical, he suggested that three years
   should be allowed for putting an end to it, but the Cabinet
   said that was too radical, and, although he suggested six
   years, the final decision of the Government was to make it ten
   years. He said that unless they put a stop to it in two or
   three years they might as well let this generation die out.
   They fully appreciated the co-operation of gentlemen in
   England, and he begged that they would keep up the agitation
   not only for their own sakes but for the sake of the Chinese
   people. The Chinese people wanted to be reminded that they
   were opium smokers and that they must give up the practice.
   Some scepticism had been expressed as to the genuineness of
   the movement in China, but he was sure that the people there
   were in earnest, and he trusted that his Government and people
   would not disappoint Great Britain."

OPIUM PROBLEM: A. D. 1909.
   Progress in the Opium Reform.

   An official report on the progress of the opium reform in
   China, by Mr. Max Müller, Councillor of the British Legation
   at Peking, was published as a Parliamentary Paper (Cd. 4967),
   early in January, 1910. In communicating the report to the
   Foreign Office, Sir N. Jordan wrote:

   "This report shows that considerable progress continues to be
   made in the task which the Chinese Government undertook three
   years ago. There has undoubtedly been a very sensible
   diminution in the consumption and cultivation of opium, and a
   public opinion has been formed which will greatly strengthen
   the hands of the Government and the provincial authorities in
   the drastic measures which they contemplate taking in the near
   future. … That the end, however, is so near as many of the
   official pronouncements would seem to indicate is, I venture
   to think, very doubtful. We have full and reliable information
   about only two of the provinces—Shansi and Yunnan—and the
   annexes to Mr. Max Müller’s report furnish eloquent testimony
   of the good work that has been done in both. At the opposite
   extreme stand Shensi, Kansu, Hupei, and Szeehuan, in all of
   which comparatively little has been accomplished to check
   either the consumption or cultivation of the drug. The
   last-named province, which is by far the largest producing
   area in the Empire, will furnish the supreme test of the
   success or failure of the programme of total prohibition, and
   as the order has gone forth that no poppy is to be sown this
   autumn the issue on which so much depends is doubtless being
   fought out as this report is being written."

OPIUM PROBLEM:
   International Opium Commission, in Session at Shanghai,
   February, 1909.

   On the suggestion of Bishop Brent, of the Philippines, the
   Government of the United States took the initiative in
   bringing about the appointment of an International Commission
   to investigate matters connected with the use of and traffic
   in opium. The Commission, composed of delegates from China,
   Japan, Great Britain, France, Germany, Holland, Turkey, and
   the United States, met at Shanghai on the 1st of February,
   1909, and was in session until the 26th of that month, under
   the presidency of Bishop Brent. Its study of the subject
   appears to have been made difficult and definite conclusions
   prevented by the lack of trustworthy Chinese statistics of the
   production of opium in the Empire itself, and of other
   important facts. The results of four weeks of investigation
   and discussion were embodied in nine resolutions, the first of
   which recognized the sincerity of the endeavor of the Chinese
   Government to eradicate the great evil from its dominion, in
   these words: "The Commission recognizes the unswerving
   sincerity of the Government of China in its efforts to
   eradicate the production and consumption of opium throughout
   the Empire, the increasing body of public opinion among the
   Chinese by whom these efforts are supported, and the real,
   though unequal, progress already made in a task of the
   greatest magnitude."

   Of the further resolutions, one urged upon all governments the
   importance of drastic measures to control the manufacture,
   sale, and distribution of morphia and other noxious
   derivatives of opium; another recommended scientific
   investigation of so-called opium remedies; a third said all
   countries should adopt reasonable measures to prevent the
   shipment of opium or its derivatives to any country which
   prohibits their entry. By the terms of the remaining
   resolutions the delegates were urged to influence as far as
   possible their own governments to take steps for the gradual
   suppression of opium smoking in their own territories
   respectively; to further examine into their systems for the
   regulation of the traffic, in the light of the experience of
   other countries; to enter into negotiations with China to
   insure the adoption of effective and prompt measures to
   prohibit opium traffic in those concessions and settlements.
   Finally, the conference recommended that each government apply
   its pharmacy laws to its subjects in consular districts,
   concessions, and settlements in China.

   In some quarters the outcome of the meeting was sharply
   criticised as being empty of any practical fruit, and England
   was accused of having rendered it so, under the influence of
   the Indian opium trade. But the State Department at Washington
   gave expression to a very different view. There it was pointed
   out that the Commission had been one of inquiry, only; that
   its instructions had been "to study the opium problem and
   report as to the best and most feasible means of solving it,"
   and that this programme was executed "to the entire
   satisfaction of the Governments concerned." Bishop Brent, who
   presided over the Shanghai meeting, declared in his inaugural
   address:

   "It devolves upon me to pronounce with emphasis that this is a
   commission, and as those who are informed—as all of you must
   be in matters that pertain to international affairs of this
   kind—a commission is not a conference. The idea of a
   conference was suggested, but it seemed wise to choose this
   particular form of action rather than a conference, because,
   for the present at any rate, we are not sufficiently well
   informed and sufficiently unanimous in our attitude to have a
   conference with any great hope of immediate success."

{465}

   As between China and Great Britain there is an opium problem
   which does not affect other parties. An important part of
   British Indian revenue is derived from the opium trade, and
   the Government of India can hardly be expected to throw it
   carelessly away, not knowing with certainty that it will not
   be picked up as gain for somebody else. In 1906, when China
   opened her campaign against opium, she entered into an
   agreement with England that her own production of opium should
   be reduced to extinction within ten years, and that the
   importation from India (under former commercial treaties),
   then amounting to 51,000 chests annually, should be reduced at
   the rate of 5100 chests per year. It seems to have been the
   lack of definite evidence as to the effective fulfilment of
   this agreement which made the British attitude at Shanghai a
   halting one.

   The United States Government has not suffered the movement
   against opium to rest where it was left by the Shanghai
   Commission, but has asked the governments represented in that
   Commission to send delegates to a formal International
   Conference at The Hague.

OPIUM PROBLEM:
   The Philippine Islands, taking Instruction from the Japanese
   in Formosa.

   A committee appointed by the Philippine Commission, to
   investigate methods of dealing with the sale and use of opium,
   included an American army officer, Major Carter, a Filipino
   physician, Dr. Albert, and the missionary bishop of the
   Protestant Episcopal Church, Bishop Brent. The following is
   from a summary of the committee’s report, published in The
   Outlook of March 4, 1905:

   "Although the Committee visited and studied Java, Cochin
   China, the Straits Settlements, and various places in China,
   including Hong-kong, it really found the solution of the
   question in the Japanese administration of Formosa. …

   "It is not surprising that the Committee recommend what is
   practically an adaptation of the Formosan system for the
   Philippines. For the maintenance of this system it is
   indispensable that the ‘opium and the traffic therein be made
   a strict Government monopoly immediately.’ That is the first
   provision. ‘Second, prohibition, except for medicinal
   purposes, after three years. Third, only licensees, who shall
   be males and over twenty-one years of age, shall be allowed to
   use opium until prohibition goes into effect. Fourth, all
   venders or dispensers of opium, except for medical purposes,
   shall be salaried officials of the Government. Fifth, every
   effort shall be made
   (a) to deter the young from contracting the habit by pointing
   out its evil effects and by legislation,
   (b) to aid in caring for and curing those who manifest a
   desire to give up the habit, and
   (c) to punish and, if necessary, to remove from the islands
   incorrigible offenders.’"

OPIUM PROBLEM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
   Act to Prohibit the Importation and Smoking of Opium.

   A stringent Act prohibitory of the importation and use of
   opium for any other than medicinal purposes passed the Senate
   of the United States on the 2d of February, 1909, having
   already been adopted by the other House. Smoking opium is
   positively forbidden; no one can bring it into the country
   without facing a fine of from fifty to five thousand dollars
   and imprisonment for two years; the mere possession of opium,
   a preparation of, or derivative therefrom, is to be deemed
   sufficient evidence to authorize conviction. For medicinal
   purposes, opium may be brought in under regulations prescribed
   by the Secretary of the Treasury.

OPSONINS.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.

ORANGE FREE STATE:
   End of the Republic.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

ORDER OF RAILWAY CONDUCTORS.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

ORGANIC STATUTES, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

ORMANIAN:
   Armenian Patriarch.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

OSAKA, The Burning of.

   A large part of the city of Osaka, in Japan, was destroyed by
   fire in August, 1909. "Had it not been for the canals the
   region of destruction would have been even more extensive.
   Citizens by the thousand fled into the surrounding country,
   leaving the city to its fate. By the time the flames had spent
   their force more than 12,000 houses had gone up in smoke,
   leaving more than 100,000 people homeless. Most of the
   municipal, government, and other important buildings of the
   city were destroyed. Great numbers of people are ruined, as
   the Japanese carry no insurance, as a rule. The amount of
   insurance involved, however, is about 5,000,000 yen.
   Fortunately, the number of casualties was not great. About a
   dozen were killed by falling timbers, and several were more or
   less injured."

OSCAR II., King of Sweden and Norway:
   Surrender of the Crown of Norway.

      See (in this Volume)
      NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.

OSMEÑA, SERGIO:
   President of the Philippine Assembly.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

OSTWALD, W.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES (CHEMISTRY)

OXFORD UNIVERSITY:
   Rhodes Scholarships.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS.

OXFORD UNIVERSITY:
   Tutorial Classes organized for Working People.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.


P.

PACKING-HOUSE INVESTIGATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS: UNITED STATES.

PALMA, TOMAS ESTRADA:
   President of Cuba.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902 and 1902.

PALMA, TOMAS ESTRADA:
   Resignation of the Presidency of Cuba.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

PAN-AMERICAN SCIENTIFIC CONGRESS.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: INTERNATIONAL CONGRESSES.

PAN-ANGLICAN CONGRESS, 1909.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1903.
   Secession from Colombia.
   Recognized Independence.
   Treaty with the United States for the Building
   of the Panama Canal.

      See (in this Volume)
      PANAMA CANAL.

PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1904.
   Constitution of the Republic.
   First Election.

   The Constitution of the new Republic was promulgated on the
   16th of February, 1904, and the election of President and
   three Vice-Presidents took place, resulting in the choice of
   the following:
      President, Dr. Manuel Amador;
      first vice-president, Dr. Pablo Arosemena;
      second vice-president, Don Domingo de Obaldia;
      third vice-president, Dr. Carlos Mendoza.

{466}

   The third article of the Constitution declares: "The territory
   of the Republic is composed of all the territory from which
   the State of Panama was formed by the amendment to the Granada
   constitution of 1853, on February 27, 1855, and which was
   transformed in 1886 into the Department of Panama, together
   with its islands, and of the continental and insular
   territory, which was adjudged to the Republic of Colombia in
   the award made by the President of the French Republic on
   September 11, 1900. The territory of the Republic remains
   subject to the jurisdictional limitations stipulated or which
   may be stipulated in public treaties concluded with the United
   States of North America for the construction, maintenance, or
   sanitation of any means of interoceanic transit.

   "The boundaries with the Republic of Colombia shall be
   determined by public treaties."

PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1906.
   Visit of President Roosevelt.

   "For the first time in the history of the United States," said
   President Roosevelt, when he landed at Colon, November 14,
   1906, preliminary to a visit and inspection of the Panama
   Canal, "it has become advisable for a President of the United
   States to step on territory not beneath the flag of the United
   States." He received a most hospitable welcome and
   entertainment in the young republic.

PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1906.
   Participation in Third International Conference of
   American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1909.
   Pending Tripartite Treaty with Colombia and the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      COLOMBIA: A. D. 1906-1909.

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1901-1902.
   The Second Hay-Pauncefote Treaty between the United States
   and Great Britain.
   Its Ratification.

   After the rejection by the British Government of the
   Amendments made by the Senate of the United States to the
   Interoceanic Canal Treaty negotiated in February, 1900, by Mr.
   John Hay, United States Secretary of State, with the British
   Ambassador at Washington, Lord Pauncefote negotiations on the
   subject were renewed, with results of success in removing
   objections on both sides.

      See, in Volume VI. of this work,
      CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

   The new Treaty was signed by Mr. Hay and Lord Pauncefote at
   Washington on the 18th of November, 1901, and ratifications
   were exchanged on the 21st of February, 1902. In the preamble
   of the Treaty its purpose is declared to be "to facilitate the
   construction of a ship-canal to connect the Atlantic and
   Pacific Oceans, by whatever route may be considered expedient,
   and to that end to remove any objection which may arise out of
   the Convention of the 19th April, 1850, commonly called the
   Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, to the construction of such canal under
   the auspices of the Government of the United States, without
   impairing the ‘general principle’ of neutralization
   established in Article VIII of that Convention." The
   agreements and stipulations to this end are as follows:

   "Article I.
   The High Contracting Parties agree that the present Treaty
   shall supersede the afore mentioned Convention of the 19th
   April, 1850.

   "Article II.
   It is agreed that the canal may be constructed under the
   auspices of the Government of the United States, either
   directly at its own cost, or by gift or loan of money to
   individuals or Corporations, or through subscription to or
   purchase of stock or shares, and that, subject to the
   provisions of the present Treaty, the said Government shall
   have and enjoy all the rights incident to such construction,
   as well as the exclusive right of providing for the regulation
   and management of the canal.

   "Article III.
   The United States adopts, as the basis of the neutralization
   of such ship canal, the following Rules, substantially as
   embodied in the Convention of Constantinople, signed the 28th
   October, 1888, for the free navigation of the Suez Canal, that
   is to say:

   "1. The canal shall be free and open to the vessels of
   commerce and of war of all nations observing these Rules, on
   terms of entire equality, so that there shall be no
   discrimination against any such nation, or its citizens or
   subjects, in respect of the conditions or charges of traffic,
   or otherwise. Such conditions and charges of traffic shall be
   just and equitable.

   "2. The canal shall never be blockaded, nor shall any right of
   war be exercised nor any act of hostility be committed within
   it. The United States, however, shall be at liberty to
   maintain such military police along the canal as may be
   necessary to protect it against lawlessness and disorder.

   "3. Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not revictual nor
   take any stores in the canal except so far as may be strictly
   necessary; and the transit of such vessels through the canal
   shall be effected with the least possible delay in accordance
   with the Regulations in force, and with only such intermission
   as may result from the necessities of the service. Prizes
   shall be in all respects subject to the same Rules as vessels
   of war of the belligerents.

   "4. No belligerent shall embark or disembark troops, munitions
   of war, or warlike materials in the canal, except in case of
   accidental hindrance of the transit, and in such case the
   transit shall be resumed with all possible dispatch.

   "5. The provisions of this Article shall apply to waters
   adjacent to the canal, within 3 marine miles of either end.
   Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not remain in such
   waters longer than twenty-four hours at any one time, except
   in case of distress, and in such case shall depart as soon as
   possible; but a vessel of war of one belligerent shall not
   depart within twenty-four hours from the departure of a vessel
   of war of the other belligerent.

   "6. The plant, establishments, buildings, and all works
   necessary to the construction, maintenance, and operation of
   the canal shall be deemed to be part thereof, for the purposes
   of this Treaty, and in time of war, as in time of peace, shall
   enjoy complete immunity from attack or injury by belligerents,
   and from acts calculated to impair their usefulness as part of
   the canal.

   "Article IV.
   It is agreed that no change of territorial sovereignty or of
   the international relations of the country or countries
   traversed by the before mentioned canal shall affect the
   genera principle of neutralization or the obligation of the
   High Contracting Parties under the present Treaty.

{467}

   "Article V.
   The present Treaty shall be ratified by the President of the
   United States, by and with the advice and consent of the
   Senate thereof, and by His Britannic Majesty: and the
   ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington or at London at
   the earliest possible time within six mouths from the date
   hereof."

      Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the
      United States, transmitted to Congress, December, 1902.

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1902.
   Undertaking of the United States endorsed by
   the Second Conference of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1903.
   Purchase of the Franchises and Property of the Bankrupt
   French Company.
   Treaty with Colombia for the Building of the Canal rejected
   by the Colombian Senate.
   Secession of Panama.
   Recognition of the Independence of Panama.
   Treaty with the new Republic for the Building and
   Control of the Canal.
   President Roosevelt’s narrative of events.

   The transactions that were preliminary to the undertaking of
   the construction of an interoceanic canal through the Isthmus
   of Panama, by the Government of the United States, are
   narrated down to March, 1901.

      See (in Volume VI. of this work)
      CANAL, INTEROCEANIC.

   At that time the proposed Nicaragua route was principally
   contemplated, for the reason that the rights in Panama held by
   the bankrupt French Company of Lesseps (see, in Volume IV.,
   PANAMA CANAL) seemed unobtainable, on any terms which the
   American Government could accept. A commission appointed by
   President McKinley to investigate the situation had reported
   to that effect in November, 1900, and had recommended the
   building of a canal on the Nicaragua route. The effect of this
   report, and of the manifest disposition of the American
   Congress to authorize the building of a Nicaragua ship canal,
   was to draw from the French company an offer of its Panama
   franchises and entire property for the sum of $40,000,000.
   After long debate this offer was accepted, and negotiations
   were opened with the Republic of Colombia for the necessary
   treaty rights. Meantime the Hay-Pauncefote treaty with Great
   Britain, which the American Senate had amended in a manner
   objectionable to the British Government, was modified to the
   satisfaction of the latter, and the enterprise was cleared of
   questions except those between Colombia and the United States.
   The next ensuing events can be told in the words of President
   Roosevelt’s report of them to Congress, in his Message at the
   opening of the session convened on the 7th of December, 1903:

   "By the act of June 28, 1902," wrote the President, "the
   Congress authorized the President to enter into treaty with
   Colombia for the building of the canal across the Isthmus of
   Panama; it being provided that in the event of failure to
   secure such treaty, after the lapse of a reasonable time,
   recourse should be had to the building of a canal through
   Nicaragua. It has not been necessary to consider this
   alternative, as I am enabled to lay before the Senate a treaty
   providing for the building of the canal across the Isthmus of
   Panama. This was the route which commended itself to the
   deliberate judgment of the Congress, and we can now acquire by
   Treaty the right to construct the canal over this route. The
   question now, therefore, is not by which route the isthmian
   canal shall be built, for that question has been definitely
   and irrevocably decided. The question is simply whether or not
   we shall have an isthmian canal.

   "When the Congress directed that we should take the Panama
   route under treaty with Colombia, the essence of the
   condition, of course, referred not to the Government which
   controlled that route, but to the route itself; to the
   territory across which the route lay, not to the name which
   for the moment the territory bore on the map. The purpose of
   the law was to authorize the President to make a treaty with
   the power in actual control of the Isthmus of Panama. This
   purpose has been fulfilled.

   "In the year 1846 this Government entered into a treaty with
   New Granada, the predecessor upon the Isthmus of the Republic
   of Colombia and of the present Republic of Panama, by which
   treaty it was provided that the Government and citizens of the
   United States should always have free and open right of way or
   transit across the Isthmus of Panama by any modes of
   communication that might be constructed, while in return our
   Government guaranteed the perfect neutrality of the
   above-mentioned Isthmus with the view that the free transit
   from the one to the other sea might not be interrupted or
   embarrassed. The treaty vested in the United States a
   substantial property right carved out of the rights of
   sovereignty and property which New Granada then had and
   possessed over the said territory. The name of New Granada has
   passed away and its territory has been divided. Its successor,
   the Government of Colombia, has ceased to own any property in
   the Isthmus. A new Republic, that of Panama, which was at one
   time a sovereign state, and at another time a mere department
   of the successive confederations known as New Granada and
   Colombia, has now succeeded to the rights which first one and
   then the other formerly exercised over the Isthmus. But as
   long as the Isthmus endures, the mere geographical fact of its
   existence, and the peculiar interest therein which is required
   by our position, perpetuate the solemn contract which binds
   the holders of the territory to respect our right to freedom
   of transit across it, and binds us in return to safeguard for
   the Isthmus and the world the exercise of that inestimable
   privilege. The true interpretation of the obligations upon
   which the United States entered in this treaty of 1846 has
   been given repeatedly in the utterances of Presidents and
   Secretaries of State. …

   "Attorney-General Speed, under date of November 7, 1865,
   advised Secretary Seward as follows: ‘From this treaty it can
   not be supposed that New Granada invited the United States
   to become a party to the intestine troubles of that
   Government, nor did the United States become bound to take
   sides in the domestic broils of New Granada. The United States
   did guarantee New Granada in the sovereignty and property over
   the territory. This was as against other and foreign
   governments.’

{468}

   "For four hundred years, ever since shortly after the
   discovery of this hemisphere, the canal across the Isthmus has
   been planned. For two score years it has been worked at. When
   made it is to last for the ages. It is to alter the geography
   of a continent and the trade routes of the world. We have
   shown by every treaty we have negotiated or attempted to
   negotiate with the peoples in control of the Isthmus and with
   foreign nations in reference thereto our consistent good faith
   in observing our obligations; on the one hand to the peoples
   of the Isthmus, and on the other hand to the civilized world
   whose commercial rights we are safeguarding and guaranteeing
   by our action. We have done our duty to others in letter and
   in spirit, and we have shown the utmost forbearance in
   exacting our own rights.

   "Last spring, under the act above referred to, a treaty
   concluded between the representatives of the Republic of
   Colombia and of our Government was ratified by the Senate.
   This treaty was entered into at the urgent solicitation of the
   people of Colombia and after a body of experts appointed by
   our Government especially to go into the matter of the routes
   across the Isthmus had pronounced unanimously in favor of the
   Panama route. In drawing up this treaty every concession was
   made to the people and to the Government of Colombia. We were
   more than just in dealing with them. Our generosity was such
   as to make it a serious question whether we had not gone too
   far in their interest at the expense of our own; for in our
   scrupulous desire to pay all possible heed, not merely to the
   real but even to the fancied rights of our weaker neighbor,
   who already owed so much to our protection and forbearance, we
   yielded in all possible ways to her desires in drawing up the
   treaty. Nevertheless the Government of Colombia not merely
   repudiated the treaty, but repudiated it in such a manner as
   to make it evident by the time the Colombian Congress
   adjourned that not the scantiest hope remained of ever getting
   a satisfactory treaty from them. The Government of Colombia
   made the treaty, and yet when the Colombian Congress was
   called to ratify it the vote against ratification was
   unanimous. It does not appear that the Government made any
   real effort to secure ratification.

   "Immediately after the adjournment of the Congress a
   revolution broke out in Panama. The people of Panama had long
   been discontented with the Republic of Colombia, and they had
   been kept quiet only by the prospect of the conclusion of the
   treaty, which was to them a matter of vital concern. When it
   became evident that the treaty was hopelessly lost, the people
   of Panama rose literally as one man. Not a shot was fired by a
   single man on the Isthmus in the interest of the Colombian
   Government. Not a life was lost in the accomplishment of the
   revolution. The Colombian troops stationed on the Isthmus, who
   had long been unpaid, made common cause with the people of
   Panama, and with astonishing unanimity the new Republic was
   started. The duty of the United States in the premises was
   clear. In strict accordance with the principles laid down by
   Secretaries Cass and Seward … the United States gave notice
   that it would permit the landing of no expeditionary force,
   the arrival of which would mean chaos and destruction along
   the line of the railroad and of the proposed canal, and an
   interruption of transit as an inevitable consequence. The de
   facto Government of Panama was recognized in the following
   telegram to Mr. Ehrman:

   "‘The people of Panama have, by apparently unanimous movement,
   dissolved their political connection with the Republic of
   Colombia and resumed their independence. When you are
   satisfied that a de facto government, republican in form and
   without substantial opposition from its own people, has been
   established in the State of Panama, you will enter into
   relations with it as the responsible government of the
   territory and look to it for all due action to protect the
   persons and property of citizens of the United States and to
   keep open the isthmian transit, in accordance with the
   obligations of existing treaties governing the relations of
   the United States to that territory.’

   "The Government of Colombia was notified of our action by the
   following telegram to Mr. Beaupré:

   "‘The people of Panama having, by an apparently unanimous
   movement, dissolved their political connection with the
   Republic of Colombia and resumed their independence, and
   having adopted a Government of their own, republican in form,
   with which the Government of the United States of America has
   entered into relations, the President of the United States, in
   accordance with the ties of friendship which have so long and
   so happily existed between the respective nations, most
   earnestly commends to the Governments of Colombia and of
   Panama the peaceful and equitable settlement of all questions
   at issue between them. He holds that he is bound not merely by
   treaty obligations, but by the interests of civilization, to
   see that the peaceful traffic of the world across the Isthmus
   of Panama shall not longer be disturbed by a constant
   succession of unnecessary and wasteful civil wars.’

   "When these events happened, fifty-seven years had elapsed
   since the United States had entered into its treaty with New
   Granada. During that time the Governments of New Granada and
   of its successor, Colombia, have been in a constant state of
   flux.

   [The President then gives a list, by date, of 53 more or less
   serious disturbances of the public peace on the Isthmus which
   United States consuls had reported to the Government at
   Washington between May, 1850, and July, 1902. From this he
   proceeds:]

   "The above is only a partial list of the revolutions,
   rebellions, insurrections, riots, and other outbreaks that
   have occurred during the period in question; yet they number
   53 for the 57 years. It will be noted that one of them lasted
   for nearly three years before it was quelled; another for
   nearly a year. In short, the experience of over half a century
   has shown Colombia to be utterly incapable of keeping order on
   the Isthmus. Only the active interference of the United States
   has enabled her to preserve so much as a semblance of
   sovereignty. Had it not been for the exercise by the United
   States of the police power in her interest, her connection
   with the Isthmus would have been sundered long ago. In 1856,
   in 1860, in 1873, in 1885, in 1901, and again in 1902, sailors
   and marines from United States war-ships were forced to land
   in order to patrol the Isthmus, to protect life and property,
   and to see that the transit across the Isthmus was kept open.
   In 1861, in 1862, in 1885, and in 1900, the Colombian
   Government asked that the United States Government would land
   troops to protect its interests and maintain order on the
   Isthmus. …

{469}

   "The control, in the interest of the commerce and traffic of
   the whole civilized world, of the means of undisturbed transit
   across the Isthmus of Panama has become of transcendent
   importance to the United States. We have repeatedly exercised
   this control by intervening in the course of domestic
   dissension, and by protecting the territory from foreign
   invasion. In 1853 Mr. Everett assured the Peruvian minister
   that we should not hesitate to maintain the neutrality of the
   Isthmus in the case of war between Peru and Colombia. In 1864
   Colombia, which has always been vigilant to avail itself of
   its privileges conferred by the treaty, expressed its
   expectation that in the event of war between Peru and Spain
   the United States would carry into effect the guaranty of
   neutrality. There have been few administrations of the State
   Department in which this treaty has not, either by the one
   side or the other, been used as a basis of more or less
   important demands. It was said by Mr. Fish in 1871 that the
   Department of State had reason to believe that an attack upon
   Colombian sovereignty on the Isthmus had, on several
   occasions, been averted by warning from this Government. In
   1886, when Colombia was under the menace of hostilities from
   Italy in the Cerruti case, Mr. Bayard expressed the serious
   concern that the United States could not but feel, that a
   European power should resort to force against a sister
   republic of this hemisphere, as to the sovereign and
   uninterrupted use of a part of whose territory we are
   guarantors under the solemn faith of a treaty.

   "The above recital of facts establishes beyond question:
   First, that the United States has for over half a century
   patiently and in good faith carried out its obligations under
   the treaty of 1846; second, that when for the first time it
   became possible for Colombia to do anything in requital of the
   services thus repeatedly rendered to it for fifty-seven years
   by the United States, the Colombian Government peremptorily
   and offensively refused thus to do its part, even though to do
   so would have been to its advantage and immeasurably to the
   advantage of the State of Panama, at that time under its
   jurisdiction; third, that throughout this period revolutions,
   riots, and factional disturbances of every kind have occurred
   one after the other in almost uninterrupted succession, some
   of them lasting for months and even for years, while the
   central government was unable to put them down or to make
   peace with the rebels; fourth, that these disturbances instead
   of showing any sign of abating have tended to grow more
   numerous and more serious in the immediate past; fifth, that
   the control of Colombia over the Isthmus of Panama could not
   be maintained without the armed intervention and assistance of
   the United States. In other words, the Government of Colombia,
   though wholly unable to maintain order on the Isthmus, has
   nevertheless declined to ratify a treaty the conclusion of
   which opened the only chance to secure its own stability and
   to guarantee permanent peace on, and the construction of a
   canal across the Isthmus.

   "Under such circumstances the Government of the United States
   would have been guilty of folly and weakness, amounting in
   their sum to a crime against the Nation, had it acted
   otherwise than it did when the revolution of November 3 last
   took place in Panama. This great enterprise of building the
   interoceanic canal can not be held up to gratify the whims, or
   out of respect to the governmental impotence, or to the even
   more sinister and evil political peculiarities, of people who,
   though they dwell afar off, yet, against the wish of the
   actual dwellers on the Isthmus, assert an unreal supremacy
   over the territory. The possession of a territory fraught with
   such peculiar capacities as the Isthmus in question carries
   with it obligations to mankind. The course of events has shown
   that this canal can not be built by private enterprise, or by
   any other nation than our own; therefore it must be built by
   the United States.

   "Every effort has been made by the Government of the United
   States to persuade Colombia to follow a course which was
   essentially not only to our interests and to the interests of
   the world, but to the interests of Colombia itself. These
   efforts have failed; and Colombia, by her persistence in
   repulsing the advances that have been made, has forced us, for
   the sake of our own honor, and of the interest and well-being,
   not merely of our own people, but of the people of the Isthmus
   of Panama and the people of the civilized countries of the
   world, to take decisive steps to bring to an end a condition
   of affairs which had become intolerable. The new Republic of
   Panama immediately offered to negotiate a treaty with us. This
   treaty I herewith submit. By it our interests are better
   safeguarded than in the treaty with Colombia which was
   ratified by the Senate at its last session. It is better in
   its terms than the treaties offered to us by the Republics of
   Nicaragua and Costa Rica. At last the right to begin this
   great undertaking is made available. Panama has done her part.
   All that remains is for the American Congress to do its part
   and forthwith this Republic will enter upon the execution of a
   project colossal in its size and of well-nigh incalculable
   possibilities for the good of this country and the nations of
   mankind.

   "By the provisions of the treaty the United States guarantees
   and will maintain the independence of the Republic of Panama.
   There is granted to the United States in perpetuity the use,
   occupation, and control of a strip ten miles wide and
   extending three nautical miles into the sea at either
   terminal, with all lands lying outside of the zone necessary
   for the construction of the canal or for its auxiliary works,
   and with the islands in the Bay of Panama. The cities of
   Panama and Colon are not embraced in the canal zone, but the
   United States assumes their sanitation and, in case of need,
   the maintenance of order therein; the United States enjoys
   within the granted limits all the rights, power, and authority
   which it would possess were it the sovereign of the territory
   to the exclusion of the exercise of sovereign rights by the
   Republic. All railway and canal property rights belonging to
   Panama and needed for the canal pass to the United States,
   including any property of the respective companies in the
   cities of Panama and Colon; the works, property, and personnel
   of the canal and railways are exempted from taxation as well
   in the cities of Panama and Colon as in the canal zone and its
   dependencies. Free immigration of the personnel and
   importation of supplies for the construction and operation of
   the canal are granted. Provision is made for the use of
   military force and the building of fortifications by the
   United States for the protection of the transit.
{470}
   In other details, particularly as to the acquisition of the
   interests of the New Panama Canal Company and the Panama
   Railway by the United States and the condemnation of private
   property for the uses of the canal, the stipulations of the
   Hay-Herran treaty are closely followed, while the compensation
   to be given for these enlarged grants remains the same, being
   ten millions of dollars payable on exchange of ratifications;
   and, beginning nine years from that date, an annual payment of
   $250,000 during the life of the convention."

      President's Message,
      December 7, 1903.

   The text of the Treaty with Panama may be found in the Volume
   of "Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United
   States" for 1904, pp. 543-551.

   In the view of a good many critics who are not of a captious
   disposition, the conduct of the Government of the United
   States in these transactions was not as unquestionable as it
   appeared to President Roosevelt. Professor Coolidge, of
   Harvard University, in his candid and broadly studied work on
   "The United States as a World Power" (prepared originally in
   the form of lectures delivered at the Sorbonne, in Paris),
   remarks that "to forbid the landing of Colombian troops was to
   stretch the meaning of the old American right to maintain
   order along the line of the railway to an extent hardly
   justifiable in dealing with a friendly nation, and the haste
   with which the administration at Washington recognized the
   independence of the new republic and concluded a treaty with
   it appeared to many people indecent. The truth was the
   Americans did not feel that they were dealing with a friendly
   nation."

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1904-1905.
   Beginning and Organization of the Work of Construction.

   "The treaty between the United States and the Republic of
   Panama, under which the construction of the Panama Canal was
   made possible, went into effect with its ratification by the
   United States Senate on February 23, 1904. The canal
   properties of the French Canal Company were transferred to the
   United States on April 23, 1904, on payment of $40,000,000 to
   that company. On April 1, 1905, the Commission was
   reorganized, and it now consists of Theodore P. Shonts,
   chairman, Charles E. Magoon, Benjamin M. Harrod, Rear-Admiral
   Mordecai T. Endicott, Brigadier General Peter C. Hains, and
   Colonel Oswald H. Ernst. John F. Stevens was appointed chief
   engineer on July 1 last. Active work in canal construction,
   mainly preparatory, has been in progress for less than a year
   and a half. During that period two points about the canal have
   ceased to be open to debate. First, the question of route; the
   canal will be built on the Isthmus of Panama. Second, the
   question of feasibility; there are no physical obstacles on
   this route that American engineering skill will not be able to
   overcome without serious difficulty, or that will prevent the
   completion of the canal within a reasonable time and at a
   reasonable cost. This is virtually the unanimous testimony of
   the engineers who have investigated the matter for the
   Government. The point which remains unsettled is the question
   of type, whether the canal shall be one of several locks above
   sea level, or at sea level with a single tide lock. On this
   point I hope to lay before the Congress at an early day the
   findings of the Advisory Board of American and European
   Engineers, that at my invitation have been considering the
   subject, together with the report of the Commission thereon;
   and such comments thereon or recommendations in reference
   thereto as may seem necessary.

   "The American people is pledged to the speediest possible
   construction of a canal, adequate to meet the demands which
   the commerce of the world will make upon it, and I appeal most
   earnestly to the Congress to aid in the fulfillment of the
   pledge. Gratifying progress has been made during the past year
   and especially during the past four months. The greater part
   of the necessary preliminary work has been done. Actual work
   of excavation could be begun only on a limited scale till the
   Canal Zone was made a healthful place to live in and to work
   in. The isthmus had to be sanitated first.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH: PANAMA CANAL.

   This task has been so thoroughly accomplished that yellow
   fever has been virtually extirpated from the Isthmus and
   general health conditions vastly improved. The same methods
   which converted the island of Cuba from a pest hole, which
   menaced the health of the world, into a healthful place of
   abode, have been applied on the Isthmus with satisfactory
   results. There is no reason to doubt that when the plans for
   water supply, paving, and sewerage of Panama and Colon and the
   large labor camps have been fully carried out, the Isthmus
   will be, for the Tropics, an unusually healthy place of abode.
   The work is so far advanced now that the health of all those
   employed in canal work is as well guarded as it is on similar
   work in this country and elsewhere.

   "In addition to sanitating the Isthmus, satisfactory quarters
   are being provided for employees and an adequate system of
   supplying them with wholesome food at reasonable prices has
   been created. Hospitals have been established and equipped
   that are without superiors of their kind anywhere. The country
   has thus been made fit to work in, and provision has been made
   for the welfare and comfort of those who are to do the work.
   During the past year a large portion of the plant with which
   the work is to be done has been ordered. It is confidently
   believed that by the middle of the approaching year a
   sufficient proportion of this plant will have been installed
   to enable us to resume the work of excavation on a large
   scale."

      President's Message to Congress,
      December 5, 1905.

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905-1909.
   Prosecution and progress of the work.

   Mr. John L. Stevens was in charge of the work on the Canal, as
   Chief Engineer, until April 1, 1907, when he resigned, and it
   was then determined by the Government to place it under the
   direction of an army engineer. The officer chosen for the
   service was Lieutenant-Colonel George W. Goethals, of the
   Engineer Corps, with Major Gaillard and Major Siebert as
   assistant engineers, and this arrangement has been justified
   amply by results. At the same time a final determination was
   arrived at, against the placing of any part of the work under
   contract; and this, too, has been approved by experience in
   the undertaking since. Shortly before the occurrence of these
   changes Mr. Shonts had resigned the chairmanship of the Canal
   Commission, to take the presidency of the Interborough Co. of
   New York, and Colonel Goethals became Chairman of the
   Commission as well as Chief Engineer.

{471}

   In June, 1906, the original design of a sea-level canal
   throughout, with no locks, was dropped, after much
   consideration and under weighty engineering advice. As
   described very tersely and clearly by an English writer on the
   subject, the new plan for locks is worked out as follows:

   "Beginning at deep water in Limon Bay, on the Caribbean coast,
   there will be a tide-water channel 500 ft. wide and 6.70 miles
   long to Gatun. At Gatun there will be the vast dam, the ascent
   of which will be effected by means of two flights of locks. In
   each flight there will be three locks, each 1,000 ft. long,
   110 ft. wide, and 41.3 ft. deep on the sills. These will give
   access to a lake formed by the impounded waters of the Chagres
   river, with a surface level 85 ft. above mean tide level.
   Through this lake will extend a channel from 500 ft. to 1,000
   ft. wide for 23.59 miles to Bas Obispo, the entrance to the
   Culebra cut. Thence through that cut there will be a channel
   300 ft. wide for 8.11 miles to Pedro Miguel, the surface level
   being the same as that of the lake. At Pedro Miguel there will
   be a dam with twin locks, side by side, by which descent of 30
   ft. will be made to a smaller lake 55 ft. above tide-water.
   This lake, only 0.97 of a mile long, will be traversed by a
   channel 500 ft. wide to Miraflores, where there will be
   another dam, with twin flights of locks, two locks in each
   flight, bringing the canal down to tide level; and from
   Miraflores a channel 500 ft. wide will extend 8.31 miles to
   deep water in the Bay of Panama. The channel will nowhere,
   save on the lock sills, be less than 45 ft. deep, and the
   locks at Pedro Miguel and Miraflores will be of the same
   dimensions as those at Gatun."

   This altered plan received much persistent criticism,—so
   persistent that, in January, 1909, after the election of Mr.
   Taft to the Presidency of the United States, but before his
   assumption of the office, the President-elect, who, as
   Secretary of War, had been the responsible administrator of
   the undertaking, went to the Isthmus with a selected committee
   of engineers, who were asked to examine and report on the
   plans and methods of the work. Their reports, made in
   February, endorsed both. In communicating them to Congress the
   President characterized them as showing that "the only
   criticism that can be made of the work on the isthmus is that
   there has sometimes been almost an excess of caution in
   providing against possible trouble. As to the Gatun dam
   itself, they show that not only is the dam safe, but on the
   whole the plan already adopted would make it needlessly high
   and strong, and accordingly they recommend that the height be
   reduced by twenty feet, which change in the plans I have
   accordingly directed." Of the engineers who made the report he
   remarked that they "are of all the men in their profession,
   within or without the United States, the men who are on the
   whole best qualified to pass on these very questions which
   they examined." The membership of the committee or board was
   as follows: Frederic P. Stearns, James D. Schuyler, Arthur P.
   Davis, Isham Randolph, Henry D. Allen, John R. Freeman, and
   Allen Hazen.

   The engineers reported that "as the Gatun earth dam was the
   central point of discussion, they gave it under instructions
   from Mr. Taft first consideration in the light of all new
   evidences," and they added "that the type of dam under
   consideration is one which meets with our unanimous approval."
   Dams and locks, lock gates and all other engineering
   structures involved in the lock-canal project, are "feasible
   and safe," according to the engineers, "and can be depended
   upon to perform with certainty their respective functions."

   Considering the cost and time of construction of a sea-level
   canal as compared with the lock type, they held that "most of
   the factors which have operated to increase the cost of the
   lock canal would operate with similar effect to increase the
   cost of the sea-level canal, and at the present time there are
   additional factors of even greater importance to be considered
   as affecting the time of completion and cost of a sea-level
   canal." One of these they found in the Gamboa dam. If work on
   this were to be started as soon as possible, they asserted it
   "could not be completed until after the time required for the
   completion of the lock-canal." Further than this, they said
   that "a change in the type would result in abandoning work
   which represents large expenditure." They claimed that by the
   change the river Chagres and the rivers on the Isthmus
   tributary thereto, "instead of being allies, would be enemies
   of the canal, and floods in them would greatly interfere with
   the work."

   Replying to the criticism that "the canal region is liable to
   earthquake shocks, and that a sea-level canal would be less
   subject to injury by earthquakes than a lock canal," they
   asserted that "dams and locks are structures of great
   stability and little subject to damage by earthquake shocks,"
   but that even if they could regard earthquakes as a source of
   serious damage to any type of canal on the Isthmus, "their
   effect upon the dams, locks and regulating works proposed for
   the sea-level canal would be much the same as upon similar
   structures of the lock canal."

   Finally, they said: " We see no reason why the canal should
   not be completed, as estimated by the chief engineer, by
   January 1, 1915; in fact, it seems that a somewhat earlier
   date is probable, if all goes well."

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1909.
   Prohibition in the Canal Zone.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: CASUAL OCCURRENCES OF SALOON SUPPRESSION.

PAN-AMERICAN EXPOSITION.

      See (in this Volume)
      BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.

PAN-AMERICAN RAILWAY:
   Resolution of Third International Conference
   of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

PANICS, Monetary, of 1903 and 1907.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

PAN ISLAMISM.

      See (in this Volume)
      SENUSSIA; also Egypt: A. D. 1905-1906.

PANKHURST, MRS. EMELINE.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

PANLUNG, THE CAPTURE OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

PAN-LUN-SHAN REDOUBT, CAPTURE OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

{472}

   ----------PAPACY: Start--------

PAPACY: A. D. 1902.
   Secession of the Independent Filipino Church.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.

PAPACY: A. D. 1903 (July-August).
   Death of Pope Leo XIII.
   Election of Pius X.

   The Papal seat became vacant by the death of Pope Leo XIII. on
   the 20th of July, 1903. The Conclave of Cardinals for the
   election of his successor assembled on the 31st of the month,
   and its choice of Cardinal Sarto, Patriarch of Venice, was
   made known on August 3d. The new Pope assumed the name of Pius
   X.

PAPACY: A. D. 1904.
   Papal Prohibition of Civil Interference with
   the Election of the Roman Pontiff.
   The Civil Veto, in all forms, denounced.

   In the first year of his pontificate, on the 20th of January,
   1904, Pope Pius X. pronounced the following denunciation and
   prohibition of every kind of intrusion of civil authority or
   influence in the election of a Roman pontiff: "When first, all
   unworthy as we are, we ascended this chair of Peter, we deemed
   it a most urgent duty of our apostolic office to provide that
   the life of the Church should manifest itself with absolute
   freedom, by the removal of all extraneous interference, as her
   divine Founder willed that it should manifest itself, and as
   her lofty mission imperatively requires.

   "Now if there is one function above all others in the life of
   the Church which demands this liberty it is certainly that
   which is concerned with the election of the Roman pontiff;
   for when the head is in question, the health not of one
   member alone but of the whole body is involved (Gregory
   XV. Constit. Aeterni Patris in proem).

   "To this full liberty in the election of the Supreme Pastor is
   opposed first of all that civil Veto which has been
   more than once brought forward by the rulers of some states,
   and by which it is sought to exclude somebody from the supreme
   pontificate. If this has happened sometimes, it has never been
   approved by the apostolic see. On the contrary the Roman
   pontiffs, in their enactments on the conclave, have been in
   nothing perhaps more emphatic or more earnest than in their
   efforts to exclude the interference of all extraneous powers
   from the sacred senate of the Cardinals summoned to elect the
   pontiff. …

   "But, and experience has shown it, the measures hitherto taken
   for preventing the civil Veto, or Exclusive,
   have not served their purpose, and on account of the changed
   circumstances of the times the intrusion of the civil power in
   our day is more clearly than ever before destitute of all
   foundation in reason or equity, therefore we, by virtue of the
   apostolic charge entrusted to us, and following in the
   footsteps of our predecessors, after having maturely
   deliberated, with certain knowledge and by our own motion, do
   absolutely condemn the civil Veto, or Exclusive
   as it is also called, even when expressed under the form of a
   mere desire, and all interventions and intercessions
   whatsoever, decreeing that it is not lawful for anybody, not
   even the supreme rulers of states, under any pretext, to
   interpose or interfere in the grave matter of the election of
   the Roman pontiff.

   "Wherefore, in virtue of holy obedience, under threat of
   divine judgment and pain of excommunication latae
   sententiae reserved in a special manner to the future
   pontiff, we prohibit all and single the Cardinals of holy
   Roman Church, and likewise the secretary of the Sacred College
   of Cardinals and all others who take part in the conclave to
   receive, even under the form of a simple desire, the office of
   proposing the Veto or Exclusive, or to make
   known this Veto in whatever manner it may have come to
   their knowledge, to the Sacred College of Cardinals either
   taken as a whole or to the individual fathers Cardinals,
   either by writing, by word of mouth, whether directly and
   proximately, or indirectly and through others. And it is our
   will that this prohibition be extended to all the
   interventions above mentioned, and to all other intercessions
   whatsoever, by which the lay powers, of whatsoever grade and
   order, endeavor to intrude themselves in the election of the
   pontiff.

   "Finally we vehemently exhort, in the same words as those used
   by our predecessors, that in the election of the pontiff,
   they pay no attention whatever to the appeals of secular
   princes or other worldly considerations … but solely with
   the glory of God and the good of the Church before their eyes,
   give their votes to him whom they judge in the Lord better
   fitted than the others to rule the Universal Church fruitfully
   and usefully. It is our will also that these our letters,
   together with the other constitutions of the same kind, be
   read in the presence of all in the first of the congregations
   wont to be held after the death of the pontiff; again after
   entrance into the conclave; also when anybody is raised to the
   dignity of the purple, with the addition of an oath binding to
   the religious observance of what is decreed in the present
   constitution."

PAPACY: A. D. 1904.
   Amenities between the Vatican and the Quirinal.

      See (in this Volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1904.

PAPACY: A. D. 1904.
   Increased Participation of Catholics in the Italian Elections.

      See (in this Volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1904 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

PAPACY: A. D. 1905.
   Relaxation of the Withdrawal of Italian Catholics from
   Political Action.

      See (in this Volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1905-1906 .

PAPACY: A. D. 1905-1906.
   The Separation of Church and State in France.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

PAPACY: A. D. 1906.
   Anti-Clerical Movement in Spain.
   Proposed Associations Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1905-1906.

PAPACY: A. D. 1906 (February).
   Encyclical "Vehementer Nos," to the Prelates, Clergy, and
   People of France, concerning the Separation Law.

   The following are passages from the Encyclical known, from its
   opening words in the Latin text as "Vehementer Nos," which
   Pope Pius X. addressed to the French nation on the 19th of
   February, 1906, after the adoption of the Law separating the
   Church from the State:

   "To the Archbishops, Bishops, Clergy and People of France. …
   Venerable Brethren, Well-Beloved Sons, Health and Apostolic
   Benediction.

{473}

   "Our soul is full of sorrowful solicitude and our heart
   overflows with grief when our thoughts dwell upon you. How,
   indeed, could it be otherwise, immediately after the
   promulgation of that law which, by sundering violently the old
   ties that linked your nation with the Apostolic See, creates
   for the Catholic Church in France a situation unworthy of her
   and ever to be lamented? That is, beyond question, an event of
   the gravest import, and one that must be deplored by all
   right-minded men, for it is as disastrous to society as it is
   to religion; but it is an event which can have surprised
   nobody who has paid any attention to the religious policy
   followed in France of late years. For you, Venerable Brethren,
   it will certainly have been nothing new or strange, witnesses
   as you have been of the many dreadful blows aimed from time to
   time at religion by the public authority. You have seen the
   sanctity and inviolability of Christian marriage outraged by
   legislative acts in formal contradiction with them; the
   schools and hospitals laicised; clerics torn from their
   studies and from ecclesiastical discipline to be subjected to
   military service; the religious congregations dispersed and
   despoiled, and their members for the most part reduced to the
   last stage of destitution. Other legal measures which you all
   know have followed—the law ordaining public prayers at the
   beginning of each Parliamentary session and of the assizes has
   been abolished; the signs of mourning traditionally observed
   on board the ships on Good Friday suppressed; the religious
   character effaced from the judicial oath; all actions and
   emblems serving in any way to recall the idea of religion
   banished from the courts, the schools, the army, the navy,
   and, in a word, from all public establishments. These measures
   and others still which, one after another, really separated
   the Church from the State, were but so many steps designedly
   made to arrive at complete and official separation, as the
   authors of them have publicly and frequently admitted.

   "On the other hand, the Holy See has spared absolutely no
   means to avert this great calamity. While it was untiring in
   warning those who were at the head of affairs in France, and
   in conjuring them over and over again to weigh well the
   immensity of the evils that would infallibly result from their
   separatist policy, it at the same time lavished upon France
   the most striking proofs of indulgent affection. It had then
   reason to hope that gratitude would have stayed those
   politicians on their downward path, and brought them at last
   to relinquish their designs. But all has been in vain—the
   attentions, good offices and efforts of our predecessor and
   ourself. The enemies of religion have succeeded at last in
   effecting by violence what they have long desired, in defiance
   of your rights as a Catholic nation and of the wishes of all
   who think rightly. …

   "That the State must be separated from the Church is a thesis
   absolutely false, a most pernicious error. Based, as it is, on
   the principle that the State must not recognize any religious
   cult, it is in the first place guilty of a great injustice to
   God; for the Creator of man is also the founder of human
   societies, and preserves their existence as He preserves our
   own. We owe Him, therefore, not only a private cult, but a
   public and social worship to honor Him. Besides, it is an
   obvious negation of the supernatural order. It limits the
   action of the State to the pursuit of public prosperity during
   this life only, which is but the proximate object of political
   societies; and it occupies itself in no fashion (on the plea
   that this is foreign to it) with their ultimate object, which
   is man’s eternal happiness after this short life shall have
   run its course. …

   "When the State broke the bonds of the Concordat and separated
   itself from the Church it ought, as a natural consequence, to
   have left her her independence and allowed her to enjoy
   peacefully that liberty granted by the common law which it
   pretended to assign to her. Nothing of the kind has been done.
   We recognize in the law many exceptional and odiously
   restrictive provisions, the effect of which is to place the
   Church under the domination of the civil power. …

   "With the existence of the association of worship, the Law of
   Separation hinders the pastors from exercising the plenitude
   of their authority and of their office over the faithful, when
   it attributes to the Council of State supreme jurisdiction
   over these associations and submits them to a whole series of
   prescriptions not contained in common law, rendering their
   formation difficult and their continued existence more
   difficult still; when, after proclaiming the liberty of public
   worship, it proceeds to restrict its exercise by numerous
   exceptions; when it despoils the Church of the internal
   regulation of the churches in order to invest the State with
   this function; when it thwarts the preaching of Catholic faith
   and morals and sets up a severe and exceptional penal code for
   clerics—when it sanctions all these provisions and many others
   of the same kind in which wide scope is left to arbitrary
   ruling, does it not place the Church in a position of
   humiliating subjection and, under the pretext of protecting
   public order, deprive peaceable citizens, who still constitute
   the vast majority in France, of the sacred right of practising
   their religion? …

   "In addition to the wrongs and injuries to which we have so
   far referred, the Law of Separation also violates and tramples
   under foot the rights of property of the Church. In defiance
   of all justice, it despoils the Church of a great portion of a
   patrimony which belongs to her by titles as numerous as they
   are sacred; it suppresses and annuls all the pious foundations
   consecrated, with perfect legality, to divine worship and to
   suffrages for the dead. The resources furnished by Catholic
   liberality for the maintenance of Catholic schools, and the
   working of various charitable associations connected with
   religion, have been transferred to lay associations in which
   it would be idle to seek for a vestige of religion. In this it
   violates not only the rights of the Church, but the formal and
   explicit purpose of the donors and testators. It is also a
   subject of keen grief to us that the law, in contempt of all
   right, proclaims as property of the State, departments or
   communes, the ecclesiastical edifices dating from before the
   Concordat. True, the law concedes the gratuitous use of them
   for an indefinite period, to the associations of worship, but
   it surrounds the concession with so many and so serious
   reserves that in reality it leaves to the public powers the
   full disposition of them. Moreover, we entertain the gravest
   fears for the sanctity of those temples, the august refuges of
   the Divine Majesty and endeared by a thousand memories to the
   piety of the French people. …

{474}

   "Hence, mindful of our Apostolic charge and conscious of the
   imperious duty incumbent upon us of defending and preserving
   against all assaults the full and absolute integrity of the
   sacred and inviolable rights of the Church, we do, by virtue
   of the supreme authority which God has confided to us, and on
   the grounds above set forth, reprove and condemn the law voted
   in France for the separation of Church and State as deeply
   unjust to God, whom it denies, and as laying down the
   principle that the Republic recognizes no cult. We reprove and
   condemn it as violating the natural law, the law of nations,
   and fidelity to treaties; as contrary to the Divine
   constitution of the Church, to her essential rights and to her
   liberty; as destroying justice and trampling under foot the
   rights of property which the Church has acquired by many
   titles, and, in addition, by virtue of the Concordat. We
   reprove and condemn it as gravely offensive to the dignity of
   this Apostolic See, to our own person, to the Episcopacy and
   to the clergy and all the Catholics of France. Therefore, we
   protest solemnly and with all our strength against the
   introduction, the voting and the promulgation of this law,
   declaring that it can never be alleged against the
   imprescriptible rights of the Church."

      Pope Pius X.,
      Encyclical Letter
      (American Catholic Quarterly Review, April, 1906).

PAPACY: A. D. 1906.
   Commands forbidding French Catholics to conform to the
   Separation Law or the Associations Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

PAPACY: A. D. 1906.
   Pacific Relations between State and Church in Mexico.

      See (in this Volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1906.

PAPACY: A. D. 1906 (March).
   Declaration of the new French Ministry on
   the Church Separation Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1906 (JANUARY-MARCH).

PAPACY: A. D. 1906-1907.
   The Separation of Church and State in France.
   Further Measures and Proceedings.
   The Encyclical Gravissimo.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1906-1907.

PAPACY: A. D. 1907.
   Effects of the Separation Law in France.
   The Catholics lose all Legal Organization.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1907.

PAPACY: A. D. 1907 (September).
   Mandates of the Encyclical on Modernism.

   The following passages contain the essential mandates of the
   Encyclical on Modernism, issued on the 8th of September, 1907:

   "The office divinely committed to us of feeding the Lord’s
   flock has especially this duty assigned to it by Christ,
   namely, to guard with the greatest vigilance the deposit of
   the faith delivered to the saints, rejecting the profane
   novelties of words and oppositions of knowledge falsely so
   called. There has never been a time when this watchfulness of
   the supreme pastor was not necessary to the Catholic body;
   for, owing to the efforts of the enemy of the human race,
   there have never been lacking ‘men speaking perverse things’
   (Acts xx., 30), ‘vain talkers and seducers’ (Tit. i., 10),
   ‘erring and driving into error’ (II. Tim. iii., 13). Still, it
   must be confessed that the number of the enemies of the
   cross of Christ has in these last days increased exceedingly,
   who are striving, by arts entirely new and full of subtlety,
   to destroy the vital energy of the Church, and, if they can,
   to overthrow utterly Christ’s kingdom itself. Wherefore we may
   no longer be silent, lest we should seem to fail in our most
   sacred duty, and lest the kindness that, in the hope of wiser
   counsels, we have hitherto shown them should be attributed to
   forgetfulness of our office.

   "That we may make no delay in this matter is rendered
   necessary especially by the fact that the partisans of error
   are to be sought not only among the Church’s open enemies;
   they lie hid, a thing to be deeply deplored and feared, in her
   very bosom and heart, and are the more mischievous the less
   conspicuously they appear. We allude, venerable brethren, to
   many who belong to the Catholic laity, nay, and this is far
   more lamentable, to the ranks of the priesthood itself, who,
   feigning a love for the Church, lacking the firm protection of
   philosophy and theology, nay, more, thoroughly imbued with the
   poisonous doctrines taught by the enemies of the Church, and
   lost to all sense of modesty, vaunt themselves as reformers, …
   not sparing even the person of the Divine Redeemer, whom, with
   sacrilegious daring, they reduce to a simple, mere man.

   "Though they express astonishment themselves, no one can
   justly be surprised that we number such men among the enemies
   of the Church, if, leaving out of consideration the internal
   disposition of soul, of which God alone is the judge, he is
   acquainted with their tenets, their manner of speech, their
   conduct. Nor, indeed, will He err in accounting them the most
   pernicious of all the adversaries of the Church. For, as we
   have said, they put their designs for her ruin into operation
   not from without, but from within; hence the danger is present
   almost in the very veins and heart of the Church, whose injury
   is the more certain, the more intimate is their knowledge of
   her. Moreover, they lay the axe not to the branches and
   shoots, but to the very root; that is, to the faith and its
   deepest fibres. And having struck at this root of immortality,
   they proceed to disseminate poison through the whole tree, so
   that there is no part of Catholic truth from which they hold
   their hand, none that they do not strive to corrupt. Further,
   none is more skilful, none more astute than they in the
   employment of a thousand noxious arts; for they double the
   parts of rationalist and Catholic, and this so craftily that
   they easily lead the unwary into error; and since audacity is
   their chief characteristic, there is no conclusion of any kind
   from which they shrink or which they do not thrust forward
   with pertinacity and assurance. To this must be added the
   fact, which indeed is well calculated to deceive souls, that
   they lead a life of the greatest activity of assiduous and
   ardent application to every branch of learning, and that they
   possess, as a rule, a reputation for the strictest morality.
   Finally, and this almost destroys all hope of cure, their very
   doctrines have given such a bent to their minds that they
   disdain all authority and brook no restraint; and, relying
   upon a false conscience, they attempt to ascribe to a love of
   truth that which is in reality the result of pride and
   obstinacy.

{475}

   "Once, indeed, we had hopes of recalling them to a better
   sense, and to this end we first of all showed them kindness as
   our children, then we treated them with severity, and at last
   we have had recourse, though with great reluctance, to public
   reproof. But, you know, venerable brethren, how fruitless has
   been our action. They bowed their head for a moment, but it
   was soon uplifted more arrogantly than ever. If it were a
   matter which concerned them alone, we might perhaps have
   overlooked it; but the security of the Catholic name is at
   stake. Wherefore, as to maintain it longer would be a crime,
   we must now break silence, in order to expose before the whole
   Church in their true colors those men who have assumed this
   bad disguise.

   "But since the modernists (as they are commonly and rightly
   called) employ a very clever artifice, namely, to present
   their doctrines without order and systematic arrangement into
   one whole, scattered and disjointed one from another, so as to
   appear to be in doubt and uncertainty, while they are in
   reality firm and steadfast, it will be of advantage, venerable
   brethren, to bring their teachings together here into one
   group, and to point out the connection between them, and thus
   to pass to an examination of the sources of the errors and to
   prescribe remedies for averting the evil. …

   "Against this host of grave errors, and its secret and open
   advance, our predecessor, Leo XIII., of happy memory, worked
   strenuously, especially as regards the Bible, both in his
   words and his acts. But, as we have seen, the modernists are
   not easily deterred by such weapons; with an affectation of
   submission and respect they proceeded to twist the words of
   the Pontiff to their own sense, and his acts they described as
   directed against others than themselves. And the evil has gone
   on increasing from day to day. We therefore, venerable
   brethren, have determined to adopt at once the most
   efficacious measure in our power, and we beg and conjure you
   to see to it that in this most grave matter nobody will ever
   be able to say that you have been in the slightest degree
   wanting in vigilance, zeal or firmness. And what we ask of you
   and expect of you we ask and expect also of all other pastors
   of souls, of all educators and professors of clerics, and in a
   very special way of the superiors of religious institutions.

   "I.
   In the first place, with regard to studies, we will and ordain
   that scholastic philosophy be made the basis of the sacred
   sciences, it goes without saying that if anything is met with
   among the scholastic doctors which may be regarded as an
   excess of subtlety, or which is altogether destitute of
   probability, we have no desire whatever to propose it for the
   imitation of present generations (Leo XIII. Enc. ‘Aeterni
   Patris’). And let it be clearly understood above all things
   that the scholastic philosophy we prescribe is that which the
   Angelic Doctor has bequeathed to us, and we, therefore,
   declare that all the ordinances of our predecessor on this
   subject continue fully in force, and, as far as may be
   necessary, we do decree anew and confirm and ordain that they
   be by all strictly observed. In seminaries where they may have
   been neglected let the Bishops impose them and require their
   observance, and let this apply also to the superiors of
   religious institutions. Further, let professors remember that
   they cannot set St. Thomas aside, especially in metaphysical
   questions, without grave detriment.

   "On this philosophical foundation the theological edifice is
   to be solidly raised. Promote the study of theology, venerable
   brethren, by all means in your power, so that your clerics on
   leaving the seminaries may admire and love it, and always find
   their delight in it. For in the vast and varied abundance of
   studies opening before the mind desirous of truth everybody
   knows how the old maxim describes theology as so far in front
   of all others that every science and art should serve it and
   be to it as handmaidens. …

   "With regard to profane studies, suffice it to recall here
   what our predecessor has admirably said: ‘Apply yourselves
   energetically to the study of natural sciences: the brilliant
   discoveries and the bold and useful applications of them made
   in our times, which have won such applause by our
   contemporaries, will be an object of perpetual praise for
   those that come after us’ (Leo XIII. Alloc., March 7, 1880).
   But this do without interference with sacred studies, as our
   predecessor in these most grave words prescribed: ‘If you
   carefully search for the cause of these errors, you will find
   that it lies in the fact that in these days, when the natural
   sciences absorb so much study, the more severe and lofty
   studies have been proportionately neglected; some of them have
   almost passed into oblivion, some of them are pursued in a
   half-hearted or superficial way, and, sad to say, now that
   they are fallen from their old estate, they have been
   disfigured by perverse doctrines and monstrous errors (loco
   cit.). We ordain, therefore, that the study of natural
   science in the seminaries be carried on under this law.’

   "II.
   All these prescriptions and those of our predecessor are to be
   borne in mind whenever there is question of choosing directors
   and professors for seminaries and Catholic Universities.
   Anybody who in any way is found to be imbued with modernism is
   to be excluded without compunction from these offices, and
   those who already occupy them are to be withdrawn. The same
   policy is to be adopted towards those who favor modernism,
   either by extolling the modernists, or excusing their culpable
   conduct, by criticizing scholasticism, the Holy Father, or by
   refusing obedience to ecclesiastical authority in any of its
   depositories; and towards those who show a love of novelty in
   history, archaeology, Biblical exegesis, and finally towards
   those who neglect the sacred sciences or appear to prefer them
   to the profane. In all this question of studies, venerable
   brethren, you cannot be too watchful or too constant, but most
   of all in the choice of professors, for as a rule the students
   are modeled after the pattern of their masters. Strong in the
   consciousness of your duty, act always prudently, but
   vigorously.

   "Equal diligence and severity are to be used in examining and
   selecting candidates for holy orders. Far, far from the clergy
   be the love of novelty. God hates the proud and the obstinate.
   For the future the doctorate of theology and canon law must
   never be conferred on anybody who has not made the regular
   course of scholastic philosophy, if conferred, it shall be
   held as null and void. The rules laid down in 1896 by the
   Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regulars for the clerics,
   both secular and regular, of Italy, concerning the frequenting
   of the universities, we now decree to be extended to all
   nations. Clerics and priests inscribed in a Catholic institute
   or university must not in the future follow in civil
   universities those courses for which there are chairs in the
   Catholic institutes to which they belong. If this has been
   permitted anywhere in the past, we ordain that it be not
   allowed for the future. Let the Bishops who form the governing
   board of such Catholic institutes or universities watch with
   all care that these our commands be constantly observed.

{476}

   "III.
   It is also the duty of the Bishops to prevent writings
   infected with modernism or favorable to it from being read
   when they have been published, and to hinder their publication
   when they have not. No book or paper or periodical of this
   kind must ever be permitted to seminarists or university
   students. The injury to them would be equal to that caused by
   immoral reading—nay, it would be greater, for such writings
   poison Christian life at its very fount. The same decision is
   to be taken concerning the writings of some Catholics, who,
   though not badly disposed themselves, but ill instructed in
   theological studies and imbued with modern philosophy, strive
   to make this harmonize with the faith, and, as they say, to
   turn it to the account of the faith. The name and reputation
   of these authors cause them to be read without suspicion, and
   they are, therefore, all the more dangerous in preparing the
   way for modernism.

   "To give you some more general directions, venerable brethren,
   in a matter of such moment, we bid you do everything in your
   power to drive out of your dioceses, even by solemn interdict,
   any pernicious books that may be in circulation there. …

   "IV.
   But it is not enough to hinder the reading and the sale of bad
   books: it is also necessary to prevent them from being
   printed. Hence, let the Bishops use the utmost severity in
   granting permission to print. Under the rules of the
   Constitution ‘Officiorum,’ many publications require the
   authorization of the ordinary, and in some dioceses it has
   been made the custom to have a suitable number of official
   censors for the examination of writings. We have the highest
   praise for this institution, and we not only exhort, but we
   order that it be extended to all dioceses."

      Pope Pius X.,
      The Doctrines of the Modernists
      (American Catholic Quarterly Review, October, 1907).

      See (in this Volume)
      TYRREL, FATHER GEORGE.

PAPACY: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Revision of St. Jerome’s Latin Translation of the Bible,
   known as "the Vulgate."

   "In May, 1907, an announcement was made of the Pope's
   intention to revise the Latin Bible, and the work has already
   made such progress that the time has come to record not only
   the main lines upon which the revision is being carried out
   but also the actual completion of its preliminary
   preparations. … Pius X. … offered the honourable though costly
   and arduous task to the learned Order of the Benedictines, by
   whom it was accepted. A commission of revision was appointed,
   with Abbot Gasquet, the President of the English Benedictines,
   as its head, and the International College of the Order at San
   Anselmo in Rome was chosen as the headquarters of their work.
   It is here that Abbot Gasquet and his fellow-workers have
   already made a good start upon the vast labour which their
   Order has undertaken.

   "The object of the Commission, according to the Pope’s
   definite instructions, is to determine and restore as far as
   possible the original text of St. Jerome’s Latin translation
   made in the fourth century. How far St. Jerome’s translation
   represents the Hebrew or Greek is another question which may
   be the subject some day for future criticism and another
   commission. … Pius X. has made it clear to the Commission that
   he desires their work of revision to be conducted on the most
   modern and scientific lines, and that neither money nor labour
   should be spared to make it as thorough as possible. An
   exhaustive search will be made through all the libraries of
   Europe in the hope of finding hitherto unrecognized
   manuscripts of the Vulgate. Already there are 15 collaborators
   at work in different centres, collating the best-known and most
   important manuscripts with the Clementine text, while another
   commission, with its assistants, is making a thorough
   examination of the libraries and cathedral archives of Spain
   in search of fresh material. …

   "The method of work is as follows. For the purpose of
   collation copies of the Clementine text have been printed;
   each page being left blank for two-thirds of its surface, the
   text being printed on the remaining third with no capital
   letters, no stops, no word divided, so as to resemble
   manuscript as far as possible. When a reviser wishes to
   collate any manuscript he has only to correct this print like
   an ordinary proof-sheet and so reproduce every difference of
   the manuscript before him.

   "The printing of these copies of the Vulgate, which are to
   form the basis of the collations, with the preparation of the
   texts and correction of proofs—no light matter—has been the
   work of the first year. Three hundred and sixty copies have
   been printed in all, one hundred upon the best hand-made
   paper, two hundred upon ordinary book paper, and sixty upon
   thin paper for the purpose of postage abroad. The Pope himself
   has defrayed the rather heavy cost of this production. Besides
   the printing of this Bible considerable progress has been made
   during the past year with the preparation of a hand list of
   all the Latin Biblical MSS. in the libraries of Europe, which,
   when completed, will be of great use to the revisers. As the
   collators finish their work in the various libraries or
   archives where Biblical manuscripts are found, they send their
   annotated copies to San Anselmo, where they are bound up and
   added to a collection which, when complete, will form a vast
   library of all the different versions of the Bible. Seven
   important collations have already been made, and at the
   present rate of work the number of these Volumes will increase
   very rapidly."

      Rome Correspondence of the London Times,
      July 21, 1909.

PAPACY: A. D. 1908.
   The new Apostolic Constitution of the Curia.

   A change of far-reaching and great importance in the
   ecclesiastical constitution of the Roman Church was decreed by
   Pope Pius X. this year, by the promulgation of a new Apostolic
   Constitution of the Curia. It reorganized the numerous
   Congregations or departments of the Vatican Government which
   had exercised the judicial functions of the Curia for some
   generations past. The Pope now restores these functions to an
   ancient ecclesiastical court, the Rota, which had fallen out
   of use. The Rota is constituted as an international court,
   before which questions between priest and bishop, bishop and
   diocese, and the like, will have their hearing, and from which
there is appeal to a tribunal of last resort, the Segnatura,
   composed of Cardinals alone.

{477}

   The reorganization of the Congregation of the Propaganda by
   this new Constitution removes from that body the
   ecclesiastical jurisdiction it has exercised heretofore over
   the Church in Great Britain, Holland, the United States,
   Canada, and some other countries, thus taking them out of the
   Roman category of missionary lands.

PAPACY: A. D. 1908.
   The situation of the Church in France.
   No Organization that can hold Property.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1908.

PAPACY: A. D. 1909.
   Increased Participation by Catholics in the Italian Elections.
   Their Gain of Seats in Parliament.

      See (in this Volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

PAPACY: A. D. 1909.
   Church Movement of Agricultural Labor Organization.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.

PAPACY: A. D. 1909.
   Demonstration against the Religious Orders in Portugal.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.

PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (April).
   The Beatification of Joan of Arc.

   The ceremony of the Beatification of Joan of Arc was performed
   at St. Peter’s, in Rome, on the 18th of April, 1909.
   Proceedings which began about ten years before were brought by
   this ceremony to the end of their first stage, beyond which
   they must still be continued for possibly many years, before
   the Canonization of "the Maid" as a Saint becomes complete.
   The question of the Beatification had been under consideration
   in the Congregation of Rites for several years. The grounds on
   which that question is decided, in every case, were explained
   by The Catholic Union and Times, in connection with its
   account of the ceremony now referred to, as follows: The
   Congregation of Rites "may decide that the life of the person
   was a very worthy and very holy one, but they require much
   more than that. It must be proved to their satisfaction that
   ‘miracles’ have been performed. The Congregation of Rites
   requires evidence of not fewer than three miracles. In the
   case of ‘miraculous cures’ it must be shown that doctors have
   pronounced the cases hopeless, or that diseases have been
   cured which doctors call incurable. Usually the report
   contains particulars of a number of ‘miracles,’ from which the
   Congregation of Rites may make a selection. The three chosen
   among those attributed to Joan of Arc relate to the curing of
   nuns belonging to different communities, who are said to have
   obtained relief from their diseases by her intercession. One
   of these nuns had suffered for years from cancer and was on
   the point of death when, it was claimed, she was instantly
   cured by a prayer of Joan of Arc. When the Congregation of
   Rites has been satisfied as to the authenticity of three
   miracles they prepare their report, which is submitted to the
   Pope, who considers it. There is then a gathering at the
   Vatican, to which the public is admitted. Cardinals and
   bishops are present, and a lawyer of the papal court reads out
   the decision. After this, the ceremony of beatification
   generally takes place within a few months."

   In January, 1910, it was announced in Paris that the
   ecclesiastical process for the Canonization would begin on
   February 9.

PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (May).
   Vote in British House of Commons for removal of remaining
   Catholic Disabilities.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D). 1909 (MAY).

   ----------PAPACY: End--------

PAPER TRUST.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES:
      A. D. 1901-1906, and 1909.

PARAGUAY: A. D. 1901-1906.
   Participation in Second and Third International
   Conferences of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

PARAGUAY: A. D. 1902.
   A nearly bloodless Revolution.
   Deposition of President Aceval.
   Elevation of the Vice-President.

   The following, translated from the Montevideo (Uruguay)
   Dia, of January 10, 1902, appears in the annual report
   of "Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United
   States," 1902, as transmitted by the United States Minister to
   Uruguay, and is probably an authentic account of the
   revolution described:

   "Yesterday, at 10 o'clock in the morning, a revolutionary
   movement occurred in Asuncion del Paraguay, without bloodshed,
   without noise of arms, which immediately resulted in the
   imprisonment of the President of the Republic, Dr. Emilio
   Aceval, in the artillery barracks. A strange case—the chief
   magistrate of Paraguay has fallen, at least for the moment, on
   account of a revolution, inspired and carried into practice by
   two of his own ministers, Colonel Juan Antonio Escurra and
   Señor Fulgencio Moreno, who, although belonging to the same
   Colorado party as the President, differ in opinion at present,
   the former considering that a radical policy should be adopted
   against the liberals or civic accordists, Dr. Aceval not
   sharing this opinion, but being in favor of conciliatory
   measures, although this did not win for him the help of his
   traditional adversaries, who looked unfavorably on him, as is
   usually the way with those belonging to an opposite party."

   In his note transmitting Montevideo newspaper reports,
   Minister Finch wrote of the occurrence: "It was, as will be
   seen, a bloodless affair; but out of it grew a discussion in
   the Paraguay Congress which was followed by shooting, one
   person being killed and several wounded."

PARAGUAY: A. D. 1904.
   Successful Revolution.

   The beginning of a successful revolution was reported to
   Washington by the American Consul at Asuncion, in a despatch
   dated August 11, 1904, as follows: "I beg to confirm my
   telegram of to-day, stating that a revolution has broken out
   in this republic. … Revolutionary forces on the river and
   those of the Government have fought. … The Government forces
   were defeated, the Minister of the Interior, who led the
   forces, being taken prisoner. The state of siege as declared …
   places the entire country under military laws, and the
   Government, is amassing a large number of troops to suppress
   the revolution. It is impossible at present to say whether it
   will be of long or short duration. The revolutionary forces
   are proceeding up the river in boats, and the Government has
   placed or erected defenses along the river near the capital.

{478}

   "Upon inquiries as to the cause of this revolution I am
   informed that the opposition to the Government is that the
   party in power is endeavoring to exclude entirely the liberal
   element from participation in the administration of affairs,
   assigning that said party, which is in power, which is
   denominated ‘Colorados,’ have not sufficient persons prepared
   for the administration of the Government. On the other hand,
   the ‘Colorados’ assign that the revolution is due to ambitious
   persons who form an opposition and are classed under the name
   ‘Azul,’ colorados meaning ‘reds’ and azul ‘blues.’"

   It was not until four months later that the Consul could
   announce the return of peace, secured by the triumph of the
   revolution. The president, Colonel Ezcurra, was compelled to
   resign, and Señor Juan Gauna was elected in his place; the
   army was reorganized; a general amnesty was proclaimed.

PARDO, PRESIDENT JOSE.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERU.

PARKER, Alton B.:
   Nominated for President of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

PARKER, Edward Wheeler:
   On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

PAROLE SYSTEM.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

PARSONS, CHARLES A.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TURBINE ENGINE.

PARTIES:
   Agrarian Socialists.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

PARTIES:
   Anti-Revolutionnaire.

      See (in this Volume)
      NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.

PARTIES:
   Azul.

      See (in this Volume)
      PARAGUAY: A. D. 1904.

PARTIES:
   Blues (Conservatives).

      See (in this Volume)
      COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.

PARTIES:
   Boshin Club.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

PARTIES:
   Cadets.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

PARTIES:
   Catholic Peoples’ Party.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.

PARTIES:
   Center, or Centrum.

      See
      GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

PARTIES:
   Centro Catolico.

      SEE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

PARTIES:
   Christian Workmen.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

PARTIES:
   Christlijk.

      See (in this Volume)
      NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.

PARTIES:
   Civilistas.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERU.

PARTIES:
   Clerical.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1903, and 1906;
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1904;
      GERMANY: A. D. 1906, and 1908-1909.

PARTIES:
   Colorados.

      See (in this Volume)
      PARAGUAY: A. D. 1902, and 1904.

PARTIES:
   Confederates.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May).

PARTIES:
   Conservatives.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1906, and 1908-1909.

PARTIES:
   Conservative-Unionist.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906, 1909 (April-December), and 1910.

PARTIES:
   Continental.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
      AND 1908 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:
   Constitutional Democrats.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

PARTIES:
   Daido Club.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

PARTIES:
   Democratas.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERU.

PARTIES:
   Democratic.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES; A. D. 1904 (MAY-NOVEMBER),
      and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:
   Democristiana.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.

PARTIES:
   Democratique and Gauche Democratique.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

PARTIES:
   Doshi-shukai.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).

PARTIES:
   Fabian Society.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

PARTIES:
   Fedakiarans.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

PARTIES:
   Federal Party, Filipino.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901, and 1907.

PARTIES:
   Free Traders.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

PARTIES:
   Independents.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

PARTIES:
   Independent Labor.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

PARTIES:
   Independistas.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

PARTIES:
   Inmediatistas.

      See (in this Volume)
      Philippine Islands: A. D. 1907.

PARTIES:
   Intransigentes.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

PARTIES:
   Kossuth Party, or Independence Party.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903.

PARTIES:
   Labor Party.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904, and after;
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1903, and 1905-1906; also
      SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.

PARTIES:
   League of Liberation.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

PARTIES:
   Liberal-Conservative Separatist.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.

PARTIES:
   Liberals.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1906, and after;
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906, 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER), and 1910;
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May).

PARTIES:
   Miguelistas.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.

PARTIES:
   Moderates.

      See (in this Volume)
      LONDON: A. D. 1909 (March);
      DENMARK: A. D. 1901, and
      CUBA: A. D. 1906, and after.

PARTIES:
   Moderate Republicans.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

PARTIES:
   Nacionalistas.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

PARTIES:
   National Liberty.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER ).

PARTIES:
   Nationalists.

      See (in this Volume)
      France: A. D. 1906.

PARTIES:
   Octobrists.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

PARTIES:
   Old Finns.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

PARTIES:
   Peoples, or Populist.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:
   Progresistas.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907,
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

PARTIES:
   Progressists.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1906;
      JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

PARTIES:
   Progressives.

      See (in this Volume)
      LONDON: A. D. 1909 (MARCH);
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.

PARTIES:
   Prohibition.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
      and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:
   Protectionists.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A.D. 1903-1904, and after.

PARTIES:
   Radicals and Radical Socialists.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

PARTIES:
   Ralliés.

      See (in this Volume)
      RALLIÉS.

PARTIES:
   Regeneradors.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

PARTIES:
   Republican.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MAY-NOVEMBER),
      and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:
   Rikken Seiyu-kai, or Seiyu-kai.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1902 (AUGUST); 1903 (JUNE), and 1909;

      See in Volume VI.,
      JAPAN: A. D. 1900.

PARTIES:
   Sinn Fein.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D 1905.

{479}

PARTIES:
   Social Democrats.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA A. D. 1905-1907;
      GERMANY: A. D. 1903;
      DENMARK: A. D. 1906;
      SOCIALISM: GERMANY,
      SOCIALISM: FRANCE,
      SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.

PARTIES:
   Social Revolutionists.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

PARTIES:
   Socialist, and Socialist Labor.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
      and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:
   Socialists, Radical.
   Socialists, Independent.
   Socialists Unified.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

PARTIES:
   Sons of Liberal Ottomans.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

PARTIES:
   Union Republicaine.

      See (in this Volume)
      France: A. D. 1906.

PARTIES:
   Yellows (Liberals).

      See (in this Volume)
      COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.

PARTIES:
   Young Egypt.

      See (in this Volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

PARTIES:
   Young Finns.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

PARTIES:
   Young Turks.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

PARTIES:
   Yushin-kai.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

PARTIES:
   Zayistas.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.

PARTY REFORMS, Political.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

PASSAY, FREDERIC.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

PASSIONISTS:
   Forbidden to Teach in France.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

"PASSIVE RESISTANCE," OF ENGLISH NONCONFORMISTS TO THE
EDUCATION ACT OF 1902.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902, AND 1909 (MAY).

PASTEUR, Louis:
   Pronounced by Popular Vote to be the Greatest Frenchman
   of the Nineteenth Century.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.

PATENTS OF INVENTION: GREAT BRITAIN: A. D. 1907.
   Patents and Designs Act.

   A requirement of the manufacture of patented articles in the
   United Kingdom, introduced in an Act of the British Parliament
   passed and approved in August, 1907, which came into force
   August 28, 1908, seriously changed the operation of patents
   issued to foreigners. It is contained in the following
   sections:

   "27.—(1) At any time not less than four years after the date
   of a patent and not less than one year after the passing of
   this Act, any person may apply to the comptroller for the
   revocation of the patent on the ground that the patented
   article or process is manufactured or carried on exclusively
   or mainly outside the United Kingdom.

   "(2) The comptroller shall consider the application, and, if
   after enquiry he is satisfied that the allegations contained
   therein are correct, then, subject to the provisions of this
   section, and unless the patentee proves that the patented
   article or process is manufactured or carried on to an
   adequate extent in the United Kingdom, or gives satisfactory
   reasons why the article or process is not so manufactured or
   carried on, the comptroller may make an order revoking the
   patent either—(a) forthwith; or (b) after such reasonable
   interval as may be specified in the order, unless in the
   meantime it is shown to his satisfaction that the patented
   article or process is manufactured or carried on within the
   United Kingdom to an adequate extent: Provided that no such
   order shall be made which is at variance with any treaty,
   convention, arrangement, or engagement with any foreign
   country or British possession.

   "(3) If within the time limited in the order the patented
   article or process is not manufactured or carried on within
   the United Kingdom to an adequate extent, but the patentee
   gives satisfactory reasons why it is not so manufactured or
   carried on, the comptroller may extend the period mentioned in
   the previous order for such period not exceeding twelve months
   as may be specified in the subsequent order.

   "(4) Any decision of the comptroller under this section shall
   be subject to appeal to the court, and on any such appeal the
   law officer or such other counsel as he may appoint shall be
   entitled to appear and be heard."

   Twelve months after the Act became effective the London
   Times gave the following account of its working:

   "During the year which has elapsed since Section 27 came into
   force, 69 applications for revocation of foreign patents have
   been made to the Comptroller-General. In 10 cases only were
   patents revoked by that official. In four of these cases the
   patentees appealed to the High Court, and in two cases
   relating to improvements in electric arc lamps, the decision
   of the Comptroller-General was reversed, evidence having been
   adduced which was not placed before the Comptroller-General,
   the effect of which was to show that the patented process was
   being adequately carried on in this country. The two other
   appeals to the High Court were unsuccessful, so that the
   number of patents finally revoked was eight. Those revoked
   related to the following articles or processes:—Artificial
   stone slabs and tiles (two patents), sewing-machines,
   umbrellas, adhesive stays or fastening straps used in
   box-making, the lubrication of gig-mills, a steam motor-car,
   and locks. In another case, that of a patent connected with
   the manufacture of china clay, the Comptroller-General made a
   conditional order of revocation.

   "It is too early, as yet, to say whether this new power of
   revocation conferred by the Act of 1907 is likely to have any
   appreciable effect in reducing the number of foreign patents
   taken out in this country. In the first seven months of this
   year there were 17,869 such patents applied for—an increase of
   1566 as compared with the corresponding period of 1908, though
   only an increase of 319 upon the larger figures for the first
   seven months of 1907. Sixteen fewer patents were taken out in
   1909 by American subjects than in 1908, and 331 fewer than in
   1907. The decrease in German patents has been consistent—2000
   in 1907, 1822 in 1908, and 1735 in 1909, and the same may be
   said of Austrian patents—253, 234, and 192 respectively.
   French patents, which were 620 in 1907 and 670 in 1908,
   decreased to 560 in 1909.

PATENTS:
   Pan-American Convention.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

PAULHAN, M.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

PAUPERISM.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY.

PAWLOW, Ivan PETROVIE.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

PAYNE, HENRY C.:
   Postmaster-General.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

{480}

PAYNE-ALDRICH TARIFF.

      See (in this Volume)
      TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

PEACE.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST.

PEACE, International:
   Awards for the Promotion of.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

PEACE CONFERENCE AT THE HAGUE, The Second International.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

PEACE TREATY, BOER-BRITISH.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

PEACE TREATY OF PORTSMOUTH.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

PEARY, Robert E.:
   Exploration and Discovery of the North Pole.

      See (in this Volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION: ARCTIC.

PEASANT INSURRECTION IN THE BALTIC PROVINCES.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

PEASANTRY, CONDITION OF RUSSIAN.

      See (in this Volume)
      Russia: A. D. 1901-1904, 1902, 1904-1905, 1905, and 1906.

PECANHA, Nilo:
   President of Brazil.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRAZIL: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

PEKING: A. D. 1902.
   Return of the Imperial Court.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1902.

PEKING-KALGAN RAILWAY.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: CHINA.

PELLAGRA.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH: PELLAGRA.

PENNA, DR. ALFONSO MOREIRA:
   President of Brazil.

      See (in this Volume )
      BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.

PENNA, DR. ALFONSO MOREIRA:
   Sudden death.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRAZIL: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1906.
   Reform Legislation.

   The popular revolt of 1905 in Philadelphia against the
   intolerable rottenness of municipal government under the
   dominant party "machine" had prompt effects in the State.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

   "When the election, last November, and still more the reports
   made by working politicians in the best organized and informed
   machine in the land, showed that these classes wanted a
   change, the machine and its leaders changed instantly. A
   pliant governor was as prompt to call the Legislature in extra
   session as he had been to find reasons for the vilest excess
   of the political plunderers of the State. The same Legislature
   as before met, and in a brief session passed every measure for
   which reformers had been asking in vain for twenty-five
   years,—two of them in more drastic form than any one had yet
   proposed. Save that the Corrupt Practices Act is more precise
   and severe than any yet passed, except in Connecticut, and the
   separation and protection of the civil service of Philadelphia
   more complete than has yet been enacted for an American city,
   the new legislation follows the general trend of such measures
   in other States."

      Review of Reviews,
      April, 1906.

PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1906-1908.
   Frauds in the Construction of the new State Capitol.

   On the 4th of October, 1906, the new State House at Harrisburg
   was dedicated with imposing ceremonies, honored by the
   President of the United States as the principal speaker of the
   occasion. The State of Pennsylvania was then indulging more
   pride in the supposed honesty and economy with which it had
   been built than in the splendor it displayed; for announcement
   was made that the Commission charged with the work had saved
   about 10 per cent of the $4,000,000 appropriated for it. Very
   quickly, however, there came an humiliation of that honorable
   pride. Complete accountings showed that, while the naked
   structure of the building had cost but $3,600,000, a monstrous
   expenditure of more than $9,000,000 for alleged decoration and
   furnishing had been added to that sum, by the most audacious
   "graft," perhaps, that is recorded, even in the national
   history which included the exploits of the Tweed Ring. The
   arts of sculpture and painting in the decoration were dealt
   with most frugally; but royal emoluments went to gas-fitters
   and cabinet makers and their kind,—$2,000,000 for example, for
   the equipment of the building with chandeliers. For woodwork
   in one suite of rooms, which cost the contractor $16,089 the
   State had paid $94,208. For another, he had received $62,486,
   on an expenditure by himself of but $6,145.

   The investigation of these monstrous frauds, in the fruits of
   which many people must have shared, resulted in the arrest of
   fourteen men. The arrests were made in September, 1907, and
   the accused were released on bail. In the following March four
   were convicted of defrauding the State, namely J. H.
   Sanderson, a contractor, W. P. Snyder, former Auditor-General
   of the State, W. L. Mathues, former State Treasurer, and J. M.
   Shumaker, former Superintendent of Public Grounds and
   Buildings. The execution of the sentence was suspended pending
   an appeal.

   Sanderson and Mathues died (of nervous breakdown, it was
   said), while the appeal was pending. The conviction of Snyder
   and Shumaker was confirmed finally on the 7th of March, 1910,
   and their sentence to two years of imprisonment went into
   effect. At the same time suits were instituted by the State
   against all parties connected with the frauds, to recover some
   $5,000,000, estimated to be the amount of plunder taken.
   Meantime, seven in all of the alleged participants in the
   conspiracy of fraud had died.

PENOLOGY.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME.

PENSIONS, FOR OLD AGE AND INFIRMITY.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF.

PENSIONS:
   Military.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1902.

PENSIONS:
   United States: For Teachers.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

PENSIONS:
   For Railway Employees.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: PENSIONS.

PEONAGE:
   In the United States.

   The following extracts are from three reports of an official
   investigation of practices of peonage, conducted by the
   Assistant Attorney-General of the United States, Mr. Charles
   W. Russell, in 1906-1907:

   "Under the criminal law as now in force the offense of peonage
   may be defined as causing compulsory service to be rendered by
   one man to another on the pretext of having him work out the
   amount of a debt, real or claimed. That is Mexican peonage
   proper, as defined by our highest court in the Clyatt case
   (197 U. S., p. 207). But, as fully explained in my report of
   October, 1907, and January, 1908, where there is no
   indebtedness either real or claimed, a conspiracy to
   cause compulsory service of citizens of the United
   States is punishable; and so, also, according to the only
   court that has directly passed upon the question, is the
   carrying or enticing any person from one place to another in
   order that he may be held in compulsory service.

{481}

   "I use the words ‘compulsory service’ as equivalent to the
   constitutional phrase ‘involuntary servitude’ because the
   Supreme Court so treats them in the Clyatt case, and I say
   that a mere claim of debt is sufficient because several
   inferior courts have so decided, and because in the Clyatt
   case the indictment, to which no objection seems to have been
   made, alleged a mere claim of indebtedness."

   For an illustration of peonage, Mr. Russell cites the
   following from evidence produced at the trial of a case
   occurring in Alabama which he took part in:

   "It was proven that Harlan, the manager, had headquarters at
   Lockhart, where the mill was; that in his back yard were kept
   what were called bloodhounds—man-trailing dogs; that the
   object of keeping these was to send after escaping men; that
   they were so used, and men chased and brought back, one of
   them tied on the hind part of a buggy; that one of the men,
   the Bulgarian Jordmans, was unmercifully kicked and beaten by
   Gallagher for wandering off a few yards, his sore shins being
   exhibited to the jury as part of the evidence; that by means
   of telegraph, railroad, and telephone, a justice of the peace,
   and a deputy sheriff, the force of men were hemmed in so that
   escape was almost impossible; that the foremen constantly
   carried pistols and often made threats; that a rope was placed
   around the neck of one foreigner and thrown over a beam as an
   object-lesson to others and to frighten him, and that all this
   went on systematically'. …

   "I have no doubt, from my investigations and experiences, that
   the chief support of peonage is the peculiar system of State
   laws prevailing in the South, intended evidently to compel
   service on the part of the workingman.

   "It is hoped that an enlightened self-interest and the demand
   for labor made necessary by the expansion of old industries
   and the introduction of new will lead to the amendment or
   repeal of the State laws which are the chief support of
   peonage practices.

   "These State laws take various forms and are used in various
   ways to uphold peonage and other kinds of involuntary
   servitude. Some of them are vagrancy laws, some contract labor
   or employment laws, some fraudulent pretense or false promise
   laws, and there are divers others. Some few of those in
   question, such as absconding debtor laws, labor enticing, and
   board-bill laws, were not originally passed to enslave
   workmen; but in view of the use to which they are put, need
   amendment in order that they cannot be so abused.

   "These laws are used to threaten workmen who, having been
   defrauded into going to an employer by false reports as to the
   conditions of employment and the surroundings, naturally
   become dissatisfied as soon as they find how they have been
   defrauded. They are used before juries and the local public to
   hold the peons up as law-breakers and dishonest persons
   seeking to avoid their ‘just obligations’ and to convince
   patriotic juries that the defendants accused of peonage should
   not be convicted for enforcing, still less for threatening to
   enforce, the laws of their State.

   "Until we began our work in October, 1906, the chief supply of
   peons came from the slums—i. e., foreign quarters of New
   York, and from Ellis Island, through the operations of
   licensed labor agents of New York. These were reaping a rich
   harvest from the price per head for laborers supplied to
   employers at a distance, and the temptations to fill all
   orders and outdo rival agents by a total disregard of truth
   and honesty in dealing with both laborer and employer was too
   great for a number of these brokers."

PEPPER, CHARLES M.:
   Delegate to Second International Conference of American
   Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

PERDICARIS, ION:
   Ransomed from a Moorish Brigand.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

PEREIRA, JOSE HYGINO DUARTE:
   Vice-President of Second International Conference
   of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

PERRY, COMMODORE MATTHEW CALBRAITH:
   Monument in Japan to commemorate his Advent there in 1853.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1901 (JULY).

   ----------PERSIA: Start--------

PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
   Beginnings of the Revolutionary Movement,
   in the Life of Shah Muzaffer-ed-Din.
   The Taking of "Bast," and its effect.
   he Extortion of a Constitution and Election of
   a Representative Assembly.
   Death of the Shah.

   The following account of conditions and events which opened,
   attended and followed the late constitutional revolution in
   Persia have been derived, partly from official correspondence
   of the period, between the British Legation at Teheran (or
   Tehran) and the Foreign Office at London, as published in Blue
   Book Cd. 4581, 1909, and partly from letters and despatches to
   the leading journals of London and New York.

   The Shah, Muzaffer-ed-Din, who came to the throne in 1896, on
   the assassination of his father, Nâsr-ed-Din (see, in Volume
   VI. of this work, PERSIA), was credited with a desire to
   reform the government of his kingdom, and made considerable
   effort to that end in the early years of his reign; but the
   adverse forces controlling his court were too strong for him,
   and he seems to have yielded to them completely at last. He
   was surrounded by a corrupt ring which lived on the spoils of
   government, and piled debt upon debt. Under the last of the
   Grand Viziers (Atabegs, or Atabeks) who ruled Persia in his
   name before the outbreak of revolution, "governments were put
   up for sale, grain was hoarded and sold at extortionate
   prices, the Government domains were stolen or sold for the
   benefit of the conspirators, rich men were summoned to Teheran
   (or Tehran) and forced to disgorge large sums of money,
   oppression of every sort was countenanced for a consideration;
   the property, and even the lives, of all Persian subjects were
   at their mercy.
{482}
   Finally, there was every reason to believe that a conspiracy
   was on foot to dethrone the foolish and impotent Shah and to
   oust the Valiahd [heir to the throne]. In their place was to
   be put the Shooa-es-Sultaneh, the Shah’s younger son, who was
   a by-word even in Persia for extortion and injustice. The
   policy of the Atabeg and his friends had thus aroused the
   opposition of all classes in Persia: of the few more or less
   patriotic statesmen, who knew to what a goal the country was
   being led; of the priests, who felt that their old power and
   independence would perish with that of their country; and of
   the great mass of the population and the mercantile classes,
   who were the daily victims of the tyranny of their oppressors.
   In December [1905] the storm broke. The Governor of Tehran,
   without any just cause, ordered an aged Seyed to be cruelly
   beaten. A large number of the prominent Mujteheds took ‘bast’
   [refuge] in the shrine of Shah Abdul Azim, near the capital."

   The "taking of ‘bast,’" or refuge, in some sanctuary or other
   place of protection, is an old Persian mode of political
   protest or demonstration, to command attention to public
   discontents. In 1848 the chief persons of the Empire had taken
   refuge with the English and Russian Legations in order to
   obtain the exile of a tyrannical Minister, Mirza Aghassi, and
   since then it had been the custom of persons who had
   grievances against their own Government to take refuge under
   the shelter of a foreign Legation. The "Mujteheds" mentioned
   in the above quotation as having resorted to this expedient in
   December, are the higher and more influential of the
   Mohammedan priests in Persia, distinguished from the Mullahs
   or common priests, whose ranks are open to any believer who
   can read the Koran and who assumes to interpret its laws.

   The Government used vain endeavors of bribery and intimidation
   to break up the "bast" at the shrine of Shah Abdul Azim. The
   refugees had stirred up the whole country by a published
   statement of grievances, appealing to the patriotism of the
   people, and the Shah surrendered to the effect produced. He
   made promises of a grant of popular representation, and of
   administrative reforms. By the end of January a promising
   state of affairs seemed to have been brought about. "The
   refugees were brought back to Tehran in the Shah’s own
   carriages, escorted by an enthusiastic crowd." But dissensions
   between the popular leaders and the Mujteheds soon arose. "No
   definite step was taken to give effect to the Shah’s promises,
   except a vague letter promising Courts of Justice and a new
   Code, and the appointment of a Council to consider the whole
   question of reforms. In this Council it soon became evident
   that the Government could control the leaders of the reform
   movement, and that the sympathies of the great Mujteheds were
   not heartily with the popular movement. All was outwardly
   quiet in Tehran, but in the provinces the people of Shiraz and
   Resht had taken violent measures to prevent the reappointment
   of the Shah’s sons as their Governors, and the movement in
   both cases was successful. In the capital itself the streets
   and the bazaars were quiet, but every day sermons were
   preached in the mosques, in which, as one of the popular party
   said, ‘What we hardly dared to think a year ago was openly
   spoken.’ The best-known preacher of Tehran, a Prince of the
   Imperial house, preached every Friday against the tyrannies
   and corruption of the Government. An order for his expulsion
   was issued. The chief Mujteheds, incited by the people,
   pressed the Government to withdraw the measure, and the
   Government had to yield."

   In the middle of May the Shah had a paralytic stroke and was
   removed to the country. For some weeks there was a lull in the
   popular agitation. Then, early in July, the principal
   Mujteheds were roused by the conduct of the Grand Vizier to a
   fresh preaching of revolt. On the 11th the Vizier ordered the
   arrest of one of the preachers; a crowd of people attempted to
   rescue him, and was fired on by the troops. General rioting in
   the capital ensued, with victory, for a time, on the side of
   the people; but in the end the Government appeared to have won
   the day. "The town was in the hands of the troops. The popular
   leaders had fled. The Shah was in the hands of their
   opponents. For the popular party the outlook was a grave one."

   In these circumstances the leaders had recourse again to the
   "bast," and this time in a Foreign Legation.

   "On the evening of the 9th fifty Mullahs and merchants
   appeared at the Legation and took up their quarters for the
   night. Their numbers soon increased, and on the 2nd September
   there were about 14,000 persons in the Legation garden. Their
   conduct was most orderly. The crowd of refugees was organized
   by the heads of the guilds, who took measures to prevent any
   unauthorized person from entering the Legation grounds. Tents
   were put up and regular feeding places and times of feeding
   were provided for. The expense was borne by the principal
   merchants. No damage of a wilful character was done to the
   garden, although, of course, every semblance of a bed was
   trampled out of existence, and the trees still bear pious
   inscriptions cut in the bark. Colonel Douglas, the Military
   Attache, kept watch over the Legation buildings, but no watch
   was needed. Discipline and order were maintained by the
   refugees themselves.

   "The Government sent answers to the popular demands, which
   they requested Mr. Grant Duff to read to the people. The
   Government communications were received with derision. At last
   there appeared to be no other resource than a personal appeal
   to the Shah. The people stated firmly that unless their
   demands were granted they would remain in the Legation, as it
   was their only place of safety, and they maintained that until
   the Shah knew what was the real situation their requests would
   never receive due consideration. Mr. Grant Duff obtained the
   consent of His Majesty’s Government, and announced to the
   Minister for Foreign Affairs that he demanded an audience. An
   audience was fixed for the 30th July. The audience, however,
   never took place. The Commander of several of the Tehran
   regiments, on whom the Minister of the Court and the Grand
   Vizier chiefly depended, made the fatal announcement that his
   troops would not serve against the people, and that they were
   on the point of themselves taking refuge in the British
   Legation. The Court party yielded. The Sadr Azam [Grand
   Vizier] resigned, and the Azad-ul-Mulk, head of the Kajar
   tribe [the tribe of the imperial dynasty], proceeded to Kum in
   order to inform the refugee Mullahs that the Shah had granted
   their demands for a National Assembly and for Courts of
   Justice.

{483}

   "The chief difficulty which then confronted Mr. Grant Dull was
   that the people had entirely lost confidence in their own
   Government, and declined to treat with them except through the
   British Representative. When the Government made the
   announcement of the projected reforms, the people answered
   that they would not accept the promise of the Government
   unless it was confirmed and guaranteed by the Government of
   the King of England. This was naturally impossible. Acting
   under instructions, Mr. Grant Duff informed the refugees that
   he could do no more for them, and entirely declined to
   guarantee the execution of the Shah’s Decrees. The Government
   then attempted to come to an arrangement direct. It failed.
   The popular leaders rejected the Shah’s Decrees as vague or
   inadequate, and where posted up in the city they were torn
   down and trampled on. In this extremity the Government again
   appealed to Mr. Grant Duff and begged him for his assistance.
   At his suggestion a meeting took place at the residence of the
   new Grand Vizier, the late Minister for Foreign Affairs,
   between the Government and the popular leaders. After a long
   discussion, at which Mr. Grant Duff took no part except when
   questioned, an agreement was arrived at, and an amended
   Rescript published which definitely promised a National
   Representative assembly [in the Persian language a Mejlis or
   Medjliss] with legislative powers. The Rescript was read out
   in the British Legation to the assembled refugees and was
   received with enthusiasm. … On the night of the 16th the
   Mujteheds returned amid popular plaudits, and on the 18th a
   grand meeting was held in the Palace precincts as a sort of
   earnest of the National Assembly."

   The Court party, however, had only suffered an appearance of
   defeat. It spent the next week "in gradually paring down all
   the Shah’s promises, and in the production of a Rescript in
   which the original project of the Constitution was hardly
   recognizable. The late Grand Vizier, who had lingered in the
   neighborhood, suddenly returned to his country seat near the
   Shah’s residence, and the Shah absolutely refused to sign the
   Regulations for the Assembly. The popular excitement was
   intense. Notice was served on Mr. Grant Duff that the people
   would again take refuge in the Legation, if necessary, by
   force. About twenty-five of the leaders actually did take up
   their quarters there. It seemed as if the disturbances were
   about to break out anew." But now the Russian Minister came
   into cooperation with Mr. Grant Duff, in representations to
   the Shah that overcame the evil influences by which he was
   swayed. Regulations for the election of delegates to the
   Assembly were now signed; but fresh difficulties arose from
   the refusal of provincial governors to carry them out. These
   in turn were overcome and the elections were held. "Meanwhile
   it had been decided, in order to avoid delay, that the Tehran
   Members of the Council should meet at once, without waiting
   for the provincial Delegates, and the first session of the new
   Assembly was opened [October 7, 1906] by the Shah himself, in
   the presence of the priests, the Court, and the foreign
   representatives. … The provincial Members arrived one by one
   as they were elected, and as yet there are many vacant places,
   the provinces not showing much alacrity in electing their
   Members. The Assembly soon showed its power. It refused
   absolutely to consent to the Anglo-Russian advance [of a
   preferred loan] on the ground that the public revenues ought
   not to be pledged to foreigners. It announced its intention of
   instituting reforms, especially in the finances of the
   country, and of providing itself the necessary funds for
   carrying on the Government by founding and endowing a National
   Bank. But, before taking any steps of this nature, it insisted
   on having a signed Constitution. A Committee was nominated to
   consider the terms of the Constitution, and, in consultation
   with a Committee named by the Government, a Constitution was
   drawn up and submitted to the Chamber." It did not satisfy the
   popular demand and scenes of confusion followed; but in the
   end it was amended and approved, and, on the 1st of January,
   1907, the important instrument, ratified by the Shah and by
   the Valiahd—the heir to the crown—was delivered to the
   Assembly and received with joy. One week later, on the 8th of
   January, the Shah died.

   The text of the Constitution, as translated for communication
   to the British Government, is given in this Volume under the
   heading—CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA.

PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (January-September).
   The new Shah, Mohammed Ali.
   His evil surroundings.
   Hostility between him and the Assembly.
   Prime Ministry of Atabeg-i-Azam.
   The Government without money.
   Inaction of the Assembly.
   Discouragement of the Atabeg.
   His assassination.

   The new Shah, who assumed the crown under the name or title of
   Mohammed Ali Shah, professed acquiescence in the
   constitutional change which the nation had forced his father
   to accept; but those who knew him appear to have expected that
   he would act a perfidious part. That improved conditions in
   the country were far from settled became apparent very soon.
   As early as the 30th of January, Sir C. Spring-Rice, who had
   succeeded Mr. Grant Duff as the diplomatic representative of
   Great Britain, wrote to his Government: "I regret to state
   that the prospects of a good understanding between the Shah
   and the popular party are still remote. The entourage
   of the Shah, especially his father-in-law, the
   Naib-es-Sultaneh, is personally interested in the continuance
   of the existing abuses; and their influence has certainly made
   itself felt to a regrettable extent, and has led to increasing
   agitation against the Shah himself. On the other hand the
   action of the popular Assembly has not been such as to lead to
   conciliation."

   The precariousness of the situation in the country, the
   paralysis of government and the prevalence of disorder during
   a number of months following, may be indicated sufficiently by
   a few passages from the despatches of Sir C. Spring-Rice and
   Mr. Charles M. Marling, Charge d’Affaires to the British
   Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Sir Edward Grey:

{484}

   February 27, 1907.
   "It is clear that a national movement of a semi-political and
   semi-religious character does exist and is spreading. The
   great Mujteheds of Kerbela are now entering on the scene, and
   delegates are being sent out from the capital to the provinces
   to preach the principles of liberty. Patriotism, of a
   distinctive Persian type, has always been the characteristic
   of the Shiite believers. The present Shah of Persia has no
   religious status, and, in the view of the religious leaders,
   no fundamental right to the allegiance of the Persians, whose
   real chief is no living King, but the twelfth Imam, the coming
   Messiah, even now present on the earth, though unseen. The
   patriotism of the Shiite does not therefore centre in the
   person of the Kaliph, but is, or can be, of a highly
   revolutionary character."

   May 23.
   An "important question has arisen in relation to an addition
   to the Constitution, guaranteeing equal treatment for all
   Persian subjects, irrespective of their creed. The mullahs
   protested. Of the three great Mujteheds, only one—Seyid
   Mohamed—declared in favour of it. The others, supported by a
   large body of the clergy, maintain that Mussulman law must be
   enforced in a Mussulman country. The clerical world is divided
   on the subject. A large number of the priests, headed by Seyid
   Mohamed and the popular preacher Sheikh Jamal-ed-Din, declare
   openly that the law of Mahommed is a law of liberty and
   equality, and that those who say otherwise are traitors to
   their country and unworthy of their religion. The
   representative of the Parsees informs me that he has great
   hopes that a decision will be taken favourable to toleration;
   but the matter is still in suspense."

   "The Atabeg-i-Azam [about whom something will be told below]
   arrived at Tehran the 26th April, and was formally appointed
   President of the Council of Ministers and Minister of the
   Interior on the 2nd May. He proceeded to the National Assembly
   on the 4th May, accompanied by his whole Cabinet, and made a
   statement of policy."

   "The tone of the local press is getting more and more
   democratic, and new papers are constantly appearing. There are
   at present nearly thirty papers published in Tehran alone,
   including several dailies. Papers are also published in nearly
   all the provinces, and a Persian paper of a very anti-dynastic
   tone is published at Baku and widely circulated in Persia.
   Anonymous pamphlets are also widely spread in Tehran as
   before. A number of them are printed at Baku, and are
   remarkable for their inflammatory character. The Tehran
   pamphlets are chiefly directed against the Atabeg-i-Azam and
   the Government."

   June 18.
   "The financial condition of the Government is, if possible,
   worse than ever. The police of the capital are on strike; it
   has been found almost impossible to scrape together money
   enough to induce the Tehran troops to leave for the scene of
   the rebellion."

   "The Government would, if it dared, borrow abroad to meet its
   present liabilities. But, in view of the popular sentiment, it
   does not resort to a foreign loan. It appeals to the Assembly
   for help, in the form of subscriptions to the proposed
   National Bank. The answer it receives is that the people will
   subscribe as soon as the rich nobles, who are known to have
   large sums of money, show the way. This the rich refuse to do.
   As to raising money by taxation, the Assembly appears to be
   convinced that as soon as the Government has any money in hand
   it will use it for the destruction of the Medjliss. Any
   effective control of expenditure is regarded as quite out of
   the question. The exasperation against the Shah is rapidly
   increasing."

   "There is a considerable difference between the north and the
   south. In the south the popular movement has an almost
   farcical character; it turns on personal or pecuniary
   questions. In the north there appears to be a more or less
   definite political aim and a keen sense of patriotism. So far
   there is no sign of an anti-foreign outbreak."

   July 19.
   "The general condition of the whole country is undoubtedly
   bad, and is probably slightly worse than last month. The
   disturbances at Tehran have been chiefly brought about by
   artificial means to serve the purposes of the reactionaries.
   There seems, however, no reason to regard it as dangerous,
   though the Government has every appearance of being bankrupt,
   and artificial demonstrations are of daily occurrence. There
   is so far no reason to fear an outbreak and consequent danger
   to foreign lives or property."

   August 15.
   "The Assembly still continues to sit, and it celebrated the
   anniversary of the grant of the Constitution amid great scenes
   of popular enthusiasm. But it has done, and is doing, nothing
   of practical value. Its proceedings are disorderly, and it
   comes to no decision. The covert opposition of the Shah and
   his friends is conducted with considerable skill through a
   section of the priestly party, who are heavily subsidized.
   They have obtained some measure of success, and the
   reactionary forces show a considerable amount of vigour. But
   the popular leaders are not seriously afraid of these enemies,
   and confidently maintain that the restoration of autocracy in
   Persia is now impossible. The chief enemies of the Assembly
   are its own members."

   "The Atabeg is in a state of great depression, is afraid for
   his life, distrustful of the Shah, and professes that he is
   anxious to resign. He is useful as a man holding a middle
   position between Shah and people, and possessing great
   experience and knowledge of the country, but he is quite
   incapable of organizing or administering a Government or of
   carrying out any thorough-going reform."

   September 13.
   "On the evening of the 30th ultimo the Atabeg called on me and
   talked at length on the political situation. The general tenor
   of his observations was that the Shah would withdraw his
   opposition, the Medjliss would work with the Government, and
   that very shortly the Government would be able to put an end
   to the disorder which reigned in the country. I never saw him
   in better spirits.

   "The next day [August 31] the Atabeg and the Ministers
   repaired to the Palace and requested the Shah to accept their
   resignations unless he would solemnly pledge himself to
   cooperate with the Government and the Medjliss. They obtained
   the promise in writing, and repaired in a body to the
   Assembly. The proceedings of the Assembly on that day were on
   the whole harmonious and satisfactory. The Atabeg read the
   Shah’s statement, and explained that the Government and the
   Assembly would now be able to proceed to the serious work of
   reform. There was some opposition, but it was overruled. The
   majority of the Members showed their sympathy with the
   Government.

{485}

   "The Atabeg left the Assembly accompanied by the principal
   Mujtehed, Seyed Abdullah. They reached the outer door of the
   Palace inclosure, and had just parted when the Atabeg was shot
   and killed. One of his assailants was captured, but wounded
   his captor and escaped; another, finding himself surrounded,
   shot himself. …

   "For some time lately rumours have been spread abroad through
   the local press and by word of mouth to the effect that the
   Atabeg was in secret collusion with the Shah, for the
   overthrow of the Assembly and the sale of the country to
   Russia. Statements to this effect reached me from Members of
   the Assembly. There can be no doubt as to the genuineness and
   intensity of the feeling against the Atabeg. A French doctor,
   who attended one of the assassins some time before the murder,
   assured Mr. Churchill that he and his friends were quiet and
   respectable persons of the middle class, imbued with the
   strongest feeling of patriotism, and ready to devote their
   lives to the service of their country. The attacks on the
   Atabeg had lately gained in virulence, and had attracted
   universal attention. … Popular sentiment approved the murder,
   and the assassins were regarded as saviours of their country.
   The streets of Tabreez were illuminated. The result of the
   Atabeg’s murder is for the time to disorganize the whole
   system of government."

   In a recent book on Persia, by W. P. Cresson, the writer, an
   American, who had visited the country during the final
   Ministry of the Atabeg Azam, and had talked with him,
   describes him with admiration, having been especially
   impressed with his liberality of views and his knowledge of
   European and American affairs. In his periods of exile from
   Persia (which occurred several times in the course of his
   public life) he had visited both Europe and America and
   studied them well.

PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (August).
   Convention between Great Britain and Russia relative to Persia.

   See (in this Volume)
   EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

PERSIA: A. D. 1907-1908 (September-June).
   A series of Political Overturnings.
   The Shah deserted.
   Temporary Supremacy of the Assembly.
   Nasr-ul-Mulk Premier.
   Addition to the Constitution.
   The Shah’s attempted Coup d’État and failure.
   Attempted Assassination of the Shah.
   His successful second Coup d’Etat.
   The Assembly dispersed and its dissolution proclaimed.
   New Elections promised.

   The assassination of the Atabeg Azam was followed soon by a
   strange series of overturnings in the political situation,
   outlined, and but slightly explained in the following excerpts
   from despatches of the British Legation at Tehran:

   September 13, 1907.
   "A deputation recently called on the Mushir-ed-Dowleh [former
   Grand Vizier] and asked him to take office. He refused unless
   he was provided with money. He said that he would not take the
   dangerous responsibility of accepting a foreign loan, and that
   unless the Persian people supplied the funds necessary to
   carry on the Government, or consented to the Government
   finding funds elsewhere, all government would be shortly
   impossible."

   October 2.
   "Shah has been solemnly informed by a Committee composed of
   Princes, high military and civil officials, and great
   landlords, and including all the reactionaries of prominence,
   that, unless he maintains the Constitution and works with the
   Medjliss their support will be withdrawn from the throne. The
   usual reassuring answer was returned by His Majesty. The
   Minister for Foreign Affairs, whose position is very
   precarious owing to the strike in his own Department, is
   opposed to them, but the head of the new Government has
   promised them support. The members of the Committee yesterday
   took a solemn oath of fidelity to the Constitution in the
   Assembly, where they had repaired for the purpose. Excepting
   support of the Minister for Foreign Affairs the Shah is now
   practically isolated, though he is supposed still to entertain
   reactionary views."

   October 3.
   "Saad-ed-Dowleh has been dismissed from post of Minister for
   Foreign Affairs."

   October 10.
   "The Mushir-ed-Dowleh died very suddenly on the evening of
   the 13th September.

   "On the 27th September the Princes and civil and military
   officials of note, who had up till then formed the reactionary
   party, presented an ultimatum to the Shah declaring their
   adhesion to the Constitution and the National Assembly, and
   threatening to sever all connection with the throne should His
   Majesty not cooperate with the National party. … There was
   little on the surface to indicate the sudden volte-face
   of the reactionaries. The chief cause must undoubtedly be
   reckoned to be fear. The murder of the Atabeg … and the
   suspicion that the sudden death of Mushir-ed-Dowleh was not
   due to natural causes, had unquestionably produced a very deep
   effect. …

   "The result of the first year’s work of the Assembly has been
   on the whole rather negative, but at least it has succeeded in
   asserting its will against the influence of the Shah and
   clergy, and has now a reasonable prospect of being able to
   start on the path of reconstruction."

   October 25.
   "New Ministry has been formed under presidency of
   Nasr-ul-Mulk, reappointed Minister of Finance. Most important
   members are Mushir-ed-Dowleh, son of the late
   Mushir-ed-Dowleh, Foreign Affairs; Sanied-Dowleh, Interior;
   Mukhber-es-Sultaneh, Justice."

   November 27.
   "I have the honor to transmit to you herewith a full
   translation of the text of the Constitutional Law as passed by
   the National Assembly and signed by the Shah on the 8th of
   October.

   [This addition of articles to the Constitution signed by the
   Shah on the 30th of December, 1906, will be found, in this
   Volume, appended to that instrument, under CONSTITUTION OF
   PERSIA.]

   The Law reduces the Sovereign to practical impotence, but by
   far its most important part is that defining the powers of the
   Tribunals. Articles 71 and the succeeding Articles, though
   ambiguously worded, intentionally so, will, if carried into
   execution, deal a deadly blow at the judicial powers of the
   Mollahs."

{486}

   December 15.
   "Disorders are threatening here. Violent speeches, denouncing
   the Shah and demanding the exile of the Shah’s Chief Adviser
   and Agent, Saad-ed-Dowleh and Amir Bahadur Jang, were made
   yesterday at a popular meeting at the principal mosque. The
   Ministry has resigned, but the Shah refuses to accept
   resignation. This morning an excited crowd gathered outside
   the Assembly, but was dispersed by armed men sent by the
   Shah."

   December 15.
   "Ala-ed-Dowleh, who was sent to the Palace by the Assembly
   with a message, and another brother of President of Assembly
   were arrested by the Shah at 3 o’clock this afternoon. Shah
   sent for Prime Minister at 5 p. m., put chains on him, and
   threatened to kill him five hours after sunset. I have sent to
   demand assurances for Nasr-ul-Mulk’s safety from the Palace,
   and am requesting co-operation of Russian Minister."

   December 16.
   "Nasr-ul-Mulk is exiled, and leaves for Resht to-day. As he
   fears Shah will attempt his life on the way, he begged me to
   send a member of the Legation with him, as was done when the
   late Atabeg was sent to Kum in 1897. This, I said, I was for
   the moment unable to do. I am, however, sending two gholams.
   On his arrest the Assembly dispersed, and the Anjumans, on
   which its real power rested, remained inactive. The other
   Ministers have all resigned. They were summoned to the Palace
   and were practically under arrest there till they also left
   the Palace when Nasr-ul-Mulk was released by my demand on his
   behalf. … Armed partisans of Shah have occupied principal
   square since midday yesterday. For the present his coup d’état
   seems to be successful. The Committees are collecting armed
   round the Assembly this morning. There is no sign of danger to
   Europeans, and there has been as yet no fighting."

   December 17.
   "More armed ruffians are being brought into the town and are
   congregating in Cannon Square, supported by troops and guns. …
   Round the Medjliss building the Anjumans [popular
   associations] are again assembling armed."

   December 18.
   "No Government has been formed. The popular party is acting
   strictly on the defensive, and the Committees are still
   guarding the Assembly. The Shah last night conceded the
   Assembly’s demands, which are moderate."

   December 22.
   "Russian Minister and I have just come back from the Palace.
   He laid the situation before the Shah with the utmost
   frankness, and the strongest assurances that he would respect
   and uphold the Constitution were given us by His Majesty.
   Steps are now being taken by us to let the Constitutionalists
   understand that it is incumbent upon the two Legations to see
   that the Shah observes the pledges he has given us."

   December 31.
   "Meantime [after the interview, above reported, with the
   Shah], the general situation had become more threatening. The
   Tabreez Anjuman [local assembly or Committee] had succeeded in
   circulating throughout Persia the threat of deposing the Shah,
   and the larger cities, where the idea of constitutional
   government has taken root, appeared to be greatly excited.
   Telegrams promising armed support against the Shah had been
   received from Shiraz, Ispahan, Resht, Kazvin, Kerman, and
   Meshed, and signs of sympathy had come in from other quarters.
   In Tehran itself, despite unmistakable signs that the Shah
   must yield, as he did late in the afternoon, the excitement
   against His Majesty was, if anything, more marked."

   "It has been difficult to find a method of conveying the
   Shah’s guarantee in a manner agreeable to the susceptibilities
   of the Assembly. However, on Friday Mushir-ed-Dowleh furnished
   M. de Hartwig with a rough draft of a declaration which we
   might each communicate to the President of the Assembly, and
   taking this as the basis we prepared a letter in French."

   January 2, 1908.
   "Although Tehran is now relatively quiet, and the provinces
   have been much less affected than might reasonably have been
   apprehended by the knowledge of what was happening at the
   capital, I fear that relief is only temporary, and that Persia
   is drifting nearer and nearer to complete anarchy. The
   struggle between the Shah and his people has resulted in a
   complete victory for the latter, but I am not sanguine that
   the prospects of the establishment of constitutional
   government on a durable basis have been much improved thereby.
   For the moment, indeed, the Shah has been completely cowed,
   and is now retired into the Anderoon [harem]."

   January 29.
   "In the early days of the month, though externally the town
   was quiet enough, it seemed as though another crisis might
   occur. The Shah, after a few days’ comparative inactivity,
   recommenced his campaign against the Assembly."

   February 28.
   "The Shah, who had not been out of the Palace since he paid
   his state visit to the National Assembly on the 12th November,
   1907, was proceeding at 3 p. m. to his country seat at
   Dochantapeh when a determined attempt was made on his life.
   The procession was formed of a motor-car in front and a
   carriage behind, with the usual escort of horsemen and running
   footmen. A little way past the house of the Manager of the
   Imperial Bank, and before reaching that of the Zil-es-Sultan,
   a fusillade was opened on the motor-car, in which it was
   supposed the Shah rode, by some persons from the adjoining
   roofs, who evidently could not see into the vehicles from
   their elevated position. Two bombs were then thrown at the
   motor-car completely shattering it, and killing two persons
   and wounding about seven others. The Shah, who was seated in
   the carriage behind the motor-car, immediately emerged and
   took refuge in a neighboring house."

   April 24.
   "While … the general condition of Persia has been more
   tranquil, at the capital all the indications show but too
   clearly that the struggle between the Shah and the Enjumens
   [Committees or Associations] has lost none of its bitterness.
   I say advisedly the Enjumens, for in the last trial of
   strength, in which the Shah was again worsted, the Assembly
   played a very small part indeed."

   May 21.
   "The condition of the country is going from bad to worse, and
   the feeble Government is absolutely unable to do anything to
   restore a decent degree of order, and even if money were
   forthcoming, it is in the last degree improbable that without
   foreign assistance any serious measure of reform can be
   undertaken."

{487}

   June 8.
   "On Saturday morning, the 6th June, an apparent reconciliation
   between the Shah and the popular party took place, but the
   next morning it was reported to His Majesty that a telegram
   had been sent to Zil-es-Sultan [one of the royal princes, and
   an aspirant to the throne] at Shiraz by the Eujumens asking
   him to come to Tehran and assume the Regency. The same evening
   the Zil’s eldest son, also Serdar Mansur, Ala-ed-Dowleh, and
   Azad-ul-Mulk, the Head of the Kajar tribe [the imperial tribe]
   who took part in the agitation last week, were arrested by the
   Shah."

   June 23.
   "About 6 o’clock this morning twenty Cossacks were sent by the
   Shah to arrest eight persons who were in the mosque adjoining
   the Assembly House. The demand for the surrender of these
   persons met with a refusal, and a shot was fired from the
   mosque. Fighting then started, and is still continuing. The
   number of people killed is said to be large. Guns are being
   used by the Shah’s troops."

   June 23.
   "The Assembly building and the mosque have been cleared by the
   Shah’s forces, and the meeting-place of the Azerbaijan Enjumen
   has been destroyed. The Shah has arrested the Chief Mujtehed,
   Seyyid Abdullah, the Sheikh-ul-Reis, and some ten other
   alleged leaders of popular party. The Cossack Brigade has lost
   forty men. The loss on the other side is said to be very
   small, but the exact number is unknown. A state of siege has
   been proclaimed and the Enjumens have dispersed. Some shops
   and houses, including that of the Zil-es-Sultan, and the
   Assembly building, have been pillaged."

   June 25.
   "The first shot was undoubtedly fired by the people in the
   mosque and Assembly, among whom some Deputies were included. I
   believe that every preparation had been made to clear the
   mosque by force if this proved necessary. In any case, the
   Shah had reasonable ground for taking strong measures, as the
   attack was made by the popular party on the troops. …

   "Efforts are being made to catch Deputies, and several,
   including the President of the Assembly, have already been
   arrested. The Enjumens seem to be cowed; their supporters are
   falling away, and the Shah has complete mastery. Yesterday
   morning two prisoners were strangled at the Shah’s camp, and
   there are about thirty persons, other than Deputies, under
   arrest. There are now in the Legation fifty refugees.

   "There has been fighting in Tabreez between the popular party
   and the Shah’s partisans. There is no sign from the other
   provinces, and the Zil-es-Sultan is trying to dissociate
   himself from the agitation."

   June 26.
   "A Proclamation stating that the present Assembly is dissolved
   has been issued by the Shah. Proclamation announces that new
   elections will be held in three months, and a Senate will be
   formed."

PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Final Hostilities between the Shah and the Supporters
   of the Constitution.
   Tabriz the Center of a Revolutionary Movement.
   Entrance of the Bakhtiari into the Struggle.
   Siege of Tabriz and its Relief by the Russians.
   Capture of Teheran by the Nationalists and Bakhtiari.
   Deposition of the Shah.
   A child enthroned.

   The occurrences of June, narrated above, were at the beginning
   of the final outbreak of hostilities between the partisans of
   the Shah and the supporters of the Constitution, which soon
   ran into actual civil war.

   When the Shah had established his authority at Teheran, Tabriz
   became the center of popular opinion on the side of the
   Constitutionalists, or Nationalists, and the main seat of
   their strength. Fighting began there on the 23d of June,
   simultaneously with the conflict at Teheran, and continued
   intermittently and indecisively throughout July and August, at
   the end of which time the Nationalists were said to be 10,000
   strong. On the 24th of September the Royalists began a
   bombardment of the town, with five guns, to which the
   Nationalists responded vigorously with four. October 10th the
   Nationalists assumed the offensive, attacking the camp of the
   besiegers, routing their cavalry, and securing possession of a
   desirable bridge.

   On the 24th of September, under pressure from the
   representatives of Great Britain and Russia, the Shah decreed
   that a Mejlis (National Assembly) "composed of religious and
   proper persons, will, by the help of God and the favor of the
   12th Imam, be convoked by us for the 19th Shavval"—that is,
   November 14—and that a law of elections should be made known
   by October 27. The latter date passed without producing the
   promised election law and no elections followed in November;
   but on the 8th of the latter month the Shah’s partisans
   organized a "demonstration" at Teheran against the
   Constitution, on the strength of which the mendacious
   sovereign replied to British and Russian remonstrances against
   his faithlessness by saying that "a large section of the
   population regarded a constitutional regime as contrary to
   their religion." Presently, on the 22d of November, he issued
   a rescript proclaiming that the Ulema had declared such an
   institution as a Parliament to be contrary to Islam and
   therefore he would not convoke it.

   Early in 1909 the revolt first organized at Tabriz became rife
   in many parts of the nominal Empire of the Shah, both north
   and south. On the 25th of January The Times of India,
   published at Bombay, where commercial and political interests
   in Persian affairs are equally keen, described the situation
   then existing as follows: The "news from Persia is extremely
   grave, because it indicates the collapse of the Shah’s
   authority from north to south. The Anjumans [Enjumens—a term
   which seems to be applied to local assemblies and to all
   political associations alike] of Astrabad and Lahidjan have
   repudiated the present regime. This means that the Caspian
   littoral is being lost to the Shah. What is of even greater
   consequence is that the spread of the revolt to Lahidjan may
   mean the cutting off of the trade with Teheran via Resht,
   which is now the principal route open to traffic. Then in the
   far south, almost on the Gulf littoral, the Nationalists of
   Laristan have thrown off all semblance of the Shah’s
   authority. Recently it was stated that the Bakhtiaris had
   risen in revolt, and had looted Isfahan. It was not to be
   expected that the Lars, of which the Bakhtiaris are an
   offshoot and who enjoy a modified independence, would remain
   quiescent under these conditions. Reuter is however in error
   in stating that these tribal fights ‘are interrupting’
   communications between Bushire and Shiraz.
{488}
   These have been interrupted for many months, and as we stated
   on Friday, the muleteers who usually ply between Bushire and
   Shiraz some time ago removed their animals to the
   Resht-Teheran road. The insecurity of this route is
   illustrated by the fact that the Derya Begi, the fount of
   Persian dignity at Bushire, was held up and robbed on his way
   from Teheran to his charge on the coast. All these straws
   point to the rapidity with which anarchy is spreading."

   The Bakhtiari referred to in this account of affairs, and who
   now began to bear an important part in the Persian
   revolutionary conflict, are a semi-independent and nomadic
   tribe, occupying the region of the mountains which bear the
   same name, in western Persia, within the provinces of Luristan
   and Khuzistan. They claim, it is said, by descent from the
   Bactrians of remote antiquity, to represent the purest blood
   of ancient Iran. In connection with recent disturbances, they
   began to be mentioned in June, 1907. The head of one faction
   among them, Semsam-es-Sultaneh, had then been removed by the
   Persian provincial governor from the post of Ilkhani (a title
   surviving from the Mongol conquest of the 13th century,—see
   PERSIA: A. D. 1258-1393, in Volume IV. of this work), and his
   supporters were reported to be "out in every direction
   attacking caravans." The only mention of them in the following
   months was as pestilent bandits in the Ispahan quarter,
   holding the roads and breaking up commerce and travel; but
   they came at last into Persian history as allies of the
   Nationalists in the struggle for Constitutional Government.

   Press reports from Tabriz in February were to the effect that
   the Shah’s forces, estimated at 12,000 in number, had closely
   invested the town; that the besieged Nationalists were
   provisioned for two months, and were making sorties daily.
   Also that Resht was full of armed Caucasian revolutionaries.
   At the middle of March a correspondent of the London
   Times made his way from Teheran to Resht, and found
   that the revolutionary movement there was entirely "exotic."
   "If the Caucasian element was removed," he wrote, "nothing
   would remain. One can estimate fairly accurately that there
   are about 600 men under arms in the town and on the road. It
   is said that 5 per cent. of these are Persians. This morning I
   watched the departure of a contingent of men for the front.
   Greeks, Kurds, Armenians, Tartars, Russians—all the Caucasian
   peoples were represented, but not a single man of the race for
   the advancement of whose cause these men have taken arms."

   This correspondent was led to suspect, as others have done,
   that the religious movement in Persia known as "Babism" (see,
   in Volume I. of this work, under BAB) had much to do, in a
   secret way, with the existing revolutionary undertaking.
   "Those who are in a position to judge." he said, "estimate the
   present proportion of Babis in the population of Persia at
   from 10 to 30 per cent. I have, indeed, heard the Persians
   estimate it as high as 50 per cent."

   Before the end of March the Nationalists were in control of
   the ports of Bender Abbas and Bushire on the Persian Gulf. On
   the 30th of March the following went to the London
   Times from Teheran: "In spite of numerous defections to
   the Nationalist side during the last fortnight, the situation
   at Teheran remains practically unaltered. The Cossack Brigade
   is still the premier factor, and there seems no reason to
   doubt either its allegiance to the Shah or its ability to deal
   with any element of disturbance likely to arise in the
   capital. The bazaars remain partially closed, but the business
   of the town proceeds without interruption.

   "From outside there is nothing to apprehend for the present.
   The Bakhtiari have made no sign, though their position has
   been rendered materially more secure by the recent espousal of
   Nationalism by the most notable family at Shiraz. From Resht
   the revolutionaries continue to launch remonstrance, warning,
   and anathema at the Shah, but they are too wise to march on
   the capital without a lead from elsewhere.

   "To-day’s news from Tabriz indicates that the situation of the
   town is extremely grave. A section of the Nationalists
   advocate negotiating with the besiegers, but Satar Khan has
   decided to continue his resistance. The stores of food are to
   be appropriated for the fighting men, and when the stock
   remaining is exhausted the inhabitants will have no
   alternative but to leave the town and run the gauntlet of the
   Shah’s lambs."

   The Cossack Brigade referred to in the despatch above was a
   body of Persian Cossacks which had been for some time past in
   the service of the Shah, under the command of a Russian
   officer, Colonel Liakhoff. In the House of Commons, on the
   24th of March, the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs was
   sharply questioned as to this employment of a Russian officer,
   and the alleged employment of others, in the Shah’s service,
   and asked whether they were serving the Shah or the Tsar. In
   reply he said: "It may be that in the events of the
   summer—what is called the coup d’État—Colonel Liakhoff, the
   Russian officer in command of the Persian Cossacks, who had
   been lent to the Shah for the purpose, I understand, of
   disciplining that body of Persian Cossacks, to provide a
   bodyguard for the Shah, and in case of need to preserve order
   in Teheran—it may be that he exceeded the limit of those
   purposes. If he did so I am convinced that it was not by the
   instructions, on the authority, or with the approval of the
   Russian Government; and since the coup d’Etat there has been
   no question, according to reports which we have received, that
   the Russian officers who remained in the service of the Shah
   have kept within the limits of the purposes for which they
   were lent to the service of the Shah, and have not taken part
   in anything that could be called political encounters in
   Persia. If Colonel Liakhoff exceeded the limits in Teheran, he
   acted directly under the Government of the Shah, and the
   question whether the Russian Government approve or disapprove
   his action is one between himself and them, and is not a
   matter on which we are called upon to express an opinion."

   On the 5th of April it was reported that the sufferings of
   Tabriz "are increasing daily, and it is undoubted that a great
   tragedy is approaching. If Tabriz holds out, thousands must
   die of starvation, while, if it falls, probably tens of
   thousands will be massacred." A fortnight later, on the 20th.
   the Shah yielded to the insistence of the British and Russian
   Legations that he should allow an armistice at Tabriz of six
   days and the importation into the town of sufficient food for
   that period.
{489}
   Meantime a detachment of Russian Cossacks, under General
   Snarsky, had crossed the frontier into Persia, and was
   marching to Tabriz with supplies. This Russian relief
   expedition, approved by the British Government, reached the
   beleaguered city without resistance on the 30th, and its
   presence brought the conflict at that point to an end. A
   correspondent of The Times, who had been in Tabriz
   throughout the siege, taking some leadership in the defence
   (in company with a teacher attached to the American Mission’s
   high school, Mr. Baskerville, who met death in the fighting)
   and who gave, two months later, a graphic narrative of the
   experience, said in concluding it:

   "Tabriz was ultimately saved by the coming of the Russians.
   Their entry into the town was the direct cause of the opening
   of the roads, the dispersal of the disappointed armies of the
   Shah, the promulgation of the Constitution, and the
   appointment of a Constitutionalist Ministry. It saved Tabriz
   from a surrender which could not otherwise have been delayed
   for three days longer, and thereby it averted the complete
   collapse of the Constitutional movement."

   With victory at Tabriz snatched from him, the Shah ostensibly
   threw up his hands. On the 5th of May it was announced that he
   had "signed an Imperial rescript acknowledging that the
   disorderly condition of the country imposed the necessity of
   taking measures to reorganize the administration. The rescript
   recognizes that this can only be secured through the
   constitutional principle, and his Majesty fixes July 19 for
   the election of a representative Assembly, for the formation
   of which electoral laws will soon be promulgated."

   This revival of promises failed, however, to arrest the
   revolutionary movement. On the 7th of May the Nationalists
   expelled a royal force from Kazvin—less than a hundred miles
   from Teheran—and declared their intention to march on Teheran.
   "They are well-armed and well-mounted," said a correspondent
   who came from Kazvin, "and possessed of plenty of money. Their
   commander, a Sipahdar, and his second in command, an Afghan,
   are now at Kazvin, and everything points to the possibility of
   early action. The Bakhtiari, who have assembled at Ispahan and
   number 3,000, also declare their intention of marching on
   Teheran."

   Of the Sipahdar, who now becomes the fighting leader of the
   Nationalists, a writer in the New York Evening Post
   relates that "when a merchant in Tabriz, he offered the
   government his services in wiping out the brigands who scoured
   the provinces, and, selecting a picked band, went out to fight
   fire with fire, by the same methods of terrorizing that the
   robbers had employed. As a result, he made the provinces safe,
   at least."

   Pressed by the Russian Legation to withdraw from Kazvin,
   pending the fulfilment of the Shah’s promises, the Sipahdar,
   commanding there, declared that he could not control his men.
   The situation was complicated by the presence of the Russians
   at Tabriz. As The Times correspondent wrote: "The
   perfectly unambiguous declaration by Russia that her troops
   will be withdrawn from Tabriz the moment order is restored and
   danger to Europeans is past is valueless in the eyes of
   Persians while the troops are there."

   The framing of a new electoral law, to the satisfaction of an
   electoral committee of the Nationalists, was finished on the
   6th of June, and the Shah’s signature to it was expected in a
   few days. High hopes were placed on the coming of
   Nasr-ul-Mulk, the exiled statesman at Paris, who had been
   solicited to accept the Prime Ministry, and who seemed slow to
   take the proffered honor. But the wrecked structure of
   constitutional government could not so easily be set in
   motion. The revolutionaries at Kazvin became threatening
   again, and were in motion toward Teheran before the end of
   June, while the Bakhtiari began a simultaneous advance. On the
   29th of June the Russian Government issued orders "to assemble
   a considerable force at Baku, to be held in readiness in case
   of a coup de main against the Persian capital."
   Meantime the new electoral law had been signed, but not
   promulgated, "owing to the prevailing excitement," it was
   said.

   On the 3d of July the Russian Government addressed a Circular
   Note on the situation in Persia to the Governments of foreign
   Powers, saying, in part:

   "The Imperial Government, on consideration of the position of
   affairs, has come to the conclusion that the principle of
   absolute non-interference in the internal affairs of Persia
   and in the conflict between the Shah and the Persian people
   must remain, now as formerly, the basis of its policy in
   Persia. In this connexion we could not leave out of sight the
   fact that in the event of the Bakhtiari and revolutionaries
   entering Teheran the Russian and other European Legations and
   European institutions and subjects, as well as our road from
   Enzeli (on the Caspian Sea) to Teheran, might find themselves
   in an extremely dangerous position, and the more so because,
   according to information which has reached us, the only
   Regular troops at the Shah’s disposal consist of the Persian
   Cossack Brigade, which is at present so weakened that it is
   scarcely in a condition to maintain order in Teheran.

   "This circumstance imposes upon the Imperial Government the
   moral obligation to take all measures in order that, in case
   of necessity, it may be possible to render effective aid to
   the above-mentioned (European) establishments and subjects and
   to ensure unrestricted traffic between Teheran and Enzeli in
   all circumstances. It has, therefore, been decided to send a
   force from Baku to Enzeli consisting of one regiment of
   Cossacks, one battalion of Russian infantry, and one battery
   of artillery. The force will not advance beyond Kazvin (86
   miles from Teheran), and will ensure communication between
   Kazvin and the Caspian Sea.

   "The further advance of a portion of the force depends upon
   the course of events. It can only ensue upon the demand of the
   Imperial Legation in Teheran in the event of the dangerous
   situation aforesaid arising."

{490}

   The Russian and British Legations attempted mediation between
   the Sipahdar and the Shah, to check the former’s advance, but
   his demands made their intervention hopeless. The Shah’s
   forces pushed out to intercept the on-coming revolutionaries,
   encountered them on the 11th, 18 miles west of Teheran, and
   fighting went on at a distance from the city for two days; but
   forces which slipped between the defensive lines made their
   way into the capital on the morning of July 13th, and there
   was fighting in the streets until the 16th. The Shah then
   sought refuge at the Russian Legation, and the Russian
   officers of the Persian Cossacks, besieged in their barracks,
   made terms with the Nationalist leaders.

   Four days later the Persian situation was stated to the
   British House of Commons by the Secretary of State for Foreign
   Affairs, Sir Edward Grey, as follows:

   "The Shah, after taking refuge in the Russian legation,
   abdicated, and his son, Sultan Ahmed Mirza [a young child] has
   been proclaimed Shah by the Nationalist Committee under the
   regency of Azad-ul-Mulk, head of the Kajar tribe, pending the
   convocation of Parliament. The commanders of the Fedai and
   Bakhtiari, as temporary chiefs of the Persian Government, have
   accepted the services of the Persian Cossack brigade under
   their Russian officers, on condition that the latter are
   completely under the orders of the Minister of War. This
   arrangement was ratified at a meeting between the commanders
   and Colonel Liakhoff. Teheran is quiet, and the Persian
   Cossacks are already fraternizing with the Fedai. The Sipahdar
   has been appointed Minister of War, and the Sirdar Assad
   Minister of the Interior." Being asked if he would represent
   to the Russian Government the undesirability of advancing
   Russian troops to Teheran, Sir Edward added: "In view of the
   declarations already made by the Russian Government as to the
   circumstances under which alone Russian troops would be sent
   to Teheran and in view of the fact that no troops have been
   sent to Teheran during the recent troubles, in spite of the
   fact that at one time some apprehension, which happily proved
   to be unfounded, was expressed for the safety of Russian
   subjects, such representations would be most uncalled for."

   On the 17th the Provisional Government gave notice to the
   Anglo-Russian legations of the selection of the new Shah, and
   asked that he should be delivered to their keeping; whereupon,
   wrote the Times correspondent, "M. Sablin announced the
   request to the Shah, who replied that he thought his mother
   would not consent. The Shah then took M. Sablin to his mother
   and an affecting scene ensued. Both the mother and father
   broke down at the thought of parting with their favourite son
   and offered their second son in his place. M. Sablin replied
   that the selection had been made by the people and that he had
   no voice in the matter. The boy wept bitterly in sympathy with
   his parents and declined to leave his mother. Finally their
   Majesties were persuaded to agree. On receiving the Shah’s
   assent, the necessary proclamation was immediately promulgated
   and it was arranged that the Regent and a Nationalist
   deputation would receive the little Shah.

   "An interested crowd witnessed his departure this morning from
   the custody of his natural guardians. During the morning
   Sultan Ahmed wept bitterly at the prospect of becoming a King,
   and it required a stern message to the effect that crying was
   not allowed in the Russian Legation before he dried his eyes.
   Then the little man came out bravely, entered a large
   carriage, and drove off alone, escorted by Cossacks, Sowars,
   and Persian Cossacks and followed by a long string of
   carriages. At Sultanatabad he was met by the Regent and the
   deputation and ceremoniously notified of his high position and
   of the hope entertained by the nation that he would prove to
   be a good ruler.

   ‘Inshallah, I will,’ replied the lad. Arrangements for the
   Coronation will be made hereafter. In the meanwhile the little
   Shah, who is guarded by a Bakhtiari, remains with his tutors
   at Sultanatabad, where his mother is free to visit him."

   At Teheran, affairs settled quickly into quiet, but disorders
   were prolonged in various parts of the provinces, being
   especially serious at Shiraz. The deposed Shah remained for
   weeks at the Russian Legation, while negotiations with him for
   a pension or allowance in return for his surrender of jewels
   and money to the State went on, and the unhappy child who
   occupied his palace had more sorrow than he.

   Early in August Colonel Liakhoff returned to Russia and was
   appointed to a regimental command. On the 1st of September a
   general amnesty, with a few exceptions, was proclaimed by the
   new government at Teheran. On the 9th of September the deposed
   Shah left the shelter of the Russian Legation and journeyed,
   with his queen, four younger children and several friends,
   under Russian escort, to a residence in Russia, at Odessa,
   which was his choice. Persia was still waiting for the able
   and much trusted constitutionalist statesman, Nasr-ul-Mulk, to
   return from his exile at Paris and accept the offered
   premiership in the government; but on the 21st of September
   the report went out that he had definitely declined the post.
   He returned to Persia, however, in October. On the 11th of
   October the Russian Government made known that it had decided
   to withdraw the greater part of the troops it had been keeping
   at Tabriz. A new Mejliss, for which the Regent had ordered
   elections, was assembled on the 15th of November. On the 7th
   of December the Mejliss unanimously approved the proposals of
   the Government with regard to borrowing abroad and the
   employment of Europeans in executive capacities for the
   reorganization of the Finance Department. This, no doubt, will
   improve the situation very greatly.

PERSIA: A. D. 1909 (January).
   Destructive Earthquake in Luristan.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES: PERSIA.

   ----------PERSIA: End--------

   ----------PERU: Start--------

PERU: A. D. 1899-1908.
   Outline of History.

   The leading events of Peruvian history are recorded in Volume
   VI. of this work down to the election of President Eduardo de
   Romaña, in 1899. "Romaña was a member of a prominent family of
   Arequipa, and had been educated in England, at Stonyhurst. He
   further had studied for, and taken a degree as, an engineer at
   King’s College, London; and whilst he had not acquired much
   experience in politics, he nevertheless successfully filled
   the Presidential Chair throughout his term. He was alive to
   the necessity for the development of the resources of the
   country, and, fortunately, his administration was not
   embarrassed by disturbances other than some small political
   intrigues such as inevitably take place in a country which, as
   Peru, was evolving a régime of civil government.
{491}
   During this term there was some influx of North American
   capitalists, who acquired important interests, in the copper
   mines of Cerro de Pasco, and who commenced the construction of
   a railway line thereto. … The presidency of Señor Romaña
   uneventfully expired at its natural time; elections were held,
   and Señor Manuel Candamo, who had already provisionally been
   head of the State, was chosen as president in May, 1903.
   Candamo had been successful in quieting political animosities
   after the revolt against Caceres and in consolidating the
   political situation. Peru now showed real evidences of
   advancement. The old turbulent element was passing away; those
   leaders who had placed purely personal ambition before the
   true interests of their country had given place to the natural
   talent and ability of the best citizens, whom the times were
   calling to the front. Candamo’s rule promised well for the
   country. He was surrounded by able men, among whom, as chief
   cabinet minister, was Dr. Domingo Almenard, an upright lawyer.
   The fiscal revenue was increased by taxes, against which there
   were murmurings, but which the country was able to bear, and
   the tax on tobacco was set apart for the construction of new
   railways. Unfortunately, this able administrator, Señor
   Candamo, continued but a short time in office, for he was
   overtaken by illness, and died at Arequipa in May, 1904. This
   event left the country under the temporary leadership of the
   second vice-president, Señor Calderon, for the first
   vice-president had died also. An election was at once called
   according to law, the two candidates which were put forward
   being Dr. Jose Pardo, son of the former president of the same
   name, and Señor Nicolas Piérola, who had already been at the
   head of the Government on two occasions. Rivalry between the
   partisans of these two candidates became acute, and although
   it was feared for a moment that some disturbance might occur,
   good sense prevailed, and the elections proceeded without
   interruption. Both contestants were good men—Piérola
   representing the party known as the Democratas, whilst
   Pardo headed the Civilistas. There were not very
   radical differences of principle underlying these distinctions
   of name; both were for civil government and for national
   progress. Piérola had done good work during his former term,
   whilst Pardo had the prestige of the good name and
   administration of his father, the former president of
   1872-1876, and was also held in esteem personally among the
   best element of the country. The result of the election—held,
   probably, more fairly than ever in Peru before—fell to Dr.
   Pardo, who took the presidential scarf and office in
   September, 1904, and who still guides the affairs of his
   country in a manner which has won the esteem of the nation, in
   a general sense.

   Dr. Pardo’s Cabinet was formed of some of the most capable men
   in the country, prominent among whom was the minister of
   Finance, Señor Leguia, to whose work is largely due the
   improved financial situation. At the present time—1908—the
   best elements of Peru are in the ascendant."

      G. Reginald Enock,
      Peru: Its Former, and Present Civilization,
      History and Existing Conditions,
      chapter 9 (Scribner’s Sons, New York).


PERU: A. D. 1901.
   Broad Treaty of Arbitration with Bolivia.

      See (in this Volume)
      ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL: A. D. 1901 (NOVEMBER).

PERU: A. D. 1901-1906.
   Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
   of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

PERU: A. D. 1903-1909.
   Boundary disputes in the Acre region with Bolivia and Brazil.

      See (in this Volume)
      ACRE DISPUTES.

PERU: A. D. 1905.
   Arbitration Treaties with Colombia and Ecuador.

   In a message to the Peruvian Congress, July 28, 1906,
   President Pardo communicated treaties of arbitration with
   Colombia, one general in its nature, the other special for the
   settlement of existing boundary questions. Of the latter the
   message said:

   "As in former treaties of the same character which have been
   heretofore concluded with that Republic, the controversy is
   submitted to the decision, to be based upon considerations of
   equity, of His Holiness Pope Pius X. But as our question with
   Colombia is connected with the one with Ecuador, it has been
   agreed that the arbitration with Colombia shall only take
   place after the termination of the one in which we are now
   proceeding with Ecuador, upon the adjudication by the royal
   Spanish arbitrator to Peru of territories which are likewise
   claimed by Colombia."

PERU: A. D. 1906.
   Decree for the Encouragement of Immigration.

      See (in this Volume)
      IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: PERU.

PERU: A. D. 1907.
   Diplomatic Relations with Chile reëstablished.
   The Tacna and Arica questions remaining open.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILE: A. D. 1907.

PERU: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Seating of President Leguia.
   Attempted Revolutions defeated.

   On the 27th of May, 1908, Augusto B. Leguia became President,
   succeeding Dr. Pardo. Señor Leguia had previously been Premier
   and Minister of Finance and Commerce; prior to which he had
   been managing director of a great English sugar company in
   Peru. A revolutionary movement had been attempted a few weeks
   before, in which Dr. Augusto Durand and Isaias Piérola were
   engaged, and which suffered defeat.

   A year later, on May 29, a similar attempt was announced from
   Lima, and ascribed to the same "agitators," who, said the
   despatch, "made an assault upon the palace and seized
   President Leguia. The army, however, remained loyal and came
   to his support. The revolutionists were obliged to liberate
   the President, who immediately took measures to put down the
   movement. Within an hour, although firing was still heard in
   the streets, President Leguia seemed to be master of the
   situation. Many shots were exchanged between the troops and
   the revolutionists and it is believed that the casualties will
   be heavy."

   This was contradicted a week later, so far as concerned Dr.
   Durand. "It has been proved," said the later statement, "that
   the revolutionary outbreak of last week was engineered
   entirely by the followers of the Piérola brothers. A committee
   of the Liberal party to-day visited President Leguia, and,
   declaring that neither Dr. Durand nor José Oliva had taken
   part in the movement, requested that these men be set at
   liberty. The country is quiet."

   ----------PERU: End--------

PETER I., King of Servia: His Election.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

{492}

PETIT, Archbishop Fulbert.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

PETROLEUM:
   The Supply and the Waste in the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      Conservation of Natural Resources.

PETROPALOVSK, SINKING OF THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-August).


PHAGOCYTES: THEIR DEPENDENCE ON OPSONINS.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.

PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1905.
   A Spasm of Municipal Reform.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1909.
   Defeat of Reform.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

   ----------PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: Start--------

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:
   Gains to Spain from their Loss.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1898-1908.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900-1902.
   The Stamping Out of the Bubonic Plague.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.
   Second Report of the Second Philippine Commission.
   Collapse of the Insurrection.
   Peace in all but five Provinces.
   Organization of Provincial Governments.
   Native Appointments.
   Central Civil Government.
   Appointment of Governor Taft.
   Filipino Members added to Commission.

   Down to the capture of Aguinaldo, leader of the Filipino
   insurgents, on the 23d of March, 1901, and his submission to
   "the sovereignty of the United States throughout the
   Philippine Archipelago," as announced in an address to his
   countrymen on the 19th of April, the history of American rule
   in those islands is recorded in Volume VI. of this work. The
   Second Philippine Commission, with the Honorable William H.
   Taft at its head, had entered on the performance of its
   extensive legislative duties on the 1st of the previous
   September, while the Military Governor continued to exercise
   administrative powers. The Commission had begun the
   organization of provincial and municipal governments, and the
   establishing of a system of public schools, as related in the
   Volume referred to. From its second report, covering ten
   months and a half, ending on the 15th of October, 1901, the
   following statements are drawn, to continue the outline of
   principal events and most important affairs down to that date:

   "The collapse of the insurrection came in May, after many
   important surrenders and captures, including that of
   Aguinaldo. Cailles, in Laguna, surrendered in June, and
   Belarmino, in Albay, on July 4.

   "There are four important provinces in which the insurrection
   still continues, Batangas, Samar, Cebu, and Bohol. Parts of
   Laguna and Tayabas adjoining Batangas in the mountain region
   are affected by the disturbances in Batangas. In Mindoro also,
   a thinly settled and almost unexplored island, there are
   insurrectos. … Outside of the five provinces named there is
   peace in the remainder of the archipelago. …

   "The work of the commission since it began to legislate in
   September, 1900, has been constant. … We have passed since our
   last report, in addition to numerous appropriation bills, a
   municipal code, a provincial law, a school law, a law
   prescribing an accounting system, acts organizing the various
   bureaus of the central government, acts organizing the courts,
   an act to incorporate the city of Manila, a code of civil
   procedure for the islands, and a new tariff act. …

   "The general provincial law provides for a provincial
   government of five officers—the governor, the treasurer, the
   supervisor, the secretary, and the fiscal, or prosecuting
   attorney. The governing board is called the provincial board,
   and includes as members the governor, the treasurer, and the
   supervisor. The prosecuting attorney is the legal adviser of
   the board and the secretary of the province is its secretary.
   The first function of the provincial government is to collect,
   through the provincial treasurer, all the taxes, with few
   exceptions, belonging to the towns or the province. Its second
   and most important function is the construction of highways
   and bridges and public buildings. Its third function is the
   supervision, through the governor and the provincial
   treasurer, of the municipal officers in the discharge of their
   duties. Within certain limitations, the provincial board fixes
   the rate of levy for provincial taxation.

   "The governor has the power to suspend any municipal officer
   found failing in his duty, and is obliged to visit the towns
   of the province twice in a year, and hear complaints against
   the municipal officers. … Under the act the offices are all to
   be filled at first by appointment of the commission. The
   governor holds his office until February, 1902, when his
   successor is to be elected in a mass convention of the
   municipal councilors of the towns of the province. The
   secretary, treasurer, and supervisor after February next are
   brought under the civil-service act, and all vacancies
   thereafter arising are to be filled in accordance with the
   terms of that act. The fiscal is appointed for an
   indeterminate period, and is not subject to the civil-service
   law. …

   "The commission reached the conclusion that it would aid in
   the pacification of the country; would make the members of
   that body very much better acquainted with the country, with
   the people, and with the local conditions, and would help to
   educate the people in American methods, if the commission went
   to the capital of each province and there passed the special
   act necessary to create the provincial government and made the
   appointments at that time. Accordingly, the commission visited
   thirty-three provinces. …

{493}

   "The policy of the commission in its provincial appointments
   has been, where possible, to appoint Filipinos as governors
   and Americans as treasurers and supervisors. The provincial
   secretary and the provincial fiscal appointed have uniformly
   been Filipinos. It will be observed that this makes a majority
   of the provincial board American. The commission has, in
   several instances, appointed to provincial offices former
   insurgent generals who have been of especial aid in bringing
   about peace, and in so doing it has generally acted on the
   earnest recommendation of the commanding officer of the
   district or province. We believe the appointments made have
   had a good effect and the appointees have been anxious to do
   their duty. …

   "The central government of the islands established in
   September, 1900, under the instructions of the President, with
   a military governor as chief executive and the commission as
   the legislative body with certain executive functions in
   addition, continued until the 4th of July, 1901. At that time
   Major General Adna R. Chaffee relieved Major-General MacArthur
   as commanding general of this division and military governor.
   By the order of June 21, previous, in all organized provinces
   the civil executive authority theretofore reposed in the
   military governor and in the commission was transferred on
   July 4 to a civil governor. The president of the commission
   was designated as civil governor. …

   "By an order taking effect September 1, the purport of which
   was announced the 4th day of July, there were added to the
   commission, as a legislative body, three Filipinos, Dr. T. H.
   Pardo de Tavera, Señor Benito Legarda, and Senor José
   Luzuriaga. These gentlemen, the first two of them residents of
   Manila and the last a resident of the island of Negros, had
   been most earnest and efficient in bringing about peace in the
   islands. Dr. Tavera was the first president of the Federal
   party, had accompanied the commission in its trips to the
   southern provinces, and was most useful in the effective
   speeches which he delivered in favor of peace and good order
   at every provincial meeting. Señor Legarda had been valuable
   in the extreme to General Otis and to all the American
   authorities by the wisdom of his suggestions, and the courage
   and earnestness with which he upheld the American cause as the
   cause most beneficial to his country. Señor José Luzuriaga was
   a member of the first government of the island of Negros,
   organized while there was insurrection rife throughout the
   islands, as an independent government under the supervision of
   a military governor, and was most active in preventing the
   insurrection from gaining any foothold in that important
   island. …

   "The theory upon which the commission is proceeding is that
   the only possible method of instructing the Filipino people in
   methods of free institutions and self-government is to make a
   government partly of Americans and partly of Filipinos, giving
   the Americans the ultimate control for some time to come. In
   our last report we pointed out that the great body of the
   people were ignorant, superstitious, and at present incapable
   of understanding any government but that of absolutism. The
   intelligence and education of the people may be largely
   measured by knowledge of the Spanish language. Less than 10
   per cent of the people speak Spanish. With Spaniards in
   control of these islands for four hundred years and with
   Spanish spoken in all official avenues, nothing could be more
   significant of the lack of real intelligence among the people
   than this statement. The common people are not a warlike
   people, but are submissive and easily—indeed much too
   easily—controlled by the educated among them, and the power of
   an educated Filipino politically ambitious, willing to plot
   and use all the arts of a demagogue in rousing the people, is
   quite dangerous. The educated people themselves, though full
   of phrases concerning liberty, have but a faint conception of
   what real civil liberty is and the mutual self-restraint which
   is involved in its maintenance. They find it hard to
   understand the division of powers in a government, and the
   limitations that are operative upon all officers, no matter
   how high. In the municipalities, in the Spanish days, what the
   friar did not control the presidente did, and the people knew
   and expected no limit to his exercise of authority. This is
   the difficulty we now encounter in the organization of the
   municipality. The presidente fails to observe the limitations
   upon his power, and the people are too submissive to press
   them. In this condition of affairs we have thought that we
   ought first to reduce the electorate to those who could be
   considered intelligent, and so the qualifications for voting
   fixed in the municipal code are that the voter shall either
   speak, read, and write English or Spanish, or that he shall
   have been formerly a municipal officer, or that he should pay
   a tax equal to $15 a year or own property of the value of
   $250."

      Report of the U. S. Philippine Commission,
      from December 1, 1900, to October 15, 1901,
      part 1, pages 7-20.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Report of Governor Taft.
   Civil Government established in
   all Christian Filipino Territory.
   The Moros.
   Destruction of the Carabao.
   Cholera.
   Ladrones.
   The Native Constabulary.

   "When our last report was submitted there was insurrection in
   the province of Batangas, where the insurgent forces were
   commanded by General Malvar, and in the adjacent provinces of
   Tayabas and Laguna; in the province of Samar, where the
   insurgent forces were commanded by General Lukban; in Cebu,
   where the insurgent forces were under the insurgent leaders
   Climaco and Maxilom; in Bohol, where the insurgent forces were
   commanded by the insurgent leader Samson; and in the island of
   Mindoro. Vigorous campaigns were begun in November and
   December by General Bell, in Batangas, Laguna, Tayabas, and
   Mindoro, by General Smith in Samar, and by General Hughes in
   Cebu and Bohol. In November and December the insurgents in
   Cebu and Bohol surrendered, and conditions of peace were so
   completely established that the Commission soon after received
   the province of Cebu from the military authorities, and by act
   numbered 322, passed December 20, 1901, restored the civil
   government in that province to take effect January 1, 1902; in
   Bohol the province was delivered over to the Commission early
   in 1902, and the commission, by act of March 3, 1902, restored
   civil government there to take effect April 1, 1902. General
   Lukban, in Samar, was captured in February, 1902, and the
   entire force of insurgents in that island under General
   Guevara surrendered in April following.

{494}

   "By an act passed June 17, 1902, Number 419, the Commission
   organized the province of Samar, and established civil
   government there. In April of 1902, General Malvar surrendered
   with all his forces in Batangas, and by act passed June 23,
   1902, the Commission restored civil government to that
   province to take effect July 4, 1902. By act Number 424,
   enacted July 1, 1902, the province of Laguna was organized
   into a civil government. This completed the organization of
   all the provinces in which insurrection had been rife during
   the latter part of 1901, except Mindoro. There were, in
   addition, certain tracts of territory occupied by Christian
   Filipinos that had not received civil government, either
   because of the remoteness of the territory or the scarcity of
   population." The report then details the measures by which
   civil government was given to these tracts of territory, and
   proceeds:

   "The question what shall be done with respect to Mindanao is
   one which has not been definitely decided, first, because so
   much has had to be done with respect to the northern and
   Filipino provinces, and, second, because at present there is
   an unsettled condition in the Lake Lanao country. The
   hostility to the Americans does not reach beyond the Lake
   Lanao Moros. The Moros of the Jolo group, of Zamboanga, and of
   the Rio Grande de Mindanao Valley are all quiet, and all
   entirely willing to submit to American supervision. It is very
   possible that an arrangement can be brought about by which the
   Sultan of Jolo can be induced to part with such rights as he
   claims to have in the Jolo Archipelago, and in this way
   questions which now present very perplexing difficulties with
   respect to ownership of privileges, rights, and lands may be
   obviated. … I think it wiser on the part of the Commission to
   postpone the consideration of the Moro question until we have
   passed legislation to meet needs that are more pressing
   throughout the northern part of these possessions of the
   United States. For a great many years to come there will be no
   question of popular government in the Moro country; the Moros
   do not understand popular government, do not desire it, and
   are entirely content with the control by their dattos.
   Possibly far in the future the control by dattos will cease.
   There is room for material and industrial development among
   the Moros, and with their material improvement may come a
   change in their political views. For the present, however, it
   is necessary only to provide a paternal, strong, but
   sympathetic government for these followers of Mohammed.

   "The civil government has assumed responsibility for the
   preservation of order and the maintenance of law throughout
   the Christian Filipino territory of this archipelago at a time
   when the material conditions are most discouraging and present
   every conceivable obstacle to the successful administration of
   the affairs of 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 people. The war of six
   years since 1896 has greatly interfered with the regular
   pursuit of agriculture, which is almost the only source of
   wealth in the islands. Many years ago there was sufficient
   rice raised in the islands not only to feed the people but to
   export it to other countries. For a number of years before the
   American occupancy rice had been imported. The area of
   cultivation of the rice has been much lessened during the war
   and many fields which were formerly tilled are grown now with
   the cogon grass because of neglect.

   "The greatest blow to agriculture has been the loss of the
   carabao or water buffalo, upon which the cultivation of rice,
   according to the mode pursued in these islands, is wholly
   dependent. The war in some degree, and the rinderpest in a
   much larger degree, have destroyed about 90 per cent of the
   carabaos; and the natives—never very active in helping
   themselves—have simply neglected the rice culture, so that
   now the islands are compelled to spend about $15,000,000 gold
   to buy food upon which to live. The carabao is not so
   necessary in the cultivation of the sugar crop or in the
   cultivation of hemp. …

   "The cholera has swept over these islands with fatal effect,
   so that the total loss will probably reach 100,000 deaths.
   Whole villages have been depopulated and the necessary
   sanitary restrictions to avoid its spread have interfered with
   agriculture, with intercommunication, and with all business.
   The ravages of war have left many destitute, and a guerrilla
   life has taken away from many all habits of industry. With no
   means of carrying on agriculture, which is the only occupation
   of these islands, the temptation to the less responsible of
   the former insurgents after surrender to prey upon their
   neighbors and live by robbery and rapine has been very great.
   The bane of Philippine civilization in the past was ladronism,
   and the present conditions are most favorable for its growth
   and maintenance. … Many who were proscribed for political
   offences in the Spanish times had no refuge but the mountains,
   and being in the mountains conducted a free robber life, and
   about them gathered legions not unlike those of the Robin Hood
   days of England, so that they attracted frequently the
   sympathy of the common people. In the Spanish days it was
   common for the large estate owners, including the friars, to
   pay tribute to neighboring ladrones. Every Tagalog province
   had its band of ladrones, and frequently each town had its
   recognized ladrone whom it protected and through whom it
   negotiated for immunity. …

   "The insurrection is over. It is true that the ladrones,
   though they live on nothing but cattle and rice stealing, and
   never attack American soldiers, and prey only upon their own
   people, do masquerade as insurrectos; but they recognize no
   authority and have no characteristics other than those of
   banditti. They have stirred up in some of the provinces the
   organization of so-called secret societies for the purpose of
   securing agencies with which successfully to conduct their
   robbery and to sell the fruits of it. … The picture that I
   have given of the depressed condition of agriculture, and the
   tendency to ladronize in the Tagalog provinces and in some of
   the Visayan provinces, does not apply to those provinces in
   which hemp is the chief product. They are wealthy and
   prosperous."

      Report of Governor W. H. Taft
      (Report of the Philippine Commission, 1902, part 1).

{495}

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.
   Padre Aglipay’s Secession from the Roman Catholic Church.
   Organization of the Independent Filipino Catholic Church.

   "Gregorio Aglipay is an Ilocano, and was an ordained priest of
   the Roman Catholic Church in these islands before the
   insurrection. During the insurrection he continued his
   priestly functions at Mabolos and took such action as to bring
   him into conflict with the hierarchy of the Church. What the
   merits of this controversy were I do not know. Subsequently he
   assumed the leadership of the insurrecto forces in Ilocos
   Norte and carried on a very active campaign in the mountains
   of that province. He was one of the last of the leaders to
   surrender with his forces in North Luzon. Since his surrender
   he has been quite active in spreading propaganda among the
   native priests against the so-called Friar domination of the
   church in these islands. The definite refusal of the Vatican
   to withdraw the Spanish friars from the islands was made the
   occasion for the formation of the Independent Filipino
   Catholic Church. Actively engaged with Aglipay in this
   movement was Isabelo de los Reyes, the former editor of an
   insurrecto paper, published in Madrid, called Filipinas ante
   Europa, and an agitator of irresponsible and irrepressible
   character. … Padre Aglipay has secured the active and open
   cooperation of a number of native priests, 15 of whom he has
   appointed bishops, himself having the title of archbishop. He
   has held mass in many different places in and about Manila;
   his services have attracted large gatherings of people. …

   "In order to prevent constant recurrence of disturbances of
   the peace I have had to take a firm stand with the leaders of
   the movement by impressing upon them that forcible
   dispossession of a priest of the Roman Catholic Church, for
   years in peaceable possession of the church and the rector’s
   house, is contrary to law, and would be prevented by the whole
   police power. The leaders of the movement assure me that they
   have no desire to violate the law and wish to keep within it,
   but that their followers at times are hard to control. I have
   said to them that if they claim title to the churches they may
   assert it through the courts, and if successful will secure
   not only the confirmation of their title but actual
   possession. …

   "I have taken occasion to say, whenever an opportunity
   occurred, that the insular government desired to take no part
   whatever in the religious controversies thus arising; that it
   would protect Father Aglipay and his followers in worshiping
   God as they chose just as it would protect the Roman Catholic
   Church and its ministers and followers in the same rights. But
   that, if the law was violated by either party, it would become
   the duty of the government to step in and restrain such
   lawlessness."

      Governor Wm. H. Taft,
      Report, 1902, pages 39-40.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902-1903.
   Governmental Purchase of the Friars’ Lands.

   "As early as 1898, the Peace Commission, which negotiated the
   treaty of Paris, became convinced that one of the most
   important steps in tranquilizing the islands and in
   reconciling the Filipinos to the American Government would be
   the governmental purchase of the so-called friars’
   agricultural lands in the Philippines, and the sale of these
   lands to the tenants upon long, easy payments. … The Secretary
   of War and the President concurred in the recommendations of
   the Commission. Accordingly in May, 1902, the writer, as civil
   governor of the Philippine Islands, was directed by the
   Secretary of War to visit Rome and to confer with the Pope or
   such agents as he might designate in respect to the question
   of buying the friars’ agricultural lands and other questions
   of a similar character which were pending between the Roman
   Catholic Church and the Government. The negotiations which
   were had on this subject in Rome were set forth in the
   correspondence published by the Secretary of War in his report
   to Congress for last year. In a word, the Pope approved the
   purchase of the agricultural lands of the three great
   religious orders that owned agricultural lands in the islands
   and appointed an apostolic delegate with as full powers as he
   could be invested with to bring about this result. …

   "In order to determine the value of the estates, the
   representatives of the various companies and other interests
   were invited to attend a hearing, when various witnesses were
   called to testify. The apostolic delegate was also present. …

   "In accordance with the agreement reached in Rome, I sent to
   the apostolic delegate a request for a statement of the exact
   interests retained by the religious orders in the Philippines
   in the lands which were the subject of negotiation. No formal
   answer to this letter was ever received, but informally it was
   stated to me by the delegate that the authorities in the
   Philippines had informed him that they had so disposed of
   their interests that they were unable to make a statement of
   what their interests were, if any. The value of the lands, as
   estimated according to the statements of the agents of the
   companies, aggregated a sum between thirteen and fourteen
   millions of dollars gold. The estimate of Villegas, the
   surveyor employed by the Commission, showed the valuation of
   the lands to be $6,043,000 gold, if his value in Mexican
   should be reduced to gold at the rate of two to one, which was
   the gold rate about the time of his survey and classification,
   though the Mexican dollar fell considerably after that.
   Considering the bad conditions which prevailed in agriculture,
   the loss of cattle, the dispute concerning title, and the
   agrarian question that must always remain in the management of
   these estates and embarrass the owner, I considered—and I
   believe the Commission generally agreed with me—that
   $6,043,000 gold was a full price for the lands. The sum,
   however, was scouted by the persons representing the owners,
   and there appeared to be very little prospect of reaching an
   agreement. …

   "Not discouraged, however, by circumstances that seemed most
   discouraging, the apostolic delegate bent his energies to
   bringing the parties to a settlement. After some negotiation
   the delegate first stated that he thought he could arrange a
   sale for $10,500,000 gold. I told him there was no hope of
   bringing about a purchase at that figure. … Then followed a
   long and protracted discussion between the parties who were to
   be the venders as to how this sum should be divided, and there
   was much difficulty in arriving at a solution—so great a
   difficulty, indeed, that I was informed that unless $7,770,000
   was paid there was no hope of reaching an agreement. With the
   approval of the Secretary of War and the Commission, I replied
   that $7,543,000 was our ultimatum, and that we would not give
   more than that, and this was ultimately the basis upon which
   the price was fixed."

      Report of the Civil Governor of the Philippine Islands,
      William H. Taft
      (Fourth Report of the Philippine Commission).

{496}

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1905.
   Report of Committee on Methods of Dealing with the Sale and
   Use of Opium.

      See (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1906-1907.
   Resignation of Governor Ide.
   Appointment and Inauguration of Governor Smith.
   Complete Tranquility in the Islands.
   Change in the Constitution of Provincial Boards.

   "On September 20, 1906, the resignation of the Honorable Henry
   Clay Ide as governor-general became effective, and on that
   date the Honorable James F. Smith was inaugurated as
   governor-general of the Philippine Islands. … Since April of
   this year complete tranquility has prevailed in every part of
   the archipelago, inclusive of the Moro province. In 21 of the
   provinces peace has reigned supreme during the entire year. In
   Bataan and Batangas there was some disturbance of the public
   order, caused in the case of the first-named province by the
   escape of some provincial prisoners, and in the second by the
   operations of six or seven brigands near the boundary line of
   the provinces of La Laguna and Tayabas. All of the escaped
   prisoners and all of the bandits with the exception of two in
   each party have been captured. …

   "The convention of provincial governors held in Manila in
   October, 1906, recommended that the then existing law
   providing that provincial boards shall be composed of a
   provincial governor elected by the municipal councilors and
   vice-presidents of the various municipalities of the province
   and a provincial treasurer and a third member appointed by the
   executive be so amended as to permit of the election of the
   provincial governor and third member by direct vote of the
   people. This recommendation was submitted to the Secretary of
   War, and on receiving his approval thereof the provincial
   government act was amended accordingly. This innovation in the
   constitution and selection of provincial boards has been an
   advantage both to the insular and to the local government. On
   the one hand it has removed all cause for friction between the
   provincial governor elected by the people and the two members
   of the board named by the executive. On the other it has
   imposed upon the provincial governor and the third member the
   responsibility for the well-being of the province and has
   removed from the insular government much of the responsibility
   for conditions purely of local concern."

      Report of the Philippine Commission,
      December 31, 1907
      (Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, pages 799-807).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
   The Philippine Election Law.
   Election of a Popular Assembly.
   Political Parties participating in it.
   The first meeting of the Assembly.
   Presence of Secretary Taft.
   His account of the Assembly and of the Parties
   represented in it.

   "In January, 1907, the Philippine Commission passed the
   Philippine election law. In framing this law the election
   codes of Massachusetts, New York, the District of Columbia,
   and California were consulted and features adopted from each,
   modified in such a way as to meet insular conditions and to
   avoid the mistakes and abuses that have arisen in some
   provincial and municipal elections in the islands. The aim has
   been to provide a law sufficiently explicit and not too
   complicated for easy comprehension. Every effort has been made
   to afford the necessary safeguards and machinery to insure
   purity, secrecy, certainty, and expedition, without causing
   too great a drain upon the resources of municipal and
   provincial governments. The prominent features of this law as
   amended are the division of those provinces not inhabited by
   Moros or other non-Christian tribes into 78 assembly
   districts, each province to constitute at least one district
   and the more populous being divided into more districts, in
   the ratio of 1 to every 90,000 of population and major
   fraction thereof remaining. In accordance with this
   apportionment there will be 80 delegates, two of whom will
   represent the city of Manila, which is considered as a
   province, within the meaning of the act of Congress, and
   divided into two districts."

      Report of the Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs,
      October 31, 1907
      (Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, page 781).

   "On the 28th of March, 1907, the Commission by resolution,
   unanimously adopted, certified to the President that for two
   years following the publication of the census of the islands a
   condition of general and complete peace had prevailed and then
   existed in the territory of the islands not inhabited by Moros
   or other non-Christian tribes. … By virtue of this certificate
   and in accordance with the provisions of the act of Congress of
   July 1, 1902, the President on March 28, issued a proclamation
   directing the Philippine Commission to call a general election
   for the choice of delegates to a popular assembly. Accordingly
   on the 30th of March, 1907, the Commission passed a resolution
   ordering that an election be held for delegates on July 30 and
   directing the governor-general to issue a proclamation
   announcing the election for that date. The proclamation was
   issued on April 1. By a strange coincidence the day of the
   month fixed for holding the election was the same as that on
   which the first legislative body in America, the house of
   burgesses, met in the year 1619. Under the general election
   law the delegates to the assembly elected at the elections
   held on July 30th, 1907, and seated by the Philippine
   assembly, will serve until January 1, 1910. Subsequent
   elections for delegates will be held on the first Tuesday
   after the first Monday in November, 1909, and on the first
   Tuesday after the first Monday in November in each
   odd-numbered year thereafter, delegates to take office on the
   1st day of January next following their election and to hold
   office for two years, or until their successors are elected
   and qualified.

   "The basis of representation in the Philippine assembly is one
   delegate for every 90,000 of population and one additional
   delegate for a major fraction thereof: Provided, however, that
   each Christian province shall be entitled to at least one
   delegate and that the total number of delegates shall at no
   time exceed 100. Provinces entitled to more than one delegate
   are divided into districts. The law declares Manila to be a
   province within the meaning of the act of Congress authorizing
   the assembly, and, it is allowed the same representation as
   other provinces. Thirty-four provinces are represented in the
   Philippine assembly, which is composed of 80 members.

{497}

   "The act of Congress requires that delegates to the assembly
   shall be qualified electors of the election district in which
   they may be chosen, 25 years of age, and owing allegiance to
   the United States. The act of Congress prescribes that the
   qualifications of electors shall be the same as those
   prescribed for electors in municipal elections under laws in
   force at the time of the passage of the Congressional
   enactment. As the municipal election laws in force at the time
   of the passage of the act of Congress have undergone some
   change in regard to the qualifications of electors, the
   strange anomaly is presented of having certain
   qualifications exacted from municipal and provincial officials
   which are not required for delegates to the assembly. One of
   the results is that felons, victims of the opium habit, and
   persons convicted in the court of first instance for crimes
   involving moral turpitude, but whose cases are pending on
   appeal, are not eligible for election to any provincial or
   municipal office, but may become delegates to the assembly.

   "As announced by provincial governors the elections for
   assemblymen held on the 30th of July, 1907, resulted in the
   election of 32 Nacionalistas, 4 Independistas, 7
   Inmediatistas, 16 Progresistas, 20 Independents, and 1 Centro
   Catolico. The total number of voters registered for the
   assembly elections was 104,966. The number of voters
   registered for the provincial and municipal elections will be
   very much larger than that for the assembly elections. The
   difference in registration and votes cast at the two elections
   seems to show with considerable certainty that there was far
   more interest in the elections for provincial and municipal
   officials than there was in the election for assemblymen. …

   "The delegates to the Philippine assembly, in accordance with
   the call of the governor-general as prescribed by the act of
   Congress, met at the Grand Opera House in the city of Manila
   on the 16th day of October at 9 o’clock A. M."

      Report of the Philippine Commission,
      December 31, 1907
      (Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, pages 810-811).

   The Honorable William H. Taft, United States Secretary of War,
   former Governor-General of the Philippine Islands, made the
   long journey to the Islands on this occasion for the purpose
   of opening the meeting of the Assembly and personally
   inspecting the state of affairs. After returning, in the
   following December, he made an extended report to the
   President, in which he discussed the character of the Assembly
   and of the parties represented in it at considerable length.
   Recurring to the formation of the first political party that
   arose in the Islands after they came under the control of the
   United States, he said of it:

   "It is a mistake to suppose that the war by the Filipinos
   against the Americans had the sympathy of all the Filipinos.
   On the contrary, there were many intelligent and conservative
   men who favored American control and who did not believe in
   the capacity of their people immediately to organize a
   government which would be stable and satisfactory, but in the
   face of a possible independence of the Islands, they were
   still. Upon Mr. McKinley’s second election many of these
   persons reached the conclusion that it was time for them to
   act. Accordingly, they formed the Federal Party, the chief
   platform of which was peace under American sovereignty and the
   acceptance of the American promises to govern the Islands for
   the benefit of the Filipinos and gradually to extend popular
   self-government to the people. The Federal Party received
   accessions by thousands in all parts of the Islands and in
   every province, so that the Commission was enabled during the
   year 1901, and under the auspices, and with the aid of, the
   Federal Party, to organize civil government in some 32 or 33
   provinces, or in substantially all of them. … The main purpose
   and principle of the party was peace under the sovereignty of
   the United States. In drafting a platform its leaders had
   formulated a plank favoring the organization of the Islands
   into a Territory of the United States, with a view to its
   possibly becoming a State. From this plank it took its name.
   In the first two or three years after its successful effort to
   bring on peace, many prominent Filipinos having political
   ambition became members, and in the gubernatorial elections
   the great majority of governors elected were Federals. And so
   substantially all who filled prominent offices in the
   government by appointment, including the judges, were of that
   party. Then dissension arose among prominent leaders and some
   withdrew from the party. The natural opposition to a
   government party led to the organization of other parties,
   especially among those known as Intransigentes
   [Irreconcilables]. The Federal Party had founded an organ, the
   Democracia, early in its existence. The opponents of the
   government looking to immediate independence founded a paper
   called the Renacimiento. The latter was edited with especial
   ability and with a partisan spirit against the American
   Government.

   "For two years before the election of the Assembly the
   Filipinos who sympathized with the Renacimiento were
   perfecting their organization to secure a majority in the
   assembly. Many groups were formed, but they all were known as
   the Partido Nacionalista. There was some difference as to
   whether to this title should be added the word ‘inmediatista,’
   but the great majority favored it. The party is generally
   known as the Nacionalista Party. During much of these same two
   years, the Federal Party was dormant. …

   "Some six months before the elections, there sprung from the
   ashes of the Federal Party a party which, rejecting the
   statehood idea, declared itself in favor of making the
   Philippines an independent nation by gradual and progressive
   acquisition of governmental control until the people should
   become fitted by education and practice under American
   sovereignty to enjoy and maintain their complete independence.
   It was called the Partido Nacionalista Progresista. It is
   generally known as the Progresista Party. …

{498}

   "The campaign in the last two or three months was carried on
   with great vigor. The Nacionalistas had the advantage of being
   understood to be against the government. This, with a people
   like the Filipino people, who had been taught to regard the
   government as an entity separate from the people, taxing them
   and prosecuting them, was in itself a strong reason for
   popular sympathy and support. The Progresistas were denounced
   as a party of office-holders. The government was denounced as
   extravagant and burdensome to the people. In many districts
   the Nacionalista candidates promised that if they were
   returned immediate independence would follow. There were quite
   a number of candidates in country and remote districts where
   the controversy was not heated who did not declare themselves
   on the main question, and maintained an independence of any
   party. They were known as Independientes. Then, there were
   other Independientes who declared themselves independent of
   party, but in favor of immediate independence.

   "The total vote registered and cast did not exceed 104,000,
   although in previous gubernatorial elections the total vote
   had reached nearly 150,000. The high vote at the latter
   elections may be partly explained by the fact that at the same
   elections town officers were elected, and the personal
   interest of many candidates drew out a larger number of
   electors. But the falling off was also in part due, doubtless,
   to the timidity of conservative voters, who, because of the
   heat of the campaign, preferred to avoid taking sides. This is
   not a permanent condition, however, and I doubt not that the
   meeting of the assembly and the evident importance of its
   functions when actually performed will develop a much greater
   popular interest in it, and the total vote will be largely
   increased at the next election.

   "I opened the assembly in your name. The roll of the members
   returned on the face of the record was called. An appropriate
   oath was administered to all the members and the assembly
   organized by selecting Señor Sergio Osmeña as its speaker or
   presiding officer. Señor Osmeña has been one of the most
   efficient fiscals, or prosecuting attorneys, in the Islands,
   having conducted the government prosecutions in the largest
   province of the Islands, the province and Island of Cebu. He
   was subsequently elected governor, and by his own activity in
   going into every part of the island, he succeeded in enlisting
   the assistance of all the people in suppressing ladronism,
   which had been rife in the mountains of Cebu for thirty or
   forty years, so that to-day there is absolute peace and
   tranquillity throughout the island. He is a young man, not 30,
   but of great ability, shrewdness, high ideals, and yet very
   practical in his methods of dealing with men and things. The
   assembly could have done nothing which indicated its good
   sense so strongly as the selection of Senor Osmeña as its
   presiding officer. …

   "As a shibboleth—as a party cry—immediate independence has
   much force, because it excites the natural pride of the
   people; but few of their number have ever worked out its
   consequences, and when they have done so they have been
   willing to postpone that question until some of the immediate
   needs of the people have been met. I may be wrong, but my
   judgment is that the transfer of real power, by giving to the
   people part of the legislative control of the Christian
   provinces, sobers their leaders with the sense of
   responsibility and teaches them some of the practical
   difficulties of government I do not for a moment guarantee
   that there will not at times be radical action by the
   Assembly, which cannot meet the approval of those who
   understand the legislative needs of the Islands, but all I
   wish to say is that the organization and beginning of the life
   of the Assembly have disappointed its would-be critics and
   have given great encouragement to those who were responsible
   for its extension of political power."

      Special Report of William H. Taft, Secretary of War,
      to the President on the Philippines, January 23, 1908
      (60th Cong. 1st Session, Senate Doc. No. 200).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1909.
   Change in the Governor-General’s Office.

   General James F. Smith was succeeded as Governor-General
   by the Vice-Governor-General, Mr. W. Cameron Forbes, in
   November, 1909.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1909.
   Philippine Tariff Act.

   A special Message, transmitting a Philippine Tariff Bill
   recommended by the Secretary of War, was sent to Congress,
   April 14, by President Taft. "This measure," wrote the
   President, "revises the present Philippine tariff, simplifies
   it and makes it conform as nearly as possible to the
   regulations of the customs laws of the United States,
   especially with respect to packing and packages. The present
   Philippine regulations have been cumbersome and difficult for
   American merchants and exporters to comply with. Its purpose
   is to meet the new conditions that will arise under the
   section of the pending United States tariff bill which
   provides, with certain limitations, for free trade between the
   United States and the islands. It is drawn with a view to
   preserving to the islands as much customs revenue as possible
   and to protect in a reasonable measure those industries which
   now exist in the islands.

   "The bill now transmitted has been drawn by a board of tariff
   experts, of which the insular collector of customs, Colonel
   George R. Colton, was the president. The board held a great
   many open meetings in Manila, and conferred fully with
   representatives of all business interests in the Philippine
   Islands. It is of great importance to the welfare of the
   islands that the bill should be passed at the same time with
   the pending Payne bill, with special reference to the
   provisions of which it was prepared."

   The Bill was passed, but certain tobacco interests secured an
   important amendment in their favor.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1909 (November).
   Success of the Nationalists in the Election.

   "Practically complete returns from the recent election
   indicate that the Assembly will be composed of sixty
   Nationalists, fifteen Progressists, and five Independents. The
   Nationalists also gained four provincial Governors over the
   number elected by that party at the last election. Similar
   gains in other offices have been made by the Nationalists.
   Some of the returns are still missing, but they are not likely
   to make any material change in the figures given."

      Press Report from Manila,
      November 5, 1909.

   ----------PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: End--------

PICKETING:
   The Labor Strikers’ Right.
   Its limit.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (MARCH).

PICQUART, GENERAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

PIEROLA, NICOLAS.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERU.

PINCHOT, GIFFORD:
   Chief of the United States Forest Service.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

PINCHOT, GIFFORD:
   On Threatened Water Power Trust.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

{499}

PIOUS FUND QUESTION.
   Its Decision by the Hague Tribunal.

      See (in this Volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

PITTSBURG: A. D. 1906-1908.
   Under a Reforming Mayor.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

PITTSBURG: A. D. 1907.
   Enlargement and Rededication of the Carnegie Institute.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

PITTSBURG: A. D. 1907-1908.
   The Pittsburg Survey.
   A remarkable Investigation of Living Conditions.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.

PIUS X., POPE.

      See (in this Volume)
      PAPACY.

PLAGUE, Bubonic.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

"PLAN OF CAMPAIGN," THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1907.

PLATT AMENDMENT.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.

PLAYGROUND MOVEMENT, THE.

   The first convention of the Playground Association of America,
   held at Chicago in June, 1907, was a very notable gathering,
   in the character of the men and women assembled,—in the
   quality of the discussion they gave to the subject of
   child-development by wholesome play,—in the spirit imparted to
   it by the wonderful exhibit that Chicago could make of
   achievement in this new civic undertaking, and in the great
   impetus it gave to the playground movement throughout the
   country. The proceedings and incidents of the convention were
   reported very fully in the August number of Charities and
   Corrections that year.

   "From one article, ‘How They Played at Chicago,’ by Mr. Graham
   Romeyn Taylor, we learn that in connection with the convention
   there was held a festival of sport and play, in which from
   first to last ‘the play spirit was ascendant.’ More than 5000
   persons participated, and among them were President Gulick, of
   the national association, and Dr. Sargent, of Harvard. The
   play spirit, says he, captivated every one. ‘Play, according
   to students of it, means not only a good time, but from the
   child’s point of view it is serious business: moreover, it has
   vital significance in educational development.’ This meeting,
   he claims, marks the transition of playground activity from a
   more or less sporadic and disconnected series of efforts in
   our larger cities to a firmly established and well organized
   national movement. A better understanding of the playground
   issue means better citizenship and community-life.

   "President Roosevelt, honorary president, had requested that
   delegations be sent to this convention from many cities, ‘to
   gain inspiration from this meeting, and to see the magnificent
   system that Chicago has erected in its South Park section,—one
   of the most notable civic achievements of any American city.’
   They came, and returned to their home cities with photographs
   of the playgrounds and recreation centers in Chicago. On these
   the city of Chicago has expended during the last four years
   $6,500,000, and has recently appropriated $3,000,000
   additional. Moreover, it has authorized $1,500,000 for similar
   facilities for children on the north and west sides as well.
   Each center costs about $30,000 annually. These centers
   recognize that human needs transcend all other things, and
   tend to develop a social spirit that one day must permeate our
   commingled races."

      American Review of Reviews,
      September, 1907.

   "According to the new Year Book [for 1910] of the Playground
   Association of America, 336 municipalities in the United
   States are maintaining supervised playgrounds. The actual
   number of playgrounds operated in 267 of these cities last
   year was 1,535. About 56 per cent. are in the area of greatest
   density of population, in the North Atlantic States. The
   number of cities in those States maintaining playgrounds is
   149, and the number of playgrounds established in 123 of them
   is 873. Massachusetts has led in the movement.

   "In about 49 per cent. of the cities operating public
   playgrounds, the managing authority, wholly or in part, is the
   city itself, which is working through its board of education,
   its park department, or other municipal bureau—or by
   combining the activities of two or more departments. In
   fifteen cities the Mayors have appointed special commissions,
   organized, as city departments for the administration of
   playgrounds, which are no longer left to the philanthropist.

   "In fifty-five of the larger cities, local playground
   associations have been established, and many of the smaller
   towns have organized committees that will be converted into
   permanent organizations. Churches, women’s clubs, Young Men’s
   Christian Associations, Associated Charities, and
   public-spirited men and women have contributed their help.

   "An index of the interest in the movement is afforded by a
   survey of figures representing the yearly expenditures for
   sites, equipment, and the maintenance of playgrounds. In many
   cases specific information on this point is not available, but
   184 cities have sent reports stating definitely what it costs
   them to operate their grounds. The total amount expended in
   the year by these 184 cities is $1,353,114. In 18 per cent, of
   the cities the amount of money set apart for playgrounds was
   appropriated entirely by the municipality, while in 23 per
   cent. the cities combined with private organizations."

      New York Evening Post,
      January 5, 1910.

   In England, or in London, at least, the movement has been set
   on foot by an "Evening Play Centres Committee," of which Mrs.
   Humphry Ward is Chairman. The object of the Committee, as
   stated by Mrs. Ward, is "to open the school buildings in
   winter for play, exercise, and handwork, as an alternative to
   the streets, to children after school hours; and in summer to
   organize the playgrounds, as is now so largely done in America
   and Canada"; but thus far its success appears to have been
   mostly in the opening of indoor play centres for evening
   entertainment.

PLAZA, GENERAL LEONIDAS:
   President of Ecuador.

      See (in this Volume)
      ECUADOR.

PLEHVE, M. V. de:
   Defence of Russian Measures in Finland.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINLAND: A. D. 1901.

PLEHVE, M. V. de:
   Russian Minister of the Interior.
   His atrocious administration.
   His assassination.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

PLURAL VOTING, BELGIAN.

      See (in this Volume)
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1902 and 1904.

      See in Volume VI.,
      BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

      See in Volume I.,
      CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM.

{500}

POBIEDONOSTZEFF, CONSTANTINE:
   On Russian Discontent.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1902.

POBIEDONOSTZEFF, CONSTANTINE:
   Resignation.

      See (in this Volume)
      Russia: A. D. 1904-1905.

POBIEDONOSTZEFF, CONSTANTINE:
   Death, March 23, 1907.

POGROMS: Massacres.

   See (in this Volume)
   RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

POLAR EXPLORATION: Arctic: A. D. 1901-1910.
   Three Expeditions of Commander Peary.
   His Final Triumph.
   The astounding Imposture of Dr. Cook, Pretender to an
   attainment of the Pole a Year in Advance of Peary.
   Other Arctic Explorations of the Decade.

   When the record of Polar Exploration was closed in Volume VI.
   of this work, on its going to press in the spring of 1901,
   Commander Robert E. Peary had been working within the Arctic
   Circle for three years, with no respite, and the Peary Arctic
   Club was sending a vessel, the Erik, to make inquiries
   about him. He was found to have proved that Greenland is
   surrounded by water at the north, and to have further
   undertakings in hand. He remained another year, in the course
   of which he made the nearest approach to the Pole that had yet
   been accomplished, going directly north from Cape Hecla and
   reaching latitude 84° 17'. Returning to the coast, he was met
   and brought home, after an absence of four years. In July,
   1905, he sailed northward again, equipped with a vessel, the
   Roosevelt, built expressly for his use. After
   wintering on the north coast of Grant Land, he started once
   more with sledges and dogs toward the Pole, and this time
   pressed his way to 87° 6' of latitude, or within a little more
   than 200 miles of the Arctic hub. Then he was forced to turn
   back, with scant supplies, killing his dogs for food. Once
   more, in July, 1908, Commander Peary set his face Arcticward,
   on the staunch Roosevelt, with two scientific
   companions, and equipped himself at Etah with Eskimos and dogs
   for another journey across the ice-fields, from some point on
   the Grant Land coast.

   Two expeditions were fitted out in 1901 and 1903, by Mr.
   Ziegler, of New York, the former under Evelyn B. Baldwin, the
   latter under Anthony Fiala. The latter reached latitude 82°
   13', remaining in the Arctic regions until the summer of 1905.
   In June, 1903, Captain Roald Amundsen, of Norway, sailed from
   Christiania in the small sloop Gjoa, beginning a voyage which
   carried him entirely through the Northwest Passage from Baffin
   Bay to Bering Strait and which occupied three years. Much of
   that time, however, was devoted to studies and searches of
   great value in determining the location of the Magnetic Pole.
   In 1905 the ranks of the Arctic explorers were joined by the
   Duke of Orleans, who sailed from Christiania in May, in the
   Belgica, commanded by Lieutenant de Gerlache. In 1907, Mr.
   John R. Bradley, of New York, supplied Dr. Frederick A. Cook
   with equipments for an attempt to reach the North Pole, and
   accompanied him in a schooner yacht to Annatok, a little north
   of Etah, in North Greenland, where the Doctor, with one white
   man, Rudolph Francke, were landed, with their supplies, to
   begin the undertaking. Several attempts were made in
   successive years by Mr. Walter Wellman to make the journey to
   the Pole from Spitzbergen by a dirigible airship. Each of
   them, down to 1909, was frustrated by misfortunes of
   circumstance or weather. A tragically ended survey of the
   northeast coast of Greenland was accomplished in 1906-1907 by Dr.
   Mylius Erichsen and Lieutenant Hagen-Hagen, who perished while
   groping their way southward in the growing darkness of the
   approaching winter. These fill out the important items of the
   record of Arctic exploration, since April, 1901, down to the
   1st of September, 1909.

   On that day the whole world was startled and excited by a
   message, flashed first to Lerwick, in the Shetland Islands,
   from a passing Danish steamer, the Hans Egede, and thence to
   all corners of the earth, saying:

   "We have on board the American traveller, Dr. Cook, who
   reached the North Pole April 21, 1908. Dr. Cook arrived at
   Upernivik (the northernmost Danish settlement in Greenland, on
   an island off the west coast) in May of 1909 from Cape York
   (in the northwest part of Greenland, on Baffin Bay). The
   Eskimos of Cape York confirm Dr. Cook’s story of his journey."

   The next day brought a cabled announcement from Dr. Cook
   himself, to the New York Herald, briefly telling of his
   triumph, "after a prolonged fight against famine and frost,"
   and describing the emotions with which he had found himself at
   the goal which so many had striven vainly to attain. "What a
   cheerless spot," he moralized, "to have aroused the ambition
   of man for so many ages! An endless field of purple snows. No
   life. No land. No spot to relieve the monotony of frost. We
   were the only pulsating creatures in a dead world of ice."

   Two days later the hero was landed at Copenhagen, and all the
   excited world devoured graphic descriptions of his reception
   by the enthusiastic Danes: by the Crown Prince, who hastened
   to welcome him before he had stepped from the ship; by the
   crowds who cheered him; by the King, who dined him; by the
   University of Copenhagen which awarded him an honorary degree,
   and whose faculty he made happy and proud by the promise that
   it should be the first to examine the record of his
   observations and the proofs in general that he had reached the
   Pole.

   Two more days passed, and then the climax of this world-spread
   excitement and astonishment was marked by another
   radio-electric flash of news out of the Arctic North,—this
   time from the American North,—proclaiming another conquest of
   the icy fortress of the Pole. It spoke "to the Associated
   Press, New York," from "Indian Harbor, via Cape Ray, Nova
   Scotia," saying: "Stars and Stripes nailed to North Pole.
   Peary." It reached New York a little after noon of September
   6th, and before night, everywhere, people in all languages
   were asking each other: "Is it possible that two men have
   suddenly done what none have been able to do before?"

{501}

   Other messages from Commander Peary which soon followed the
   first one fixed the date of his attainment of the Pole as
   having been April 6, 1909,—being fifteen days less than a year
   after Dr. Cook claimed to have planted the American flag at
   the same spot. They brought angry denunciations, too, of
   Cook’s pretension, which Peary had learned of from the
   Esquimaux in the North. "Cook’s story," he said in one
   despatch, "should not be taken too seriously. The two
   Esquimaux who accompanied him say he went no distance north
   and not outside of land. Other members of the tribe confirm
   their story." In another he declared: "Cook has sold the
   public a gold brick." Dr. Cook, meantime, gave out expressions
   as to Peary’s achievement very different in temper and tone.
   He had no doubt that Commander Peary had reached the Pole; but
   he, Cook, had been fortunately the first to enjoy the
   favorable conditions which gave success to them both. His
   magnanimity, his coolness, his easy self-confidence, in
   contrast with Peary’s words and bearing, won public admiration
   and sympathy, and the majority in most communities inclined
   strongly, for a time, to the judgment that both explorers had
   done what they said they did, but that Cook, in character, was
   the more estimable man. When he arrived in New York, on the
   21st of September, that city gave him almost as wild a hero
   worship as Copenhagen had done. Commander Peary was then just
   landing at Sydney, Nova Scotia, and it was some weeks before
   he would proceed to New York, or put himself at all in the way
   of receiving any public demonstrations of honor.

   But grounds of skepticism as to Dr. Cook were acquiring a
   rapid multiplication. When he published his story in detail,
   or told it in lectures, it started questions which people
   having critical knowledge insisted that he must answer if he
   could; but he made no attempt. He was in no haste to produce
   the records which he had insisted would prove his claims
   beyond a doubt. He required weeks of time to prepare them for
   examination, and they must go to the University of Copenhagen
   before any other tribunal of science could see them.
   Meanwhile, he was harvesting large gains from lectures and
   newspaper publications, and seemed more interested in that
   pursuit than in the vindication of his questioned honor.
   Hence, suspicion of him grew, until it made itself heard and
   felt at last with a force which drove the Doctor to put his
   professed proofs in shape and send them by the hand of his
   secretary, Mr. Lonsdale, to Copenhagen. Before they reached
   their destination he, himself, disappeared mysteriously from
   public view, nervously shattered, it was said, and seeking
   some hidden place of refuge abroad. Reports of him from
   various places in both Europe and South America have not been
   verified, and his whereabouts are still (March, 1910) a
   mystery.

   On the 21st of December the report of the scientific committee
   of Copenhagen University, to which the records forwarded by
   Dr. Cook were submitted, was made public by the University
   Council. "The report, which was sent in by the committee on
   December 18, states that the following papers were submitted
   to it for investigation:—

   "1. A type-written report by Mr. Lonsdale on Dr. Cook’s Arctic
   voyage, consisting of 61 folios.

   "2. A type written copy of 16 folios, made by Mr. Lonsdale,
   comprising the note-books brought back by Dr. Cook from his
   journey and covering the period from March 18 to June 13,
   1908, stated to have been written on the way from Svartevaag
   to the Pole and back until a place west of Heibergsland was
   reached. …

   "The committee points out as a result of its investigations
   that the aforementioned report of the journey is essentially
   identical with that published some time ago in the New York
   Herald, and that the copy of the note-books did not
   contain astronomical records, but only results. In fact, the
   committee remarks that there are no elucidatory statements
   which might have rendered it probable that astronomical
   observations were really taken. Neither is the practical side
   —namely, the sledge journey—illuminated by details in such a
   way as to enable the committee to form an opinion. The
   committee therefore considers that from the material submitted
   no proof can be adduced that Dr. Cook reached the North Pole.

   "The council of the University accordingly declares as a
   result of the committee’s report that the documents submitted
   to Copenhagen University contain no observations or
   explanations to prove that Dr. Cook on his last Polar journey
   reached the North Pole."

   That Commander Peary had accomplished at last the object of
   his indomitable striving was never in doubt. His own testimony
   to the fact had sufficed from the beginning, and the decision
   rendered on the 3d of November by a committee of the National
   Geographic Society, which examined the records of his march to
   the Pole, added nothing to the public belief. But his laurels
   had been lamentably blighted by the atmosphere of scandal,
   wrangle, and disgust with which Cook’s monstrous imposture had
   vulgarized the whole feeling that attended the exploit.

   The incidents of the final Peary expedition, from start to
   finish, were summarized by the Commander in a message from
   Battle Harbor to the London Times, September 8, as
   follows:

   "The Roosevelt left New York on July 6, 1908. She left
   Sydney on July 17th; arrived at Cape York, Greenland, on
   August 1st; left Etah, Greenland, on August 8th; arrived at
   Cape Sheridan, Grant Land, on September 1st, and wintered at
   Cape Sheridan. The sledge expedition left the Roosevelt
   on February 15th, 1909, and started north of Cape Columbia on
   March 1st. It passed the British record on March 2d; was
   delayed by open water on March 2d and 3d; was held up by open
   water from March 4th to March 11th; crossed the 84th parallel
   on March 11th and encountered an open lead on March 15th;
   crossed the 85th parallel on March 18th; crossed the 86th
   parallel on March 22d and encountered an open lead on March
   33d [23d?]; passed the Norwegian record on March 23d; passed
   the Italian record on March 24th and encountered an open lead
   on March 26th; crossed the 87th parallel on March 27th; passed
   the American record on March 28th and encountered a lead on
   March 28th; held up by open water on March 29th; crossed the
   88th parallel on April 2d; crossed the 89th parallel on April
   4th, and reached the North Pole on April 6th.

   "On returning we left the pole on April 7th; reached Camp
   Columbia on April 23d, arriving on board the Roosevelt
   on April 27th. The Roosevelt left Cape Sheridan on July
   18th, passed Cape Sabine on August 8th, left Cape York on
   August 26th and arrived at Indian Harbor.

   "All the members of the expedition are returning in good
   health except Professor Ross G. Martin, who unfortunately
   drowned on April 10th, 45 miles north of Cape Columbia, while
   returning from 86 degrees north latitude in command of a
   supporting party."

{502}

POLAR EXPLORATION: Antarctic:
   English, German, Swedish, and Scottish Expeditions.
   The Successes of Lieutenant Shackleton.

   When the account of Polar Exploration in Volume VI. of this
   work was closed, in April, 1901, several expeditions to the
   Antarctic region were reported as being under preparation, in
   England, Germany, and Sweden. The English expedition, for
   which the ship Discovery was being fitted out, sailed
   on the 6th of August, 1901, under the command of Captain
   Robert F. Scott, with Lieutenant Ernest H. Shackleton of the
   British Navy as second in command. Its object was a further
   exploration of the great mountainous region named Victoria
   Land, which Captain James Ross had discovered half a century
   before. This coast the Discovery reached in January,
   1902, and followed it southward, to and beyond the Erebus
   volcano, skirting the Great Ice Barrier which stretches far
   eastward, seeming to forbid a penetration of the frozen
   territory it hems in. In this survey the British explorers
   reached an unvisited section, which they named King Edward
   Land. They wintered that year near Mount Erebus, pushing
   sledge expeditions southward over the snow fields, finding a
   more upheaved and broken surface of land, less ice-capped,
   than is the common feature of the Arctic polar zone. In the
   longest of these sledge-trips the latitude of 82° 17' S. was
   attained,—far beyond any previous approach to the southern
   pole, but still more than 500 miles from that goal. Through a
   second winter the Discovery was held fast in the ice,
   with considerable sickness among officers and men,
   notwithstanding which important additions to their survey of
   the region were made. In January, 1904, they were reached by
   two relief ships, and escaped from the ice in the following
   month, arriving at New Zealand not long after.

   The German expedition commanded by Dr. Drygalski, left Kiel
   August 11, 1901, borne by the steamer Gauss, built
   specially for battling with ice. In January, 1902, it took on
   stores at Kerguelen Island, and proceeded thence to a point in
   the Antarctic Circle far eastward of that chosen by the British
   explorers, being within the region of the discoveries made by
   Captain Wilkes, about sixty years before, and indefinitely
   named Wilkes Land. It was the purpose of Dr. Drygalski to
   establish a station on the section of this unexplored
   territory known as Termination Land and from thence make
   thorough surveys. He failed, however, to find the supposed
   land in its expected place, and was unfortunately frozen in
   for a year, with sledge expeditions baffled by the violence of
   winter storms. In geographical exploration the Gauss
   party seem to have accomplished little, but they made rich
   collections of scientific data. As soon as they were freed
   from the ice they received orders from Berlin to return home.

   The Swedish expedition, under Dr. Otto Nordenskjöld, left
   Europe in October, 1901, in the ship Antarctic,
   destined for Graham Land, south of the South American
   continent. There, on the east coast of that land, in Admiralty
   Inlet, Dr. Nordenskjöld established winter quarters in
   February, 1902, and the Antarctic was sent to South
   America, to return thence some months later.

   A Scottish expedition, under Dr. W. S. Bruce, in the steamer
   Scotia, was sent out in October, 1903, for special
   oceanographic investigations in Weddell Sea,—south of the
   Atlantic Ocean.

   All previous Antarctic explorations were eclipsed, in 1908-1909,
   by that of Lieutenant Shackleton, commanding the barkentine
   Nimrod, a converted whaling vessel, much smaller than the
   Discovery, on which Lieutenant Shackleton had
   accompanied Captain Scott to the same region some years
   before. The Nimrod sailed from England in July, 1907, and from
   New Zealand on New Year Day, 1908, going to the same section
   of the Arctic Circle that the Discovery had sought.
   Winter quarters were established at a point about twenty miles
   north of the spot where Scott and Shackleton had wintered in
   1902-1903. One of the first achievements of the party was the
   ascent of Mount Erebus by six of the scientists of the
   expedition, who began their difficult climb on the 5th of
   March. Caught in a blizzard on the second day of their
   undertaking, they had to lie in their sleeping bags for thirty
   hours; but they made their way to the summit and looked down
   into the live fire of the crater. The party making this ascent
   were Lieutenant Adams, R. N. R. (geologist). Sir Philip
   Brocklehurst (surveyor and map maker), Professor David, of
   Sydney University, Mr. A. Forbes Mackay, assistant surgeon,
   Mr. Eric Marshall, surgeon and cartographer, and Mr. Marson a
   scientist of Adelaide. Early in the spring the sledging
   journeys were begun.

   Speaking at a reception given to him by the Royal Geographical
   Society, on his return to England in June, 1909, Lieutenant
   Shackleton gave a brief account of the most important of these
   journeys, led by himself, with Lieutenant Adams, geologist,
   Surgeon Eric Marshall, and a third companion named Wild. The
   march of the party was directly toward the Pole:

   "On December 3 they climbed a mountain 4,000 feet high, and
   from its summit saw what they believed to be a royal road to
   the Pole—an enormous glacier stretching southwards. There was
   only one pony left at this time, and, taking this animal with
   them, they started the ascent of the glacier, which proved to
   be seamed with crevasses. Progress became very slow, for
   disaster threatened at every step. On December 7 the remaining
   pony was lost down a crevasse, very nearly taking Wild and a
   sledge with it. Finally the party gained the inland plateau,
   at an altitude of over 10,000 feet, and started across the
   great white snow plain towards the Pole.

   "They were short of food, and had cut down their rations to an
   absolute minimum; the temperature at the high altitude
   was extremely low, and all their spare clothing had been
   deposited lower down the glacier in order to save weight. On
   January 6, [1909], they reached latitude 88' 8" south [88°
   8'?], after having taken the risk of leaving a depot of stores
   on the plateau, out of sight of all land. Then a blizzard
   swept down upon them, and for two days they were unable to
   leave their tent, while, owing to their weakened condition and
   the intense cold, they suffered from frostbite even in their
   sleeping bags. When the blizzard moderated on January 9 they
   felt that they had reached their limit of endurance, for their
   strength was greatly reduced and the food was almost done.
   They therefore left the camp standing, and pushing on for five
   hours, planted Queen Alexandra’s flag in 88' 23" south [88°
   23'?], took possession of the plateau for the King, and turned
   their faces north again.

{503}

   "Mr. Shackleton described the difficulties of the journey back
   to the coast, when the men were desperately short of food and
   nearly worn out, and attacks of dysentery added to their
   troubles. … One day on the Barrier they were unable to march
   at all, being prostrated with dysentery, and they reached each
   depot with their food finished. On February 23, however, they
   reached a depot prepared for them by a party from the ship,
   and on March 1 Mr. Shackleton and Wild reached the
   Nimrod. Mr. Shackleton at once led a relief party back
   to get Adams and Marshall, the latter having been unable to
   continue the march owing to dysentery, and on March 4 all the
   men were safe on board."

   "Lieutenant Shackleton has essentially solved the problem of
   the position of the South Pole," said the London Times
   in comments on the expedition; "he may be said, indeed, to
   have been actually within sight of it on a dreary plateau some
   10,000 ft. above sea level. He has been as successful in
   solving the problem of the South Pole as Nansen was in solving
   that of the character of the ocean which surrounds the North
   Pole."

   An expedition to complete what Lieutenant Shackleton came so
   near to accomplishing is being prepared in Great Britain, with
   intention to sail in July, 1910. It will be commanded by
   Captain Scott, of the expedition of 1901. The British
   Government contributes $100,000 to the cost. American and
   German expeditions are also being prepared.

POLES, THE: Germany: A. D. 1902-1908.
   Measures for Germanizing the Polish Provinces of Prussia.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (MARCH-MAY), 1906-1907, and 1908.

POLES, THE: Russia: A. D. 1904-1905.
   Revolutionary Disturbances in.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

POLES, THE: A. D. 1906.
   Their Present Condition.

   "The Polish question … resolves itself into a struggle between
   the local Russian Government, the Patriot, and the Socialists.
   The local Government though harassed and worried by the
   Socialists, is secure from any great disaster until the latter
   have won over all the troops, or the Russian soldier forgets
   his hatred for the Pole. The Socialists, well organised and
   energetic, are carrying out their programme with a tenacity
   which would be astonishing were it not for the fact that the
   Jewish element predominates in their ranks.

   "The Polish Patriot seems to be in the worst case of all; for
   his hopes are centred on the programme of a party which is
   without efficient leaders and without the slightest chance of
   obtaining its demands from the existing Russian Government.
   The one ray of light on his political horizon is the fact that
   liberal Russia has expressed sympathy for his wrongs, and
   promised to redress them as soon as circumstances will allow,
   but even the most sanguine Patriot admits that his new ally
   has many battles to win before this promise can be fulfilled.
   Meanwhile, he is engaged in an unequal struggle with the
   Socialists and their allies, the anarchists."

      B. C. Baskerville,
      The Present Condition of Poland
      (Fortnightly Review, October, 1906).

POLK, Van Leer:
   Delegate to Third International Conference of
   American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

POLLARD PLAN, OF JUDICIAL DEALING WITH DRUNKARDS.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS.

POLTAVA PROVINCE, Peasant Doings in.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1902.

POOLING, OF RAILWAY RATES.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

POOR LAWS, WORKING OF THE ENGLISH.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY.

POPES.

      See (in this Volume and Volume IV.)
      PAPACY.

PORT ARTHUR: A. D. 1904-1905.
   Siege and Capture in the Russo-Japanese War.

      See(in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-July) and (February-August);
      also A. D. 1904-1905 (May-January).

PORTER, HORACE:
   Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

PORTER, HORACE:
   Search for and Recovery, at Paris, of the Remains
   of John Paul Jones.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

PORTLAND, OREGON: A. D. 1905.
   The Lewis and Clark Exposition.

   "The Lewis and Clark Centennial and American Pacific
   Exposition and Oriental Fair" (to give its full of fecial
   title), conducted at Portland from the beginning of June until
   the middle of October, 1905, in commemoration of the first
   exploration of the American Continent from the Mississippi to
   the Pacific, was one of the most interesting and attractive of
   the undertakings of its kind in the last decade. Specially as
   an exhibit of the wonderful natural resources of the great
   Northwest, and of the more wonderful rapidity of their
   exploitation, it seemed wholly satisfying to all who visited
   it. The reclamation work of the United States Government,
   shown elaborately by models and otherwise in the Irrigation
   Building of the extensive national exhibit, afforded a feature
   of uncommon attractiveness. The associated Forestry Building,
   with its walls of mighty logs and its grand pillars of firs
   and cedars, six and seven feet in diameter, was a piece of
   unique architecture that drew all eyes. "The Oregon
   Cathedral," it came to be called. In metals, minerals, fruits
   and grains, the wealth of the Northwest was astonishingly
   displayed; and the Japanese from the farther side of the
   Pacific made the most of the opportunity to spread their
   artistic wares before American buyers.

   The scenic setting of the Exposition grounds, on the border of
   a lake and with a background of hill rising from Willamette
   River, was a theme of praise in all reports of it.

{504}

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901-1905.
   Change of Qualifications for the Elective Franchise.

   The fundamental provisions of the Act of Congress, approved
   April 12, 1900, under which the government of Porto Rico as a
   dependency of the United States was organized, will be found
   in Volume VI of this work.

      See
      PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (APRIL).

   The Act has received amendment since, making one important
   organic change. The Executive Council which it created was
   authorized to fix the qualifications of voters for the first
   election of a Legislative Assembly. The suffrage in that
   election, held in 1900, was conferred by the Council on every
   male citizen of twenty-one years, resident in the island for
   one year and for six months in his municipal district, "who is
   able to read and write, or who, on September 1, 1900, owned
   real estate in his own right and name, or who on said date was
   a member of a firm or corporation or partnership, or who on
   September 1, 1900, owned personal property in his own right or
   name not less in value than twenty-five dollars." The results
   of the election held under that rule, and a brief summary of
   the doings of the Legislative Assembly at its first session,
   which opened on the 3d of December, 1900, and closed on the
   31st of January, 1901, are given in Volume VI.

   "At its second session, in 1902, the Legislative Assembly
   availed itself of the power given to it by the organic act and
   passed a law for the government of future elections. This act
   followed closely the provisions of the orders that had been
   issued by the executive council. The system created is similar
   to that in the American States which have adopted the
   Australian ballot. As regards the franchise, the only change
   made was that the provision which gave the right to vote to
   persons owning personal property to the value of twenty-five
   dollars was dropped and in its place was substituted the
   provision conferring the franchise upon those persons meeting
   the conditions as regards age and residence who on the day of
   registration are able to produce to the board of registry tax
   receipts showing the payment of any kind of taxes for the last
   six months of the year in which the election is held. The law
   also provided that all persons who were registered during the
   year 1900 would not be required to register anew or have to
   meet the new requirements of the law. This was the law under
   which the second election in 1902 was held. In 1904 the law
   underwent a very important alteration as regards the
   qualifications for the enjoyment of the electoral franchise.
   By this new law the three conditions—ability to read and
   write, ownership of real estate, or payment of taxes—any one
   of which qualified a male citizen of Porto Rico who had
   resided in the island one year and in the district in which he
   offered to register for six months immediately preceding, to
   vote, were until July 1, 1906, wiped out, leaving only the
   conditions regarding sex, age and residence to be met in order
   to qualify a voter. After that date the additional
   qualification of being able to read and write must be met. The
   result of this amendment to the law is to provide for
   universal manhood suffrage until July 1, 1906, after which no
   new name can be added to the registration list unless its
   owner is able to read and write. Those persons, however, who
   are properly registered before that date are not required to
   offer themselves for registration, but continue to enjoy the
   full rights of the franchise."

      W. F. Willoughby,
      Territories and Dependencies of the United States.
      page 95 (Century Company, New York, 1905).

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1905.
   Extension of Local Government asked for.

   A convention of municipal delegates, chosen by the elective
   municipal councils of the island, assembled at San Juan in
   July, 1905, formulated a request to the Government of the
   United States for a broadening of the fundamental law of 1900,
   which "would largely transfer the control of the local
   government to their own people. The Governor would remain a
   Presidential appointee, but the appointments by the Governor
   would be subject in many cases to revision by a locally
   elected Senate, except the courts, which would remain as now,
   for the most part, under our direct control. In other words,
   the legislative, and largely the administrative functions,
   subject to the limitations of the Organic Act, would be
   exercised by the Porto Ricans. The courts, of our own
   choosing, would construe limitations on these powers, and the
   Governor, with his police and militia, would be solely
   responsible for order and the lawful execution of lawful
   mandates."

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.
   Visited by President Roosevelt.
   His account of it.

   "On November twenty-first I visited the island of Porto Rico,
   landing at Ponce, crossing by the old Spanish road by Cayey to
   San Juan, and returning next morning over the new American
   road from Arecibo to Ponce; the scenery was wonderfully
   beautiful, especially among the mountains of the interior,
   which constitute a veritable tropic Switzerland. I could not
   embark at San Juan because the harbor has not been dredged out
   and cannot receive an American battle ship. I do not think
   this fact creditable to us as a nation, and I earnestly hope
   that immediate provision will be made for dredging San Juan
   Harbor.

   "I doubt whether our people as a whole realize the beauty and
   fertility of Porto Rico and the progress that has been made
   under its admirable government. …

   "I stopped at a dozen towns all told, and one of the notable
   features in every town was the gathering of the school
   children. The work that has been done in Porto Rico for
   education has been noteworthy. The main emphasis, as is
   eminently wise and proper, has been put upon primary
   education; but in addition to this there is a normal school,
   an agricultural school, three industrial and three high
   schools. Every effort is being made to secure not only the
   benefits of elementary education to all the Porto Ricans of
   the next generation, but also as far as means will permit to
   train them so that the industrial, agricultural and commercial
   opportunities of the island can be utilized to the best
   possible advantage. It was evident, at a glance, that the
   teachers, both Americans and native Porto Ricans, were devoted
   to their work, took the greatest pride in it, and were
   endeavoring to train their pupils not only in mind, but in
   what counts for far more than mind in citizenship—that is, in
   character.

   "I was very much struck by the excellent character both of the
   insular police and of the Porto Rican regiment. They are both
   of them bodies that reflect credit upon the American
   administration of the island. The insular police are under the
   local Porto Rican government. The Porto Rican regiment of
   troops must be appropriated for by the Congress. I earnestly
   hope that this body will be kept permanent. There should
   certainly be troops in the island, and it is wise that these
   troops should be themselves native Porto Ricans. It would be
   from every standpoint a mistake not to perpetuate this
   regiment. …

{505}

   "There is a matter to which I wish to call your special
   attention, and that is the desirability of conferring full
   American citizenship upon the people of Porto Rico. I most
   earnestly hope that this will be done. I cannot see how any
   harm can possibly result from it, and it seems to me a matter
   of right and justice to the people of Porto Rico. They are
   loyal, they are glad to be under our flag, they are making
   rapid progress along the path of orderly liberty. Surely we
   should now show our appreciation of them, our pride in what
   they have done, and our pleasure in extending recognition for
   what has thus been done by granting them full American
   citizenship. …

   "The Porto Ricans have complete and absolute autonomy in all
   their municipal governments, the only power over them
   possessed by the insular government being that of removing
   corrupt or incompetent municipal officials. This power has
   never been exercised save on the clearest proof of corruption
   or of incompetence such as to jeopardize the interests of the
   people of the island; and under such circumstances it has been
   fearlessly used to the immense benefit of the people. It is
   not a power with which it would be safe, for the sake of the
   island itself, to dispense at present. The lower house is
   absolutely elective, while the upper house is appointive. This
   scheme is working well; no injustice of any kind results from
   it, and great benefit to the island, and it should certainly
   not be changed at this time. The machinery of the elections is
   administered entirely by the Porto Rican people themselves,
   the governor and council keeping only such supervision as is
   necessary in order to secure an orderly election. Any protest
   as to electoral frauds is settled in the courts."

      Theodore Roosevelt,
      Message to Congress
      (Congressional Record, December 11, 1906).

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1908.
   Ten Years of Progress.

   "Ten years ago exports from Porto Rico to the United States
   were valued at $2,414,356, while in the fiscal year ending
   June 30, 1908, they were $25,891,261. The new figures show a
   probable further increase for 1909. In 1898, less than
   $3,000,000 worth of sugar was exported, and to-day shipments
   are more than $14,000,000. In coffee, once the leading staple,
   increase is also marked, although sugar now holds first place.

   "Four hundred and thirty-five miles of macadamized roads, in
   good repair, now make communication easy between San Juan and
   Ponce and cities on the west coast. Two-thirds of the roads
   have been built since the occupation. The railroad around the
   island, projected by the Spanish, but delayed year by year, is
   now built, and harbor improvements have been made in San Juan
   and Ponce. More than a thousand public schools are educating
   the Porto Rican children—and sometimes their parents. The net
   public debt is now less than $3,000,000 or less than 21 per
   cent. of the assessed valuation, and the bulk of this money
   has been spent in public improvements."

      Porto Rico Correspondent New York Evening Post,
      March 27, 1909.

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1909.
   Modification of the Fundamental Act.

   In a special Message to Congress, May 10, 1909, President Taft
   called attention to the failure of the Legislative Assembly of
   Porto Rico to pass the usual appropriation bills, leaving the
   government of the island without support after the 30th of the
   next June. In his opinion, the situation indicated that the
   United States had proceeded too fast in extending political
   power to the Porto Ricans, and that the full control of
   appropriations should be withdrawn from those "who have shown
   themselves too irresponsible to enjoy it." He suggested,
   therefore, an amendment of the fundamental act, known as the
   Foraker Act, to provide that when the legislative assembly
   shall adjourn without making the appropriation necessary to
   carry on the government, sums equal to the appropriations made
   in the previous year for the respective purposes shall be
   available from the current revenues, and shall be drawn by the
   warrant of the auditor on the treasurer and countersigned by
   the Governor. Such a provision applies to the Legislatures of
   the Philippines and Hawaii and "it has prevented in those two
   countries any misuse of the power of appropriation." An
   amendatory Act was passed in accordance with the President’s
   suggestion.

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1909.
   Change in the Governorship.

   In September, 1909, Governor Regis H. Post resigned his
   office, and was succeeded by Mr. George R. Colton, who had had
   previous experience, both civil and military, in the
   Philippines and in Santo Domingo. The Secretary of the island
   underwent a change, also, Mr. Willoughby being called to
   Washington to take the duties of Assistant Director of the
   Census, and his place in Porto Rico being filled by Mr. George
   Cabot Ward.

PORTSMOUTH, Peace Treaty of:
   Circumstances and Text.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906.
   At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
   A "rotative" system of Party Government and its results.
   King Carlos assumes dictatorial authority.
   His Minister, Senhor Franco.
   Murder of the King and Crown Prince.
   Succession of King Manuel.
   Recent Ministries.

   For many years prior to 1906 Portugal had been governed by two
   political parties, calling themselves the Regeneradors and the
   Progressistas, who, it has been said, "relieved one another in
   office, and in the spoils of office, at decent intervals, by a
   tacit arrangement between their leaders." This regular
   ministerial rotation led to the popular nickname of Rotativos,
   applied to both parties, and significant of the contempt in
   which they were held. The rotative system of party government,
   "while ensuring a comfortable livelihood to a class of
   professional politicians, was of no conspicuous benefit to the
   country, and it was with a view to ending it that King Carlos
   summoned Senhor João Franco, in May, 1906, to form a ministry.
   Senhor Franco, who belonged to neither of the recognized
   parties, set his hand zealously to the work of reform, but his
   attempts to purge the Administration soon brought him into
   conflict with powerful vested interests; and in May, 1907, the
   politicians whose livelihoods he was reforming away united
   against him in a policy of obstruction which made
   Parliamentary government impossible.
{506}
   He then dissolved the Cortes, and with the approval of the
   King assumed the position of dictator. His work of reform
   thenceforth proceeded apace. Drastic decrees, each aimed at
   some abuse, followed one another with amazing rapidity. Strong
   in the support of the King and of the best elements in the
   country, execrated by the politicians whom he had spoiled, and
   by the Press which he had done nothing to conciliate, he
   continued on his headlong course, and at the end of January,
   1908, he signed a decree practically amounting to a suspension
   of civil liberties."

      Lisbon Correspondence,
      London Times.

   A tragedy followed quickly. On the 1st day of February, 1908,
   the King, Dom Carlos, and the Crown Prince, Luiz Felipe, as
   they rode through the streets of Lisbon, with the Queen and a
   younger son in the same carriage, and attended by an escort,
   were attacked by a throng of assassins and killed. The younger
   prince was wounded; the Queen escaped by a miracle, one of the
   assassins having been shot at the instant his pistol was aimed
   at her. The two princes fought bravely, and the Queen threw
   herself in front of her husband, attempting vainly to shield
   him.

   Prince Manuel, whose wound was not serious, succeeded to the
   throne; but "the shots that killed Dom Carlos and Dom Luiz on
   February 1 swept away the dictatorship of Senhor Franco and
   the whole fabric which he had built up at so much cost during
   18 months. Within a few hours of the murder Senhor Franco
   resigned, under pressure, it is said, and left the country,
   declaring that he had done with politics for ever. From being
   the saviour of his country, the admiration of all enlightened
   men, both at home and abroad, he became a pariah. His
   supporters became mute and his system vanished. From that day
   to this his followers have had no more than three or four
   seats in the Chamber, where they have remained voiceless and
   without influence on the course of events.

   "That a seemingly vulgar crime should have so disproportionate
   an effect was strange, and no less strange was the attitude of
   the country. Whether owing to the widely entertained suspicion
   that the murderers of the King were the tools of more
   important personages whom it would not be safe to discover, or
   to the fear of a Republican rising felt by the moderate and
   respectable members of the community, is still a matter of
   opinion; the fact remains that society lost its nerve. No
   burst of indignation, no adequate expression of sympathy for
   the Royal Family was heard; no steps were taken to trace the
   authors of the crime. … The disappearance of Senhor Franco
   left the two old ‘rotativist’ parties in presence, the
   Progressistas under Senhor Luciano de Castro, and the
   Regeneradores under Senhor Vilhena, the recently elected
   successor of the veteran Hintze Ribeiro. Compared to these,
   neither the Republicans, whose strength was supposed to be
   considerable in the country, nor the ‘dissident’
   Progressistas, under Senhor Alpoim, were of any account as
   Parliamentary factors. A coalition Government was formed on
   March 4, under Admiral Ferreira do Amaral, consisting of two
   Regeneradores, two Progressistas, and two so-called
   Independents, personal adherents of the Premier, who resembled
   him in having no marked political ideals or convictions. The
   elections, which took place in April, returned 62
   Regeneradores and 59 Progressistas, thus starting the
   Government on its career with the handsome following of 121 in
   a House of 155. The matters with which the Government had to
   deal were mainly three—namely, the revision of the decrees
   issued by Senhor Franco as Dictator, the question of the Civil
   List and of the advances made by the nation to the Royal
   Family, and electoral reform. The Civil List was successfully
   settled, but little progress had been made with the remainder
   of the programme when the first serious defection occurred.
   During the recess the Government announced that the municipal
   elections, which had been suspended by Senhor Franco in favour
   of nominated councils, would be held again in November, a
   decision bitterly attacked by Senhor Vilhena, who announced
   that the Regeneradores could no longer support the Government.
   The elections were duly held, and, owing to the deliberate
   abstention of the Monarchist parties, the Republicans captured
   unopposed every seat on the Lisbon council. The unpopularity
   incurred by the Government on account of this unnecessary gift
   to the common enemy brought about a Government crisis. Admiral
   Amaral referred the matter to the Council of State, who, to
   his great surprise and annoyance, advised the resignation of
   the Government. The Premier and his two independents
   accordingly retired, and the Cabinet was reconstituted under
   Senhor Campos Henriques, who together with Senhor Wenceslao de
   Lima, Minister of Foreign Affairs, continued to represent the
   Regenerador party. The late Premier’s ‘Independents’ made way
   for the Progressistas, who thus held five seats in the Cabinet
   to two held by the Regeneradores. Senhor Vilhena, who had
   brought about the fall of the late Government, was not offered
   a seat in the new one, and he immediately resumed his
   opposition; but on this occasion he only carried two-thirds of
   his party with him, 22 members deciding to support the
   Government. This defection of the Regeneradores under Senhor
   Vilhena, the first serious indication of a return to the old
   system of ‘rotativism,’ was shortly followed by that of the
   late Premier and his ‘Independents,’ so that when the Cortes
   met on March 1, [1909], the imposing Government majority of a
   year before had dwindled to 10 or 15."

   Then followed daily scenes of disorder and obstruction in
   Parliament until Senhor Campos Henriques surrendered, at the
   end of March. As The Times correspondent expressed it,
   "as soon as the Opposition in the Lower House expressed its
   impatience by a banging of desks, while its leader in the
   House of Peers solemnly affirmed the ‘incompatibility’ of his
   party with the Government, Ministers determined to avoid all
   further unpleasantness by resigning." The resignation was
   accepted by the King, and three party leaders in succession
   made attempts in the next month to conduct the Government,
   without success. Senhor Sebastiäo Telles held the reins for
   three weeks, and then passed them to Senhor Wenceslao de Lima,
   who framed up a nominally non-party Ministry on the 13th of
   May. Senhor De Lima conducted the Government until the
   following December, when, on the 19th, he resigned, and a
   "Progressist Ministry" was formed, under Senhor Beirao.

      London Times Correspondence of various Dates.

{507}

   Writing from Lisbon on the 5th of January, 1910, the
   Times correspondent said:

   "It is the Republicans who alone seem to be making progress.
   Their activities are unceasing, their newspapers the best
   informed and most ably conducted, their meetings, held all
   over the land, the most largely attended and most
   enthusiastic. At the same hour as that of the Royal reception
   on New Year’s Day the Republican municipality of Lisbon held a
   like function, not only largely and most influentially
   attended, but to the distinct diminution of the attendance in
   the Royal Palace."

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.
   Demonstration against the Religious Orders.

   The following despatch to the Press was sent from Lisbon
   August 3, 1909:

   "Freethinkers from all political parties in Portugal,
   represented by a Liberal committee, to-day presented to the
   Cortes a petition for the suppression of the religious orders
   in Portugal and the abrogation of the existing laws against
   freedom of conscience. This step was an outcome of the meeting
   held in this city yesterday.

   "The committee was accompanied to the Houses of Parliament by
   an immense crowd, and some wild scenes ensued. Among other
   things the petitioners asked for the abrogation of the recent
   law permitting religious associations to acquire landed
   property, a procedure which up to the present time has been
   illegal. Senhor Camacho moved the consideration of the
   subject, and when the motion was voted down the galleries
   broke out in protestation. There was considerable violence on
   the floor of the House. The Deputies engaged in a struggle in
   which desks and chairs were overturned, and the Chamber had to
   be cleared twice. The tumult was continued in the streets, but
   without serious results."

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.
   Offer of Dom Miguel to renounce his Claim to the Throne.

   Dom Miguel, son of the Dom Miguel who, from 1828 to 1833 held
   the throne of Portugal in defiance of the rights of Maria da
   Gloria, his elder brother’s daughter (see, in Volume IV.,
   PORTUGAL: A. D. 1824-1889), had kept up his father’s
   pretensions to the crown until the spring of 1909, when he
   offered to renounce it, if permitted to live in Portugal as a
   citizen. The permission was refused, for the reason that his
   return, with that of a number of nobles of his party, "would
   be regarded as a challenge to the rising tide of Liberalism."

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909 (April).
   Earthquake in and around Lisbon.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES: PORTUGAL.

PORTUGUESE AFRICA.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: PORTUGUESE.

POSTAGE, BEGINNING OF INTERNATIONAL PENNY.

   The postal treaty establishing two-cent or penny postage on
   letters between Great Britain and the United States went into
   effect October 1, 1909.

POSTAL SERVICE, IN CHINA.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1908.

POSTAL SERVICE STRIKE, IN FRANCE.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH-MAY).

POSTAL AND TELEGRAPHIC STRIKE, IN RUSSIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

   ----------POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: THEIR PROBLEMS: Start---

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
   Old Age Homes, in Vienna.

   "In most towns there is a tendency, in this our day, to deal
   more generously with destitute children than with destitute
   men and women. In Berlin and New York, for instance, both
   money and thought are lavished on the young whom the community
   supports; while as for the aged, what is given to them is
   given only of necessity. In Vienna it is otherwise; there the
   arrangements for the relief of the old people are better—both
   more carefully considered and more liberal—than those for the
   relief of children, a fact that says more, perhaps, for the
   hearts than for the heads of the authorities.

   "If a man—or a woman—above 60 is without money wherewith to
   provide for himself, or the strength to earn the money, he
   applies to the Guardian of his ward for help. Then, if he has
   a home to live in, and someone to take care of him, or is able
   to take care of himself, he is granted out relief, a money
   allowance if he can be trusted to spend it wisely, otherwise
   relief in kind. Supposing, however, he is homeless, feeble and
   ‘alone-standing,’ he is sent to a Versorgungshaus, or old-age
   home, if there is a vacant place there; and, if not, to a
   small poor-house until there is.

   "Versorgungshäuser are the distinctive feature of the Austrian
   Poor Relief system so far as the aged are concerned. Already
   in the days of Joseph II. Vienna had two if not more of these
   homes, and at the present time it has six. One of them is
   reserved exclusively for Citizens; another, that at Mauerbach,
   is reserved for persons who, owing to their perverted notions
   as to what is seemly, cannot be accorded the full liberty the
   old people in the other homes enjoy. In all the six together
   there is space for more than 6,000 inmates. As the
   Versorgungshäuser are looked upon by classes and masses alike
   as the homes of the aged poor, the place where they have a
   right to be, no disgrace is attached to going there. …

   "Although in Vienna much is done for the poor, the burden
   entailed by Poor Relief is by no means overwhelming. In 1903
   the full cost of indoor relief, outdoor relief and sick
   relief, together with the cost of administration, was only
   £942,870, and of this £250,672 was obtained from private
   sources. At that time the town was providing 31,000 adults—old
   men and women for the most part—with allowances ranging in
   amount from 30 kronen to 6 kronen a month; it was maintaining
   6,790 more in old-age homes and other institutions; and was
   defraying the cost of the Asyl and workhouse. It was
   supporting, or contributing to the support of, 10,260 children
   who were either with their own relatives or were boarded out;
   and was maintaining 3,246 in orphanages, etc. It defrayed the
   cost of the 27,000 babies who passed through the Foundling
   Hospital, and of the 19,085 children who were temporarily in
   institutions. It also provided 77,000 boys and girls with
   school books, and contributed generously to many private
   philanthropic societies. Roughly speaking, the cost to the
   town of Poor Relief in Vienna per head of the population is
   8s. 4d."

      Edith Sellers,
      Poor Relief in Vienna
      (Contemporary Review, December, 1900).

{508}

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
   Pensions, &c.: Denmark: A. D. 1907.
   Old Age Pensions.

   Some interesting details of the working of the Danish old-age
   pensions system are contained in a British Consular report
   issued in May, 1909. The latest available statistics show that
   on March 31, 1907, 70,445 persons over 60 years of age were in
   receipt of pensions, which amounted in the aggregate to
   £451,000 [$2,255,000] for the financial year 1906-1907. The
   number of pensioners on March 31, 1906, was 68,800, and the
   amount distributed in the financial year 1905-1906, £420,444.
   Both the number of pensioners and the average amount of the
   pensions are increasing. The ages of the "principal"
   pensioners (i. e., of the actual recipients of pensions
   apart from wives and children dependent on them) were, on
   March 31st, 1906, as follows:
      60 to 65 years of age—3,173 men, 4,239 women;
      65 to 70 years—5,831 men, 6,756 women;
      70 years and over—13,974 men and 17,037 women.

   About a quarter of the population over 60 years of age is in
   receipt of pensions, the women especially availing themselves
   of their benefits. The average amount distributed to each
   "principal" recipient was £6 5s. in 1905-1906 and £6 11s. in
   1906-1907.

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: England: A. D. 1908.
   Old Age Pensions Act.
   The Working of the Law.
   Its Pitiful and Appalling Disclosures.

   The Act of the British Parliament, "to Provide for Old Age
   Pensions" (August 1, 1908), declares in its first section that
   "the receipt of an old age pension under this Act shall not
   deprive the pensioner of any franchise, right, or privilege,
   or subject him to any disability." The second section defines
   the "statutory conditions for the receipt of an old age
   pension by any person" to be: the person must have attained
   the age of seventy; must satisfy the pension authorities that
   he has been a British subject and resident in the United
   Kingdom for at least twenty years; that his yearly means, as
   calculated under the stipulations of the Act, do not exceed
   thirty-one pounds ten shillings. But, notwithstanding the
   fulfilment of these statutory conditions, a person is
   disqualified while he is in receipt of any poor relief, other
   than medical or surgical assistance on the recommendation of a
   medical officer, or relief rendered by means of the
   maintenance of a dependent in an asylum, infirmary, or
   hospital, or any relief that by law is expressly declared not
   to be a disqualification for any franchise, right, or
   privilege. Furthermore, any person is disqualified for the
   receipt of an old age pension "if, before he becomes entitled
   to a pension, he has habitually failed to work according to
   his ability, opportunity, and need, for the maintenance or
   benefit of himself and those legally dependent upon him:
   Provided that a person shall not be disqualified under this
   paragraph if he has continuously for ten years up to attaining
   the age of sixty, by means of payments to friendly, provident,
   or other societies, or trade unions, or other approved steps,
   made such provision against old age, sickness, infirmity, or
   want or loss of employment as may be recognized as proper
   provision for the purpose by regulations under this Act, and
   any such provision, when made by the husband in the case of a
   married couple living together, shall, as respects any right
   of the wife to a pension, be treated as provision made by the
   wife as well as by the husband."

   Disqualification exists, also, during detention in a lunatic
   asylum; and not only during any penal imprisonment that has
   been ordered "without the option fine," but for ten years
   thereafter.

   Specific rules are given in the Act for "calculating the means
   of a person" who seeks the pension; and the rate of weekly
   pension to be paid is proportioned inversely to such
   ascertained means, as follows: "Where the yearly means of the
   pensioner as calculated under this Act:
   Do not exceed £21.,—5s. 0d.;
   exceed £21, but do not exceed £23, 12s. 6d.,—4s. 0d.;
   exceed £23 12s. 6d., but do not exceed £26 5s.,—3s. 0d.;
   exceed £26 5s., but do not exceed £28 17s. 6d.,—2s. 0c2.;
   exceed £28 17s. 6d., but do not exceed £31 10s.,—1s. 0d.;
   exceed £31 10s., no pension."

   The Act became operative on the 1st of January, 1909. At that
   time the persons recommended for pensions, throughout the
   Kingdom, numbered 490,028, with somewhat over 148,000 pending
   claims. The original estimate, on the discussion of the
   measure, had been that the eligible pensioners would not
   exceed 500,000, and that the cost of the undertaking, to begin
   with, would be about £6,000,000. It was evident, therefore,
   before pension payments began, that these estimates were much
   too low.

   From Ireland it was reported by the Press on the opening day
   of pension payments that "more than 4,000 persons will to-day
   receive old-age pensions in the city of Dublin. Claims
   continue to be received in large numbers, and the pension
   authorities estimate that, inasmuch as the last census of the
   city showed that there were 6,800 persons over 70 years of age
   then alive, at least 1,200 eligible persons have not yet made
   application. Yesterday afternoon it was stated that in all
   5,600 claims had been lodged.

   "Of the 209,000 claims lodged altogether in Ireland, it is
   estimated that 50,000 will be disallowed, and that £30,000
   weekly will be required to satisfy those which have been held
   to be good. So far as Dublin is concerned, less than 90 per
   cent, of the inhabitants who are over 70 years of age have
   claimed pensions, so that the rural districts are responsible
   for the larger percentage of claimants in Ireland as compared
   with England and Scotland."

   From Scotland it was reported that "in Glasgow, the number of
   persons of 70 years and over is 13,160, and fully half of
   those made claims. A rough estimate places the number of full
   pensions granted at about 5,550. In addition, a number of
   allowances of the smaller amounts, ranging from 4s. to 1s.,
   have been made."

   In London, on the 1st of January, 1908, there had been 39,043
   claims considered, of which 36,108 were allowed. Of these,
   31,327 were for 5s., 1,701 for 4s., 1,827 for 3s., 797 for
   2s., and 456 for 1s.

{509}

   Speaking in Parliament on the 1st of March, with deep feeling,
   of the working of the Pension Act and of the revelation of
   poverty it had made, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr.
   Lloyd-George, said: "The pension officers, especially in
   Ireland, had been appalled at the amount of undisclosed
   poverty, and that was why he was not disposed to criticize too
   harshly the administration of the Act in that country, even if
   it had resulted in addition of a considerable sum to the
   estimate of the Government. The details of poverty in Ireland
   were perfectly horrifying. It was a disgrace to any civilized
   country that reasonable human beings should be allowed to live
   under such conditions. But the same condition of things was
   found in Great Britain also in many cases. He made a special
   point of investigating the matter, and pension committees and
   pension officers all told the same story of people facing
   poverty and privation for years with resignation, fortitude,
   and uncomplaining patience, and all asked the same question
   and asked it in vain—How on earth could those poor people have
   managed to keep body and soul together on such slender
   resources? They had not understated their resources; on the
   contrary, there were cases in which they had overstated them
   from a feeling of pride.

   "What struck one in such cases was how the people had fought
   against the horror of the Poor Law. There were 270,000 people
   over 70 years of age in receipt of Poor Law relief. The
   Old-Age Pensions Act had disclosed the presence in the
   community of over 600,000 people the vast majority of whom
   were living in circumstances of great poverty, and yet
   disdained the charity of the Poor Law."

   In the report of the Local Government Board for 1908, the
   inspector of poor-law administration in the eastern counties
   of England reported a substantial decrease in pauperism during
   the year, and attributed this mainly to the passing of the
   Old-Age Pensions Act. Persons verging on the age of 70 were
   doing everything possible to preserve their qualifications for
   pensions, and their sons and daughters, in the hope that the
   old folk will be able to stand alone, are maintaining them
   till the pensions are due in order that they may not be
   forfeited by parish relief.

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: France: A. D. 1909.
   State Railway Servants Pensions.

   In July, 1909, the Chamber of Deputies adopted a Bill for
   pensioning the railway employees of the State which had
   already passed the Senate. It applies to some 308,000 persons,
   who will be pensioned in several classes at ages ranging from
   50 to 60 years, and the estimated annual cost will exceed
   $5,000,000. The Minister of Public Works, M. Barthou,
   described the measure as an acknowledgment on the part of the
   country of a debt which it owed to a deserving body of public
   servants, who for the last 11 years had waited patiently for
   the fulfilment of a promise and upon various trying occasions
   during that period had not abused the confidence which had
   been reposed in their good sense and public spirit.

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: France: A. D. 1910.
   General Old-Age Pension Law.

   A general measure for the pensioning of workmen in old age,
   which had been pending in the French Parliament for nearly
   three years, became law in April, 1910. Passed in the first
   instance by the Chamber of Deputies in 1907, it was held in
   the Senate, undergoing an extensive remodeling, until the 12th
   of February, 1910, when that body gave it an unanimous vote.
   In the Chamber of Deputies its exaction of compulsory
   contributions from the wages of workmen to the pension fund
   was opposed by a section of the Socialists, but supported by
   the Socialist leader Jaures, as well as by the Briand
   Ministry, and carried by a decisive vote on April 1st.
   "Workingmen, domestic servants, clerks, and farm laborers to
   the number of nearly 12,000,000, whose annual earnings are
   below 3,000 francs, are placed under a system of compulsory
   insurance. For the farmer and small proprietor whose income
   ranges between 3,000 and 5,000 francs, an optional form of
   insurance is provided. Of this class there are nearly six
   million men and women in the country." In all, about
   18,000,000 of the population of France are beneficiaries of
   the Act.

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
   The German System of State-aided Pensions,
   compared with other systems.

   The following is from the report of a lecture on State-aided
   Pensions for the Poor, given in London, on the 3d of February,
   1909, by the Honourable W. P. Reeves, Director of the London
   School of Economics and Political Science. It is an admirable
   summary of facts that exhibit the working, down to the present
   time, of the German system of working men’s insurance adopted
   between 1883-1889.

      See (in Volume IV. of this work)
      SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1883-1889.

      See (in Volume VI. of this work)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900, in Volume VI.):

   "The subject, said the lecturer, fell into three
   groups—contributory pensions, free State universal pensions,
   and free State limited pensions. Germany, France, and Belgium
   afforded examples of the contributory pensions, and Denmark,
   Australia, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom of the limited
   free pensions. The universal free pensions were likely to
   remain an ideal. The Belgian superannuation for the poor,
   provided by voluntary contributions on the part of the insurer
   and by State bonuses, had encouraged thrift, but it yielded an
   average pension of only £3 a year. It could not, therefore, be
   pronounced to be a success, and the State had recognized its
   failure by inaugurating a system of free old-age pensions for
   the utterly destitute. A similar superannuation scheme in
   France, also maintained principally by voluntary
   contributions, had only attracted 8 per cent. of the class for
   which it was intended, and there, too, it had been found
   necessary to introduce free old-age pensions. There was also a
   voluntary system in Germany, but that was a kind of side show
   to the great national system of insurance by compulsory
   contributions. This latter system was a gigantic experiment,
   and it really did deserve the name of national. Professor
   Ashley had shown that of the 10,700,000 men who were insurable
   under this scheme 8,857,000 actually were insured; and of the
   5,800,000 women who were qualified to provide for pensions
   4,524,000 were actually paying their contributions. The system
   had been in operation for 26 years, and the amount paid out in
   that time must have exceeded £300,000,000, while 70 or 80
   million persons had been benefited by it from first to last.
   The number of persons affected yearly by the system was
   25,000,000; and in 1907 nearly £30,000,000 was spent in the
   three divisions of the triple system—old age, sickness, and
   accidents. He had only to deal with one division—old age and
   infirmity. The accumulated funds in this division amounted to
   about £70,000,000; and the amount paid out to the insurers in
   1906 was nearly £8,300,000, and in 1907 £8,400,000. The
   population liable to insure was about 14¼ millions, and the
   number of pensions in force at the end of 1907 was 979,000.

{510}

   "Under this German scheme the class compulsorily insured
   consisted of men and single women earning less than £100 a
   year. The funds were provided in equal contributions by
   employers and employed—the principle underlying the system
   being that of deferred wages. It was a question whether it was
   encouraging thrift to withhold from such wage-earners 2 per
   cent. of their wages. The State bore the cost of management,
   and added to every pension a bonus of £2 10s. a year. For the
   working of the system the wage-earners were divided into five
   grades:

   (1) Those who earn up to £17 10s. a year;
   (2) those who earn any sum between £17 10s. and £27 10s.;
   (3) those who earn any sum between £27 10s. and £42 10s.;
   (4) those who earn any sum between £42 10s. and £57; and
   (5) those who earn any sum between £57 and £100.

   The lowest wage-earners paid seven-eighths of a penny per week
   for their old-age pension, and the highest wage-earners about
   2¼d. No special consideration was shown for a married man. The
   five grades of pensions were:

   (1) £5 10s. a year;
   (2) £7;
   (3) £8 10s.;
   (4) £10; and
   (5) £11 10s.

   If the labourer died after subscribing for 200 weeks his wife
   and children were entitled to receive what he had subscribed,
   but nothing more.

   "The lot of the widows and orphans was one of the black
   features of the system. A married woman could not qualify for
   an old-age pension. The amount of the weekly contribution was
   fixed for ten years. In 1906 the receipts exceeded the
   expenditure by £6,000,000; the cost of administration was only
   £850,000. But that was only the minor part of the provision
   made for elderly people in Germany. The main provision was
   made under the head of infirmity or invalidity occurring
   before the pension age—70. If the insurers, after having
   subscribed for not less than four years, broke down and were
   unable to earn wages, they were entitled to more generous
   treatment. If curable they were cured in State sanatoriums and
   received temporary sickness pensions. If incurable they
   received a pension which was regulated by the number of years
   they had subscribed, and varied from a minimum of £5
   16s. in the lowest grade for four years’ subscriptions to £22
   10s. in the highest grade for 50 years’ subscriptions. The
   insurer began to pay his contributions at the age of 17, and
   for an old-age pension he had to subscribe 50 weeks a year for
   24 years—1,200 weeks in all. Though the system had not checked
   Socialism or militant trade unionism, it had attained its real
   purpose, for it had conferred an enormous boon upon the poor."

   At the time when the remark quoted above, touching the
   defective provision of the German law for widows and orphans,
   was made, the Imperial Government was preparing to amend it.
   The London Times of April 17, 1909, gave, in its
   correspondence from Berlin, the account of a draft Bill, just
   made public, which the Imperial Ministry of the Interior had
   prepared for presentation to the Federal Council, the object
   being to combine and coordinate "the seven compulsory
   insurance laws of 1883 to 1899," together with certain
   amendments and additions. "It is understood," wrote the
   correspondent, "that the Bill will not reach the Reichstag
   before the autumn of this year. Whereas many authorities …
   have favored a thorough unification of the three systems of
   invalidity and old age, accident, and sick insurance, the
   immediate proposals of the Government would leave the three
   systems separate and distinct, while codifying the law and the
   regulations which are common to all branches of compulsory
   insurance, and establishing a joint and threefold system of
   higher administration." The main purpose of the bill was to
   rectify that lack of proper provision for widows and orphans
   which was noted above. "The need of solving this problem,"
   said the correspondent, "is really the immediate occasion of
   reform, and the proposed solution is the most important
   feature of the reform scheme. An essential feature of the
   tariff law of 1902 was the ear-marking—by the so-called Lex
   Trimborn—for widows and orphans’ insurance of the surplus
   revenue from the increased Customs duties on corn and cattle.
   The Lex Trimborn takes effect on January 1, 1910, but the
   surplus revenue is lacking. For the financial year 1906 there
   was no surplus. For 1907 there was a surplus of about
   £2,000,000. For the financial year 1908 there will be no
   surplus, although £2,650,000 was estimated for. In these
   circumstances the Government—while apparently still cherishing
   the hope that, upon the average of a long period of years, the
   revised tariff will do what was expected of it—proposes to
   provide for widows and orphans insurance by a simple all-round
   extension of the system of invalidity and old-age insurance.
   That is to say, the ‘contributions’ of employers and employed
   are to be raised, and an Imperial subsidy, of fixed amount,
   without regard to the annual revenue from Customs, is to be
   added to the contributions.

   "It is at present proposed that the weekly 'contributions' to
   invalidity and old-age insurance shall, in order to provide
   funds for widows and orphans’ pensions, be increased—upon the
   mean average of the contributions of the five classes of
   wage-earners—by one-fourth, and that the Empire shall add a
   subsidy of £2 10s. a year to each widow’s pension and a
   subsidy of £1 5s. a year to each orphan’s pension."

   In February, 1909, a Parliamentary Committee of the British
   Trades Union Congress, composed of men representing the Labor
   Party in Parliament, reported the results of a visit to
   Germany which the Committee had made in the previous November,
   to examine conditions in that country, especially with
   reference to the operation of the state system of insurance.
   In their report they said: "The State assistance has acted as
   an incentive and encouragement to workmen to make additional
   provision for themselves and families through their trade
   unions and private sick clubs. This is especially the case in
   invalidity and old age. It has always been the workman’s
   complaint, as well as that of the organizations, that the
   assistance obtainable under the workman’s insurance system is
   quite out of proportion to the subscriptions paid, and quite
   insufficient for the maintenance of the pensioner.
{511}
   In this connexion, it is interesting to note that in 1907 the
   'Free' or Socialist unions, with a membership of 1,866,000,
   granted £174,000 in sick pay and £19,000 in invalidity pay;
   the State subsidies to invalidity and old-age pensions
   amounting in 1906 to £2,437,000. The insurance pensions are
   continually increasing; and it is stated that the invalidity
   pensions will eventually reach a maximum in the lowest
   wages class of £9 5s., and in the highest one of £22 10s. The
   funds accumulated in the hands of the Invalidity Pension
   Offices amounted at the end of 1907 to about 70 million
   pounds, and the workmen maintain that the time has now arrived
   when either the pensions paid should be increased, or the
   contributions levied decreased, as provided for by law."

   "The members of the deputation were struck by the absence of
   slums in the manufacturing quarters of the towns visited.
   Nowhere did they see any quarter that could be classified
   under the heading ‘slum.’ The cleanliness prevailing
   throughout all the towns visited was also remarkable. No
   beggars, feeble or emaciated men in tatters and rags were
   encountered in the streets. Hundreds upon hundreds of
   unemployed were seen by the deputation, but they seemed to
   lack that dejection and absolute misery that is so frequently
   met with in the streets of English towns.

   "Workmen throughout Germany do not complain of any compulsory
   deductions made by their employers from their wages for the
   purpose of workmen’s insurances. Many of the largest employers
   are favourably disposed towards these laws, and pay willingly.
   On the other hand, probably the majority do complain of the
   cost, although not opposed to the laws in principle."

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: Poor Laws: England: A. D. 1896-1906.
   Report of Royal Commission.
   Increasing Pauperism.

   In December, 1905, a Royal Commission, composed of nineteen
   men and women of distinguished ability and of special
   qualifications for the service, was appointed in Great
   Britain, "to inquire—(1) Into the working of the laws relating
   to the relief of poor persons in the United Kingdom; (2) into
   the various means which have been adopted outside of the Poor
   Laws for meeting distress arising from want of employment,
   particularly during periods of severe industrial depression;
   and to consider and report whether any, and, if so, what
   modification of the Poor Laws or changes in their
   administration or fresh legislation for dealing with distress
   are advisable."

   After three years of laborious investigation, making "more
   than 800 personal visits to unions, meetings of boards of
   guardians, and institutions in England, Scotland, and
   Ireland," as well as examining over 1300 witnesses, the
   Commission submitted an elaborate report in February, 1909.
   Its findings as to the present working of the poor-laws and
   the relief-systems of the United Kingdom, and its
   recommendations for reform, cannot be summarized with any
   clearness in such space as can be given to the subject here;
   but there is a startling significance in what it shows of the
   increase of pauperism and of the public cost of poor relief in
   late years.

   It appears from the returns of the Local Government Board that
   the mean number of paupers in 1906, 1907 and 1908, was at a
   higher level than it had been for 31 previous years.
   Excluding, however, these three especially bad years, it is
   found that throughout the period 1896-1906 there were 24,000
   more paupers than in the period 1888-1896, and 7000 more than
   in the period 1880-1888. In discussing the report the London
   Times remarks: "Further examination even diminishes the
   meagre consolation these figures afford as to the results of a
   generation of effort at reducing pauperism. Comparing the
   period 1896-1906 with 1871-1880, there has been a decrease of
   3.9 per cent. in the total number of paupers, but this
   decrease has been accompanied by a large increase of male
   pauperism and is due entirely to the large decrease in the
   number of children, whose numbers have decreased by 18 per
   cent., and a small reduction in the number of women, whose
   numbers have increased by 2 per cent. The decrease in these
   two classes so affects the total as entirely to conceal an
   absolute increase of 18 per cent, in the number of male
   paupers. Even in regard to the children, at any rate during
   the last 15 years, the decrease has been almost wholly in
   rural unions, and in the children of widows, and there has
   been a general increase in the number of children of
   able-bodied men.

   "Further, so far as figures are available, they show a greater
   proportionate increase in the number of paupers during the
   working years of life than in the very young or the very old.
   Taking only the able-bodied in health, we find that in the
   period 1896-1906 in metropolitan unions the indoor paupers
   have increased by 38 per cent. and the outdoor by 137 per
   cent.; in urban unions the indoor by 24 per cent. and the
   outdoor by 133 per cent.; and in the whole of England and
   Wales the indoor by 21 per cent. and the outdoor by 49 per
   cent. In London alone 15,800 more paupers are being maintained
   than in the eighties, and the rate per 1,000 of the
   population, which used to be below that for England and Wales,
   has risen above it."

   As for expenditure, it was some £8,000,000 in the year
   1871-1872, and £14,000,000 in the year 1905-1906. Summing up
   the general situation with regard to this expenditure, the
   Commission says: "We find that, whilst the expenditure per
   inhabitant has increased from 7s. ¼d. to 8s. 2£d. since
   1871-1872, and is only 7£d. less than it was in 1834, the
   expenditure per pauper has increased from £7 12s. 1d. to £15
   12s. 6d. in the same period. The country is maintaining a
   multitude of paupers not far short of the numbers maintained
   in 1871-1902, and is spending more than double the amount upon
   each individual. The increased expenditure has done little
   towards diminishing the extent of pauperism. Such advance as
   the nation has made has been accomplished at an enormous cost,
   and absorbs an annual amount which is now equivalent to nearly
   one-half of the present expenditure upon the Army. It may be
   urged that the rate of pauperism has diminished from 31.2 per
   1,000 in 1871-1879 to 22.2 per 1,000 in 1896-1905, and this is
   certainly a matter for congratulation, but it has been the
   result of the large increase in the population rather than of
   any considerable reduction in the number of paupers."

{512}

   This discouraging result has occurred notwithstanding the fact
   that the nation is spending £20,000,000 more in education than
   in 1831, and £13,000,000 more in sanitation and the prevention
   of disease than in 1841; notwithstanding the fact "that money
   wages in the nineties were 10 per cent. above those of the
   eighties, and 30 per cent, above those of the sixties," and
   notwithstanding the fact that "there has been a considerable
   flow of the working classes from the lower paid occupations to
   the higher paid industries."

   The recommendations of the Commission include a scheme for a
   permanent system of public assistance for the able-bodied,
   which contemplates the establishment in every district of four
   coöperating organizations:

   (a) An organization for insurance against unemployment, to
   develop and secure (with contributions from public funds) the
   greatest possible benefits to the workmen from coöperative
   insurance against unemployment;

   (b) a labor exchange established and maintained by the Board
   of Trade to provide efficient machinery for putting those
   requiring work and those requiring workers into prompt
   communication;

   (c) a voluntary aid committee to give advice and aid out of
   voluntary funds especially to the better class of workmen
   reduced to want through unemployment;

   (d) a public assistance authority representing the county or
   county borough and acting locally through a public assistance
   committee to assist necessitous workmen under specified
   conditions at the public expense. The report adds that it must
   be a fundamental principle of the system of public assistance
   that the responsibility for the due and effective assistance
   of all necessitous persons at the public expense shall be in
   the hands of one, and only one, authority in each county and
   county borough—viz., the public assistance authority.

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
   Small Holdings Act of Great Britain.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
   Starvation Poverty in India.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1905-1908.

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
   Underfed School Children:
   Provision for Meals to them.
   How it is done in Various Cities.

   In March, 1905, the British Foreign Office undertook, at the
   request of the Board of Education, to obtain information
   regarding the methods adopted in the great Continental and
   American cities for dealing with ill-fed school children. The
   facts collected were tabulated and published subsequently in a
   Parliamentary Paper (Cd. 2926-1906) from which the following
   statements are derived:

   Generally, in the larger cities of Western Europe, some system
   was found to be in operation for feeding ill-fed children in
   the schools. Commonly this is conducted unofficially, by
   private charitable organizations, but sometimes in indirect
   connection with the municipality, and frequently with help
   from municipal funds. In Berlin, however, the municipality
   takes on itself the responsibility of not only feeding but
   clothing properly the necessitous children attending its
   elementary schools. This made one of the functions of a
   municipal department, the Städtisrhe Schuldeputation, which is
   assisted by a "Society for Feeding Poor Children" in the
   supplying of meals at the elementary school buildings of the
   city. The committee which conducts the work of that auxiliary
   society is appointed by the Government. As a rule, breakfasts
   only are given in Berlin, and only during the winter months;
   but four meals are supplied to such children as are thought by
   the head-masters of the schools to require them. No steps are
   taken to collect from parents any part of the cost of meals
   furnished in the schools.

   In Paris the organization which installs and conducts cantines
   scolaires in schools belonging to the city, called the
   Caisse des Écoles, is privately constituted, but
   presided over by the mayor. This connects it with the
   municipality, and in 1905 it had been receiving a municipal
   subvention of 1,000,000 francs yearly for three years, but
   this was not to be depended on as a permanent grant. It was
   necessary for the Caisse des Écoles to seek voluntary
   contributions. The City, however, undertakes to supply the
   necessary accommodations and all utensils for the school
   canteens, which are in operation throughout the year, every
   day of the week, but generally for a noon meal only; though
   soup is distributed in some arrondissements at the opening and
   closing of school. All children are entitled to feed at the
   canteen, but the meals are supplied gratis only to the
   children of poor families. The others pay a small sum which
   does not exceed 15 centimes (about 2 cents). In 1904 the total
   cost of meals furnished at the school canteens was 1,461,305
   francs, of which 359,093 francs was paid by parents, who buy
   tickets for the purpose. All meals are supplied on the
   presentation of tickets, and nothing shows whether the tickets
   have been bought or received as gifts.

   In Vienna meals for poor school children are provided by a
   central Association, indirectly connected with the
   municipality, the Burgomaster being its president, and
   financial assistance being given to it from both imperial and
   municipal funds. Dinners only are provided, on every week day
   from November 16 to March 31, partly in the school buildings,
   partly in certain restaurants and kitchens. As in Paris,
   parents can buy tickets for these meals, but it is said to be
   rarely done. The total cost is about $23,000 per year. Once a
   year, in the autumn, the Association makes an appeal for
   funds, and all classes of people respond, the Emperor giving
   4,000 crowns and the Town Council voting 8,000.

   Information on the subject was obtained by the British Foreign
   Office from thirty-eight cities, in all, of Austria, Belgium,
   Denmark, France, Germany, Holland, Italy, Norway, Sweden,
   Spain, Switzerland, and the United States. Some systematic
   provision, more or less adequate, for securing proper food to
   the children of the schools by private or public organization,
   was reported from more than thirty. The reports from New York,
   Philadelphia, and Chicago, in the United States, showed less
   undertakings in this direction than in any other cities of
   considerable size.

{513}

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: In England:
   Provision of Meals Act.

   An order from the English Local Government Board on the
   subject of providing food for underfed school children was
   published on the 29th of April, 1905. It applied only to
   children under sixteen who were neither blind, deaf or dumb,
   and who were living with a father not in receipt of relief.
   Application in each case must be made by school managers, or
   by a teacher empowered by the managers, or by an officer
   empowered by the education authorities. The relief might be
   granted in the ordinary way or as a loan, the father being
   allowed the opportunity of making the needful provision
   himself. If he failed to do so, the poor-law guardians were
   empowered to make it and to recover the cost, as if it were a
   loan. In no case could the relief be given in money, or
   continued on a single application for more than a month. Where
   possible, arrangements should be made with local charitable
   organizations for the issue of tickets for meals.

   The above mentioned tentative order was followed, in the next
   year, by the passage of an Act which authorizes any "local
   education authority" in England and Wales to "take such steps
   as they think fit for the provision of meals for children" at
   any public elementary school, and for that purpose to
   "associate with themselves any committee on which the
   authority are represented, who will undertake to provide food
   for those children." Such education authority may aid the
   committee by furnishing necessary land, buildings, furniture
   and apparatus, and necessary officers and servants; but, "save
   as hereinafter provided, the authority shall not incur any
   expense in respect of the purchase of food to be supplied at
   such meals."

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: Unemployment: Belgium: A. D. 1900-1904.
   Municipal Organizations of Insurance against Unemployment.
   The Ghent System.

   The following is abridged from a report on "Agencies and
   Methods for Dealing with the Unemployed in certain Foreign
   Countries," made to the British Board of Trade, in 1904, by
   Mr. David F. Schloss:

   During the last few years the Public Authorities of certain
   Belgian towns and Provinces have organised a system, to which
   the name of Insurance against Unemployment is given, and under
   which the efforts of workmen to secure for themselves the
   means of tiding over periods of unemployment are assisted by
   the grant of subsidies provided out of public moneys, which
   form a supplement to the sums derived from the contributions
   of these work-people. This system is now in force at Ghent,
   Brussels, Antwerp, Bruges, Liege, Malines, and Louvain, and in
   the Provinces of Liege and Antwerp. In details it has been
   varied somewhat in different places, but the general scheme is
   the same, and it will be sufficient to give some account of it
   as organized in Ghent, where it was first worked out.

   The Unemployed Fund at Ghent was initiated as the result of
   the recommendations made by a Special Commission on the
   question of unemployment, which on April 10, 1900, presented a
   Report, advising the creation of a Municipal Unemployed Fund
   under the conditions specified in a set of rules, which they
   submitted for consideration. The annual subvention to the Fund
   by the City was fixed, for three years, at $4000. Expenses of
   the administration of the Fund to be borne by the City.
   Administration of the Fund to be entrusted to a committee of
   ten citizens named by the municipal authority, but one half of
   whom must be members of those organizations of workmen which
   affiliate themselves with the Fund. The Fund may be augmented
   by subscriptions, donations, moneys collected by fêtes, etc.
   "The intervention of the Special Fund shall consist either

   (a.) in providing a supplement to sums paid to their
   members as unemployed benefit by workmen’s organisations, or

   (b.) in supplementing any provision made by individual
   thrift for the specific case of unemployment. The Special Fund
   will supplement the unemployed benefits paid by workmen's
   organisations by the payment of a subsidy, which may be equal
   to, but shall not be greater than, the amount of such
   benefits."

   "Strikes and lock-outs, or the results attendant upon such
   disputes, sickness and physical incapacity for labour shall in
   no case give rise to the payment of an indemnity out of the
   monies of the Unemployed Fund."

   "All workmen’s organisations desiring that their members shall
   participate in the subsidies provided by the Fund will be
   required to send in each month a return showing the number and
   amount of all payments on account of benefits made by them,
   and to furnish every year their balance-sheet, also their
   rules and regulations."

   "Workmen not being members of any Trade Union which enjoys
   participation in the Fund, are at liberty to join a Thrift
   Fund specifically constituted to meet the case of
   unemployment." By this rule, it will be seen, the scheme
   provides, under distinct branches, for Trade Unionists and
   non-Unionists.

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: England: A. D. 1905-1909.
   Unemployed Workmen Act, and its operation.

   In the summer of 1905 a Bill brought into Parliament by the
   President of the Local Government Board, to provide for an
   organization to assist unemployed workmen, was carried through
   both houses with little opposition. It sought to bring about a
   careful discrimination between workmen who were accustomed to
   regular employment in ordinary circumstances, but temporarily
   unemployed through circumstances beyond their control, and the
   needy, on the other hand, who were proper objects of ordinary
   Poor Law relief. Its provisions were for the former entirely,
   and their purpose was to establish both local and central
   bodies, which should organize and maintain labor exchanges and
   employment bureaus, assist migration and emigration, and
   acquire, equip, and maintain farm colonies; the latter to
   operate continuously, for the training of persons to
   agricultural pursuits, preparing them for emigration or for
   permanent transfer from city to country life. The local bodies
   contemplated were not empowered to provide work at public
   expense. That power was entrusted discretionally to the
   central bodies, which could draw on the rates for the purpose
   to a limited extent. Voluntary contributions were to be looked
   to in part for the necessary funds. The measure was decidedly
   conservative and tentative.

   A report on the applications for relief and the relief given
   in England and Wales under this Act during the year ending
   March 81, 1909, compared with the previous year, shows as
   follows: The total number of applications received was
   196,757, of which 49,239 were made to 29 committees in London,
   and 147,518 to 95 committees in other parts of the country.

{514}

   The applicants belonging to the general or casual labour class
   (64,773) formed as in previous years by far the largest
   section—47.4 per cent.—of the whole number. The building trade
   ranked second with 23,047, or 16.9 per cent. of the total. The
   engineering, shipbuilding, and metal trades accounted for
   17,028, or 12.5 per cent., as compared with only 8.6 per cent,
   in the previous year.

   A Bill known as the "Right to Work" Bill came before the House
   of Commons in April, 1909, with the endorsement of the trade
   unions and the Labor Party. It was opposed by John Burns, the
   former labor leader, but now speaking as President of the
   Local Government Board and member of the Cabinet, who said:
   "For three and a half years he had had intimate experience of
   relief works, and he could not exaggerate the degradation of
   the workmen, the demoralization of the honest labourer, the
   extent to which money had been wasted and character impaired
   by the relief works which he had had in the name of Parliament
   to administer. Any member had only to take up the report of
   any one of the distress committees to see that what the
   minority report said had happened would increasingly happen so
   long as these means of meeting unemployment were resorted to.
   The amount of work would be disproportionate to the wages
   paid, the wrong men would get the right work, and the best men
   would be excluded, because modesty was a characteristic of
   good workmanship and craftsmanship, and the worst men were
   always in the front line when relief works were set on foot."

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: A. D. 1909.
   Report of a Royal Commission.

   The Royal Commission on the working of the English Poor Laws,
   whose general report is referred to above, issued, in
   September, 1909, a supplementary report on Unemployment. The
   main ultimate conclusions of the Commission are the following:

   "When we consider the remedies proposed for unemployment we
   are convinced that they do not lie on the lines proposed by
   the Unemployed Workmen’s Act, which has done nothing but
   systematize Relief Works. These, whether national or
   municipal, appear to us merely to intensify the evil as far as
   the ordinary workmen are concerned. The great thing necessary,
   we believe, is to obtain a general agreement as to the need of
   regularizing labour. In this the Government and municipalities
   ought to set a good example.

   "It might be better, if any rate or State funds are to be
   spent on the unemployed, that such aid should take the form of
   supplementing trade union funds and give thereby a bonus on
   thrift. Any such supplementation of trade union funds would
   involve a Local Government Board audit, the control of the
   expenses of management, and a separation of the war and
   benefit funds. It is very doubtful whether it would be wise
   for trade unions to accept State aid if it involved loss of
   independence and an interference with their efforts to improve
   wages. There is little doubt, however, that grants of this
   kind would enormously increase their membership.

   "In order to prevent the spread of the unemployed as a class
   it is probable that drastic measures ought to be taken, such
   as those recommended to check vagrancy. For the idle and
   worthless who now form the noisy section of the unemployed it
   might be necessary to establish semi-penal colonies. …

   "The solution lies in a better organization of the workers and
   more consideration from the employers. Better organization of
   industry might at once relieve the workers and render trade
   crises less acute by steadying the supply of labour.

   "Differentiation of the unemployable from the willing workers
   and better classification of paupers would enable us to
   understand the extent of the problem and how far
   reorganization of labour must be carried. Raising the
   condition of the whole working class by better housing and
   better wages will help to keep decent but unskilled workmen
   from sinking.

   "Every effort must be made to cut off the supply of unskilled
   and unintelligent labour by training boys to enter regular and
   permanent work."

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
   The Labor Exchanges Act.

   One of the most important of the recent enactments of the
   British Parliament is the Labor Exchanges Act, which
   encountered no serious opposition in either House. On
   introducing the Bill in the House of Commons, May 19, 1909,
   and in subsequent debate, Mr. Winston Churchill, President of
   the Board of Trade, gave explanations of which the following
   is a summary: It would divide the country into ten districts,
   which would have among them between 30 and 40 first-class
   labour exchanges, 45 second-class, and about 150 third-class
   for the smaller centres. The central control would be
   exercised by the Board of Trade, but it is intended that,
   following the German example, there shall be in each principal
   centre a local advisory committee composed of representatives
   of workmen and of employers in equal numbers, with a permanent
   official as chairman. It is hoped that, when permanent
   buildings are secured, and the whole scheme is in working
   order, the labour exchanges will become centres of industrial
   life, in which employers and employed will learn to know one
   another better, and to discuss in common questions now too
   much regarded from different standpoints. These exchanges
   cannot make work, they can only distribute what work is to be
   had. They can hardly be expected to make head against the
   large fluctuations of trade, which must be met by some
   insurance scheme, which Mr. Churchill announced as being under
   contemplation. But there are many irregularities of
   distribution which labour exchanges can correct, and many
   seasonal fluctuations producing much distress which they can
   deal with to the great advantage alike of employers and
   employed.

   It was not contemplated that fees should be charged to men
   applying to the labour bureaux, which were to be national
   institutions. They would strive to find men for jobs and jobs
   for men, and attention would be paid to the interests of the
   men who had been waiting longest for work. For the present
   domestic servants would not be brought within the operation of
   the Bill. No compulsion would be exercised to induce
   applicants to give evidence as to character, but of course a
   man would have a greater chance of obtaining work if he could
   give references and testimonials. In a strike the exchanges
   would be absolutely neutral as between capital and labour, and
   it would be clearly notified to all working men that there was
   a dispute and they would be left to act as they thought fit.

{515}

   The Bill became law in September. A highly favorable report of
   its operation was made six months later by the Consul-General
   of the United States at London, who stated that "on the
   opening day nearly eighty exchanges were in operation and
   thousands of applications for work were received. The
   applicants mainly represented the better class of labor. On
   the first day of the opening in Nottingham 557 workers and 120
   employing firms registered. These were followed on the second
   day by 580 workers and 87 firms. One of the employers alone
   applied for sixty skilled hands, and though most of the
   skilled hands were placed, the registered firms were not able
   to fill all their vacancies."

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: Germany: A. D. 1909.
   Experiments of Insurance.

   Representatives from the municipal authorities of fifteen
   German cities held a joint conference at Cologne in September,
   1909, to discuss the best methods of combating unemployment.
   One or two speakers advocated compulsory insurance against
   unemployment; but the divergencies of opinion were so wide
   that no conclusion was reached. Annual conferences on the
   subject are to be held. A Press correspondent who reported the
   meeting remarked that it confirms "the German official view
   that the problem of insurance against unemployment is not ripe
   for systematic solution. Upon the strength of the experience,
   for example, of Strassburg and of Frankfurt, where the Ghent
   system of subsidies is in operation, demands are frequently
   made for the inauguration of an Imperial system of insurance.
   Apart, however, from the fact that other problems—especially
   widows and orphans insurance—have precedence, the Government
   maintains that Imperial legislation is impossible because no
   satisfactory scheme has been discovered."

   Some account of the Ghent system, here referred to, will be
   found above, under the subheading Belgium. Besides the German
   cities mentioned as having introduced that measure of
   insurance against unemployment, Cologne and Leipsic have been
   operating an organization of similar insurance for some years.
   As described in a report made in 1904 to the British Board of
   Trade by Mr. David F. Schloss, on "Agencies and Methods for
   Dealing with the Unemployed in certain Foreign Countries," the
   organization in Cologne is as follows:

   "The ‘City of Cologne Office for Insurance against
   Unemployment in Winter’ was established in 1896. The object of
   the Office is to provide, with the assistance of the Cologne
   Labour Registry, an insurance against Unemployment during the
   winter (December to March) for the benefit of male workpeople
   in the Cologne district. In order to insure with the Office, a
   man must be at least 18 years of age, must have lived for at
   least a year in Cologne, and must not suffer from permanent
   incapacity to work. He is required to pay a weekly premium,
   payment of which must commence as from April 1, and must
   continue for 34 weeks. The amount of the premium was
   originally 3d. per week for both skilled and unskilled
   workmen; in 1901 the rate of premium was fixed at 3d. for
   unskilled and 4½d. for skilled men; in 1903 the rate was
   raised to 3½d. per week for unskilled and 4¾d. per week for
   skilled workmen. …

   "In return for these payments the insured workman, if and when
   out of work in the period named above, receives, for not more
   than eight weeks in all, a daily amount, which is 2s. for each
   of the first 20 days (nothing being paid for Sundays), and
   then 1s. on each subsequent day. These payments begin on the
   third weekday after the date on which the man has reported
   himself as out of work. …

   "No money is paid in respect of unemployment caused by illness
   or infirmity, or by the man’s own fault, or by a trade
   dispute."

   At Leipsic the institution of insurance against unemployment
   is on much the same lines, but differing in some details of
   its rules. "The Leipsic Insurance Office was founded in April,
   1903, with a guarantee fund of about £5000, provided by
   benevolent persons, in addition to which it proposed to
   receive annual subscriptions from members of the public. The
   town authorities granted accommodation for the Office rent
   free for three years. The system adopted was as follows: The
   right to insure with this Office is confined to men of 16 but
   not over 60 years of age, who have lived at Leipsic for at
   least two years; the general meeting may, however, allow
   residents in the suburbs of Leipsic to insure."

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
   Employers’ Labor Exchanges.

   The Collieries Union, of colliery owners, in the Rhenish
   Westphalian coal district, was reported, in October, 1909, to
   have "decided to institute for the benefit of its members a
   system of centralized labour exchanges modelled upon the
   system which has existed for many years in the Hamburg iron
   industry. The principal objects in view are to secure a steady
   supply of permanent labour, to equalize a possible surplus of
   labour in certain districts and a corresponding deficit in
   others, and to prevent the habit on the part of miners of
   applying for employment at several collieries simultaneously.
   On the other hand, it is hoped that miners will be spared the
   frequently fruitless search for work."

   ----------POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: End--------

PRAIRIE OIL AND GAS COMPANY.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

PREFERENTIAL TRADE:
   Discussed at the Imperial Conferences of 1902 and 1907
   in London.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1902 and 1907.

PRESS, The:
   Revived Censorship in Russia.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.

PRESS CONFERENCE, The British Imperial.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

PRETORIA:
   Peace Negotiations.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.


PREVENTION OF CORRUPTION ACT.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

PREVENTION OF CRIMES ACT, BRITISH.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

PRIMARY, DIRECT.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Census.
   Reduced Representation in Parliament.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

PRITCHETT, Henry S.:
   President of the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement
   of Teaching.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

{516}

PRIZE COURT, CONTEMPLATED INTERNATIONAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907
      (appended to account of Second Peace Conference
      at The Hague).

PROBATION SYSTEM, THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PROBATION.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
   Of Crime.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
   Of the Intoxicants.

      See (in this Volume)

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
   Of Labor and Capital.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION, LABOR PROTECTION,
      AND LABOR REMUNERATION.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
   Of Municipal Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
   Of Poverty and Unemployment.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
   Of Race.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
   Of Railway Regulation.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
   Of the Trusts (so-called).

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
   Of War and Peace.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR: PREPARATIONS FOR, AND REVOLT AGAINST.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
   Of Wealth.

      See (in this Volume)
      WEALTH.

PROFIT-SHARING.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION.

PROGRESISTAS.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907; also
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

PROGRESSIVES.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.

PROHIBITION.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.

PROTECTION, THE NEW.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: THE NEW PROTECTION.

PROTECTORATES, SOUTH AFRICAN.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1902.
   Measures for Germanizing the Polish Provinces.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (March-May), and 1908 (January).

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.
   Denominational Education restored.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1905.
   Creation of a Government Bureau of Charities.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIAL BETTERMENT: PRUSSIA.

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
   Defiance of Popular Demands for Suffrage Reform.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
   A Comedy of Election Reform.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1907.
   Statistics of Population.
   Birth Rate and Death Rate.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1907.

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1908.
   Disappointing Statement by Prince Bülow about Suffrage Reform.
   Socialist Successes.
   A surprising word from the King.

   In January, Prince Bülow, as Minister-President of Prussia,
   made a statement about suffrage reform which deeply
   disappointed all friends of that movement. It was therefore
   expected, when the Diet elections approached in June, that the
   Prussian people would be awakened by a violent agitation in
   favor of more liberal election laws, but nothing of the kind
   happened. The Socialists, indeed, made this their chief issue,
   and they carried a half-dozen districts, thus securing for the
   first time a foothold in the Diet; and the Radicals, too, gave
   out manhood suffrage as their watchword, but pressed it so
   feebly as to awaken the suspicion that their demand was not
   seriously meant.

   "Nevertheless, the King’s speech from the throne in October
   surprised the country by announcing that a reform of the
   election laws was a fundamental necessity and would be
   undertaken during the present session. This announcement
   affected the country-squire element like tapping on a hornet’s
   nest. The Conservative party immediately gave it to be plainly
   understood that it would brook no tampering with the election
   laws, the stronghold of its power."

      W. C. Dreher,
      The Year in Germany
      (Atlantic Monthly, January, 1909).

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1908 (January).
   More vigorous Germanizing of the Polish Provinces.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1909-1910.
   Rejection of proposed Reforms of the Elective Franchise.
   The Offensive Bill of the following year.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: PRUSSIA.

   ----------PUBLIC HEALTH: Start--------

PUBLIC HEALTH: AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Proposals of the Second International Conference of
   American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

PUBLIC HEALTH: Army Sanitation:
   By the Japanese.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905—at the end.

PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE:
   In India.

   The bubonic plague, which began to terrorize the eastern
   world, especially India, in the late years of the last century
   (see PLAGUE, in Volume VI.), showed signs of abating in India
   in 1900, but regained virulence in the following years, the
   mortality from it in all India rising to about 560,000 in
   1902, exceeding 842,000 in 1903, going beyond a million in
   1904, and rising to 1,125,652 in the year from October 1,
   1904, to September 30, 1905. Its worst ravages were in the
   Presidency of Bombay and in the Punjab. In the Bombay
   Presidency the victims of 1903 numbered 343,904; in the Punjab
   they counted 210,493.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH: INDIA.

PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE:
   In the Philippines: How it was stamped out.

   Full accounts of the successful campaign against bubonic
   plague in the Philippines, in 1900-1902, are given in the
   annual reports of the Philippine Commission. From that source
   the main facts were summarized in the May number of the
   National Geographic Magazine, 1903, as follows:

   Bubonic plague was discovered at Manila on December 26, 1899,
   and slowly but steadily increased in its ravages up to
   December, 1901. "The deaths in 1900 numbered 199, and in 1901
   reached a total of 432. The disease was at its worst each year
   during the hot, dry months of March, April, and May, nearly or
   quite disappearing during September, October, November, and
   December. …

{517}

   "On account of the important part which house rats are known
   to play in the distribution of bubonic plague, a systematic
   campaign was inaugurated against these rodents in Manila.
   Policemen, sanitary inspectors, and specially appointed
   rat-catchers were furnished with traps and poison, and both
   traps and poison were distributed to private individuals under
   proper restrictions. A bounty was paid for all rats turned
   over to the health authorities, and stations were established
   at convenient points throughout the city where they could be
   received. Each rat was tagged with the street and number of
   the building or lot from which it came, was dropped into a
   strong antiseptic solution, and eventually sent to the
   Biological Laboratory, where it was subjected to a
   bacteriological examination for plague. During the first two
   weeks, 1.8 per cent. of the rats examined were found to be
   infected. This proportion steadily increased, reaching the
   alarming maximum of 2.3 per cent. in October. At this time
   numerous rats were found dead of plague in the infected
   districts, and, in view of the fact that epidemics of plague
   among the rats of a city in the past have been uniformly
   followed by epidemics among human beings, the gravest
   apprehension was felt, the rapid spread of the disease among
   the rats after the weather had become comparatively dry being
   a particularly unfavorable symptom.

   "It was deemed necessary to prepare to deal with a severe
   epidemic, and a permanent detention camp, capable of
   accommodating fifteen hundred persons, was accordingly
   established on the grounds of the San Lazaro Hospital. Hoping
   against hope, the board of health redoubled its efforts to
   combat the disease. The force of sanitary inspectors was
   greatly increased, and under the able supervision of Dr.
   Meacham their work was brought to a high degree of efficiency.
   Frequent house-to-house inspections were made in all parts of
   the city where the disease was known to exist. The sick were
   removed to the hospital if practicable; otherwise they were
   cared for where found and the spread of infection guarded
   against.

   "Plague houses were thoroughly disinfected, and their owners
   were compelled, under the direction of the assistant sanitary
   engineer, to make necessary alterations. Cement ground-floors
   were laid; double walls and double ceilings, affording a
   refuge for rats, were removed; defects in plumbing were
   remedied; whitewash was liberally used, and, in general,
   nothing was left undone that could render buildings where
   plague had occurred safe for human occupancy. Buildings
   incapable of thorough disinfection and renovation were
   destroyed. Buildings in which plague rats were taken were
   treated exactly as were those where the disease attacked the
   human occupants. The bacteriological examination of rats
   enabled the board of health to follow the pest into its most
   secret haunts and fight it there, and was the most important
   factor in the winning of the great success which was
   ultimately achieved.

   "With very few exceptions, there was no recurrence of plague
   in buildings which had been disinfected and renovated. As
   center after center of infection was found and destroyed, the
   percentage of diseased rats began to decrease, and in January,
   1902, when, judging from the history of previous years, plague
   should have again begun to spread among human beings, there
   was not a single case. In February, one case occurred. In
   March, there were two cases, as against 63 in March of the
   preceding year, and before April the disease had completely
   disappeared. This result, brought about at a time when the
   epidemic would, if unchecked, have reached its height for the
   year, marked the end of a fight begun by the board of health
   on the day of its organization and prosecuted unremittingly
   under adverse conditions for seven months, with a degree of
   success which has not been equaled under similar conditions in
   the history of bubonic plague.

   "During 1901, plague appeared at several points in the
   provinces near Manila. Agents of the board of health were
   promptly dispatched to the infected municipalities, and
   radical remedial measures were adopted, including, in several
   instances, the burning of infected buildings, the result being
   the complete disappearance of plague in the provinces as well
   as in Manila."

PUBLIC HEALTH: CANCER RESEARCH:
   Mr. Barnato’s Bequest.

   "We are reminded to-day that the late Mr. Harry Barnato
   bequeathed a sum of money amounting to a quarter of a million
   sterling for the establishment of a charity in memory of his
   brother, Mr. Barney Barnato, and of his nephew, Mr. Woolf
   Joel, both of whom died before him. We are now officially
   informed that the trustees under Mr. Harry Barnato’s will have
   determined to apply the bequest to the building and endowment
   of an institution for the reception of cancer patients, and to
   place its management under the control of the authorities of
   the Middlesex Hospital, where special wards for cancer
   patients have long been in operation, and where much has been
   done in devising means for the alleviation of their
   sufferings."

      London Times,
      August 9, 1909.

   Mr. George Crocker, of California, who died in December, 1909,
   bequeathed a fund amounting to about $1,500,000 to Columbia
   University for the prosecution of researches into the cause,
   prevention, and cure of cancer. Mr. Crocker, his wife, and his
   father, Charles Crocker of California, all died of the
   disease. Mr. Crocker had given $50,000 to Columbia for the
   same purpose before his death. Mr. Crocker provided that,
   should a cure for the disease be discovered, the money should
   be devoted to other medical investigations, "with a view to
   preventing and curing diseases and alleviating human
   suffering." He stipulated further that no part of the fund
   should be used for the erection of a building.

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PUBLIC HEALTH:
   The Committee of One Hundred.
   Movement for a National Department or Bureau of Health.

   A convincing paper read by Professor J. P. Norton, of Yale,
   before the economic section of the American Association for
   the Advancement of Science at its meeting in 1906, on the
   economic advisability of a national regulation of public
   health, led to the formation in 1907 of the Committee of One
   Hundred, which has labored since that time to bring about the
   creation of a Department or a Bureau of Public Health in the
   Federal administration of Government. Under the presidency of
   Mr. Irving Fisher, and with Mr. Edward T. Devine for its
   secretary, the Committee, which includes many of the most
   eminent men and women in the country, has awakened wide
   interest in the proposition, enlisting a public support which
   seems certain to give it success. When the subject came under
   discussion in the American Association for the Advancement of
   Science at its meeting of 1908, Professor William H. Welch,
   the retiring President of the Association, described the
   existing neglect of health as shameful, and pointed out that,
   if existing hygienic knowledge were fully applied, the death
   rate might be cut in two. As examples of what a Federal Health
   Bureau might do he cited the work of Pasteur and Koch, whose
   best work was done for the national governments of France and
   Germany, though the benefits have been shared by all nations.
   In America we lack even the statistics of disease except in a
   limited area.

   In his Message to Congress, December 6, 1909, President Taft
   urged the institution of the proposed National Bureau of
   Health very cogently, in these words: "For a very considerable
   period a movement has been gathering strength, especially
   among the members of the medical profession, in favor of a
   concentration of the instruments of the national government,
   which have to do with the promotion of public health. In the
   nature of things, the Medical Department of the army and the
   Medical Department of the navy must be kept separate. But
   there seems to be no reason why all the other bureaus and
   offices in the general government which have to do with the
   public health or subjects akin thereto should not be united in
   a bureau to be called the ‘Bureau of Public Health.’ This
   would necessitate the transfer of the Marine Hospital Service
   to such a bureau. I am aware that there is a wide field in
   respect to the public health committed to the States in which
   the Federal government cannot exercise jurisdiction, but we
   have seen in the Agricultural Department the expansion into
   widest usefulness of a department giving attention to
   agriculture when that subject is plainly one over which the
   States properly exercise direct jurisdiction. The
   opportunities offered for useful research and the spread of
   useful information in regard to the cultivation of the soil
   and the breeding of stock and the solution of many of the
   intricate problems in progressive agriculture have
   demonstrated the wisdom of establishing that department.
   Similar reasons, of equal force, can be given for the
   establishment of a bureau of health that shall not only
   exercise the police jurisdiction of the Federal government
   respecting quarantine, but which shall also afford an
   opportunity for investigation and research by competent
   experts into questions of health affecting the whole country,
   or important sections thereof, questions which, in the absence
   of Federal governmental work, are not likely to be promptly
   solved."

PUBLIC HEALTH:
   The Hookworm Disease in the United States.

   "In the Old World, hookworm disease was probably known to the
   Egyptians nearly three thousand five hundred years ago, but
   its cause was not understood until about the middle of the
   nineteenth century, when it was shown to be due to an
   intestinal parasite, Agchylostoma duodenale. Until 1893
   no authentic cases of this disease were recognized as such in
   the United States, but between 1893 and 1902 about 35 cases
   were diagnosed. In 1902 it was shown that a distinct hookworm,
   Ucinaria americana, infests man in this country, and
   this indicated very strongly that the disease must be present
   although not generally recognized. It is now established that
   in addition to the few cases of Old World hookworm disease
   imported into the United States we have in the South an
   endemic uncinariasis due to a distinct cause, Uncinaria
   americana. This disease has been known for years in the
   South and can be traced in medical writings as far back as
   1808, but its nature was not understood. Some cases have been
   confused with malaria, others have been attributed to
   dirt-eating.

   "The hookworms are about half an inch long. They live in the
   small intestine, where they suck blood, produce minute
   hemorrhages, and in all probability also produce a substance
   which acts as a poison. They lay eggs which cannot develop to
   maturity in the intestine. These ova escape with the feces and
   hatch in about twenty-four hours; the young worm sheds its
   skin twice and then is ready to infect man. Infection takes
   place through the mouth, either by the hands soiled with
   larvae or by infected food. Infection through the drinking
   water may possibly occur. Finally, the larvae may enter the
   body through the skin and eventually reach the small
   intestine.

   "Patients may be divided into light cases, in which the
   symptoms are very obscure; medium cases, in which the anemia
   is more or less marked, and severe cases, represented by the
   dwarfed, edematous, anemic dirt-eater. Infection occurs
   chiefly in rural sand districts. … Economically, uncinariasis
   is very important. It keeps children from school, decreases
   capacity for both physical and mental labor, and is one of the
   most important factors in determining the present condition of
   the poorer whites of the sand and pine districts of the South.

   "The disease is carried from the farms to the cotton mills by
   the mill hands, but does not spread much in the mills;
   nevertheless, it causes a considerable amount of anemia among
   the operatives."-

      Ch. Wardell Stiles, Ph. D.,
      Report upon the Prevalence and Geographic Distribution
      of Hookworm Disease
      (Public Health and Marine Hospital Service of the
      United States: Hygienic Laboratory, Bulletin No. 10).

   In the autumn of 1909 Mr. John D. Rockefeller placed a fund of
   $1,000,000 under the control of a Commission, to be used for
   the eradication of the hookworm disease in the United States.
   The fund is allotted in annual instalments of $200,000 each.

PUBLIC HEALTH: India: A. D. 1907-1908.
   Mortality Statistics and Birth Rate.

   According to statistics given in the "Statement Exhibiting the
   Moral and Material Progress and Condition of India during the
   year 1907-1908," in most provinces the birth-rates exceeded the
   death-rates, but in the Punjab the death-rate exceeded the
   birth-rate by no less than 21.3 per mille, mainly as a result
   of the persistence of plague and the unusual prevalence of
   other epidemics. The total number of deaths registered in the
   Dependency was 8,399,623, compared with 7,852,330 in 1906.
   This constituted a rise of the rate from 34.73 per mille to
   37.18. The mean mortality per 1,000 for the quinquennium
   ending 1906 was 33.96. The rate in the Punjab was no less than
   62.1.

{519}

   Throughout the country as a whole cholera was responsible for
   1.81 deaths per mille, smallpox for 0.46, fevers for 19.76,
   dysentery and diarrhoea for 1.25, and plague for 5.16. In the
   previous year (1906) there was a most welcome decline in the
   plague death-rate, which fell from 4.17 in 1905 to 1.33. But
   in the year under review this malignant disease (which first
   appeared in Bombay in 1896) was responsible for the record
   number of 1,315,892 deaths. Happily in 1908 there was again a
   very rapid decline of mortality, and the preliminary figures
   for the year give a total of less than 150,000 deaths, this
   being lower than in any year since 1900. The report shows that
   plague has been curiously partial in its distribution, many
   parts of the Dependency having almost entirely escaped its
   ravages. It is shown that the civil hospitals and dispensaries
   in India (2,514 in number) treated 412,425 indoor and no fewer
   than 24,469,548 outdoor patients.

PUBLIC HEALTH: Japan: A. D. 1904-1905.
   Army Sanitation in the War with Russia.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905--at the end.

PUBLIC HEALTH: Malaria:
   A Lesson in Practical Hygiene from Italy.
   Slowness in using the knowledge gained.

   The following is from a letter by Dr. William Osier to the
   London Times, dated at Rome, March, 3, 1909: "We owe
   much to the Italians for their contributions to our knowledge
   of the cause of malaria. Laveran’s great discovery was
   promptly fathered by Marchiafava and Celli and Golgi, and it
   was through their writings that we obtained the fullest
   details of the nature and structure of the malarial parasite.
   As an old student of the disease and deeply interested in the
   practical problems of its prevention, one of my first visits
   in Rome was to the Laboratories of Pathology and of Hygiene to
   find out from the Directors, Marchiafava and Celli, the
   progress of the battle. It was not enough to know the cause;
   we had to know how it worked before effective measures could
   be taken, and the demonstration by Ross of the transmission of
   the disease by the mosquito at once put malaria on the list of
   easily preventable infections. Just ten years ago the Italian
   Society for the Study of Malaria was founded, and I was able
   to get a full report of the work.

   "In Professor Celli’s lecture-room hangs the mortality chart
   of Italy for the past 20 years. In 1887 malaria ranked with
   tuberculosis, pneumonia, and the intestinal disorders of
   children as one of the great infections, killing in that year
   21,033 persons. The chart shows a gradual reduction in the
   death-rate, and in 1906 only 4,871 persons died of the
   disease, and in 1907 4,160. This remarkable result has been
   very largely due to the sanitary measures introduced by the
   society. It has long been known that malaria disappears
   ‘spontaneously.’ The Fen country is now healthy; parts of
   Canada, about Lakes Ontario and Erie, which were formerly
   hotbeds of the disease, are now free. This cannot be
   attributed altogether to cultivation and drainage. I know
   places on the shores of the lakes just mentioned in which the
   conditions today are identical with those which I remember as
   a boy. The Desjardin Canal Marsh at the extreme western end of
   Lake Ontario was a well-known focus of the disease. The marsh
   remains, the mosquitoes are there; but a case of malaria is
   almost as rare as in England. The disappearance is largely due
   to the free use of quinine. The settlers early recognized the
   important fact that malaria was a disease liable to recur, and
   it became a common practice to take Peruvian bark every spring
   and autumn for a year or two after an attack. This is a point
   in prophylaxis which the work of the Italian Society has
   brought into prominence. From the summary of the decennial
   report just issued, the following paragraphs are of interest:

   "‘The society has improved the prophylaxis of malaria, and has
   introduced into practice the new mechanical measures based on
   the defence of the habitation and the individual from the
   bites of mosquitoes. This being a relatively expensive
   procedure, the society has occupied itself chiefly with the
   improvement of the anti-plasmodic prophylaxis—the
   administration of quinine. For this purpose it has promoted
   and defended legislation for the gratuitous distribution of
   quinine to the poor and to all workers in malarial localities.
   …

   "‘The results have been that since 1902, when the law on State
   quinine was promulgated, while the consumption of quinine has
   been yearly increasing, the mortality from malaria has
   diminished from about 16,000 to about 4,000 yearly; and in the
   army, Custom House Offices, and in some communes where the new
   laws have been better applied, the morbidity from malaria has
   greatly diminished.’

   "By these measures, and ‘by means of the agricultural and
   agrarian transformation of the land and colonization, rather
   than by the destruction of mosquitoes (a thing impossible to
   be done by us on a large scale),’ Italy may be freed from the
   scourge."

   In a lecture at the Royal Institution, London, in May, 1909,
   Major Ronald Ross, one of the most notable workers in this
   field of sanitary science, spoke discouragingly of the
   progress made in applying the knowledge gained. He said:

   "The immediate success hoped for ten years ago had not been
   attained. The battle still raged along the whole line, but it
   was no longer a battle against malaria but against human
   stupidity. Those who had taken part in it had reasoned and
   been ridiculed; had given the most stringent experimental
   proofs and had been disbelieved; had protested and been called
   charlatans. … The few persons who had fought the fight and
   failed were scarcely able to continue it, and if no stronger
   influences could be excited the future of malaria prevention
   in British dominions would certainly be as barren as the past
   had been."

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PUBLIC HEALTH: Panama Canal:
   The Sanitation of the Canal Zone.
   Extirpation of Malaria and Yellow Fever.
   Report of Secretary Taft.

   In the fall of 1905 Secretary Taft made a visit of inspection
   to the Canal, and gave, on his return, an interesting account
   of the conditions he found, in an address before the St. Louis
   Commercial Club. On the work of Sanitation in progress, under
   the direction of Dr. W. C. Gorgas, U. S. A., he gave the
   following description: "When Judge Magoon [appointed Governor
   of the Canal Zone] arrived upon the Isthmus, he found Dr.
   Gorgas battling manfully against the yellow fever, but the
   cases seemed to be increasing. Judge Magoon conceived the idea
   that the fumigation which had been confined to two or three
   houses might well be extended to all the houses in Panama, and
   at considerable expense, and after procuring a large amount of
   material, every house in Panama was fumigated once every two
   weeks. To secure increased vigilance and popular assistance he
   employed all [the respectable Panamanian physicians of Panama
   as inspectors of the districts of that city, at annual
   salaries of $1,200 a year. He also offered $50 reward for the
   discovery of any case of yellow fever not reported. By methods
   of this kind the native apathy, usually so great an obstacle
   to successful sanitation in Spanish countries, was
   neutralized.

   "The plan of fumigation is as follows: Strips of paper are
   placed across the windows, which ordinarily have no glass or
   any netting in them, and then by the fumes either of sulphur
   or pyrethrum every nook and cranny of the house is visited.
   These gases are fatal or paralyzing to the mosquito. After
   sufficient time has passed the house is opened, and then a
   corps of health employees are set to work cleaning the house
   and sweeping out the dead mosquitoes, which are found in great
   numbers upon the floors. The mosquitoes are burned to avoid
   further mischief. By these methods, for which Dr. Gorgas and
   Governor Magoon are both to be credited with great praise,
   yellow fever has been reduced to a point where during the last
   month only three cases were reported, not one of these among
   canal employees, and all originating many miles from the canal
   line. The efforts to subdue the fever, instead of being
   relaxed, are being continued. Square miles of woven-wire
   netting with interstices so small as to prevent the entrance
   of mosquitoes are spread about the piazzas of the houses of
   all Americans and foreigners who come to live under the
   auspices of the Canal Commission in the Isthmus. The windows
   inside are also screened, and then mosquito-bars on the beds
   are used as a third precaution. Whenever a case of yellow
   fever is discovered, the patient is at once either removed to
   the hospital and put under a woven-wire screen, or, if he
   prefers to remain at home, the woven-wire screen is put over
   him and an orderly placed in charge of him at his own
   residence. In this way he is prevented from furnishing a
   supply of the poison to the healthy mosquitoes, who, in turn,
   by stinging, would bring it back to man. In other words, the
   plan is to kill all the mosquitoes, well or ill, keep them as
   much as possible from stinging man, and isolate every man with
   yellow fever, not from his fellows, but from mosquitoes. …
   Little by little, and facing discouragement after
   discouragement, the two thousand employees of the sanitary
   department are winning in this fight against disease, upon
   which the whole success of the canal work depends. As Mr.
   Stevens said to me, when I crossed the Isthmus with him this
   month, ‘I take off my hat to the work which the sanitation
   department has done in this Canal Zone.’"

   A report to the London Times, in June, 1909, of
   conditions on the Canal and in the Canal Zone, shows the
   effectiveness with which this work of sanitation was done.
   More arduous than the campaign against yellow fever, says the
   writer, "was the campaign against malaria, a disease from
   which 80 per cent. of the people were suffering to some
   degree. This campaign consisted in warfare against mosquitoes
   and in the administration of quinine, and the efforts in this
   respect have also been highly successful. In 1906 the
   proportion of canal employés treated for malaria was no
   less than 821 in the thousand. In 1908 it had fallen to 282 in
   the thousand. The general effect of sanitary measures may
   best be judged from the death-rate among the tens of thousands
   of canal employés. In 1906 it was 41.73 to the
   thousand, and in 1908 it was only 13.01 to the thousand,
   making the canal one of the most healthy industrial
   establishments in the world."

PUBLIC HEALTH: PELLAGRA:
   Lombroso’s Discovery of its Source.
   Its now recognized Seriousness.

   In 1872 Cesare Lombroso, the noted criminologist, "incurred a
   great deal of odium for a discovery which proved to be of much
   scientific and economic importance. He noted the fact that a
   large number of the inmates of asylums were suffering from
   pellagra, a curious disease, which first affected the
   skin and afterwards attacked the brain and nervous system.
   Lombroso discovered that the disorder was to be traced to a
   poison contained in diseased maize, which the Lombardian
   landowners were in the habit of doling out to the poor
   peasantry. At a time when toxins were unknown, Lombroso
   succeeded in extracting the poison from the maize and
   infecting animals with it—quite in the manner of modern
   bacteriologists. His discovery was received with much
   derision; but a friend of Lombroso, M. Alfred Maury, reported
   the facts to Berthelot, the Parisian chemist, who analysed the
   poison and established the fact that the maize contained an
   injurious substance resembling strychnine but differing from
   it in important particulars. The validity of Lombroso’s
   discovery was thus triumphantly established. He was not
   satisfied with this initial success, but for several years
   fought on the platform and in the Press for an improvement in
   the economic conditions of the peasantry whereby the ravages
   of the disease might be combated." In late years his work of
   agitation on the subject has been continued by many others.
   The disease is of recognized seriousness in Italy, France, and
   latterly in the United States. In November, 1909, the American
   Government appointed an official commission to investigate it.

PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS:
   International Congresses.

   The first International Congress for discussion and action on
   the subject of Pure Food was assembled at Geneva in 1908, and
   attended by about 600 persons. The second was held at Paris in
   October, 1909, and much more largely attended.

PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS: United States: A. D. 1906.
   Legislation at the end of a long struggle.

   Bulletin No. 104 of the Bureau of Chemistry, Department of
   Agriculture, entitled "Food Legislation during the year ended
   June 30, 1906," introduces the text of National and State laws
   enacted that year with the following remarks: "Food
   legislation for the year ended July 1, 1906, is the most
   important in the history of the United States. A Federal
   pure-food bill in various forms has been before Congress
   continuously for more than twenty years, and such a bill
   became a law on June 30, 1906. On the same day, as part of the
   appropriation bill of the United States Department of
   Agriculture, in the sections providing for the Bureau of
   Animal Industry, important legislation was enacted with
   reference to the inspection of meat and meat food products."

{521}

   The Federal Food and Drugs Act of June 30, 1906, enacts in its
   first section "That it shall be unlawful for any person to
   manufacture within any Territory or the District of Columbia
   any article of food or drug which is adulterated or
   misbranded, within the meaning of this Act; and any person who
   shall violate any of the provisions of this section shall be
   guilty of misdemeanor, and for each offense shall, upon
   conviction thereof, be fined not to exceed five hundred
   dollars or shall be sentenced to one year’s imprisonment, or
   both such fine and imprisonment, in the discretion of the
   court, and for each subsequent offense and conviction thereof
   shall be fined not less than one thousand dollars or sentenced
   to one year’s imprisonment, or both such fine and imprisonment,
   in the discretion of the court."

   The second section declares:

   "That the introduction into any State or Territory or the
   District of Columbia from any other State or Territory or the
   District of Columbia, or from any foreign country, or shipment
   to any foreign country of any article of food or drugs which
   is adulterated or misbranded within the meaning of this Act,
   is hereby prohibited"; and penalties are prescribed for
   violations of the law, being a fine not exceeding $200 for the
   first offense, and for the second offense a fine not to exceed
   $300, or imprisonment not exceeding one year, or both, in the
   discretion of the court.

   Section 3 reads as follows:

   "That the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of
   Agriculture, and the Secretary of Commerce and Labor shall
   make uniform rules and regulations for carrying out the
   provisions of this Act, including the collection and
   examination of specimens of foods and drugs manufactured or
   offered for sale in the District of Columbia, or in any
   Territory of the United States, or which shall be offered for
   sale in unbroken packages in any State other than that in
   which they shall have been respectively manufactured or
   produced, or which shall be received from any foreign country,
   or intended for shipment to any foreign country, or which may
   be submitted for examination by the chief health, food, or
   drug officer of any State, Territory, or the District of
   Columbia, or at any domestic or foreign port through which
   such product is offered for interstate commerce, or for export
   or import between the United States and any foreign port or
   country."

   Section 4 prescribes the examination of specimens of food and
   drugs in the Bureau of Chemistry, and section 5 relates to
   prosecutions for violation of the Act. Sections 6, 7, and 8
   define adulteration and misbranding, as follows:

   "Section 6. That the term ‘drug,’ as used in this Act, shall
   include all medicines and preparations recognized in the
   United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary for internal
   or external use, and any substance or mixture of substances
   intended to be used for the cure, mitigation, or prevention of
   disease of either man or other animals. The term ‘food,’ as
   used herein, shall include all articles used for food, drink,
   confectionery, or condiment by man or other animals, whether
   simple, mixed, or compound.

   "Section 7. That for the purposes of this Act an article shall
   be deemed to be adulterated:

   "In case of drugs:

   "First. If, when a drug is sold under or by a name recognized
   in the United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary, it
   differs from the standard of strength, quality, or purity, as
   determined by the test laid down in the United States
   Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary official at the time of
   investigation: Provided, That no drug defined in the
   United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary shall be
   deemed to be adulterated under this provision if the standard
   of strength, quality, or purity be plainly stated upon the
   bottle, box, or other container thereof although the standard
   may differ from that determined by the test laid down in the
   United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary.

   "Second. If its strength or purity fall below the professed
   standard or quality under which it is sold.

   "In the case of confectionery:

   "If it contain terra alba, barytes, talc, chrome yellow, or
   other mineral substance or poisonous color or flavor, or other
   ingredient deleterious or detrimental to health, or any
   vinous, malt or spirituous liquor or compound or narcotic
   drug.

   "In the case of food:

   "First.
   If any substance has been mixed and packed with it so as to
   reduce or lower or injuriously affect its quality or strength.

   "Second.
   If any substance has been substituted wholly or in part for
   the article.

   "Third.
   If any valuable constituent of the article has been wholly or
   in part abstracted.

   "Fourth.
   If it be mixed, colored, powdered, coated, or stained in a
   manner whereby damage or inferiority is concealed.

   "Fifth.
   If it contain any added poisonous or other added deleterious
   ingredient which may render such article injurious to health:
   Provided, That when in the preparation of food products
   for shipment they are preserved by any external application
   applied in such manner that the preservative is necessarily
   removed mechanically, or by maceration in water, or otherwise,
   and directions for the removal of said preservative shall be
   printed on the covering of the package, the provisions of this
   Act shall be construed as applying only when said products are
   ready for consumption.

   "Sixth.
   If it consists in whole or in part of a filthy, decomposed, or
   putrid animal or vegetable substance, or any portion of an
   animal unfit for food, whether manufactured or not, or if it
   is the product of a diseased animal, or one that has died
   otherwise than by slaughter.

   "Section 8.
   That the term ‘misbranded,’ as used herein, shall apply to all
   drugs, or articles of food, or articles which enter into the
   composition of food, the package or label of which shall bear
   any statement, design, or device regarding such article, or
   the ingredients or substances contained therein which shall be
   false or misleading in any particular, and to any food or drug
   product which is falsely branded as to the State, Territory,
   or country in which it is manufactured or produced.

   "That for the purposes of this Act an article shall also be
   deemed to be misbranded:

   "In case of drugs:

   "First.
   If it be an imitation of or offered for sale under the name of
   another article.

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   "Second.
   If the contents of the package as originally put up shall have
   been removed, in whole or in part, and other contents shall
   have been placed in such package, or if the package fail to
   bear a statement on the label of the quantity or proportion of
   any alcohol, morphine, opium, cocaine, heroin, alpha or beta
   eucaine, chloroform, cannabis indica, chloral hydrate, or
   acetanilide, or any derivative or preparation of any of such
   substances contained therein.

   "In the case of food:

   "First.
   If it be an imitation of or offered for sale under the
   distinctive name of another article.

   "Second.
   If it be labeled or branded so as to deceive or mislead the
   purchaser, or purport to be a foreign product when not so, or
   if the contents of the package as originally put up shall have
   been removed in whole or in part and other contents shall have
   been placed in such package, or if it fail to bear a statement
   on the label of the quantity or proportion of any morphine,
   opium, cocaine, heroin, alpha or beta eucaine, chloroform,
   cannabis indica, chloral hydrate, or acetanilide, or any
   derivative or preparation of any of such substances contained
   therein.

   "Third.
   If in package form, and the contents are stated in terms of
   weight or measure, they are not plainly and correctly stated
   on the outside of the package.

   "Fourth.
   If the package containing it or its label shall bear any
   statement, design, or device regarding the ingredients or the
   substances contained therein, which statement, design, or
   device shall be false or misleading in any particular:
   Provided, That an article of food which does not
   contain any added poisonous or deleterious ingredients shall
   not be deemed to be adulterated or misbranded in the following
   cases:

   "First.
   In the case of mixtures or compounds which may be now or from
   time to time hereafter known as articles of food, under their
   own distinctive names, and not an imitation of or offered for
   sale under the distinctive name of another article, if the
   name be accompanied on the same label or brand with a
   statement of the place where said article has been
   manufactured or produced.

   "Second.
   In the case of articles labeled, branded, or tagged so as to
   plainly indicate that they are compounds, imitations, or
   blends, and the word ‘compound,’ ‘imitation,’ or ‘blend,’ as
   the case may be, is plainly stated on the package in which it
   is offered for sale: Provided, That the term blend as
   used herein shall be construed to mean a mixture of like
   substances, not excluding harmless coloring or flavoring
   ingredients used for the purpose of coloring and flavoring
   only: And provided further, That nothing in this Act
   shall be construed as requiring or compelling proprietors or
   manufacturers of proprietary foods which contain no
   unwholesome added ingredient to disclose their trade formulas,
   except in so far as the provisions of this Act may require to
   secure freedom from adulteration or misbranding."

   There was never a harder fight in Congress than that by which
   this victory was won, over knaveries that, were not ashamed to
   insist on their right to swindle and poison the public by
   adulterations and frauds. Nothing but a thoroughly roused
   public feeling carried the measure through. The same feeling
   impelled local legislation to the same end in thirty-two
   States, during 1906, and 1907, all of which is set forth in
   the Bulletin cited above and in another of the same series
   (No. 112), published in two parts in the following year.

   Writing in January, 1908, of what the Pure Food Law had
   accomplished, the Chairman of the Food Committee of the
   National Consumers League, Alice Lakey, said: "One of the most
   important results of the Pure Food Law is the awakening of
   many consumers to their responsibilities as buyers of food
   products. They are studying labels and buying foods
   accordingly. With an intelligent consuming public to purchase
   goods, the Pure Food Law will in time accomplish its full
   purpose. Perhaps no better phrase will then be found to
   describe it than the recent utterance of the manager of one of
   the most important food firms in the country. ‘The Pure Food
   Law,’ he said, ‘passed by this Government, is the most
   important law ever passed by any government.’"

PUBLIC HEALTH: United States: A. D. 1906.
   The Packing-House Investigation.

   One of the influences which forced the passage through
   Congress of the pure food legislation of 1906 came from the
   revelations in a report laid before the President on the 4th
   of June that year, by two commissioners whom he had appointed
   to investigate the conditions existing at the stockyards and
   packing-houses of Chicago. In communicating the report to
   Congress the President characterized its disclosures as
   revolting, and it is certain that the whole public was
   sickened by the pictures it drew of reckless filthiness
   prevailing in the establishments where meats were prepared for
   sale in the markets of the country and of the world. We shall
   not attempt to reproduce them here.

   The most important part of the report concerned the existing
   methods of official inspection of meats. The commissioners
   found it most rigorous where it is needed least, namely, at
   the time of killing. It was while the meat was being handled,
   and especially in its preparation for canning, that it
   underwent the most pollution. The cans which received it
   finally were allowed to bear labels stating that "the contents
   of this package have been inspected according to the Act of
   Congress of March 3, 1891. Quality Guaranteed." As a matter of
   fact, all that had been inspected was the carcass of the
   animal at the time of killing.

   The further legislation, respecting inspections, which
   supplemented the law quoted from above, was resisted with all
   their power by the enormously rich meat-packing companies of
   the country, who found strong supporters in Congress, but they
   had to submit to defeat.

PUBLIC HEALTH:
   The Sleeping Sickness in Africa.

   "The most formidable enemy of both man and beast in tropical
   Africa is the tsetse, species Glossina, a genus of
   blood-sucking fly peculiar to that land, which carries a
   minute parasite, the trypanosome, from the infected to the
   healthy, resulting in the production of sleeping sickness,
   or trypanosomiasis. When it is known that in the region lying
   around Victoria Nyanza, Lake Tanganyika, and the Victorian
   Nile over 400,000 human beings have succumbed to this fatal
   malady since it appeared about ten years ago, its appalling
   nature is apparent. Vast territories of thickly populated,
   fertile country near the shores of these lakes, until the
   advent of this terrible plague the homes of a happy, contented
   people, are now almost depopulated, and thousands of little
   villages have been swept away, their inhabitants victims of
   this deadly pest.

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   "In appearance the tsetse fly bears a remarkable resemblance
   to the ordinary house-fly, but is slightly larger, with longer
   wings, which extend beyond its body and lap each other when at
   rest like the blades of a pair of scissors. It is somber gray,
   nearly black in color, almost like the honey-bee, and has a
   prominent proboscis ensheathed in the palpi which project
   horizontally in front of its head. The abdomen is marked by
   four distinct yellowish bands, with a pale spot over the upper
   segment. It is wonderfully active, and evades every attempt at
   capture except in the cool of the morning or evening, when its
   movements are sluggish and it can be caught in the hand. …

   "Sleeping sickness has been known in Sierra Leone, in the
   Congo, and on the west coast of Africa since the earliest
   history of those lands. In 1870 a fossil tsetse fly (Glossina
   morsitans) was discovered in Colorado, and the theory has been
   advanced that the absence of wild horses on the American
   continent was due to the ravages of the disease carried by
   these flies.

   "The malady was described as early as 1803, and later most
   accurately by Livingstone, the great missionary explorer. He
   also advocated arsenic in its treatment. This remedy, after
   half a century of research and investigation, still retains
   its place as the best one known for prolonging life. …

   "The period of the incubation of the disease after the bite of
   the infected fly varies from a month to several years,
   depending upon the resisting power of the patient. In its
   earlier stages the first noticeable symptoms are irregular
   fever. … This stage may continue a year, or even longer.

   "In the following stage the symptoms are due to the
   trypanosomes reaching the cerebrospinal fluid, giving rise to
   cerebral manifestations; drowsiness, stupor, dullness of
   hearing, slowness in perception and of answering questions,
   with incapacity for mental exertion, and somnolence, the
   patient sometimes sleeping the entire day. This condition may
   continue several years, during which time epileptiform
   convulsions develop, with marked tremulousness of the muscles
   of the face and tongue, the patient becoming maniacal and the
   whole symptomatology resembling that of general paresis of the
   insane. …

   "Previous to 1901 sleeping sickness was unknown in Uganda. How
   the present epidemic originated is not positively known. The
   most generally accepted theory is that the soldiers of Emin
   Pasha and their followers introduced it, as some ten thousand
   of them settled in Busoga after the Sudan campaign. …

   "The duration of the sleeping sickness in man is very
   variable. Occasionally cases linger six or even eight years,
   and until the expiration of this period they are constant foci
   of infection.

   "Recognizing the fatal nature of the disease, the various
   nations whose territories are most seriously affected, notably
   England, Germany, Portugal, France, and Belgium, appointed
   commissioners, with competent assistants, to ascertain methods
   for its control. The enormous amount of investigation and
   research accomplished by these self-sacrificing men, among
   whom may be mentioned Bruce, Koch, Hodges, Broden, Tullock,
   Kopke, Martin, Hardy, and Kleine, two of whom forfeited their
   lives in the work, entitles their names to be enrolled among
   the benefactors of mankind."

      Louis L. Seaman,
      The Sleeping Sickness
      (The Outlook, January 15, 1909).

PUBLIC HEALTH: Tuberculosis:
   The Organized Warfare for its Eradication.

   After the discovery of the all important fact that the most
   destroying of the diseases of the human race, tuberculosis
   (the dread "consumption" of the older-fashioned nomenclature
   of pathology), is in its nature one so propagated from victim
   to victim that the propagation is needless, and may absolutely
   be ended by right precautions universally applied, there were
   ardent workers soon engaged in eager efforts to bring such
   measures into use. The beginning of a hopefully inspired
   warfare against the disease dates, therefore, from the
   identification of the bacillus of tuberculosis by Dr. Robert
   Koch, in 1882; but, for nearly two decades after that
   inspiration it was little more than a guerrilla undertaking,
   by scientifically benevolent individuals and groups, here and
   there in the world. It was not until the latest years of the
   nineteenth century and the earliest of the twentieth that more
   public risings appeared in the movement, and it began to
   acquire the momentum of a crusade.

   Germany appears to have been earliest in the fundamental
   organization of measures to instruct its people in the nature
   of the disease, and in the means by which it may be stamped
   out; as well as in the provision of special sanatoria and
   hospitals for the new open-air treatment of those attacked.
   But the Health Department of the City of New York has the
   credit of being the first official body to bring the disease
   under efficient administrative control. On this subject Dr.
   Hermann M. Biggs, in an address delivered, February 16, 1904,
   under the auspices of the Henry Phipps Institute and published
   in the first annual report of the Institute, said:

   "Notwithstanding all that has been said and written,
   notwithstanding the popular education and agitation,
   notwithstanding the formation of antituberculosis societies
   and antituberculosis leagues, notwithstanding the organization
   of many associations for the erection of sanatoria, and the
   foundation of institutions for the study of tuberculosis,
   notwithstanding the measures adopted for the prevention of the
   disease in animals, still only a very small percentage of the
   governmental, municipal and state sanitary authorities of this
   country, Great Britain and the Continent have adopted
   provisions which can be regarded as in any way comprehensive,
   or effective in dealing with this disease.

{524}

   "If we seek for an adequate explanation for this attitude, it
   is not, after all, difficult to find. In speaking of this
   matter several years ago, Koch said in substance to the
   writer: ‘The adoption in Germany of such measures as are
   already in force in New York City will not be possible until
   the generation of medical men now in control have passed away.
   Not until a younger generation has appeared, which has had a
   different scientific training, and holds views more in harmony
   with the known facts regarding the etiology of tuberculosis,
   will it be possible in my opinion to bring about an
   intelligent supervision of this disease. … Notification is a
   necessary preliminary to any plan of supervision, and yet only
   five years ago a special commission of the Academy of Medicine
   of Paris reported against a proposition to place tuberculosis
   in the class of notifiable diseases. … Sir Richard Thorne, the
   Medical Officer to the Local Government Board of Great
   Britain, in the Harben lecture in 1898 on ‘The Administrative
   Control of Tuberculosis,’ after a careful consideration of the
   various problems presented under the English law relating to
   infectious diseases, pronounced definitely against this
   proposition, on the ground that the hardship to the
   individual, which would follow notification and the
   enforcement of proper regulations, would be so great as to
   render this measure unjustifiable. … The compulsory
   notification and registration of all cases is essential. The
   fundamental importance of this measure is so evident that its
   consideration seems hardly necessary. It must of course appear
   at once that unless there is a system of compulsory
   notification, and registration, the enforcement of any uniform
   measures for prevention is impossible. Practical experience
   with this procedure has made it perfectly clear that the
   objections which have been urged against it are without force
   or foundation.

   "In New York City in 1893 a system of partially voluntary and
   partially compulsory notification was adopted. Public
   institutions were required to report cases coming under their
   supervision; private physicians were requested to do this.
   Under this provision the Department of Health carried on this
   work for three and a half years, and then adopted in 1897
   regulations requiring the notification of all cases. … The
   mere fact of notification and registration has in itself a
   very powerful educational influence. During the year 1902 more
   than sixteen thousand cases were reported to the Department of
   Health in New York City, of which forty-two hundred were
   duplicates, and in 1903 more than seventeen thousand cases
   were reported.

   "To facilitate the early and definite diagnosis of all cases
   of pulmonary tuberculosis, the sanitary authorities should
   afford facilities for the free bacteriological examination of
   the sputum in all instances of suspected disease. … The
   Department of Health of New York City provided facilities for
   such examinations in 1894, early in the history of its attempt
   to exercise control over the disease, and this procedure has
   proved of very great value to the medical profession, to the
   sick, and to the authorities. Following the example of New
   York City, other sanitary authorities have adopted similar
   measures."

      H. M. Biggs,
      The Administrative Control of Tuberculosis
      (First Annual Report, Henry Phipps Institute, 1905).

   In 1895 a Central Committee was organized in Germany to
   establish special hospitals for the disease.

   In 1898 the first National Congress for discussion and better
   organization of action relative to tuberculosis was held at
   Paris, with some attendance from outside of France. The second
   National Congress was at Berlin in the following year, with
   similar attendance from other countries, and the third at
   Naples in 1900. At the Naples Congress a "Central
   International Committee for the Prevention of Tuberculosis"
   was organized, and it held its first Conference in Berlin,
   under the auspices of the Central German Committee, in 1902.
   The succeeding meetings of the Central International Committee
   were at Paris, 1903, at Copenhagen, 1904, at Paris again,
   1904, and there, at that time, the First International
   Congress on Tuberculosis was held.

   In 1901 the first National Congress in Great Britain for the
   discussion of Tuberculosis and for organizing preventive
   undertakings was held at London. There were said to be then
   fifty sanitaria for its treatment in Germany; in France a
   dozen private and two public institutions for the purpose; in
   France and Belgium a number of public dispensaries specially
   provided for the disease. In that year the State of New York
   made its first appropriation for a Tuberculosis Hospital in
   the Adirondacks, and a National Sanitarium Association at
   Toronto, Canada, secured the site for a hospital.

   In 1902, at the annual meeting of the Canada Association for
   the Prevention of Tuberculosis, held at Ottawa, Dr. A. S.
   Knopf, of New York, speaking of the progress of the
   anti-tuberculosis movement, said of the United States: "We
   have but a few small societies striving to do the same work
   you are doing. They are the Pennsylvania, the Colorado, the
   Ohio, the Maine, the Minnesota and the Illinois." Besides
   these State Associations the speaker mentioned a few
   cities,—Baltimore, Buffalo and Erie County, Cleveland, and St.
   Louis,—as having some organization for the work. No national
   organization had yet been formed. In this year, however, some
   advances of importance within the United States were begun.
   Henry Phipps, of New York, pledged the means for supporting a
   free Clinic for Tuberculosis at Philadelphia, which expanded
   within a year into the Henry Phipps Institute, founded on the
   1st of February and incorporated September 1st, 1903, the
   purposes of which, as set forth in its charter, are: "The
   study of the cause, treatment, and prevention of tuberculosis,
   and the dissemination of knowledge on these subjects; the
   treatment and the cure of consumptives"; its benefits to be
   "administered without regard to race, creed or color." In this
   year, too, an active educational work, by weekly free lectures
   in the Assembly Hall of the United Charities Building, by
   distributing pamphlets, district nursing, etc., was opened in
   the City of New York and conducted by a Committee for the
   Prevention of Tuberculosis. Massachusetts was now
   appropriating money for its second sanatorium. In Great
   Britain, Sir Edward Cassell placed £200,000 at the disposal of
   the King for Tuberculosis hospitals and Sanatoria.

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   The year 1903 witnessed an important meeting at Paris of the
   Central International Tuberculosis Committee, which was
   stirred by an appeal from Casimir-Perier, ex-President of
   France, for "a mobilization of all social forces" against the
   devastating disease. The Government of Sweden instituted a
   free distribution of pamphlets on the subject of Tuberculosis
   throughout the kingdom. In Great Britain a national committee,
   representing all important friendly societies and trade
   unions, was formed to promote the establishing of sanatoria
   for workers. In Belgium, Madame Rene Gauge started the
   movement for Open Air Schools. At Baltimore a Tuberculosis
   Exhibition which awakened wide interest was arranged by a
   Commission appointed by the Governor of Maryland in the
   previous year, in cooperation with the Maryland Public Health
   Association. State and City organizations for dealing with the
   disease and for educating the people to a right understanding
   of the means by which it might be stamped out were now
   multiplying rapidly throughout the United States.

   In 1904 the United States obtained their first comprehensive
   organization for the work. The National Association for Study
   and Prevention of Tuberculosis was formed at a large meeting
   at Atlantic City in June, with Dr. Edward Trudeau of Saranac,
   founder of the Saranac cottage sanatoria and pioneer in
   America of the open air treatment of the disease, for its
   President, and Drs. William Osier, of Baltimore, and Hermann
   M. Biggs for Vice Presidents. In Boston, that year, no less
   than eighty-one free lectures on Tuberculosis were given in
   schools, churches, social settlements, before trade unions and
   clubs, under the auspices of the Boston Association, and
   70,000 instructive leaflets were distributed. In France a
   special Society for the Protection of Children from
   Tuberculosis was formed. The Garment-makers Union and the
   Typographical Union of New York entered jointly into
   undertakings of educational work among their members, and the
   Central Federated Union was soon enlisted with them. A
   Directory of Institutions and Societies dealing with
   Tuberculosis in the United States, published in January, 1905,
   described 125 then existing hospitals and sanatoria in which
   consumptives may receive treatment, and 32 special
   dispensaries; recounting, also, special measures for the
   treatment of the disease in penal institutions and hospitals
   for the insane.

   The most important campaign of 1905 in the crusade, within the
   American field, was probably that connected with the great
   Tuberculosis Exposition in New York City, prepared and
   conducted by the National Association, in cooperation with the
   Committee of the New York Charity Organization Society. New
   York City, in this year, appropriated $250,000 for a Municipal
   Tuberculosis Hospital, located in the Catskill Mountains.

   In 1906 a duplication of the Tuberculosis Exposition of the
   previous December in New York was carried, as a travelling
   exhibit, to different parts of the city, with impressive
   effect; and similar exhibits were given in eleven cities of
   the United States. It was reported in this year that about
   fifty local commissions and associations were actively in
   operation in the United States; and that the American
   Federation of Labor, as well as the American Federation of
   Women’s Clubs, were enlisted with earnestness in the work. The
   Fifth International Conference was held this year at The
   Hague.

   From this time the public awakening to recognition of the
   measureless importance and the inspiring hopefulness of the
   struggle to extinguish the deadly "white plague" spread
   rapidly everywhere, and each year made increasing records of
   gains in the work and its effects. Fourteen of the American
   States were reported in 1907 as having founded State hospitals
   for the disease, supported from public funds, while measures
   were in progress to that end in a number of other States.

   In 1908 a most powerful impulse to the crusade in America was
   imparted by the meeting at Washington, that year, of the
   International Congress on Tuberculosis, with a large
   attendance of the most distinguished captains of the warfare
   from abroad. The local interest aroused was beyond
   expectation. As one writer described the meetings of the seven
   sections of the Congress, from September 28 to October 3,
   "scientists of international reputation and doctors from
   country villages, clubwomen, architects, social workers,
   manufacturers, teachers, labor men, Socialists, literary men,
   lawyers and lawmakers, society women, and the clergy, were all
   there, not only to listen, but to take part."

   The subjects which received the most discussion at the
   Congress were the compulsory notification of pulmonary
   tuberculosis, the cooperation between official and
   non-official agencies for the prevention of the disease, the
   relationship between dispensaries, sanatoria, and hospitals
   for advanced cases, and the difference between the human and
   the bovine types of the bacillus. On this latter subject Dr.
   Koch, who was present, maintained his belief that bovine
   tuberculosis is not communicable to mankind, but failed to
   convince the majority of the scientists present. The British
   delegates to the Congress in their subsequent report of it,
   published in April, 1909, attached particular importance to
   the discussions on the subject of the compulsory notification
   of cases of tuberculosis, and pointed out that in New York the
   notifications were shown to be four times as numerous as the
   deaths, which indicated a more complete system than any yet
   operative in Great Britain. It appeared from their report,
   however, that, since the Washington meeting, the system of
   voluntary notification already practised in many parts of
   England had been extended by order of the Local Government
   Board, and rendered compulsory in the case of all patients
   suffering from pulmonary tuberculosis, who came under the
   official care of a parochial medical officer.

   Statistics quoted in the New York Evening Post of May
   8, 1909, from the Imperial Gazette, show that in recent
   years there has been a steady decrease in the number of deaths
   in Germany from tuberculosis, and especially from tuberculosis
   of the lungs. The figures are based upon the monthly reports
   of deaths in 350 of the largest centres of population in the
   empire, and upon annual reports as to the causes of deaths
   from nearly all districts, as supplied to the Imperial Board
   of Health. The average of deaths per 100,000 in 1905 was
   226.6. In 1908 the average had fallen to 192.15. For the rural
   and urban population combined statistics are forthcoming for
   97 per cent. of the total population, divided into two
   classes—persons below the age of fifteen, and persons between
   fifteen and sixty.
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   In the latter class the average number of deaths annually
   between 1898 and 1902 from tuberculosis in all forms was
   268.5, and from tuberculosis of the lungs, 255.7 per 100,000.
   During the period 1903-1907 the annual averages decreased to
   242.8 and 228.8 per 100,000, respectively. The figures,
   however, for tuberculosis of all kinds among children between
   the ages of one year and fifteen show an average annual
   increase in deaths per 100,000 from 77.9 during the period
   1898-1902 to 81.1 during the period 1903-1907. Yet during the
   latter period of five years the actual number of deaths among
   children has gradually decreased from 16,250 in 1905 to 14,283
   in 1907. For the two classes together the annual average of
   deaths per 100,000 was as follows: From 1898-1902—from
   tuberculosis in all forms, 214.1, and from tuberculosis of the
   lungs 195.2; from 1903-1907—from tuberculosis in all forms
   197.8, and from tuberculosis of the lungs 174.2.

   According to a bulletin published in October, 1909, by Cressy
   L. Wilbur, Chief Statistician of the division of Vital
   Statistics in the United States Census Bureau, the warfare
   against tuberculosis has begun to show general effects in the
   United States. The statistics given are based on the annual
   returns of deaths from the death-registration areas of the
   country, which are far from comprehending the whole. The total
   number of deaths from all forms of tuberculosis returned in
   1908 was 78,289, exceeding those of any previous year of
   registration, but the death rate per 100,000 for 1908 is
   considerably less than that for 1907. In all registration
   States the death from tuberculosis showed a decline, except in
   Colorado, Rhode Island, and Vermont.

   A Press despatch from Washington, August 9, 1909, announced
   that "a plan for the organization of negro anti-tuberculosis
   leagues in the various States, proposed recently by the United
   States Public Health and Marine Hospital Service, has met with
   a quick response. Already five State organizations have been
   formed, and the movement has received the endorsement of the
   last conference of the State and Territorial boards of health.
   State leagues have been formed in Georgia, Louisiana,
   Mississippi, North Carolina, and Virginia. One of the
   principal features of the plan is the issuance of a large
   certificate of membership to each supporter of the movement.
   Branches of the State leagues are to be established in the
   various negro churches."

   In July, 1909, the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company made
   application to the New York State Insurance Department for
   permission to purchase a tract of land, 3000 acres or more,
   and erect thereon a sanatorium for the treatment of its
   employees, and possibly of its policy-holders who suffered
   from tuberculosis. The company was said to have ascertained
   that among the holders of its 9,000,000 policies there
   occurred, on the average, a death every thirty-two minutes
   from tuberculosis, and that, regarded wholly from the economic
   standpoint, it would be more than justified in applying its
   funds to such a measure for saving or prolonging life in that
   body of people. The Superintendent of Insurance was unable,
   however, to find any warrant in law for authorizing the
   undertaking, and felt required to deny the application. The
   company appealed from his decision to the courts, and the
   Appellate Division of the Supreme Court of the State handed
   down a decision early in January, 1910, declaring the plan to
   purchase real estate to be used as a hospital for the care and
   treatment of its employees who are afflicted with tuberculosis
   does not violate that provision of the law which prohibits
   insurance companies from acquiring real estate for any purpose
   other than that of the transaction of their own business. "The
   court passes lightly over the question of the possibility of
   the hospital being used, in case vacancies exist in it, for
   the accommodation of selected cases from among the
   policy-holders. This possibility, it seems, had been indicated
   in the original petition, but ‘the briefs of counsel upon
   either side,’ says the court, ‘have practically eliminated
   that question.’ In such a use of the hospital there might be
   serious question of a precedent that would be open to grave
   objection."

   Gifts to the amount of $700,000 for the establishment of a
   tuberculosis preventorium for children were announced from New
   York, through the Associated Press, November 9, 1909. The
   further statement was made that, "in connection with the
   tuberculosis preventorium a movement has been organized which
   purposes to take from New York tenements children who have
   been affected with tuberculosis and restore them to normal
   health before it is too late. The plan was formally organized
   at a meeting this afternoon in the Fifth avenue residence of
   Henry Phipps. A contribution to the work by Nathan Straus
   includes a $500,000 cottage and estate at Lakewood, New
   Jersey, occupied by the late Grover Cleveland just before his
   death. There the new institution will have its home. Miss
   Dorothy Whitney contributed a $100,000 endowment fund."

PUBLIC HEALTH: Yellow Fever:
   Eradication in Cuba, at Rio Janeiro,
   and in French Western Africa.

   "Three signal victories have been gained over yellow fever
   during these later years—in Cuba, in Brazil, and in Dakar, in
   West Africa. The first is the most memorable of these events.
   It is the purification of the endemic center at Habana. This
   occurred in 1901, during the United States occupation. The
   daily press in countless articles has spread the details. We
   know that Brigadier General Leonard Wood, governor of Habana,
   decreed one fine day that the plague should be wiped out and
   the mosquitoes destroyed throughout the entire city of Habana
   and its suburbs, and we know that it was done. …

   "The theory was that the mosquito is the sole disseminator of
   the disease. This is precisely what the United States
   commission, appointed the year before, had just proven. It had
   shown that all the other supposed cases of contagion were
   imaginary. …

   "The yellow fever Stegomya does not breed in swamps. It has
   not the habits of the Anophele of the marsh, the malaria
   mosquito. It does not live like that one, in the open country,
   but dwells in houses. It is a domestic insect. It stays at
   home, is wary, and is sensitive to the weather. Like many
   other mosquitoes, it never goes more than 500 or 600 yards
   away from its breeding place and journeys only when its home
   —a vessel or a carriage—journeys. There is no need to fear
   that the insect may be carried far by the wind, for it dreads
   the wind. It does not trust itself outdoors when there is the
   slightest breeze. The problem is thus simplified.
{527}
   It is no longer a question of protecting immense areas. It is
   enough to protect the house and its immediate environs—the
   city and a limited surrounding zone. Still it would be useless
   to capture the insect on the wing or at rest. It is permitted
   to complete its short life, but is not allowed to have
   offspring . The female is prevented from laying its eggs. This
   is accomplished by draining stagnant water left in so many
   gardens and household utensils where the mosquito seeks a
   breeding place. Hence the efficacy of the measures which
   forbade the people of Habana from keeping water in any other
   way than in covered receptacles or with a coat of oil or
   petroleum on top.

   "The success of the measures taken by the American physicians,
   Gorgas, Finlay, and Guiteras, in Habana, was complete. Yellow
   fever has disappeared from there. On April 4, 1904, the
   President of the Republic of Cuba, in his message to the
   Congress, spoke thus:

   "‘There has not been in Cuba since 1901 a single case of
   yellow fever not imported. The country should know of this
   excellent sanitary condition, which is due to the perfection
   of prophylactic measures and the vigilance of the health
   authorities.’

   "Events happened in the same way in Brazil. Dr. Oswald Cruz,
   in charge of the organization of the campaign against yellow
   fever, with equal success repeated at Rio de Janeiro what had
   been done in Habana. The enforcement of the measures began
   April 20, 1903. The mortality which before had averaged 150
   deaths a month fell to 8 in the month of April and to 4 in
   June. In January, 1904, there were recorded only 3 deaths.

   "France decided to follow these encouraging examples. The
   governor-general of French Western Africa, M. Roume, adopted
   an administration analogous to that of Habana and Rio de
   Janeiro, and he knew how to profit by these examples."

      A. Dastre,
      The Fight against Yellow Fever
      (Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution,
      1904-1905, pages 348-350).

   ----------PUBLIC HEALTH: End--------

PUBLIC UTILITIES, Regulation of:
   The New York and Wisconsin Laws.

   The most comprehensive and well-prepared legislation yet
   directed in the United States to the control and regulation of
   corporations which render services to the public, of the
   nature described by the term "public utilities," is
   undoubtedly embodied in the New York and Wisconsin laws,
   enacted in 1907. Both States, and many others, had
   experimented previously with measures for establishing a
   certain degree of supervision and regulation over railway
   corporations, gas companies, and the like, dealing separately
   with them; but, excepting perhaps, in the case of
   Massachusetts, this had not been satisfactorily effective.
   Governor Hughes, of New York, was the real author of the
   Public Utilities Law enacted in that State in 1907, and his
   influence was the impelling force which carried it through the
   Legislature.

      See(in this Volume)
      NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910).

   Almost equally, ex-Governor La Follette must be credited, not
   immediately, but primarily, with the organization of the
   forces which brought out the Wisconsin Law.

   The two enactments are compared by Professor John R. Commons
   in an article published in the American Review of
   Reviews, of August, 1907, from which the following
   passages are quoted:

   "The Wisconsin and New York laws are alike in that both State
   utilities like railroads and municipal utilities like gas are
   brought under the regulation of the same commission. They
   differ from the laws of Massachusetts, which provide a
   separate commission for railways. These three States, however,
   are the only ones that regulate municipal utilities through a
   State commission. Many other States have railroad commissions,
   but they leave whatever regulation they have of local
   utilities to the local governments. … A significant feature of
   the Wisconsin legislation is its disregard of stocks and bonds
   and its reliance on the physical valuation of the property as
   the first step in regulation. The New York law and the
   Street-Railway law of Massachusetts attack the problem of
   regulation through the control of future capitalization. The
   New York commissions have power to prohibit the issue and
   transfer of stocks, bonds, and other evidence of indebtedness,
   and to prevent the transfer of shares to holding companies.
   The Wisconsin law begins at the other end of the problem and,
   for the purpose both of regulation and of publicity, inquires
   into the present structural value of the property. This does
   not mean that the commission shall disregard other elements of
   valuation,—in fact, it is required by the law to take all
   elements into account, as indeed the courts would require if
   it did not. But the physical valuation is necessary in order
   that the public and the courts may know exactly how much is
   allowed for the other elements. The commission is required to
   value all of the properties in the State and to publish both
   the actual value ascertained when all elements are taken into
   account and the physical value ascertained by its engineers. …

   "The [Wisconsin] law as finally adopted consists really of
   three laws: First, an amendment to the Railway law of 1905,
   placing telegraph companies and street railways under the same
   provisions as steam railways and interurban electric lines;
   second, the Public-Utilities law proper, regulating heat,
   light, water, power, and telephone companies; third, a
   Street-Railway law providing for indeterminate permits similar
   to those of the Public-Utilities law. A fourth bill, requiring
   physical connection and prohibiting duplication of telephone
   exchanges, was defeated by a vote of the Assembly."

   The New York Law created two Public Utilities Commissions of
   five members each, one having jurisdiction in a district
   comprising New York City alone, the district of the other
   (known as the Up-State Commission) comprehending the remainder
   of the State. The five-year terms of the Commissioners expire
   in successive years. Appointed by the Governor, they are
   intended to be men of the highest character and
   qualifications, and receive salaries of $15,000 each. The
   appointments by Governor Hughes for the New York City
   Commission were of ex-Postmaster William R. Wilcox, William
   McCarroll, Edward M. Bassett, Milo R. Maltbie, John E. Eustis.
   For the Up-State Commission he named originally Honorable
   Frank W. Stevens, of Jamestown, Charles H. Keep, of Buffalo,
   Thomas M. Osborne, of Auburn, James E. Sague and Martin S.
   Decker. Mr. Keep resigned subsequently to accept the
   presidency of an important New York City bank, and John B.
   Olmsted, of Buffalo, was appointed in his place.

{528}

PUBLIC UTILITIES:
   New York City Gas Company.

   In 1906 the New York Legislature passed a bill reducing the
   price of gas in New York City to 80 cents per thousand feet.
   The gas companies claimed that this rate was confiscatory.
   Pending final decision of the matter the citizens were
   compelled to pay the old rate of $1.00 per thousand.
   Ultimately the law was sustained, and the gas companies
   refunded over eight millions of dollars in 1909 to the
   consumers of the past three years.

   See, also (in this Volume),
   RAILWAYS.

PUNJAB: The Plague.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE.

PUNJAB:
   Terrific Earthquake.

      See(in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES: INDIA: A. D. 1905.

PURE FOOD LEGISLATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

PU-YI (Hsuan-Tung):
   Child Emperor of China.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).


Q.

QUEBEC, City of: A. D. 1908.
   Tercentenary Celebration of its Founding.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1908 (JULY).

QUEBEC, Province of: A. D. 1901.
   Census.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

R.

   ----------RACE PROBLEMS: Start--------

RACE PROBLEMS: In Australia:
   Between Europeans and Asiatics.

   "Australia occupies a unique position among the nations. It is
   an island, lying far from the populated centres of the Old
   World and in close proximity to Java and the teeming millions
   of Southern and Eastern Asia, who at any time may bear down in
   flood upon the scanty forces of the defenders. These pent-up
   myriads are at present in a state of unrest, and there are
   evidences of a distinct inclination on their part to break
   bounds and descend upon the coasts of the great southern land.
   On the north-eastern shores of the continent they have already
   broken through the thin red line of the British, and have
   firmly established themselves in the country beyond. Thursday
   Island, which stands at the northern entrance of the passage
   between the Great Barrier Reef and the shores of Queensland,
   has been styled the Gibraltar of Australia, and large sums of
   money have been spent by the Imperial and Australian
   Governments in fortifying it. Since it became open to the
   Eastern nations, the Japanese have discovered twenty different
   channels through the reef, by any one of which they could
   avoid the forts and gain an entrance to the sea within the
   barrier. A few years ago there were 2000 Europeans on Thursday
   Island, engaged in the pearl-shelling industry; but they were
   gradually elbowed out until to-day they number less than 100.

   "The late Professor C. H. Pearson, at one time Minister for
   Education in Victoria, and one of the most intellectual
   statesmen who ever resided in Australia, in his National
   Life and Character, admirably summarised the dangers to
   which his adopted country was exposed by reason of its
   situation, and the motives which actuated the various colonial
   Governments in passing enactments designed to place some
   restriction on the wholesale flooding of their territories.

   "‘The fear of Chinese immigration which the Australian
   democracy cherishes, and which Englishmen at home find it hard
   to understand, is, in fact, the instinct of self-preservation,
   quickened by experience. We know that coloured and white
   labour cannot exist side by side; we are well aware that China
   can swamp us with a single year’s surplus of population; and
   we know that if national existence is sacrificed to the
   working of a few mines and sugar plantations, it is not the
   Englishmen in Australia alone, but the whole civilised world
   that will be the losers. Transform the northern half of our
   continent into a Natal, with thirteen out of fourteen
   belonging to an inferior race, and the southern half will
   speedily approximate to the condition of Cape Colony, where
   the whites are indeed a masterful minority, but still only as
   one in four. We are guarding the last part of the world in
   which the higher races can live and increase freely for the
   higher civilisation. It is idle to say that if all this should
   come to pass our pride of place will not be humiliated. We are
   struggling among ourselves for supremacy in a world which we
   thought as destined to belong to the Aryan race and to the
   Christian faith, to the letters and arts and charm of social
   manners which we have inherited from the best times of the
   past. We shall wake to find ourselves elbowed and hustled,
   perhaps even thrust aside by peoples whom we looked down upon
   as servile and thought of as bound always to minister to our
   needs.’ …

   "The Greater Britain that is to be may be the best security
   for the Mother Land in years to come, and her natural ally and
   friend. Australian statesmen claim that they are not only
   safe-guarding British interests, but also legislating for
   posterity and looking forward to the time—perhaps a century
   hence—when the population of the Commonwealth may be one
   hundred millions or even more.

{529}

   "At the present the Australian race is in a plastic condition,
   and whether it will become, as Marcus Clarke predicted, ‘a
   fierce and turbulent democracy, sweeping contemporary
   civilisation before it,’ or, as seems more probable, a
   practical and enlightened people, troubles it little. Leaders
   and followers of every political cast, Conservatives,
   Liberals, and Radicals, have now but one national ideal—Purity
   of Race. They recognise that hybrids cannot make a great
   nation; that an infusion of Chinese, Japanese, or Indo-Chinese
   blood must result in race deterioration; and that, if they are
   to live happily and prosperously, it must be with no strangers
   within their gates other than those of Caucasian descent who
   are able to conform to the conditions and customs of civilised
   communities."

      O. P. Law, W. T. Gill,
      A White Australia
      (Nineteenth Century, January, 1904).

   "The great Australian Commonwealth has indeed gone very far in
   many directions in its war against workers of other races than
   the white. Thus, no contract can be made for the carrying of
   Australian mails with any steamship line which allows a
   colored man to work on any of its ships. This is a new
   measure, and it has been of late the subject of a lively
   controversy between the Australian government and the two
   Chamberlains in London,—namely, Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, the
   colonial secretary, and his son, Mr. Austin Chamberlain, who
   is now serving as British postmaster-general.

   "The fact is that mail-carrying steamship companies which have
   hitherto performed the service of carrying mails back and
   forth between Great Britain and the Australian ports have been
   largely manned by dark-skinned British subjects who are
   natives of India, and the British Government is under a
   special obligation not to discriminate against these Indians
   in view of certain clauses in what is known as the Mutiny Act
   in India. These same ships, it is to be remembered, will
   carry, also, the Indian mails, and it would be manifestly
   impossible for Lord Curzon’s government of India to join in
   mail contracts containing clauses excluding dark-skinned men
   from employment."

      American Review of Reviews,
      September, 1903.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1909.

RACE PROBLEMS: In Canada:
   Hostility to Asiatic Labor.
   Restriction of Chinese Immigration.
   Riotous attacks on Japanese, Chinese, and Hindu
   Laborers in British Columbia.

   The opposition of organized labor to Asiatic immigration, on
   the Canadian Pacific Coast, directed first against an influx
   of Chinese, brought about, in 1904, the imposition of a
   head-tax of $500 on every person of Chinese origin entering
   Canada thereafter, with the following exceptions:

   "(a) The members of the diplomatic corps, or other government
   representatives, their suites and their servants, and consuls
   and consular agents;

   "(b) The children born in Canada of parents of Chinese origin
   and who have left Canada for educational or other purposes, on
   substantiating their identity to the satisfaction of the
   controller at the port or place where they seek to enter on
   their return;

   "(c) Merchants, their wives and children, the wives and
   children of clergymen, tourists, men of science and students,
   who shall substantiate their status to the satisfaction of the
   controller, subject to the approval of the Minister, or who
   are bearers of certificates of identity, or other similar
   documents issued by the government or by a recognized official
   or representative of the government whose subjects they are,
   specifying their occupation and their object in coming into
   Canada."

   This was an effective restriction; but left the door open to
   other "coolie" laborers, so-called, from Japan and India,
   whence large numbers were soon coming into British Columbia,
   and the labor agitation was directed against them, on the
   Canadian as well as the United States side of the line in the
   farther Northwest. It came to its climax of violence in the
   fall of 1907, when serious riots broke out at Vancouver,
   British Columbia, and at Bellingham, in the State of
   Washington. Many hundreds of Japanese, Chinese, and Hindus had
   been employed in the lumber mills and canneries of the
   Washington and British Columbia coast towns, displacing white
   labor. "In each case a mob of white men raided the mills where
   the foreigners were employed, battered down the doors of their
   lodging houses, dragged the Hindus from their beds, and drove
   them with violence from the town. The Hindus of Bellingham
   fled northward to the protection of the British flag. At
   Vancouver the rioters also attacked Chinese and Japanese
   merchants and laborers, breaking into their shops and
   pillaging and destroying $20,000 worth of property. Two
   thousand Chinese and Japanese were driven from their homes.
   Later, a number of Japanese immigrants, just landed from a
   steamer, were attacked and in the riot that followed Baron
   Ishii, chief of the Japanese Bureau of Foreign Commerce, was
   severely injured. The Orientals, under the leadership of the
   Japanese, immediately organized for defense, and, having
   secured firearms and other weapons, the situation took on a
   very serious aspect."

   The situation was made especially embarrassing to the British
   and Canadian Governments by the relations of alliance existing
   between Great Britain and Japan, and by the fact that the
   Hindus attacked are British subjects, having their established
   rights as such. But skilful and careful handling of the matter
   was successful in quieting the trouble, possibly in a lasting
   way. The Japanese Government, on its own part, has undertaken
   to restrict the emigration of its laboring classes to Canada
   as well as to the United States.

   Important changes in the regulations governing the immigration
   of Chinese were announced in a despatch from Ottawa, July 11,
   1909:

   "While the poll-tax of £100 on coolies is retained, the
   restrictions applicable to students and the sons of Chinese
   merchants are considerably modified. Students who already
   possess a liberal education, but desire to pursue a higher
   course of study in any Canadian University or college, are
   exempt from the tax. Students who intend to pursue their
   studies in the Dominion but are unable to produce proof of
   their status on entry are required to deposit the amount of
   the tax, but the money will be refunded on production of a
   certificate that they have passed two scholastic years at some
   seat of learning. The present law permits all Chinese visiting
   China to return to Canada within a year without a second
   payment. This has been a hardship to Chinese who have been
   ill. The new regulation, therefore, extends the time of
   exemption in such cases to 18 months, provided that
   satisfactory proof be furnished."

{530}

RACE PROBLEMS: In Jamaica: Between White and Black:
   The Problem Non-existent.
   Solved by Good Sense, Right Feeling, and Just Law.

   In the International Journal of Ethics for May, 1906,
   Professor Royce reports of several visits to Jamaica,—where
   14,000 or 15,000 white inhabitants are living with about
   650,000 black and mulatto people,—that he had found no race
   problem existing—no racial antagonism—no public discussion of
   race equality or superiority. He accounts for this untroubled
   relation between colored and uncolored fellow citizens and
   neighbors as follows:

   "When once the sad period of emancipation and of subsequent
   occasional disorder was passed, the Englishman did in Jamaica
   what he has so often and so well done elsewhere. He organized
   his colony; he established good local courts, which gained by
   square treatment the confidence of the blacks. The judges of
   such courts were Englishmen. The English ruler also provided a
   good country constabulary, in which native blacks also found
   service, and in which they could exercise authority over other
   blacks. Black men, in other words, were trained,—under English
   management, of course,—to police black men. A sound civil
   service was also organized; and in that educated negroes found
   in due time their place, while the chiefs of each branch of
   the service were and are, in the main, Englishmen. The excise
   and the health services, both of which are very highly
   developed, have brought the law near to the life of the
   humblest negro, in ways which he sometimes finds, of course,
   restraining, but which he also frequently finds beneficent.
   Hence, he is accustomed to the law; he sees its ministers
   often, and often, too, as men of his own race; and in the main
   he is fond of order, and respectful toward the established
   ways of society. The Jamaica negro is described by those who
   know him as especially fond of bringing his petty quarrels and
   personal grievances into court. He is litigious just as he is
   vivacious. But this confidence in the law is just what the
   courts have encouraged. That is one way, in fact, to deal with
   the too forward and strident negro. Encourage him to air his
   grievances in court, listen to him patiently, and fine him
   when he deserves fines. That is a truly English type of social
   pedagogy. It works in the direction of making the negro a
   conscious helper toward good social order.

   "Administration, I say, has done the larger half of the work
   of solving Jamaica’s race problem. Administration has filled
   the Island with good roads, has reduced to a minimum the
   tropical diseases by means of an excellent health service, has
   taught the population loyalty and order, has led them some
   steps already on the long road ‘up from slavery,’ has given
   them, in many cases, the true self-respect of those who
   themselves officially cooperate in the work of the law, and it
   has done this without any such result as our Southern friends
   nowadays conceive when they think of what is called ‘negro
   domination.’ Administration has allayed ancient irritations.
   It has gone far to offset the serious economic and tropical
   troubles from which Jamaica meanwhile suffers.

   "Yes, the work has been done by administration,—and by
   reticence. For the Englishman, in his official and
   governmental dealings with backward peoples, has a great way
   of being superior without very often publicly saying that he
   is superior. You well know that in dealing, as an individual,
   with other individuals trouble is seldom made by the fact that
   you are actually the superior of another man in any respect.

   The trouble comes when you tell the other man too stridently
   that you are his superior. Be my superior, quietly, simply
   showing your superiority in your deeds, and very likely I
   shall love you for the very fact of your superiority. For we
   all love our leaders. But tell me that I am your inferior, and
   then perhaps I may grow boyish, and may throw stones. Well, it
   is so with races. Grant, then, that yours is the superior
   race. Then you can afford to say little about that subject in
   your public dealings with the backward race. Superiority is
   best shown by good deeds and by few boasts."

RACE PROBLEMS: In South Africa:
   Between White and Black.

   "The native population of Africa south of the Zambesi is ten
   millions. The white population is under one million. To-day
   the majority of the natives are in a semi-savage condition.
   But the day may come when they shall have emerged from that
   condition, and have attained the degree of civilisation which
   prevails amongst the negroes, their kindred, in the United
   States. The process of evolution has begun. When it is
   completed, the relative position of the black and white
   populations in South Africa will be—what? Look to the United
   States and you shall find some hint of the answer.

   "The native population of Cape Colony, including the
   territories, is, in round numbers, 1,200,000, and the white
   population 377,000. Day by day the power of the native grows.
   The gate of the political arena stands wide open to him, and
   he is not slow to enter. With the exception of natives
   occupying lands under tribal tenure (an important exception,
   but one that is constantly diminishing), every male person,
   irrespective of colour, race, and creed, and above the age of
   twenty-one years, and born or naturalised a British subject,
   is entitled to the full franchise after one year’s residence
   in the Colony, provided he occupies property of the value of
   £75 or is in receipt of wages of not less than £50 annually,
   and is able to sign his name and state in writing his address
   and occupation. Such a franchise would horrify the average
   American in the South, and unquestionably it will have to be
   radically amended unless the colonists are prepared to endure
   political annihilation. At present neither Bondsman nor
   Progressive will face the situation. Neither wishes to
   alienate the substantial aid which his party gets from the
   natives. …

   "Bitter as the feud between Englishman and Dutchman is to-day,
   it will pass when both realise, as they are bound sooner or
   later to realise, that only by presenting a solid front to the
   oncoming hordes of superficially civilised blacks can they
   escape complete annihilation. For generations, if not for all
   time, the natives in South Africa must enormously outnumber
   the whites. In the olden days, tribal wars and wars with the
   white man, to say nothing of famines, and pestilence, served
   to counterbalance the prolificness of the native. These checks
   are no more."

      Roderick Jones,
      The Black Peril in South Africa
      (Nineteenth Century, May, 1904).

   On the suffrage question for natives, connected with the Union
   of South African States.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

{531}

RACE PROBLEMS: A. D. 1903-1908.
   Between Boers and British Indians.

   The British Government has many troublesome problems to deal
   with, as the consequence of its having drawn the reins of its
   sovereignty over the necks of a motley multitude of races; but
   none among them, perhaps, has been more delicately difficult
   than one which arose between its native subjects in India, who
   pressed with eagerness into South African fields of trade, and
   its Boer subjects in South Africa, who have been stubbornly
   opposed to their doing so. Great Britain has had the most
   pressing reasons for avoiding offence to either of these
   peoples, and no controversy could have arisen more
   unfortunately in its circumstances and time.

   Before the Boer-British War, there had been Indian complaints
   of ill-treatment in the Transvaal, which added something to
   the controversies of Great Britain with the South African
   Republic. After the war, when British authority had become
   supreme at Pretoria, it found a legacy of existing law which
   was embarrassing at once. The situation was described in a
   despatch of May 11, 1903, from Viscount Milner, the British
   High Commissioner, to the Colonial Secretary at London, Mr.
   Chamberlain, in which he attempted to exhibit, as he said,
   "the difficulty which besets any kind of action on this thorny
   question." The Government, he wrote, is "between two fires. On
   the one hand, it is accused of not enforcing the present law
   with sufficient strictness and is called upon to legislate in
   the direction of a complete exclusion of Asiatics, except as
   indentured labourers. Even in that capacity, their
   introduction meets with strenuous opposition. On the other
   hand, the Asiatics, of whom British Indians form by far the
   most numerous section, not only protest against any fresh
   legislation but demand the repeal of the existing law.

   "The position which the Government of the Transvaal have taken
   up in the matter is one of which I entirely approve. They are
   unwilling, without the previous approval of His Majesty’s
   Government, to embark on any legislation on this subject, to
   the difficulties of which they are fully alive, and have
   accordingly decided that, pending fresh legislation, they have
   no option but to carry out the existing law. They are anxious,
   however, to do so in the manner most considerate to the
   Indians already settled in the country, and with the greatest
   respect for vested interests, even where these have been
   allowed to spring up contrary to law. This is in accordance
   with the principle on which they have proceeded throughout,
   namely, that the laws of the late Republic, imperfect as they
   are in many respects, and contrary, very often, to British
   ideas, must, nevertheless, be enforced until they can be
   replaced by more satisfactory legislation."

   The desired new legislation on this "thorny question" does not
   seem to have been attempted during the period in which local
   self-government in the Transvaal was entirely suspended; but
   in 1906, after the first step toward its restoration had been
   taken, the semi-autonomous authority then organized there
   adopted an ordinance on the subject of Asiatic residence in
   the Colony which Lord Elgin, who had succeeded Mr. Chamberlain
   in the Colonial Office, disapproved. In the next year,
   however, when the full measure of colonial autonomy had been
   conferred by the Imperial Government (see, in this Volume,
   SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905-1907), essentially the same
   provisions were embodied in an enactment by the new Transvaal
   Legislature, entitled "The Asiatic Law Amendment Act, 1907,"
   and Lord Elgin could not venture to disapprove them again, for
   the reasons which he stated thus to the Colonial Governor:

   "The Act which is now submitted has behind it a very different
   weight of authority. It has been introduced by the first
   responsible Ministry of the Colony, and has been passed
   unanimously by both Houses of the new Legislature. I consider
   it my duty to place it on record that His Majesty’s Government
   do not consider the position of Asiatics lawfully resident in
   the Transvaal, as settled by this Act, to be satisfactory;
   that they adhere to the opinions which have been expressed by
   successive Secretaries of State as to the desirability of
   relaxing the restrictions to which Asiatics are at present
   subject; and that they commend this view to the Transvaal
   Government in the hope that it may be carefully considered how
   far practical effect can be given to it. But they feel that
   they would not be justified in offering resistance to the
   general will of the Colony clearly expressed by its first
   elected representatives; and I have accordingly to inform you
   that His Majesty will not be advised to exercise his power of
   disallowance with respect to the Act." This measure was
   followed presently by an "Immigrants’ Restriction Act, 1907,"
   which accentuated still further the inhospitality of Transvaal
   legislation, and made more serious trouble for the British
   Government, not only with its Indian subjects, but with the
   Chinese. On the effect of the two acts upon British Indians
   Lord Elgin wrote to Mr. Morley, Secretary of State for India
   (October 10, 1907):

   "The practical effect of Section 2 (4) will be to prevent the
   further immigration into the Transvaal of British Indians or
   other Asiatics. As Mr. Morley is aware, throughout the
   correspondence which has passed on this subject, His Majesty’s
   Government have practically limited themselves to endeavouring
   to secure more favourable treatment for those Asiatics who
   have already acquired a right to reside in the Colony, and the
   competence of the Colonial Legislature and Government to
   restrict further immigration by means of legislation similar
   to that already adopted in other self-governing Colonies has
   not been disputed. … Moreover, in the interests of British
   Indians themselves, it is probably desirable, in view of the
   state of Colonial feeling, that further immigration should be
   restricted. Lord Elgin does not, therefore, propose to raise
   any objection to this provision.

   "Section 6 (c) must be considered in connection with the
   recent Asiatic Law Amendment Act. Under that Act, Asiatics
   failing to register may be ordered to leave the Colony; and
   failure to comply with such an order is punishable by
   imprisonment. The object of this section, as explained by the
   Attorney-General in his report is to enable the Government to
   deport, in lieu of imprisoning, Asiatics who fail to register
   under the Asiatic Law Amendment Act.
{532}
   While Lord Elgin feels that the free exercise of so drastic a
   power would be greatly to be deprecated, he doubts whether His
   Majesty’s Government can consistently object to a provision
   the object of which is to enable the Colonial Government to
   enforce the observance of the Asiatic Law Amendment Act, which
   His Majesty’s Government have allowed to become law, and to
   which the British Indian community appears at present to be
   disposed to offer an organised resistance. He therefore
   proposes, subject to any representation which Mr. Morley may
   wish to make, to accept this provision also."

   The India Office could only say in reply:

   "Since the Asiatic Law Amendment Act, 1907, has received His
   Majesty’s sanction, Mr. Morley recognizes that it would be
   inconsistent to object to a clause framed merely in order to
   ensure the efficient administration of that Act so far as it
   affects persons already in the Transvaal. … It is true that
   under the Asiatic Law Amendment Act of 1907, the Colonial
   Government may grant temporary permits. Mr. Morley presumes
   that this power will, if the occasion arise, be used to
   prevent such a gross scandal as the exclusion from the Colony
   of ruling chiefs, Indians of distinguished position, and high
   officials of Asiatic descent on the ground that they are
   ‘undesirable immigrants.’ But he thinks that it would be
   satisfactory to obtain a definite assurance that in framing
   the present Bill the Colonial Government had no intention of
   refusing access to Asiatics of this type, and he trusts that
   such an assurance will be obtained and placed on record before
   the Royal Assent is given to the measure.

   "It is unnecessary to point out to Lord Elgin the unfortunate
   effect upon public opinion in India which must be produced by
   the present Bill. The very peculiar circumstances of the
   Transvaal have been held to justify, during the period of
   administrative reconstruction, exceptional measures for
   dealing with the influx of immigrants; but Mr. Morley did not
   understand, when the provisions of the Asiatic Law Amendment
   Act were under discussion, that the forthcoming Immigration
   Restriction Bill would be so framed as to perpetuate the
   exclusion from the Colony of all future Asiatic immigrants
   without distinction.

   "For these reasons I am to say that Mr. Morley trusts that
   Lord Elgin will find it possible to impress upon the
   Government of the Transvaal the very strong objections, from
   an Imperial point of view, which stand in the way of the
   acceptance of Section 2 (4) of the Bill."

   The most obnoxious features of the two offensive acts were an
   educational qualification, which required applications for
   admission to the colony and for trading licenses in it, and
   other connected documents, to be written by the applicants in
   a European language, Yiddish being recognized as European, and
   a prescribed registration which required finger-prints as a
   means of identification. Both of these provisions of law were
   felt to be insulting and degrading by the Hindus of the better
   class, who organized a refusal of submission to them, and
   tested them without avail in the courts. Their language was
   treated contemptuously in the educational qualification,
   while, personally, they were classed with criminals by the
   fingerprint identification. The agitators of disaffection in
   India made much of these indignities, and the matter was
   extremely embarrassing to the British administration there.
   For months there seemed no prospect of a solution of the
   difficulty; but patient persuasion and tactful pressure
   brought, at last, what appeared to be a successful compromise,
   announced to the rejoicing Colonial Office at London by the
   following telegram from the Governor, January 30, 1908:

   "Gandhi and other leaders of Indian and Chinese communities
   have offered voluntary registration in a body within three
   months, provided signatures only are taken of educated,
   propertied, or well-known Asiatics, and finger-prints of the
   rest, and that no question against which Asiatics have
   religious objection be pressed. Government have accepted this
   offer and undertaken pending registration not to enforce the
   penalties under Act against all those who register. Sentences
   of all Asiatics in prison will be remitted to-morrow. This
   course agreed to by both political parties."

   Fresh discontents arose subsequently, when amendatory
   legislation was brought out, which did not open the colony to
   any fresh immigration of Asiatics, even if they could pass an
   educational test in a European language; but this has not
   appeared to have any of the seriousness of the former
   agitation, so far as India is concerned.

   Of the intensity of feeling in India, a newspaper
   correspondent, writing from Bombay, December 29, 1909, said:

   "There is no mistaking the depth of feeling regarding the
   protest against the treatment of Indians in the Transvaal.
   Every Indian, no matter what may be his politics, feels that
   his self-respect is insulted, and demands retaliation by
   refusing indentured labour to Natal. Extraordinary scenes
   followed Mr. Surendranath Banerjee’s appeal for funds for the
   Transvaal sufferers; jewels and money were thrown at his feet
   and rupees were poured into his hat. A thousand pounds was
   collected. The question is creating profound feeling among all
   classes."

RACE PROBLEMS:
   The Labor Question as a Race Question.

   At a meeting of the Native Labor Association at Johannesburg,
   in April, 1909, the President of the Association stated that
   the present labor supply was entirely adequate, and that the
   mines were not likely to be faced with serious difficulty in
   this respect in the immediate future. In the course of 1908
   the number of Chinese laborers had decreased in the natural
   course by repatriation by 23,303. On the other hand, the
   native complement had increased in the same period by 47,766,
   giving a net gain of 24,373, which had been further increased
   during the first three mouths of the present year. In
   explanation of the sudden expansion of the native labor
   supply, Mr. Perry pointed, first, to the collapse of the
   diamond market; secondly, to the emigration of Kaffirs from
   the Cape owing to failure of employment there. The De Beers
   Mines, as he was able to show, were actually employing 50,000
   fewer hands than before, which, allowing for the difference in
   the periods of contract, probably meant a gain to the Rand of
   at least 25,000. Similarly, the native statistics published by
   the Cape Government indicated an enormous diversion of
   labourers to the Rand.

   In January, 1909, the London Times, reporting the
   output of gold from the Transvaal in 1908 as having been
   £29,957,610,—an increase of £2,553,872 over 1907, gave the
   following statement of labor conditions at that time:

{533}

   "The increase has been gradual and quite regular, and may be
   expected to continue. The expansion in the gold production has
   resulted in the employment of nearly 1,800 more whites than
   were at work in January, but coloured labourers are some 4,000
   less. The increase in the number of natives employed in gold
   mines has been 24,000, while the complement of Chinese coolies
   has been depleted by 20,000. At the beginning of the year some
   17,500 whites, 133,500 coloured, and 33,800 Chinese were
   employed by gold mines; for October the figures read:—Whites
   18,300, coloured 157,500, and Chinese 14,300. Native labour is
   perhaps the one serious problem which will place limitations
   on further expansion. Few of the Chinese will be left by the
   end of next year, and they will all have left before the
   expiry of 1910. Natives, however, are showing more tendency to
   work regularly, and the habit doubtless will grow. It is due
   to the Chinese to recognize that they have been useful
   workmen, for the improved efficiency of the coloured workman
   all round is largely due to the example which they set the
   native."

   In March, 1909, Colonel Seely, Under Secretary for the
   Colonies, in reply to questions in the British House of
   Commons, gave the following figures: January, 1907, Chinese
   employed, 53,856; whites employed on gold mines, 17,874;
   December, 1908, Chinese employed, 12,275; whites employed on
   gold mines, 19,605. For 'Witwatersrand, taking natives and
   Chinese together the numbers were:—January, 1907, 148,077;
   December, 1908, 166,405. The corresponding figures for whites
   are:—January, 1907, 17,198; December, 1908, 18,687.

   A Johannesburg letter of July 26 to the London Times
   reported a change in the situation, saying:

   "For the half-year upon which we have just entered it requires
   no prophet to foretell a more rapid rate of progress, which,
   however, may to some extent be limited by a scarcity of native
   labour, signs of which have begun to loom on the horizon.
   After 18 months or more of steady increase in the number of
   native labourers available for work in mines, an increase
   which more than counterbalanced the outflow of Chinese labour
   through repatriation, the pendulum has begun to swing the
   other way, and already the pinch is beginning to make itself
   felt in certain mines. During the last two months the excess
   of time-expired natives and wastage over the number recruited
   has been more than 8000, and repatriated Chinese brings the
   total up to 10,000. Considering that the total coloured labour
   force employed on the Witwatersrand was over 180,000 in April,
   this comparatively small decline under normal conditions
   should hardly make itself felt at all. But the conditions are
   not normal. An era of expansion set in some 18 months ago
   which has been steadily growing, and which has called for an
   ever-increasing labour force and in the near future must
   require still more and more. How that demand is to be met is
   by no means clear."

RACE PROBLEMS: In the United States:
   Between its White and Black Citizens:
   Booker T. Washington’s solution in progress at Tuskegee.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

RACE PROBLEMS:
   The "Niagara Movement."
   A National Committee for the Advancement of the Negro Race.

   In July, 1905, a conference of colored men from North and
   South, among whom Professor W. E. Burghardt Du Bois, of
   Atlanta, appeared to be the leading spirit, was held at
   Buffalo, New York. Its outcome was an organization which has
   taken the name of "The Niagara Movement," and which has had
   some growth. At the latest annual meeting of the organization,
   in Sea Isle City, New Jersey, in August, 1909, ten States were
   reported to be represented, and the total membership of the
   "Movement" was said to be three hundred, distributed in forty
   States. Its objects are indicated in the following passages
   from an Address which this meeting adopted:

   "For four years the Niagara Movement has struggled to make ten
   million Americans of negro descent cease from mere apology and
   weak surrender to aggression, and take a firm, unfaltering
   stand for justice, manhood, and self-assertion. We are
   accumulating property at a constantly accelerating rate; we
   are rapidly lowering our rate of illiteracy; but property and
   intelligence are of little use unless guided by the great
   ideals of freedom, justice, and human brotherhood.

   "As a partial result of our effort we are glad to note among
   us increasing spiritual unrest, sterner impatience with
   cowardice, and deeper determination to be men at any cost. …

   "That black men are inherently inferior to whites is a
   wide-spread lie which science flatly contradicts, and the
   attempt to submerge the colored races is one with world-old
   efforts of the wily to exploit the weak. We must, therefore,
   make common cause with the oppressed and down-trodden of all
   races and peoples; with our kindred of South Africa and the
   West Indies, with our fellows in Mexico, India, and Russia,
   and with the cause of the working classes everywhere.

   "On us rests to no little degree the burden of the cause of
   individual freedom, human brotherhood, and universal peace in
   a day when America is forgetting her promise and destiny. Let
   us work on and never despair because pigmy voices are loudly
   praising ill-gotten wealth, big guns, and human degradation.
   They but represent back eddies in the tide of time."

   Programme of future work adopted included the publication of a
   series of small tracts and an almanac, the founding of a
   monthly publication, and the purchase of a permanent place of
   meeting where an annual Chautauqua will be held.

   A Conference of people of both races who are desirous of
   organizing more effective endeavors to better the status of
   the negro citizens of the United States was held in New York
   in May, 1909. It adopted a resolution providing for the
   "incorporation of a national committee to be known as a
   committee for the advancement of the negro race, to bring that
   race from slavery to full citizenship with all the rights and
   privileges appertaining thereto," and another resolution for a
   Committee of Forty charged with the organization of the
   national committee, with power to call the convention in 1910.

{534}

   Among other resolutions discussed and adopted were the
   following:

   "As first and immediate steps toward remedying … national
   wrongs, so full of perils for the whites as well as the blacks
   of all sections, we demand of Congress and the Executive:

   "(1.) That the Constitution be strictly enforced and the civil
   rights guaranteed under the Fourteenth Amendment be secured
   impartially to all.

   "(2.) That there be equal educational opportunities for all
   and in all the States, and that public school expenditure be
   the same for the negro and white child.

   "(3.) That in accordance with the Fifteenth Amendment the
   right of the negro to the ballot on the same terms as other
   citizens be recognized in every part of the country."

RACE PROBLEMS:
   Anti-Negro Riot at Atlanta.

   "On the 22d and 23d of September [1906] anti-negro riots broke
   out in Atlanta, resulting in the death of twelve or more
   negroes and the injury of a great many. There had been an
   unusual number of reports of attacks upon white women and
   girls by brutal and criminal negroes in the vicinity of
   Atlanta during the previous days and weeks. Every report of
   this kind had been flaunted with great headlines in a
   sensational afternoon newspaper of Atlanta, as if to arouse
   the less orderly and thoughtful element of the white
   population not merely to the lynching of offenders but to an
   attack upon innocent and law-abiding colored people. For a
   time the riot was furious and negroes were indiscriminately
   assailed. It would seem that most of those who were killed
   were absolutely innocent of any offense whatsoever. Their
   crime consisted merely in belonging to the negro race. It
   would be the height of silliness for criticism to take on a
   geographical character. White people in the North are no more
   considerate of people against whom they may have a grievance
   or a prejudice than are white people in the South. The problem
   of adjusting the relations of two races so totally different
   as the white race and the negro race where they have to live
   together in the same communities is difficult under any
   circumstances, and it becomes increasingly so where the
   inferior race is present in large numbers and where many of
   its members are ill-disciplined, idle, and of criminal
   instincts."

      American Review of Reviews,
      November, 1906.

   "Wherever a colored man was seen he was attacked. The mobs
   closed in upon the trolley-cars and dragged the colored
   passengers, unprepared for the onslaught, from their seats. A
   riotous crowd broke into a shop where there were two negro
   barbers, beat them to death and mangled their bodies. One
   negro was killed in the shadow of a monument; another was
   stabbed to death on the post-office steps. The Governor
   mobilized the militia, but the mobs, taking it for granted
   that the militiamen were in sympathy with them, showed little
   fear of the soldiers. The Mayor of the city remonstrated with
   the rioters, but with little result. He called out the fire
   department, which cleared the streets by turning the hose on
   the mobs. But this only resulted in diverting the riot from
   one place in the city to another. Only a rain on Sunday
   dampened the ardor of the rioters. Order was outwardly
   restored by Sunday evening, but even thereafter negroes were
   killed. Even though the riot differed from the Russian variety
   in that it was not instigated and abetted by the Government
   and the military, it brings nothing but shame to this Nation."

      The Outlook,
      September 29, 1906.

RACE PROBLEMS:
   The Georgia Railroad Strike.

   One of the meanest of recent exhibitions of race animosity was
   presented in May and June, 1909, on the occasion of a strike
   of white men employed as firemen on the Georgia Railroad
   against the employment of blacks in the same capacity.
   Generally, the southern railroads have employed, for years,
   both white and black firemen. On the Georgia Railroad there
   were about sixty of the former and forty of the latter. The
   white firemen were eligible to promotion to be engineers; the
   blacks were not. By an unwritten law they were excluded from
   the higher and better paid service; but as firemen the best
   among them had gradually won promotion to the better trains
   and better "runs" on the road. It was this fact which caused
   the strike of their white associates. As a labor strike it
   would have caused little trouble; as a race and color question
   it inflamed the State and the South, and disturbed the country
   at large for several weeks. The conflict of the railroad
   company was not with its own employees but with mobs along its
   line, always ready to be maddened by the thought of a negro in
   any place which a white man wanted.

   A mediation in the matter undertaken, at the instance of
   President Taft, by the United States Commissioner of Labor,
   Dr. Charles P. Neill, and the Chairman of the Interstate
   Commerce Commission, Mr. Martin A. Knapp, succeeded, with much
   difficulty, in arranging a reference of the dispute to
   arbitration. The chosen arbitrators were Hilary A. Herbert,
   named by the railroad company, T. W. Hardwick, named by the
   employees, and Chancellor David C. Barrow, of the University
   of Georgia, selected by these two. This board of arbitration
   gave hearings to both parties and rendered its award on the
   27th of June. The main proposition submitted to it by the
   employees was in these words: "That the Georgia Railroad
   Company and its terminals at Atlanta will not use negroes as
   locomotive firemen on the road or in the yards, nor as
   hostlers nor assistant hostlers."

   On this its decision was as follows: "The Georgia Railroad,
   when using negroes as locomotive firemen on the road or in the
   yards, or as hostlers, or as hostlers’ helpers, shall pay them
   the same wages as white men in similar positions." But the
   representative of the employees dissented from this decision
   in part, explaining his view, as follows: "In so far as the
   above finding permits the continued employment of negro
   firemen by the Georgia Railroad, I dissent therefrom, because
   I believe from the evidence that such employment is a menace
   to the safety of the travelling public. In so far as such
   finding requires that when negroes are so employed they shall
   receive wages equal to those paid white men, I concur therein,
   believing that such requirement, by removing the principal
   incentive for their employment, will result in the speedy
   elimination of this cheaper labor, and a consequent
   improvement of the service."

   On most of the minor points in controversy the arbitrators
   were agreed in their conclusions, and the settlement of the
   whole matter was complete.

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RACE PROBLEMS:
   Oriental Labor in Competition with Western Labor.
   The Force of the Economic Objection to it in
   a Country under the Protective System.

   "Behind the economic antipathy to Oriental laborers there is
   a justifiable feeling. Where there is established a system of
   protection, it is only just that it benefit not only the
   capitalist but also the laborer. If the American laborer must
   contend as best he can with the laborer whose standard of life
   is lower, then the American manufacturer, in fairness, ought
   to be let alone in his contest with the foreign manufacturer
   who does not pay so much for his labor. The Outlook
   believes that a condition of such open competition as has
   prevailed between the States of the Union would be wholesome
   between the nations of the world. But at present the
   protective system prevails and apparently is firmly
   established in America. So long, therefore, as American
   capital is protected, it is a benefit for the whole country to
   have American labor protected. And certainly if there is any
   body of laborers against which the working people of America
   need protection, it is the coolie labor of Asia. The fact that
   the Japanese and Chinese laborers enter industries in which
   there is a scarcity of whites does not affect the case, for it
   is not the direct loss of jobs, but the lowering—or at least
   the changing—of the standards of living that brings injury to
   the mass."

      The Outlook,
      September 21, 1907.

RACE PROBLEMS:
   Existing Treaties between the United States and China
   concerning the Admission of Chinamen.
   Enactments of Law on the Subject.
   Correspondence of Wu Ting-fang with Secretary Hay.

   For a proper understanding of the questions of national honor
   and official civility that are involved in the existing laws
   and regulations of the United States which govern the
   admission of Chinamen to the country, either as visitors or
   immigrants, some attention must be given to a series of
   engagements by solemn treaty between the Governments of China
   and the United States, respecting the hospitality which each
   has pledged itself to give to the citizens of the other. Three
   of those treaties remain partly or wholly in force. The
   abrogation of the fourth one has a significance of its own.

   The earliest of these treaties, negotiated in 1858,
   superseding one of 1844, provided very carefully for the good
   treatment of American citizens in China, but contains nothing
   on the subject of Chinamen in America, probably for the reason
   that few of that people had yet travelled so far abroad. The
   rights it stipulated for the American who visited or sought
   residence in the Celestial Empire were as follows:

   "Article XI.
   All citizens of the United States of America in China,
   peaceably attending to their affairs, being placed on a common
   footing of amity and good will with the subjects of China,
   shall receive and enjoy for themselves and everything
   appertaining to them the protection of the local authorities
   of government, who shall defend them from all insult or injury
   of any sort. If their dwellings or property be threatened or
   attacked by mobs, incendiaries, or other violent or lawless
   persons, the local officers, on requisition of the consul,
   shall immediately despatch a military force to disperse the
   rioters, apprehend the guilty individuals and punish them with
   the utmost rigor of the law. Subjects of China guilty of any
   criminal act towards citizens of the United States shall be
   punished by the Chinese authorities according to the laws of
   China. And citizens of the United States, either on shore or
   in any merchant vessel, who may insult, trouble or wound the
   persons or injure the property of Chinese or commit any other
   improper act in China, shall be punished only by the Consul or
   other public functionary thereto authorized according to the
   laws of the United States. Arrests in order to trial may be
   made by either the Chinese or the United States authorities."

      Treaty of Peace, Amity, and Commerce, 1858
      (Compilation of Treaties in Force, 58th Congress,
      2d Session, Senate Document Number 318, page 138).

   Ten years later, in 1868, another treaty was negotiated, not
   to supersede that of 1858, but to supplement it; and in this
   agreement the reciprocation of hospitalities is pledged in the
   following distinct and cordial terms:

   "Article V.
   The United States of America and the Emperor of China
   cordially recognize the inherent and inalienable right of man
   to change his home and allegiance, and also the mutual
   advantage of the free migration and emigration of their
   citizens and subjects, respectively, from the one country to
   the other, for purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as
   permanent residents. The high contracting parties, therefore,
   join in reprobating any other than an entirely voluntary
   emigration for these purposes. They consequently agree to pass
   laws making it a penal offence for a citizen of the United
   States or Chinese subjects to take Chinese subjects either to
   the United States or to any other foreign country, or for a
   Chinese subject or citizen of the United States to take
   citizens of the United States to China or to any other foreign
   country, without their free and voluntary consent,
   respectively.

   "Article VI.
   Citizens of the United States visiting or residing in China
   shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities or exemptions in
   respect to travel or residence as may there be enjoyed by the
   citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. And,
   reciprocally, Chinese subjects visiting or residing in the
   United States shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities, and
   exemptions in respect to travel or residence, as may there be
   enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of the most favored
   nation. But nothing herein contained shall be held to confer
   naturalization upon citizens of the United States in China,
   nor upon the subjects of China in the United States.

   "Article VII.
   Citizens of the United States shall enjoy all the privileges
   of the public educational institutions under the control of
   the Government of China, and, reciprocally, Chinese subjects
   shall enjoy all the privileges of the public educational
   institutions under the control of the Government of the United
   States, which are enjoyed in the respective countries by the
   citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. The citizens
   of the United States may freely establish and maintain schools
   within the Empire of China at those places where foreigners
   are by treaty permitted to reside, and reciprocally, Chinese
   subjects may enjoy the same privileges and immunities in the
   United States."

      Treaty of Trade, Consuls, and Emigration, 1868
      (58th Congress, 2d Session,
      Senate Document Number 318, pages 157-158).

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   That this treaty, as well as that of 1858, is still obligatory
   in its hospitable spirit and intent, is a fact certified by
   the language of the preamble of the treaty negotiated next, by
   President Angell, of Michigan University, and other
   Commissioners, in 1880. The recital in that preamble of the
   purpose of the new agreement was this:

   "Whereas, in the eighth year of Hsien Feng, Anno Domini 1858,
   a treaty of peace and friendship was concluded between the
   United States of America and China, and to which were added,
   in the seventh year of Tung Chih, Anno Domini 1868, certain
   supplementary articles to the advantage of both parties,
   which supplementary articles were to be perpetually
   observed and obeyed: and Whereas the Government of the
   United States, because of the constantly increasing
   immigration of Chinese laborers to the territory of the United
   States, and the embarrassments consequent upon such
   immigration, now desires to negotiate a modification of the
   existing Treaties which shall not be in direct contravention
   of their spirit: Now, therefore," &c. The following are
   the four articles of the treaty thus explained:

   "Article I.
   Whenever in the opinion of the Government of the United States
   the coming of Chinese laborers to the United States, or their
   residence therein, affects or threatens to affect the
   interests of that country, or to endanger the good order of
   the said country or of any locality within the territory
   thereof, the Government of China agrees that the Government of
   the United States may regulate, limit, or suspend such coming
   or residence, but may not absolutely prohibit it. The
   limitation or suspension shall be reasonable, and shall apply
   only to Chinese who may go to the United States as
   laborers, other classes not being included in the
   limitations. Legislation taken in regard to Chinese laborers
   will be of such a character only as is necessary to enforce
   the regulation, limitation, or suspension of immigration, and
   immigrants shall not be subject to personal maltreatment or
   abuse.

   "Article II.
   Chinese subjects, whether proceeding to the United States as
   teachers, students, merchants or from curiosity, together with
   their body and household servants, and Chinese laborers who
   are now in the United States shall be allowed to go and
   come of their own free will and accord, and shall be accorded
   all the rights, privileges, immunities, and exemptions which
   are accorded to the citizens and subjects of the most favored
   nation.

   "Article III.
   If Chinese laborers, or Chinese of any other class, now either
   permanently or temporarily residing in the territory of the
   United States, meet with ill treatment at the hands of any
   other persons, the Government of the United States will exert
   all its power to devise measures for their protection and to
   secure to them the same rights, privileges, immunities, and
   exemptions as may be enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of
   the most favored nation, and to which they are entitled by
   treaty.

   "Article IV.
   The high contracting powers having agreed upon the foregoing
   articles, whenever the Government of the United States shall
   adopt legislative measures in accordance therewith, such
   measures will be communicated to the Government of China. If
   the measures as enacted are found to work hardship upon the
   subjects of China, the Chinese minister at Washington may
   bring the matter to the notice of the Secretary of State of
   the United States, who will consider the subject with him; and
   the Chinese Foreign Office may also bring the matter to the
   notice of the United States minister at Peking and consider
   the subject with him, to the end that mutual and unqualified
   benefit may result.

   This is the latest of the still obligatory engagements by
   treaty that bear on the admission of visitors or immigrants
   from China to the United States. A fourth treaty, pressed on
   the Chinese Government in 1894, permitted the United States,
   during a period of ten years, to prohibit entirely the coming
   of Chinese laborers within its territory; but the concluding
   article of that treaty was as follows:

   "This Convention shall remain in force for a period of ten
   years beginning with the date of the exchange of
   ratifications, and, if six months before the expiration of
   said period of ten years, neither Government shall have
   formally given notice of its final termination to the other,
   it shall remain in full force for another like period of ten
   years." The Chinese Government did give the formal notice of
   termination within the stipulated time, and the treaty became
   void on the 7th of December, 1904.

   Hence the Government of the United States is now under the
   engagements which it made with the Government of China in
   1880, which included an engagement to be faithful to the
   hospitable spirit of the compact of 1868. When one has looked
   over those engagements of national honor, it seems hard to
   harmonize them in spirit, or even in letter, with some of the
   enactments which are regulating, at the present day, the
   treatment of people from China who venture to approach the
   entry ports of the United States. Such, for example, as the
   following, from "the Act of May 6, 1882, as amended and added
   to by the Act of July 5, 1884," which, according to a recent
   official publication of "Laws and Regulations governing the
   Admission of Chinese," was "continued in force for an
   additional period of ten years from May 5, 1892, by the act of
   May 5, 1892, and was, with all laws on this subject in force
   on April 29, 1902, reënacted, extended, and continued without
   modification, limitation, or condition by the act of April 29,
   1902, as amended by the act of April 27, 1904":

   "Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
   the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from
   and after the passage of this act, and until the expiration of
   ten years next after the passage of this act, the coming of
   Chinese laborers to the United States be, and the same is
   hereby suspended, and during such suspension it shall not be
   lawful for any Chinese laborer to come from any foreign port
   or place, or having so come to remain within the United
   States."

   "Section 2.
   That the master of any vessel who shall knowingly bring within
   the United States on such vessel, and land, or attempt to
   land, or permit to be landed any Chinese laborer, from any
   foreign port or place, shall be deemed guilty of a
   misdemeanor, and, on conviction thereof, shall be punished by
   a fine of not more than five hundred dollars for each and
   every such Chinese laborer so brought, and may also be
   imprisoned for a term not exceeding one year." …

{537}

   "Section 6.
   That in order to the faithful execution of the provisions of
   this act, every Chinese person, other than a laborer, who may
   be entitled by said treaty or this act to come within the
   United States, and who shall be about to come to the United
   States, shall obtain the permission of and be identified as so
   entitled by the Chinese Government, or of such other foreign
   government of which at the time such Chinese person shall be a
   subject, in each case to be evidenced by a certificate issued
   by such Government, which certificate shall be in the English
   language, and shall show such permission, with the name of the
   permitted person in his or her proper signature, and which
   certificate shall state the individual, family, and tribal
   name in full, title or official rank, if any, the age, height,
   and all physical peculiarities, former and present occupation
   or profession, when and where and how long pursued, and place
   of residence of the person to whom the certificate is issued,
   and that such person is entitled by this act to come within
   the United States.

   "If the person so applying for a certificate shall be a
   merchant, said certificate shall in addition to above
   requirements, state the nature, character, and estimated value
   of the business carried on by him prior to and at the time of
   his application as aforesaid: Provided, That nothing in
   this act nor in said treaty shall be construed as embracing
   within the meaning of the word ‘merchant,’ hucksters,
   peddlers, or those engaged in taking, drying, or otherwise
   preserving shell or other fish for home consumption or
   exportation.

   "If the certificate be sought for the purpose of travel for
   curiosity, it shall also state whether the applicant intends
   to pass through or travel within the United States, together
   with his financial standing in the country from which such
   certificate is desired.

   "The certificate provided for in this act, and the identity of
   the person named therein shall, before such person goes on
   board any vessel to proceed to the United States, be viséd by
   the indorsement of the diplomatic representatives of the
   United States in the foreign country from which such
   certificate issues, or of the consular representative of the
   United States at the port or place from which the person named
   in the certificate is about to depart; and such diplomatic
   representative or consular representative whose indorsement is
   so required is hereby empowered, and it shall be his duty,
   before indorsing such certificate as aforesaid, to examine
   into the truth of the statements set forth in said
   certificate, and if he shall find upon examination that said
   or any of the statements therein contained are untrue it shall
   be his duty to refuse to indorse the same.

   "Such certificate viséd as aforesaid shall be prima facie
   evidence of the facts set forth therein, and shall be produced
   to the Chinese inspector in charge of the port in the district
   in the United States at which the person named therein shall
   arrive, and afterward produced to the proper authorities of
   the United States whenever lawfully demanded, and shall be the
   sole evidence permissible on the part of the person so
   producing the same to establish a right of entry into the
   United States; but said certificate may be controverted and
   the facts therein stated disproved by the United States
   authorities."

   It will be observed that Article IV. of the Treaty of 1880
   provides that, if measures enacted in the United States "are
   found to work hardship upon the subjects of China, the Chinese
   minister at Washington may bring the matter to the notice of
   the Secretary of State of the United States, who will consider
   the subject with him." One who consults the annual reports
   that are published, of "Papers relating to the Foreign
   Relations of the United States," will find that the Chinese
   Minister at Washington has had occasion very often to bring
   cases of the kind thus referred to in the Treaty to the notice
   of the Secretary of State, and discovered, when he did so,
   almost invariably, that under the enactments complained of the
   Secretary of State had no power even to "consider the subject"
   of complaint with him. The highly intelligent and keenly
   logical Mr. Wu Ting-fang, who represented China at Washington
   in 1900-1902, had much correspondence on such matters with
   Secretary Hay, whose sympathetic friendliness to China was
   well proved; but Mr. Hay could never do more than refer Mr.
   Wu’s representations to the Treasury Department and its
   officials, who held all authority in the matter, and politely
   return to the Chinese Minister such responses as they put into
   his hands. The following is one example of Mr. Wu Ting-fang’s
   communications. It is dated at Washington, December 26, 1900:

   "I have received from the imperial consul-general and from
   reputable Chinese merchants in San Francisco such urgent
   complaints that I feel it my regrettable duty to again address
   you on the subject of the manner in which the immigration laws
   of Congress are being enforced against Chinese subjects. They
   represent what I set forth in my note of the 30th ultimo, that
   under the rulings of the authorities of the port of San
   Francisco Chinese students holding certificates in conformity
   to the treaty and law of Congress are virtually debarred from
   entering the United States, it being held by the said
   authorities that such students must come here with a knowledge
   of the English language and with an education that will permit
   them to forthwith enter a college or take up an advanced
   professional course of study. They further represent that
   under the act of November 3, 1893, the Government of the
   United States issued certificates of residence to a large
   number of Chinese persons, not laborers—merchants and others—
   and that the rights acquired under these certificates are
   being entirely ignored. Holders of such certificates desiring
   to make a temporary visit to China are denied the privilege,
   and persons who have departed holding such certificates are
   denied the privilege of reentering the United States. They
   state that merchants returning to San Francisco after a
   temporary visit to China are often imprisoned in the detention
   dock for weeks and months pending their landing. Their
   Caucasian witnesses are put to all sorts of inconveniences and
   annoyances and treated with suspicion and discourtesy. When
   present to sign identification papers they are compelled to
   await the pleasure of the Chinese bureau for examination, and
   are plied with all sorts of immaterial questions from an
   inspector, who assumes the character of an inquisitor.
{538}
   The result of this is that it is now very difficult for
   Chinese desiring to visit their native land to obtain the
   necessary signatures for their identification papers, thus
   causing them untold mental and financial suffering. They
   report that it has been heretofore the custom in San Francisco
   for years to allow the attorney for the persons desiring to
   enter the United States to be present at the Chinese bureau
   pending the taking of evidence on their behalf, thus affording
   a protection to the Chinese applicants and operating as a
   restraint upon overzealous subordinate officials. It has just
   been ordered by the port authorities that henceforth no
   attorneys shall be allowed to be present at the taking of such
   testimony, or of any testimony on behalf of Chinese desiring
   to enter that port. They assert that this action makes the
   immigration inspector, whose avowed policy is to cause the
   return to China of every Chinese he possibly can, the master
   of the situation and throws all Chinese applicants at his
   feet."

      Minister Wu to Secretary Hay, December 26, 1900
      (Foreign Relations, 1901, page 64).

   In a previous communication the Chinese Minister had expressed
   the opinion that the matter demanded the attention of the
   President; to which Secretary Hay replied that "in the
   Department’s view the immigration acts do not confer upon the
   President any power to interpose in the matter. The act of
   August 18, 1894, provides that ‘in every case where an alien
   is excluded from admission into the United States under any
   law or treaty now existing or hereafter made, the decision of
   the appropriate immigration or customs officers, if adverse to
   the admission of such alien, shall be final, unless reversed
   on appeal to the Secretary of the Treasury." On this statement
   Mr. Wu now remarked:

   "I beg to say that I was aware of the law which is quoted in
   your note of the 5th instant, when I suggested the
   interposition of the President of the United States, but I am
   advised that it can hardly be interpreted as a prohibition
   against the exercise by that supreme official of the nation of
   his influence with one of his own Secretaries, if he was
   convinced, upon examination of the facts, that a solemn treaty
   guaranty was being violated and a great wrong being done to
   subjects of a friendly Government. I am further advised that
   it was not the intent of Congress, by the act cited, to take
   from the President the duty, which I have understood was
   imposed on him by your great and wise Constitution, to ‘take
   care that the laws be faithfully executed,’ and by the same
   instrument the treaties with foreign nations are declared to
   be ‘the supreme law of the land.’ I feel persuaded that if you
   will lay the questions presented in the present note and that
   of the 30th ultimo before the President, he will be inspired
   by his high sense of justice to induce the honorable Secretary
   of the Treasury to revise the decisions which have been made
   by the official of his Department, or that he will at least
   submit the question to the Attorney-General for a construction
   of the treaty and the laws depending thereon."

      Foreign Relations,
      1901, page 65.

   Any fair-minded reader of the correspondence between Chinese
   and American officials, relative to the treatment of Chinamen
   in the United States, is likely to find himself quite
   generally in sympathy with the former, and compelled to doubt
   whether the subjects of China would lose anything if all the
   treaty engagements supposed to be in force, between their
   Government and the Government of the United States, were
   cancelled to-morrow.

RACE PROBLEMS:
   Anti-Japanese Agitation in California.
   Segregation of Orientals in San Francisco Schools.
   Japanese Resentment.
   The Labor Question at the Bottom.
   State Rights and Treaty Rights.

   "The events noted in this article belong mostly to San
   Francisco, but to a very considerable extent the agitation is
   one of state and national importance.

   "In November, 1904, the American Federation of Labor held its
   annual meeting in San Francisco. It adopted a resolution
   demanding that the terms of the Chinese Exclusion Act should
   be so extended ‘as to permanently exclude from the United
   States and its insular territory all classes of Japanese and
   Coreans other than those exempted by the present terms of the
   act.’"

   "In February, 1905, the San Francisco Chronicle, a
   daily newspaper of state-wide reputation, began to publish a
   series of articles having the general object of representing
   the immigration of Japanese, particularly of Japanese
   laborers, as a menace to the interests of the people of
   California and of the nation as well. On the date of the first
   publication, February 23, 1905, the purpose of the series was
   thus announced editorially:

   "‘With this issue we summon the attention of the public to a
   matter of grave import, a matter that no longer admits of
   delay if we are to preserve the integrity of our social life
   not only in California but throughout the Union. The Japanese
   invasion with which we are confronted is fraught with a peril
   none the less momentous because it is so silent, none the less
   attended with danger to American character and to American
   institutions because it is so peaceful. … It will be well for
   us to choose now the line of least resistance, to determine
   now and forever whether this State and this country are to be
   American or whether they are to be Asiatic, whether they are
   to continue under the sway of American thought and aspiration
   or whether they are to become a seminary, an abiding place,
   and an inheritance for the Oriental peoples. … This is a
   matter first for California and for the Pacific Coast and
   secondly for the whole Nation. California stands to-day as an
   open door for Japan and for Asia and when these portals have
   been passed the road to the Atlantic is unbarred.’

   "The series of articles printed conspicuously on the front
   page at intervals of two or three days sought to establish as
   fact a rapidly increasing inflow of Japanese laborers, ready
   to work at wages far below the white standard, and sending
   native-born white men into the ranks of the unemployed.

   "By a unanimous vote in each House, and with only few
   absentees, the California Legislature on March 1 and 2, 1905,
   placed itself on record with respect to Japanese immigration
   in the adoption of a concurrent resolution. After a lengthy
   preamble, the Legislature—

   "‘Resolved, that in view of the facts and reasons
   aforesaid, and of many others that might be stated, we, as
   representatives of the people of the State of California, do
   earnestly and strenuously ask and request, and in so far as it
   may be proper, demand for the protection of the people of this
   State and for the proper safe-guarding of their interests,
   that action be taken without delay, by treaty, or otherwise,
   as may be most expeditious and advantageous, tending to limit
   within reasonable bounds and diminish in a marked degree the
   further immigration of Japanese laborers into the United
   States.

{539}

   "‘That our Senators and Representatives be, and they are
   hereby, requested and directed to bring the matters aforesaid
   to the attention of the President and the Department of
   State.’

      California Statutes, 1905,
      Concurrent & Joint Res. chapter xxiv.

   "On Sunday May 7, 1905, there was held in Lyric Hall, San
   Francisco, a sort of convention of representatives of various
   Labor organizations and Improvement Clubs of San Francisco and
   near-by cities,—such as the Building Trades Council, District
   Council of Painters, Carpenters’ Union No. 22, Federation of
   Mission Improvement Clubs, et al. After much speech-making of
   a demagogic character, committees were appointed and an
   adjournment taken to the following Sunday. On that day, May
   14, organization was perfected by the election of the usual
   officers. All of these were men active in the promotion of
   labor organization.

   "On May 6, 1905, the San Francisco Board of Education adopted
   a resolution expressing its determination ‘to effect the
   establishment of separate schools for Chinese and Japanese
   pupils … for the higher end that our children should not be
   placed in any position where their youthful impressions may be
   affected by association with pupils of the Mongolian Race.’
   But finding itself without sufficient funds for equipment of a
   separate school, the Board did not pursue the matter at this
   time. Its zeal in the matter was not abated by the vast amount
   of labor required to reëstablish the schools after the great
   fire of April, 1906, and on October 11, 1906, it adopted and
   put into effect the following resolution:

   "‘Resolved, That in accordance with Article X, Section
   1662, of the School Law of California, principals are hereby
   directed to send all Chinese Japanese or Corean children to
   the Oriental public school, situated on the south side of Clay
   street, between Powell and Mason streets, on and after Monday,
   October 15, 1906.’

   "The Consul of Japan in San Francisco at once addressed
   protests to the Board of Education, urging that the
   requirement would work great hardship upon Japanese children,
   by reason of distance and the difficulties of travel,
   street-car transportation at the time being very uncertain on
   account of the derangements produced by the great
   conflagration of April, 1906. Protests and appeals were alike
   turned aside in California, but they received instant
   attention in Washington by President Roosevelt, who sent
   Honorable V. H. Metcalf, the Secretary of Commerce and Labor,
   to San Francisco to investigate on the ground.

   "There seemed to be a possible solution of the school question
   by securing a judicial determination of the matter as a
   violation of treaty rights. Upon these points Secretary
   Metcalf reported to the President substantially as follows:

   "1st.
   There is no ‘favored nation’ clause in any treaty between the
   United States and Japan which clearly guarantees the right of
   education. The action of the San Francisco School Board is
   therefore not the denial of a treaty right.

   "2nd.
   Two points remain upon which the validity of the resolution of
   the School Board might be questioned, as follows:

   "a. May the sovereign State of California delegate legislative
   rights to district school boards or other municipal or local
   bodies?

   "b. Are the Japanese Mongolians, and as such covered by the
   state statute governing the establishment of schools?

   "Suit upon these points is inadvisable for the reason that in
   case of a favorable decision, the next legislature would
   hasten to enact legislation especially singling out the
   Japanese for discrimination.

   "In December, 1906, however, the United States District
   Attorney was summoned from San Francisco to Washington for
   conference with the President and Attorney-General, and upon
   his return to San Francisco two suits were commenced. One was
   a petition for a writ of mandate in the Supreme Court of
   California, the other was a suit in equity in the United
   States Circuit Court for the Northern District of California.
   Neither suit was prosecuted, and both actions were
   subsequently dismissed.

   "The influence of the Japanese Consul and of the leaders among
   the Japanese resident in San Francisco was strongly exerted
   toward allaying excitement and preventing any acts that might
   give ground for complaint. However, it was impossible to
   conceal the fact that the effort of the School Board toward
   segregation was a stinging blow to Japanese national pride.

   "The San Francisco school question was suddenly lifted into
   national prominence by President Roosevelt, who included
   pointed criticism of the San Francisco authorities in his
   annual message to Congress, as follows:

   "‘Not only must we treat all nations fairly, but we must treat
   with justice and good will all immigrants who come here under
   the law. … Especially do we need to remember our duty to the
   stranger within our gates. … I am prompted to say this by the
   attitude of hostility here and there assumed toward the
   Japanese in this country. … It is most discreditable to us as
   a people and it may be fraught with the gravest consequences
   to the nation. … Here and there a most unworthy feeling has
   manifested itself toward the Japanese—a feeling that has shown
   itself in shutting them out from the common schools in San
   Francisco, and in mutterings against them in one or two other
   places, because of their efficiency as workers. To shut them
   out from the public schools is a wicked absurdity, when there
   are no first-class colleges in the land, including the
   universities and colleges of California, which do not welcome
   Japanese students and on which Japanese students do not
   reflect credit.’ The president then specifically recommended
   to Congress the enactment of legislation for the
   naturalization of Japanese and for the enlargement of the
   powers of the federal government for the better protection of
   resident aliens against infringement of treaty rights.

{540}

   "The effect of the president’s utterances was to raise new
   questions and to bring new and powerful influences to the
   support of the San Francisco authorities. In California the
   San Francisco School Board received at once the credit of
   heroic defense of the principle of state sovereignty.
   Expression of the same sentiment in Congress was immediate and
   direct.

   "Early in 1907, President Roosevelt invited the San Francisco
   Board of Education to come to Washington. This invitation was
   accepted, and the Board, accompanied by the Mayor of San
   Francisco, journeyed across the continent. Several conferences
   were held, and after their return to San Francisco, public
   statements of results were made both by the Board of Education
   and by the Mayor. On March 13, 1907, the offending resolution
   of the previous October was repealed.

   "The action of the San Francisco authorities aroused very
   general comment throughout the country. The actual facts in
   regard to the Japanese in the schools were not inquired into
   by the San Francisco press, nor in fact were they accurately
   known at the time even to the school authorities of the city.
   The exact facts were published by The Outlook on June
   1, 1907, from accurate investigation on the ground. The
   Superintendent of Schools had given as the main reason for
   segregation, that 95 per cent. of the Japanese pupils were
   young men and ‘we object to an adult Japanese sitting beside a
   twelve year old girl.’ The facts were that on December 8,
   1906, in all schools of primary and grammar grade there was an
   enrollment of 28,736 pupils. Of these there were 93 Japanese,
   nearly one-third of whom were born in the United States. There
   were 28 girls and 65 boys. Of the 65 boys 34 were under 15
   years of age, and of the remaining 31 only 2 were 20 years. 25
   of the boys over 15 years were in the grammar grades, leaving
   but 6 to justify the objection of adults ‘sitting beside
   children of tender years.’ The conclusion of the
   Outlook inquiry was that there was nothing in the
   situation that could not have been met by simpler remedies
   than the attempted segregation, and that the underlying motive
   in the whole matter was a desire to win the political support
   of the labor unions.

   "The great fire in San Francisco in 1906 drove the Japanese
   from their established quarters. Their attempts to gain new
   locations in districts previously occupied wholly by white
   residents tended to draw attention to them. For a time the
   policing of the city was inadequate, and cases of bodily
   violence toward Japanese were not infrequent. Anything like
   organized action took the form of boycotts directed against
   Japanese restaurants that sought white patronage and
   subsequently against the Japanese laundries.

   "The biennial sessions of the legislature since 1905 have
   regularly furnished a large supply of anti-Japanese
   resolutions and bills, introduced for effect and without
   sufficient support for enactment. However, in 1909 legislation
   was attempted looking toward prohibiting Japanese from
   becoming owners of real property. It was only the strenuous
   protests of President Roosevelt actively supported by the
   governor of the state that prevented for this session the
   enactment of some such measure. The legislature finally
   contented itself with making an appropriation for a state
   census of Japanese.

   "This census was intrusted to the state commissioner of labor,
   and is now (July, 1909) in progress. It may be regarded as a
   step toward an authoritative inquiry as to facts upon which
   later action may be based, if deemed necessary.

   "The Japanese on the Pacific Coast uniformly exercise a most
   commendable self-restraint, and their officials take advantage
   of every opportunity to display a spirit of friendliness. This
   is illustrated by liberal contributions to the city’s fund for
   the entertainment of the sailors of the Atlantic Fleet during
   its visit to San Francisco in May, 1908, and by an invitation
   extended by the Chambers of Commerce of the large cities of
   Japan in July, 1908, to similar bodies in the Pacific Coast
   states to visit Japan as guests of the country. This
   invitation was accepted by numerous commercial representatives
   of the cities from Los Angeles northward to Seattle."

      Frederick H. Clark,
      Head of History Department,
      Lowell High School, San Francisco.


   "'If you provide a system of education which includes alien
   children you must not exclude these particular alien
   children.'"

   Inasmuch as the Constitution and the laws of the United States
   made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made under the
   authority of the United States, are declared to be the supreme
   law of the land, and that the judges in every State shall be
   bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any
   State to the contrary notwithstanding, this prohibitory power
   was shown to be incontestable.

{541}

   The common-sense ground of opinion and feeling on the whole
   subject in America could not be set forth more indisputably
   than it was by Mr. Roosevelt, after he had ceased to be
   President, when he wrote as a private citizen, in his
   editorial connection with The Outlook, on the 8th of
   May, 1909, this:

   "The Japanese are a highly civilized people of extraordinary
   military, artistic, and industrial development; they are
   proud, warlike, and sensitive. I believe that our people have,
   what I personally certainly have, a profound and hearty
   admiration for them; an admiration for their great deeds and
   great qualities, an ungrudging respect for their national
   character. But this admiration and respect is accompanied by
   the firm conviction that it is not for the advantage of either
   people that emigrants from either country should settle in
   mass in the other country. The understanding between the two
   countries on this point should be on a basis of entire
   mutuality, and therefore on a basis which will preserve
   unimpaired the self-respect of each country, and permit each
   to continue to feel friendly good will for the other. Japan
   would certainly object to the incoming of masses of American
   farmers, laborers, and small traders; indeed, the Japanese
   would object to this at least as strongly as the men of the
   Pacific Coast and Rocky Mountain States object to the incoming
   in mass of Japanese workmen, agricultural laborers, and men
   engaged in small trades. The Japanese certainly object to
   Americans acquiring land in Japan at least as much as the
   Americans of the far Western States object to the Japanese
   acquiring land on our soil. The Americans who go to Japan and
   the Japanese who come to America should be of the same general
   class—that is, they should be travelers, students, teachers,
   scientific investigators, men engaged in international
   business, men sojourning in the land for pleasure or study. As
   long as the emigration from each side is limited to classes
   such as these, there will be no settlement in mass, and
   therefore no difficulty."

   That the emigration from Japan has been thus closely limited
   was shown in September, 1909, by the issue of a statistical
   circular from the office of the Japanese Consul-General at San
   Francisco, dealing in tabulated form with the arrivals and
   departures from Japan for the year 1908 and for the first six
   months of the year 1909. It shows that the number of the
   excess arrivals in Japan over the departures for 1908 was
   1807, and for the first six months of the present year 737,
   making a total excess of arrivals in Japan over departures for
   the 18 months of 2544. The circular states that "no new
   labourers are now leaving Japan for American territory," and
   this may be taken as the official Japanese reply to the
   continued assertions of the California labour unions that
   large numbers of coolies are still reaching the country by way
   of the Canadian and Mexican frontiers.

RACE PROBLEMS:
   Exclusion of Chinese.
   The Law and its Administration.
   The Chinese Resentment expressed in a Boycott.
   President Roosevelt’s Vain Appeal to Congress.
   Opinion of Secretary Straus.

   Resentful feeling aroused in China by the immigration and
   exclusion laws of the United States, in their special
   application to incoming Chinese and in the harshness of their
   administration, began to have expression at Shanghai in May,
   1905, when resolutions were adopted at a meeting of the
   merchant guilds of that city which initiated an extensive
   boycotting of American goods and of everything connected with
   America. A report of the meeting and of its recommendations
   was sent to all parts of the Empire and elicited a quick and
   general response. The undertaking of the movement was to stop
   the buying of American goods; to socially ostracise tradesmen
   who continue to handle them, and to render no service to
   Americans in China, except for higher pay than is demanded
   from others. This boycotting attitude of large numbers in
   China was persisted in throughout the year, and not only made
   itself felt seriously in commercial circles, but impressed the
   American public with a proper sense of the indignities they
   were allowing to be imposed on a people who deserve their
   respect. The President, in his Message to Congress at the
   opening of the session in December, dealt justly with the
   subject, as follows:

   "The conditions in China are such that the entire Chinese
   coolie class, that is, the class of Chinese laborers, skilled
   and unskilled, legitimately come under the head of undesirable
   immigrants to this country, because of their numbers, the low
   wages for which they work, and their low standard of living.
   Not only is it to the interest of this country to keep them
   out, but the Chinese authorities do not desire that they
   should be admitted. At present their entrance is prohibited by
   laws amply adequate to accomplish this purpose. These laws
   have been, are being, and will be, thoroughly enforced. …
   But in the effort to carry out the policy of excluding Chinese
   laborers, Chinese coolies, grave injustice and wrong have been
   done by this Nation to the people of China, and therefore
   ultimately to this Nation itself. Chinese students, business
   and professional men of all kinds—not only merchants, but
   bankers, doctors, manufacturers, professors, travelers, and
   the like—should be encouraged to come here and treated on
   precisely the same footing that we treat students, business
   men, travelers, and the like of other nations. Our law's and
   treaties should be framed, not so as to put these people in
   the excepted classes, but to state that we will admit all
   Chinese, except Chinese of the coolie class, Chinese skilled
   or unskilled laborers. There would not be the least danger
   that any such provision would result in any relaxation of the
   law about laborers. These will, under all conditions, be kept
   out absolutely. But it will be more easy to see that both
   justice and courtesy are shown, as they ought to be shown, to
   other Chinese, if the law or treaty is framed as above
   suggested. Examinations should be completed at the port of
   departure from China. For this purpose there should be
   provided a more adequate consular service in China than we now
   have. The appropriations, both for the offices of the consuls
   and for the office forces in the consulates, should be
   increased.

{542}

   "As a people we have talked much of the open door in China,
   and we expect, and quite rightly intend to insist upon,
   justice being shown us by the Chinese. But we can not expect
   to receive equity unless we do equity. We can not ask the
   Chinese to do to us what we are unwilling to do to them. They
   would have a perfect right to exclude our laboring men if our
   laboring men threatened to come into their country in such
   numbers as to jeopardize the well being of the Chinese
   population; and as, mutatis mutandis, these were the
   conditions with which Chinese immigration actually brought
   this people face to face, we had and have a perfect right,
   which the Chinese Government in no way contests, to act as we
   have acted in the matter of restricting coolie immigration.
   That this right exists for each country was explicitly
   acknowledged in the last treaty between the two countries. But
   we must treat the Chinese student, traveler, and business man
   in a spirit of the broadest justice and courtesy if we expect
   similar treatment to be accorded to our own people of similar
   rank who go to China."

      President's Message to Congress,
      December 5, 1905.

   No effective impression on the moral sense or the rationality
   of Congress was made by the President’s appeal, and the laws
   which are contemptuous of national treaties and indifferent to
   the national honor remain on the statute books unchanged. That
   others than the President in the Federal Administration felt
   the wrong and the shame of the law which it had to administer,
   was shown by an article from the pen of the Secretary of
   Commerce and Labor, published in the spring of 1908. The
   following are some passages from the article:

   "It is not the policy of the Government with reference to
   Chinese immigration, but the manner in which it is, of
   necessity, carried out, by reason of the way in which the laws
   are framed, that causes constant friction and dissatisfaction.
   … The attitude of the Chinese Government may be inferred from
   the fact that in 1904, after the convention of 1894 had been
   in force ten years, China availed herself of her reserved
   right and formally denounced the treaty, refusing longer to be
   a party to an arrangement which, as carried into effect, was
   offensive to her national pride. …

   "For proof of the feeling of the Chinese people it is only
   necessary to refer to the boycott of American goods,
   inaugurated by various trade guilds and business and
   commercial associations of the Empire during the summer of
   1905. At that time China held first rank among Oriental
   countries as a consumer of American products. In that year,
   her total commerce amounted to $497,000,000, of which
   $329,000,000 were imports; $57,000,000, or more than seventeen
   per cent., being supplied by the United States. The exports
   from the United States to China had grown to these proportions
   by rapid strides. They were less than $3,000,000 in the
   seventies. They only reached $7,500,000 in 1886, $12,000,000
   in 1897, $15,000,000 in 1900, $24,000,000 in 1902, $57,000,000
   in 1905. It was reasonable to believe that American trade
   would continue to progress in something like the same ratio,
   and a larger and larger share of the foreign trade of China
   accrue to the United States. Instead of that, the exports of
   the United States to China, according to our statistics, fell
   to $44,000,000 in 1906, and to $26,000,000 in 1907.

   "It is not necessary to attribute the decline wholly to the
   boycott of 1905, but a drop in our exportations to that
   country of fifty per cent. in two years is sufficiently
   startling to challenge attention. But on higher grounds than
   those of mere commercial interest should the frame of the laws
   be changed. …

   "I would not suggest a change in the established policy of
   rigidly excluding Chinese laborers of every description, both
   skilled and unskilled. The policy has been and will continue
   to be as effectively enforced as circumstances will permit.
   But, at a time when this policy of exclusion has been so
   thoroughly applied that there remain in the United States only
   about 70,000 Chinese—less than one-tenth of one per cent, of
   our population—little danger need be apprehended from a full
   and fair reconsideration of the subject and a recasting of the
   laws upon a juster basis. …

   "By making admission the rule, and exclusion the exception, we
   could easily preserve the present policy in all its integrity,
   and even strengthen the real prohibitory features thereof, at
   the same time entirely removing a material cause of friction,
   dissatisfaction and unnecessary humiliation to the people of a
   friendly nation."

      Oscar S. Straus
      (Secretary of Commerce and Labor),
      The Spirit and Letter of Exclusion
      (The North American Review, April, 1908).

   A much stronger expression was given to the shamed feeling of
   honorable Americans on this subject by the veteran diplomatist
   and former Secretary of State, Honorable John W. Foster, in an
   article written in 1906. The following is a passage from the
   article:

   "I do not know how I can better illustrate the kind of
   protection, or want of protection, extended to the Chinese, as
   guaranteed by the Constitution, the treaties, and the solemn
   promises of the government of the United States, than by
   recalling a notorious case which occurred, not on the sand
   lots of California, not under the auspices of labor agitators,
   but in the enlightened city of Boston and under the conduct of
   Federal officials.

   "The following narrative is condensed from the newspapers of
   that city. At about half past seven o’clock on the evening of
   Sunday, October 11, 1902, a number of United States officials
   of Boston, New York, and other cities charged with the
   administration of the Chinese exclusion laws, assisted by a
   force of the local police, made a sudden and unexpected
   descent upon the Chinese quarter of Boston. The raid was timed
   with a refinement of cruelty which did greater credit to the
   shrewdness of the officials than to their humanity. It was on
   the day and at the hour when the Chinese of Boston and its
   vicinity were accustomed to congregate in the quarter named
   for the purpose of meeting friends and enjoying themselves
   after a week of steady and honest toil. The police and
   immigration officials fell upon their victims without giving a
   word of warning. The clubs, restaurants, other public places
   where Chinese congregated, and private houses were surrounded.
   Every avenue of escape was blocked. To those seized no warrant
   for arrest or other paper was read or shown.

   "Every Chinese who did not at once produce his certificate of
   residence was taken in charge, and the unfortunate ones were
   rushed off to the Federal Building without further ceremony.
   There was no respect of persons with the officials; they
   treated merchants and laborers alike. In many cases no demand
   was made for certificates, the captives were dragged off to
   imprisonment, and in some instances the demand was not made
   till late at night or the next morning, when the certificates
   were in the possession of the victims at the time of their
   seizure.

{543}

   "In the raid no mercy was shown by the government officials.
   The frightened Chinese who had sought to escape were dragged
   from their hiding-places, and stowed like cattle upon wagons
   or other vehicles, to be conveyed to the designated place of
   detention. On one of these wagons or trucks from seventy to
   eighty persons were thrown, and soon after it moved it was
   overturned. A scene of indescribable confusion followed, in
   which the shrieks of those attempting to escape mingled with
   the groans of those who were injured. …

   "About two hundred and fifty Chinese were thus arrested and
   carried off to the Federal Building. Here they were crowded
   into two small rooms where only standing space could be had,
   from eight o’clock in the evening, all through the night, and
   many of them till late in the afternoon of the next day. There
   was no sleep for any of them that night, though some of them
   were so exhausted that they sank to the floor where they
   stood. Their captors seemed to think that they had to do with
   animals, not human beings. Some of them were released during
   the night, when relatives brought their certificates or
   merchants were identified. But the greater part were kept till
   the next day, when the publicity of the press brought friends,
   or relief through legal proceedings. …

   "So strong was the indignation of the respectable citizens of
   Boston, that a large public meeting was held in Faneuil Hall
   to denounce the action of the immigration officials and the
   police. … It was announced by the immigration officials that
   their raid was organized under the belief that there were a
   number of Chinese in Boston and its vicinity unlawfully in the
   United States, and this method was adopted for discovering
   them. The official report of the chief officer soon after the
   event showed that two hundred and thirty-four Chinese were
   imprisoned, that one hundred and twenty-one were released
   without trial or requirement of bail, and that only five had
   so far been deported, but that he hoped that he might secure
   the conviction and deportation of fifty; as a matter of fact,
   however, the deportations fell much below that number."

      J. W. Foster,
      The Chinese Boycott
      (Atlantic Monthly, January, 1906).

   In the same article Mr. Foster recalled facts connected with
   the negotiation of the Treaty of 1880 which deepen the shame
   to the United States of what followed: "In communicating to
   the Secretary of State," he said, "the signature of the treaty
   of 1880, the American commissioners wrote: ‘In conclusion, we
   deem it our duty to say to you that during the whole of this
   negotiation the representatives of the Chinese Government have
   met us in the fairest and most friendly spirit. They have
   been, in their personal intercourse, most courteous, and have
   given to all our communications, verbal as well as written,
   the promptest and most respectful consideration. After a free
   and able exposition of their own views, we are satisfied that
   in yielding to the request of the United States they have been
   actuated by a sincere friendship and an honorable confidence
   that the large powers recognized by them as belonging to the
   United States, and bearing directly upon the interests of
   their own people, will be exercised by our government with a
   wise discretion, in a spirit of reciprocal and sincere
   friendship, and with entire justice.’

   "But even this treaty, which had been obtained from China so
   reluctantly, yet with the generous exhibition of friendship on
   her part just described, did not prove satisfactory to the
   increasing demands of the labor unions. Before ten years were
   passed, under the spur and excitement of the presidential
   campaign of 1888, and upon the hesitation of the Chinese
   government to make a further treaty modification, the Scott
   Act was passed by Congress, which was a deliberate violation
   of the treaty of 1880, and was so declared by the Supreme
   Court; but under our peculiar system it became the law of the
   land. Our government had thus flagrantly disregarded its
   solemn treaty obligations. Senator Sherman, then chairman of
   the Committee on Foreign Relations, stated in the Senate that
   we had furnished China a just cause for war."

   ----------RACE PROBLEMS: End--------

RACE-TRACK GAMBLING.

      See (in this Volume)
      GAMBLING.

RADIO-TELEGRAPHY.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRICAL: TELEGRAPHY, WIRELESS.

RADIUM, and Radio-activity.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM;
      See also
      PHYSICAL.

RADOLIN, Prince de:
   Arrangement with France for the Algeciras Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

RAIGOSA, Don Genaro:
   President of Second International Conference
   of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

   ----------RAILWAYS: Start--------

RAILWAYS

RAILWAYS: Abyssinia:
   French Projects.

      See (in this Volume)
      ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

RAILWAYS: Africa: A. D. 1909.
   Progress of the Cape to Cairo Line.

   A telegram from Broken Hill, Northern Rhodesia, November 10,
   1909, announced that the Cape-to-Cairo Railroad had reached
   the Congo frontier on the 16th.

RAILWAYS: Argentina-Chile: A. D. 1909.
   The Transandine Railway Tunnel.

   The great work, of boring a tunnel through the chain of the
   Andes at an altitude of over 10,000 feet above sea level for
   the trains of the Transandine Railway was practically
   completed in the fall of 1909. "Early in April next the rails
   will be laid, and from then onward the journey from Buenos
   Ayres, on the eastern side of the South American continent, to
   Valparaiso, on the Pacific Coast, may be undertaken in comfort
   in a railway carriage all the year round. Up to the present
   time passengers from the east have had to leave the rail at
   Las Cuevas and proceed by a zigzag road over the mountains on
   mule-back or in coaches to Caracoles, the rail head on the
   Chilian side—a journey which occupies about two hours; but
   this route is only open during the summer months. In the
   winter, when the pass is closed by snow, travellers have to go
   round by sea. The route under the Andes will effect a saving
   of about twelve days. The work of boring the two-mile tunnel
   was begun four years ago and has presented exceptional
   difficulties."

{544}

RAILWAYS: Australia:
   Government Ownership.
   Difference of Gauge.
   Each State having its own.

   "Warfare against monopoly is easier in Australia than in some
   other countries for the reason that in Australia the close
   relation between monopoly and transportation is generally
   understood and is not an issue. Some few and for the most part
   small railroad projects, including mining and timber lines,
   are still in private hands. All the other railroads are
   publicly owned and publicly operated. So far the ownership is
   vested in the several states, each having its own system. In
   the good old conservative days before the Labor demon raised
   its head, there was much childish jealousy among the different
   governments. In the conservative view the destiny of Australia
   was not to be a nation but a handful of nice little colonies
   vying with one another in expressing loyalty to the
   monarchical idea and the established order. When these came to
   build railroads each colony established its own gauge and
   stuck thereto. A more preposterous notion never bewitched the
   human mind, but the truth is that a gauge of 4 feet 8½ inches
   in New South Wales actually seemed a reason (to the
   conservative intellect) for a gauge of 5 feet 3 inches in
   Victoria and a gauge of 3 feet 6 inches in Western Australia.
   The annoyance, delay, and expense resulting to through traffic
   make the thing seem like a section of Bedlam. Between
   Melbourne and Sydney, for instance, a line with an immense
   business and with otherwise excellent accommodations, you must
   change cars on the frontier and all the freight must be
   transferred. Eventually the federal Government is to take over
   and unify the systems of the different states. Considering the
   multiplicities of systems and gauges, the task that will then
   confront the federal Government will not be for a holiday."

      Charles E. Russell,
      The Uprising of the Many, chapter 27
      (Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, 1907).

RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1903-1909.
   The Grand Trunk Pacific Railway.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1903-1909.

RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1904.
   Establishment of the Board of Railway Commissioners
   with large Regulative Powers.

   In Moody’s Magazine of January, 1906, the Honorable
   Robert Bickerdike, M. P., of Montreal, gave a favorable
   account of the operation of the Canadian Act of two years
   before which created a Board of Railway Commissioners, taking
   the place of the former Railway Committee of the Privy
   Council, and exercising large powers of control over rates,
   construction of road, and speed of trains. "No toll" (that is,
   freight rate), he said, "may be charged which unjustly
   discriminates between different localities. The board shall
   not approve any toll which for like goods or passengers,
   carried under substantially similar conditions in the same
   direction over the same line, is greater for a shorter than a
   longer distance, unless the board is satisfied that, owing to
   competition, it is expedient to do so. Where carriage is
   partly by rail and partly by water, and the tolls in a single
   sum, the board may require the company to declare, or may
   determine, what portion is charged in respect of carriage by
   rail, to prevent discrimination. Freight tariffs are governed
   by a classification which the board must approve, and the
   object is to have this classification uniform. Railways shall,
   when directed by the board, place any specified goods in any
   stated class. Tariffs shall be in such form and give such
   details as the board may prescribe. The maximum mileage tariff
   shall be filed with the board and be subject to its approval;
   when approved, the company shall publish it in the Canadian
   Gazette, the official publication. As respects this act,
   the board is invested with the rights, privileges, and powers
   of a superior court. None, therefore, may oppose it."

RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1906.
   Government Ownership and Operation of a Railway Line.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1906-1907.

RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Projected Railway from the Canadian Northwest to Hudson Bay.

   In a speech at Niagara Falls, in September, 1908, the Canadian
   premier, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, announced positively that his
   government had undertaken the construction of a railway from
   the Canadian Northwest to Hudson Bay; that surveyors are in
   the field determining the route, and that plans for the
   construction of the road are being prepared. For a few weeks
   in the year this will give another outlet to the greatest
   wheat region of the continent for its harvests; and even a few
   weeks will afford important relief, no doubt, to the pressure
   of its need. Unfortunately, the passage from Hudson Bay to the
   ocean, through Hudson Strait, is sealed up with ice during
   much the greater part of the year. Quite recently there were
   reports of the return of a vessel from the strait which had
   found it blocked in July.

   Notwithstanding the limit thus put on the usefulness of the
   Hudson Bay route, the Northwest is counting on immediate
   advantages from it. The Manitoba Free Press exclaims:
   "To bring uncounted millions of acres of wheat in Western
   Canada a thousand miles nearer to the market in Europe, and
   make a saving of many millions of dollars every year in
   transportation charges, thereby ensuring higher prices to the
   farmers of the Prairie Provinces—this is what the opening up
   of the Hudson Bay outlet will achieve. It will mean a
   revolution in traffic routes and traffic rates. The immense
   amount of territory within the cost-saving reach of Hudson
   Bay, the New-World Mediterranean, will make this route one of
   the greatest trade arteries of the world. It will place the
   grain-growers of Western Canada in control of the markets of
   the world by making possible a great reduction in the cost of
   transportation. This saving will be brought about because the
   Hudson Bay route is by a very considerable distance the
   shortest route, and the saving is in the rail haul. … The
   total cultivable area in Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta is
   some 175,000,000 acres. Even estimating the as yet
   uncultivated area as being only one-half as productive as that
   which has already come under the plow, a tenfold increase of
   the present production is to be counted upon."

{545}

   "Roughly speaking," says a magazine article on the subject,
   "Churchill [one of the proposed Hudson Bay terminals] is just
   1000 miles from the grain areas of Hill’s roads. New York is
   2000 miles. Churchill is 1500 miles from Oregon. New York is
   nearly 3000. … The harbor itself could not have been better if
   it had been made to order. It is a direct 550-mile plain, open
   deep-water sailing from the west end of the Straits,—no
   shoals, no reefs, deep enough for the deepest-draft keel that
   ever sailed the sea."

   Tentative surveys of two routes from Winnipeg were undertaken
   in October, 1908, and a report of them made in the following
   spring. They were favorable to the project on either line.
   That to Fort Churchill would have 465 miles of length and its
   cost was estimated at $11,608,000. The alternative line, to
   Fort Nelson, at the mouth of Nelson River, would be 397
   miles long, and have an estimated cost of $8,677,000; but
   harbor construction at Fort Nelson would cost heavily. The
   report, however, recommended the latter route. Moreover,
   abundant water power is waiting development along the Nelson
   River, which might result in an economical electrification of
   the road. Furthermore, the report suggested possibilities of a
   canal along the river from Hudson Bay to Lake Winnipeg, and
   from the latter to Winnipeg city, through which ocean craft
   might ultimately reach the Manitoba metropolis.

   In connection with this projected opening of a commercial
   route from America to Europe through Hudson Bay, a Danish
   writer has lately urged the Danish Government to bring
   Greenland into touch with it.

RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1909.
   Important Ruling by the Railway Commission,
   affecting American Railways.

   In June, 1909, an important decision of the Canadian Railway
   Commission was announced, "in the case of the Dawson Board of
   Trade against the Yukon and White Pass Railway Company, an
   English Corporation, laying down that by the amendment of the
   Railway Act passed last session all railways, whether
   originating in the United States or not, are under the
   jurisdiction of the Canadian board. The point involved is the
   question of rates on the White Pass, as to which counsel
   asserted that if ordinary rates were ordered to prevail it
   would be impossible to pay dividends. The board takes time to
   consider the question of rates in view of the details
   involved, but orders both the American and Canadian sections
   of the line to file figures before the board. It is probable
   that the rates of all American railways crossing Canada will
   by this decision come under the jurisdiction of the board.
   This will affect the Vanderbilt lines, which cross the Niagara
   peninsula, also the Hill lines, which enter Canada from
   Washington, Oregon, and other States. Railway men regard the
   decision as the most important in the history of Canada,
   because it gives the Canadian Commission power to regulate
   rates on American railways entering Canada."

RAILWAYS: Central Africa: A. D. 1909.
   Lines to Katanga.

   In March, 1909, the Temps, of Paris, published
   information according to which the work of constructing the
   railway from the Upper Congo to the great Central African
   lakes was making such progress that communication with the
   Katanga mine fields would probably be established by the end
   of 1910. The British South Africa lines, also, are being
   pushed toward Katanga.

RAILWAYS: Chile-Bolivia: A. D. 1909.
   The Arica-La Paz Railway.

   According to a Press despatch from Santiago de Chile, April 5,
   1909, a contract for the great railway to be made across the
   Andes from Arica, in Chile, to La Paz, in Bolivia, attaining
   an elevation of upwards of 12,000 ft. and having a length of a
   little over 300 miles, had just been given to an English firm.
   The actual money voted for the scheme was said to be
   £3,000,000.

RAILWAYS: China:
   Extent of Railway Travel.
   Unused Concessions.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1904.

RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1904-1909.
   The Hankau-Sze-chuan Railway Loan.
   American participation.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1904-1909.

RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1909.
   The Fa-ku-menn Railway and the Antung-Mukden Railway
   questions between China and Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909.

RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1909.
   The Chinese Eastern Railway.
   New Russo-Chinese Agreement.
   Municipalities on the Line.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1909.
   Opening of the Peking-Kalgan Line.
   A purely Chinese undertaking.

   The opening, October 2d, 1909, with grand ceremonies, of the
   Peking-Kalgan Railway, was an event of especial pride and
   satisfaction to the Chinese people. It has been, wrote a
   newspaper correspondent, "a purely Chinese undertaking, the
   chief engineer of which, Jeme Tienyow, a member of the
   Institute of Civil Engineers, and every employé are Chinese;
   but the rails and rolling stock are foreign. It has been paid
   for from the earnings of the Northern Railways, without
   foreign financial assistance.

   "The line, the length of which is 122 miles, joins Peking with
   the important trade mart of Kalgan, piercing the Nankau Pass
   by four tunnels, the longest, under the Great Wall, being
   3,580 ft. It taps extensive coalfields and is well and
   economically laid. Already the traffic is astonishing and will
   add to the wealth of the province and increase the earnings of
   the Northern Railways.

   "The construction of the line has given training and
   experience to a body of young Chinese engineers, who will find
   ready employment in the future. The line will now be continued
   westwards through populous country to Kwei-hua-cheng and the
   Yellow River, a distance of 275 miles, the route for which was
   surveyed last year. This line will also be paid for from the
   earnings of the Northern Railways."

RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1909-1910.
   Proposal to neutralize Manchurian Railways and
   to internationally finance a Chinchow-Aigun Line.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1909-1910.

RAILWAYS: England: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Adopted System in Great Britain for pacific Settlement
   of Labor Disputes in the Railway Service.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

RAILWAYS: England: A. D. 1908.
   No Passengers killed by Train Accidents.

   The British public had the happiness of being informed that no
   passenger was killed by a train accident on the railways of
   Great Britain in 1908, and also that the number of passengers
   injured—283—was not only 251 less than in 1907 and 345 less
   than in 1906, but, like the number of killed, was less than
   any previously recorded.

{546}

RAILWAYS: France: A. D. 1908.
   Government purchase of the Western Railway.

   In June, 1908, the French Government secured legislation
   authorizing it to purchase the Western Railway of France,
   which adds 3100 miles to the previous 2500 miles of
   State-owned railways. The purchase is said to have been made
   with the expectation "that sufficient pressure will be brought
   on the other railway companies to make them adopt the methods
   of management applied by the State to its railways."

RAILWAYS: France: A. D. 1909.
   The Pensioning of State Railway Employés.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: FRANCE.

RAILWAYS: Mexico: A. D. 1906.
   Nationalizing of the Mexican Railway System.
   Opening of the Tehuantepec Railway.

   "1906 was a year of railway consolidations in Mexico. In March
   last, the National Railway of Mexico bought the Hidalgo
   Railway, which starts from the capital, passes through the
   important mining camp of Pachuca, and will ultimately reach
   the port of Tuxpam on the Gulf of Mexico. But by far the most
   important operation of the year along these lines was
   announced by Finance Minister Limantour on December 14. The
   Minister, in an address to Congress, informed that body that
   the negotiations, which for some time past had been in
   progress, for the reorganization of the finances of the
   Mexican Central Railway, had culminated in a plan for the
   consolidation of that property with the Mexican National, and
   the incorporation of a new company, with headquarters in the
   City of Mexico, to own and operate the merged system.
   Moreover, the Minister informed the legislature that the
   Mexican government, which had owned a controlling interest in
   the Mexican National, would hold an absolute majority of the
   stock of the new corporation.

   "The transaction is an important one, as by it the Mexican
   government gains unquestioned control of the transportation
   system of the Republic."

      F. R. Guernsey,
      The Year in Mexico
      (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1907).

   Early in November, 1906, President Diaz formally opened the
   Tehuantepec Railway. The event marks the completion of the
   plan first proposed by Cortez four hundred years ago, when he
   wrote to the king of Spain concerning the feasibility of a
   canal from the Atlantic to the Pacific by this route, though
   he little dreamt of a railway.

RAILWAYS: Mexico: A. D. 1909.
   Extended Governmental Control of Railways.

   "The most important step ever taken by the Mexican Government
   in connexion with transportation was completed on February 1,
   when the amalgamation of the National lines and the Mexican
   Central Railway became operative. With this achievement the
   Government secured control of 7,012 miles of railway, thus
   possessing a majority of the stock of the national lines and
   70 per cent. of the stock of the Mexican Central. The
   combination includes, apart from the Mexican Central, the
   National, International and Interoceanic lines. The Government
   likewise controls the Vera Cruz and Pacific Railroad, with 265
   miles, and the Tehuantepec National, with 206 miles."

      Correspondence London Times,
      July 16, 1909.

RAILWAYS: Mono-Rail System, The Brennan Gyroscopic.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: RAILWAYS.

RAILWAYS: Netherlands:
   Laws against Railway Strikes.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1903.

RAILWAYS: New York: A. D. 1907.
   The Public Service Commissions Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910; and
      PUBLIC UTILITIES.

RAILWAYS: New Zealand: A. D. 1909.
   No more building by the Government of Railways not
   likely to pay Interest on Cost.

   A despatch from Wellington, New Zealand, to the English Press,
   October 18, 1909, reported that "the Premier has made an
   important announcement regarding his future railway
   construction policy. He said that the Government would not
   undertake the building of any more lines that were likely not
   to pay. If the people wanted such lines they would have to
   guarantee their earnings up to 3 per cent."

RAILWAYS: Nigeria: A. D. 1909.
   Rapid development of the Railway System.

   Early in 1909 Press despatches to London announced that "a
   junction had been effected between the rails proceeding
   northwards from Lagos and the rails proceeding southward from
   Jebba on the Niger River. This places the Niger River, at a
   point some 500 miles from its mouth, in direct communication
   by rail with the town of Lagos, the capital of Southern
   Nigeria, and fulfils the wishes of the inhabitants of Lagos
   that ‘the iron horse should drink of the waters of the
   Niger.’"

   "The completion of the southern branch of the Nigerian railway
   system," said a correspondent, "as far as Jebba on the Niger
   is an event of considerable significance in the history of
   British action in West Africa. The Anglo-French Agreement of
   1898 secured us in the possession of what is undoubtedly the
   most interesting portion of West Africa; interesting above all
   from the character of its varied inhabitants—the agricultural
   Yoruba, the keen Hausa trader and manufacturer, the Fulani, by
   turn statesman and ruler or wandering herdsman. To this
   region—to many parts of it at least—Islam has brought its
   schools, its literature, and an effective system of
   administration."

RAILWAYS: Rhodesia:
   Rapid Extension of Railways.

      See (in this Volume)
      RHODESIA.

RAILWAYS: Switzerland: A. D. 1905.
   Completion of the Tunnel under the Simplon Pass.

   The tunnel under the Simplon Pass, between Brigue,
   Switzerland, and Iselle, Italy, was finished February 24th,
   1905, after seven years work and at a cost of $14,000,000. It
   is twelve miles long,—two and three-quarters miles longer than
   the St. Gothard tunnel. It opens direct railway communication
   between Paris and Milan.

RAILWAYS: Switzerland: A. D. 1909.
   Government Purchase of the St. Gothard Railway.

   The St. Gothard Tunnel and Railway were built under an
   agreement (1879) with the Swiss Government under which the
   latter reserved the right of buying the St. Gothard within
   thirty years, and the price arranged was twenty-five times the
   amount of the net profits of the line during the last ten
   years of working. The right was exercised in the spring of
   1909, and thus the last of the principal Swiss lines passed
   into the possession of the Government. The St. Gothard Company
   at first demanded 215,800,000 francs, but eventually accepted
   212,500,000 francs. The Confederation took over the debt of
   the company--117,090,000 francs ($23,418,000) with 3½ per
   cent. interest, and paid six million francs for expenses of
   the issue of the company’s loans.

{547}

RAILWAYS: Turkey: A. D. 1899-1909.
   The Bagdad Railway.

   In January, 1902, the Turkish Sultan signed a convention which
   provides a guarantee, to the extent of 12,000 francs per
   kilometre for the undertaking of the Bagdad Railway, to build
   which a concession had been obtained by a German syndicate in
   1899.

      See, in Volume VI. of this work,
      TURKEY: A. D. 1899--NOVEMBER).

   The new railway was to be an extension of the existing
   Anatolian Railway, starting from the terminus of the latter at
   Konieh and running, via Bagdad, to some point on the Persian
   Gulf, the selection of which was left for future arrangement.
   The line, with its branches, was to have a length of 2,500
   kilometres or about 1550 miles.

   A further convention respecting this project was signed in
   March, 1903, concerning which the following statement was made
   in the British Parliament on the 23d of that month by the
   Premier, Mr. Balfour: "A copy of the convention, concluded
   March 5, 1903, between the Turkish Government and the
   Anatolian Railway Company is in our possession. It leaves the
   whole scheme of railway development through Asia Minor to the
   Persian Gulf entirely in the hands of a company under German
   control. To such a convention we have never been asked to
   assent, and we could not in any case be a party to it."

   Mr. David Fraser, a young traveller of experience, was
   commissioned by the Times of India in 1907 to follow
   the proposed route of the Bagdad Railway and report on its
   prospects. He started from Constantinople, and traversed the
   completed portion of the line to where it breaks off suddenly
   some ten kilometres east of Eregli, "with its pair of rails,"
   he wrote, "gauntly projecting from the permanent way and
   pointing in dumb amazement where the Taurus shares the horizon
   with the very skies." "They have now," said the London
   Times not long since, "been pointing thus for nearly five
   years, to the bewilderment of those who, not knowing the
   country, imagined, in 1904, that with Germany determined and
   Turkey desirous to push ahead, the Bagdad line would go
   forward with inevitable march towards its distant goal."

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908.
   Damascus to Mecca.
   The Pilgrims’ Road.

   "The Damascus to Mecca Railway has many remarkable features
   which distinguish it from other lines. Its principal object is
   to provide a means for faithful Moslems to perform their
   pilgrimage to the holy places of Mecca and Medina with a
   greater degree of comfort than formerly. Its inception is due
   to the initiative of the present Sultan, and the enthusiasm
   created by its first announcement brought in subscriptions
   from the faithful in all parts of the Islamic world."

   The length of the line from Damascus to Mecca is 1097 miles.

   "The gauge of the line is the somewhat curious one of 1.05
   meter (3 feet 5¼ inches), which was necessary, when the line
   was first commenced, to correspond with the gauge of the
   Beirut-Damascus line, over which the rolling stock had to be
   brought."

      Colonel F. R. Maunsell,
      National Geographic Magazine,
      February, 1909.

   The line was opened to Medina early in the autumn of 1908.

RAILWAYS: United States of America: A. D. 1870-1908.
   Railway Rate Regulation.
   Its slow Development.
   "Granger" Legislation in the Middle West.
   State Commissions.
   Defiant Rebating.
   Tardy Federal Legislation.
   The Interstate Commerce Act, 1887, 1906.
   President Roosevelt on the subject.

   The creation of largely capitalized and therefore powerful
   corporations was first developed in a rapid and extensive way
   by the modern enterprise of railway building; and the railways
   became soon so essentially related to every kind of interest,
   personal or general, that they naturally gave rise to the
   earliest of the specially modern problems of public policy
   concerning corporations which required to be solved. For a
   long period society had no call to defend itself against
   monopolistic combinations among its railway corporations;
   because it was long before seriously competitive lines of rail
   could be built. Each served its own belt of country; but each
   company owning and managing a line held therefore, in itself,
   a monopoly of the transportation agency it had created, and
   could, in an unchecked management of that agency, either wrong
   its whole clientele by excessive rates of charge, or wrong one
   part of it by some favoritism of unequal rates. Those were the
   original abuses of opportunity and power which provoked
   defensive measures of law. Naturally the earlier undertakings
   of defence in the United States were by State legislation,
   since nearly all charters of incorporation for business
   purposes have been derived from the States. Wherever the
   operations of business conducted under such charters extend
   over more than a single State, the constitutional power of
   Congress to "regulate commerce … among the several States"
   gives it an undoubted right to take part in the regulation of
   them; but it was slow to exercise that right. The following
   abridgment of an excellent sketch of the slow development of
   railway-rate regulation gives the essential facts. It is
   quoted from extensively by kind permission of its authors and
   of The Boston Evening Transcript for which it was
   prepared:

   "Perhaps the most remarkable fact in the whole history of
   interstate transportation is that, despite flagrant abuses,
   Federal regulation was held off until 1887. Within the States
   themselves railroad rates had been often subjected to severe
   regulation: yet even the public excitement which accompanied
   the ‘granger’ legislation between 1870 and 1880 did not result
   in Federal legislation. In several States, notably in the
   Middle West, during that epoch, detailed statutes were passed
   fixing maximum rates which by no present standard could be
   said to be anything but outrageous. In those times the Federal
   courts held that they would not consider legislation as
   confiscatory if it left to the railroad one cent of net profit
   above operating expenses. But even with this rule, now almost
   incredible, it was found in the next decade that much of the
   rate-fixing under the State statutes was unconstitutional.
{548}
   Nor was the situation much ameliorated by the later
   establishment of State commissions, for many of them,
   according to the present standards, flagrantly abused their
   powers. … After the first outburst more conservative counsels
   generally prevailed. The movement met much opposition in its
   progress throughout the country, and although commissions were
   generally created in the East, they were given no final powers
   over rates. Then a reaction set in, due in part to the
   prostration of the Western roads. … Much wise legislation
   dates from this period, and many State commissions acted in a
   moderate spirit. The history of railroad legislation in these
   seventeen years illustrated, however, the slow process by
   which a popular movement culminates in Federal legislation;
   and good law or bad, proper action or improper action, the
   legislation of the States supplied experience in view of which
   Congress could act wisely when, in 1887, Federal legislation
   became inevitable. That this legislation had become inevitable
   was due very largely to the continued abuse of their
   commercial power by the railroad managers. For several years
   public opinion as to railroad discrimination had become so
   well settled as to work a real change in the common law, yet
   the railroad officials persistently defied it. Rebating,
   which, as late as 1875, was at common law merely a doubtful
   practice, by 1885 had become generally accepted as an illegal
   business; but this change the railroads refused to recognize
   in any other way than to make their practices more secret. It
   was public indignation against long continued illegal
   discrimination and undue preference which brought down upon
   the railways the inter-State commerce legislation in 1887. The
   wonder is, in view of the railway practices, that it did not
   come sooner. But however well behaved the railways might have
   been, Federal regulation would have come inevitably long
   before the end of the nineteenth century, in accordance with
   the general current of public opinion that public services
   could no longer go without governmental regulation. Still the
   act itself as finally passed was really very conservative,
   when the nature of the crisis is considered. … By the
   principal provisions of the Interstate Commerce act the
   railways were forbidden: (1) To charge unreasonable rates; (2)
   To discriminate between persons; (8) To give preference
   between localities; (4) To charge less for a long haul than
   for a shorter haul included within it ‘under substantially
   similar circumstances.’ These provisions were undoubtedly
   intended by the majority of those who framed the act as rather
   radical legislation, which should materially affect the
   practice of the railroads; but the conservative force of
   judicial decision soon modified the intended force of the act.
   From the outset the commission claimed that it not merely had
   power under the act to forbid any unreasonable rate upon
   complaint made, but that also, in giving relief, it might
   indicate to the railroad what should be the reasonable rate
   thenceforth. But within ten years the Supreme Court decided
   that the commission had no power to fix rates at all. This was
   a famous victory for the railroad bar, for without an
   authoritative statement by the commission of what rate it
   would regard as reasonable, even a railroad which yielded
   obedience to the decree of the commission without appeal to
   the courts, could make a slight reduction in the rate, and any
   dissatisfied shipper would be obliged to enter again into an
   expensive and dilatory litigation. In this way the railroads
   tired out objecting shippers; but in the process they
   stimulated a widespread demand for a power in the commission
   to fix rates similar to that given to many State commissions
   and to the corresponding body in Great Britain. The long and
   short haul clause provided that exceptions to it must be by
   special dispensation from the commission. … But tucked away in
   the section was the vague phrase, ‘under substantially similar
   circumstances,’ which proved its destruction. At first the
   commission began to enforce the act according to its obvious
   reading, and to grant dispensations from its operation on
   petition of the railroad in proper cases. But the whole effort
   of the railway counsel was concentrated upon the courts, and
   it was finally held that wherever there was competition at the
   distant points, the conditions were dissimilar with those at
   the intervening points of any benefit from the clause. Water
   competition was first held an excuse for a lower rate for the
   longer haul. Then rail competition was recognized. Next
   potential competition over existing routes was held enough.
   But finally the courts refused to consider the mere
   possibility of new routes. … Commercial cities and towns were
   left at the mercy of the railways, as they had been before the
   act, and the long and short-haul clause became a dead letter.
   This was a cause of most bitter complaint; yet, singularly
   enough, when the amendments of 1906 were adopted, no attempt
   was made to amend this clause. … Further action by the Federal
   Government was foreshowed as before by a very considerable
   body of legislation throughout the United States, between 1900
   and 1905. In many States there was an unfortunate
   recrudescence of the ill-advised ‘granger’ legislation, by the
   passing of statutes fixing maximum rates; but this time it was
   passenger rates which were chiefly attacked, while before it
   had been freight rates. The two-cent fare was a popular
   programme in this period, and it all but swept the country.
   Some legislatures, however, defied it, and some governors
   stood out against the legislatures. … The legislation of this
   period had, however, another branch which was well-advised. It
   is the general characteristic of this legislation that it
   confers on the railroad commission the power, while setting
   aside unreasonable rates, of fixing a maximum rate. The giving
   of such power to the interstate Commission was the principal
   point in the programme for further Federal legislation. One
   other general power that has been given to State commissions
   in the legislation since 1900 is the authority to compel
   railroads to furnish proper facilities, together with power of
   supervision of management in other respects, which is adopted in
   the Federal legislation of 1906 in an experimental way. Those
   who would understand the Federal legislation in its latest
   form should study the most recent railroad regulation in
   Minnesota and Wisconsin, Indiana and New York. … As finally
   adopted, the act of 1906 [known as the Hepburn Act] is in form
   of a series of amendments to the original act of 1887. … The
   main object in most of the legislation was to strengthen still
   further the power of the commission over rates and rebates.
{549}
   In regard to these, the amendments affected change chiefly
   along these two lines. (1) Power is given to the commission to
   fix maximum rates in cases where, upon complaint, the rates
   fixed by the railroad were found to be excessive. This
   includes the power to fix joint through rates. (2) Rebating is
   forbidden under heavy penalties, civil and criminal, both to
   the railroad and to the shipper; and the cases in which a
   reduced rate can be given are enumerated."

      Joseph H. Beale and Bruce Wyman,
      Two Years of the Railroad Rate Law
      (Boston Evening Transcript, October 10, 1908).

   It was through no fault of the President that effective
   legislation to suppress secret rebates and other practices of
   favoritism to large shippers by the railways came so tardily
   from Congress, as appears above. In his first Message, of
   December, 1901, he began urging the needed amendments to the
   Interstate Commerce Act of 1887, saying:

   "That law was largely an experiment. Experience has shown the
   wisdom of its purposes, but has also shown, possibly, that
   some of its requirements are wrong, certainly that the means
   devised for the enforcement of its provisions are defective. …
   The act should be amended. The railway is a public servant.
   Its rates should be just to and open to all shippers alike.
   The Government should see to it that within its jurisdiction
   this is so and should provide a speedy, inexpensive, and
   effective remedy to that end. At the same time it must not be
   forgotten that our railways are the arteries through which the
   commercial life-blood of this Nation flows. Nothing could be
   more foolish than the enactment of legislation which would
   unnecessarily interfere with the development and operation of
   these commercial agencies. The subject is one of great
   importance and calls for the earnest attention of the
   Congress."

   For five years after this reasonable and most just
   recommendation was addressed to Congress, the special
   interests opposed to public interests in the matter were
   represented so controllingly in that body that the impotences
   of the law remained uncured. In the Presidential Message of
   1904 a more imperative language on the subject was used. "It
   is necessary," said the Chief Magistrate, "to put a complete
   stop to all rebates. Whether the shipper or the railroad is to
   blame makes no difference; the rebate must be stopped, the
   abuses of the private car and private terminal-track and
   side-track systems must be stopped, and the legislation of the
   Fifty-eighth Congress which declares it to be unlawful for any
   person or corporation to offer, grant, give, solicit, accept,
   or receive any rebate, concession, or discrimination in
   respect of the transportation of any property in interstate or
   foreign commerce whereby such property shall by any device
   whatever be transported at a less rate than that named in the
   tariffs published by the earner must be enforced. … The
   Government must in increasing degree supervise and regulate
   the workings of the railways engaged in interstate commerce;
   and such increased supervision is the only alternative to an
   increase of the present evils on the one hand or a still more
   radical policy on the other. In my judgment the most important
   legislative act now needed as regards the regulation of
   corporations is this act to confer on the Interstate Commerce
   Commission the power to revise rates and regulations, the
   revised rate to at once go into effect, and to stay in effect
   unless and until the court of review reverses it."

   Still Congress did nothing in response to this demand, which
   was the demand of the American public, uttered by its chief
   and truest representative. Another year passed, and when the
   next annual communication of counsel from the national
   executive to the national legislature came forth, all other
   topics in it were overshadowed by this. The force of argument,
   admonition, and pleading in the Message was fairly
   overpowering, and it went to a newly chosen Congress in which
   the people had represented themselves with somewhat better
   effect. The result was the amending act of 1906.

   In the energy of the President’s advocacy of this legislation
   there was nothing of animosity to the railway corporations.
   His most impressive arguments, for example, were such as
   these: "I believe that on the whole our railroads have done
   well and not ill; but the railroad men who wish to do well
   should not be exposed to competition with those who have no
   such desire, and the only way to secure this end is to give to
   some government tribunal the power to see that justice is done
   by the unwilling exactly as it is gladly done by the willing.
   Moreover, if some Government body is given increased power the
   effect will be to furnish authoritative answer on behalf of
   the railroad whenever irrational clamor against it is raised,
   or whenever charges made against it are disproved. I ask this
   legislation not only in the interest of the public but in the
   interest of the honest railroad man and the honest shipper
   alike, for it is they who are chiefly jeoparded by the
   practices of their dishonest competitors."

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1890-1902.
   Application of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law of 1890 to
   Railway Combinations and Poolings of Rates.
   The Trans-Missouri Freight Association Case.
   Decision of the Supreme Court.
   Remarks of the Industrial Commission.

   In the period between 1870 and 1880 the widening of
   combination and organization in all fields of heavily
   capitalized industry began, especially in America, to attain
   proportions that could be dangerous to social interests in
   many ways, by its concentration of the power that money
   commands. Alarming possibilities of monopoly, of oppression to
   labor, of political corruption, of commercial tyranny
   exercised in many forms, were all involved. At the same time
   the processes working in this matter were wholly those of a
   natural evolution, and were shaping human industry, very
   plainly and surely, to perfected economic conditions and
   results. Serious problems in government were thus pressed on
   public attention for the first time. How to realize the
   economic benefits which industrial organization on the large
   scale can produce, and which are unattainable without it, and
   be at the same time securely defended in all social and common
   interests against selfishly hostile uses of the power so
   engendered, became then a subject of anxious debate, and the
   satisfying answer to it has not yet been found.

{550}

   Railway companies were now no longer alone, as corporations
   that challenge the exercise of public authority to control
   their performance of the public service for which they were
   chartered. The growth of mammoth organisms of business in
   other fields—such, for example, as the Standard Oil
   Company—had reached startling proportions, and the power of
   oppression in them was being displayed. Economists, jurists,
   and thoughtful legislators were giving earnest study to the
   problems they raised. The difficulty of the problem, in the
   United States more than in other countries, because of the
   divided jurisdictions in government under the federal system,
   is made plain by Mr. E. Parmalee Prentice, in the seventh
   chapter of his treatise on "The Federal Power over Carriers
   and Corporations." Before Congress attempted legislation for a
   general control of commercial combinations that were operative
   in the country at large, there was much searching for an
   adequate ground of constitutional power. In the first instance
   it was sought for, not in the authority to regulate commerce,
   but in the taxing power, or the right of government to protect
   itself from injury to the operation of its revenue laws. When
   this was given up there were efforts to frame an act "in
   restraint of competition in the production, manufacture or
   sale of goods ‘that in due course of trade shall be
   transported from one State’ to another." But, says Mr.
   Prentice, "a statute of this nature could be sustained only on
   the ground of an anticipating and continuing jurisdiction over
   every article which, at any period in its history—from
   production commenced to consumption completed—had ever
   crossed, or would cross, State lines, and over every buyer and
   every seller of such article." This, too, was abandoned, as
   "an attempt to do the impossible." "The clause relating to
   diversity of citizenship was stricken out, and the bill once
   more rested upon the narrow power to regulate commerce." As it
   finally passed the two houses of Congress and was approved by
   the President, July 2d, 1890, this much discussed and much
   litigated piece of legislation, known as the Sherman Act,
   embodied its purpose in the first two sections, which read as
   follows:

   "Section 1.
   Every contract, combination in the form of trust or otherwise,
   or conspiracy, in restraint of trade or commerce among the
   several States, or with foreign nations, is hereby declared to
   be illegal. Every person who shall make any such contract or
   engage in any such combination or conspiracy, shall be deemed
   guilty of a misdemeanor, and, on conviction thereof, shall be
   punished by fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, or by
   imprisonment not exceeding one year, or by both said
   punishments, in the discretion of the court.

   "Section 2.
   Every person who shall monopolize, or attempt to monopolize,
   or combine or conspire with any other person or persons, to
   monopolize any part of the trade or commerce among the several
   States, or with foreign nations, shall be deemed guilty of a
   misdemeanor, and, on conviction thereof, shall be punished by
   fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, or by imprisonment
   not exceeding one year, or by both said punishments, in the
   discretion of the court."

   "In a number of early cases," says the writer already quoted,
   "the act was applied to combinations of laborers to interrupt
   the free passage from State to State, the defendants in most
   instances being railroad employees. At this point in the
   process of judicial construction the case of the Freight
   Association [United States v. Trans-Missouri Freight
   Association] presented to the Supreme Court the question
   whether the act applied to interstate carriers. Of the
   intention of Congress there is probably little doubt. Railroad
   transportation had been covered in 1887 by the Interstate
   Commerce Act. The Sherman Act of 1890 was intended to cover
   not transportation, but trade."

   The suit of the United States against the Trans-Missouri
   Freight Association, the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe
   Railroad Co., and others, was brought for the dissolution of
   an association or combination alleged to be in restraint of
   trade, and in violation therefore of the Act of July 2, 1890,
   called the Sherman Anti-Trust Law. It was tried originally in
   November, 1892, before United States District Judge Riner, of
   the Kansas District, who ruled that the law did not apply, and
   dismissed the case. On appeal it was tried again with the same
   result the next year before Circuit Judge Sanborn and District
   Judges Shiras and Thayer. Judges Sanborn and Thayer affirmed
   the judgment of the District Court, while Judge Shiras
   dissented. The question then went for final adjudication to
   the Supreme Court, where it was argued on the 8th and 9th of
   December, 1896, and decided on the 22d of March, 1897. The
   opinion of the Court, delivered by Justice Peckham, reversed
   the judgment of the courts below, affirming that the
   Anti-Trust Act applies to railroads, and that it renders
   illegal all agreements which are in restraint of trade. The
   case was accordingly remanded to the Circuit Court "for
   further proceedings in conformity with this opinion." Justices
   White, Field, Gray, and Shiras dissented from the opinion of
   the majority.

   "In the Final Report (transmitted to Congress in February,
   1902), of the Industrial Commission, created by Act of
   Congress in 1898, this case of the Trans-Missouri Freight
   Association, and the general status at that time of questions
   involved in it, are discussed at length, and partly as
   follows:

   "It is of peculiar interest to note that this leading case was
   decided, not upon interpretation of the interstate commerce
   act itself, but under the provisions of the Sherman anti-trust
   law of 1890. … Two questions were plainly before the court:
   First whether the Sherman anti-trust law applied to and
   covered common carriers by railroad; and secondly, whether the
   Trans-Missouri Freight Association violated any provision of
   that act by being an unreasonable restraint upon trade. The
   court itself acknowledged that it was doubtful whether
   Congress originally intended to include railroads under the
   prohibitory provisions of the anti-trust law. Counsel for the
   carriers showed, it would seem conclusively, that an amendment
   proposed by Mr. Bland to include railroads in the prohibition
   was rejected. The dissenting Supreme Court justices maintained
   that in the absence of a specific application of the
   anti-trust law to railroads, inasmuch as the anti-trust law
   was a general act, while the act to regulate commerce,
   antedating it by three years, was specific, the latter
   exempted the railroads, in any case, from the drastic
   provisions of the Sherman Act against combinations in
   restraint of trade. The court refused to consider other than
   mere questions of law, holding that if pooling were excepted
   it was the province of Congress to take appropriate action. …

{551}

   "It has very frequently been asserted that a primary cause of
   the notable tendency toward railroad consolidation since 1898
   was the definitive prohibition of all varieties of traffic
   contracts or agreements by the Trans-Missouri Freight
   Association decision of 1897. This decision, as has already
   been indicated, was rendered upon the basis of the Sherman
   anti-trust law, without contemplation of the prohibitive
   provision of the Act to regulate commerce of 1887. According
   to the opinion of many jurists, in fact, the latter act could
   not reasonably have been construed to prohibit many of the
   traffic agreements which have been customary between carriers.
   It has been urged with great force that coöperation among the
   railroads having been finally adjudged illegal, it became
   necessary to have recourse to a more drastic remedy, namely,
   consolidation in some of its various forms. … The first
   difference to be noted between pooling and consolidation is
   that the latter is much more comprehensive in its scope. …
   Agreements for the division of traffic constitute but the mere
   machinery by which a certain result is to be attained. …
   Experience has abundantly shown that it is possible for
   railroads to maintain a large part of their identity, even
   reserving to themselves the power to make rates independently,
   under a pool, in exceptional cases, without thereby entirely
   nullifying the steadying influences of such traffic
   agreements. Consolidation, however, necessarily involves the
   unification of all interests as between railroads. … In brief,
   pooling may still permit competition in respect to facilities.
   It may merely eliminate the ruinous phases of competition in
   rates, leaving still in force the healthful influences of
   reasonable rivalry. Consolidation proceeds to the uttermost to
   stifle competition of all kinds, whether in respect of rates
   or of facilities. … A second point to be kept in mind as
   between the effects of consolidation and pooling lies in the
   fact that consolidation can never hope to accomplish the
   steadying influence upon rates which is claimed for railroad
   pools, until such time as every railroad within a given
   competitive territory shall have been bought up and absorbed.
   … A division of territory into a number of specific groups,
   each absolutely monopolized by one interest, seems to be the
   only logical outcome of the consolidations which have been
   already accomplished. …

   "Pools and pooling still exist: although outwardly called
   gentlemen’s agreement or disguised in some other way, it is
   incontestable that in every case where consolidation has not
   proceeded to its uttermost limits, as in New England, traffic
   agreements exist. Railroad men are almost unanimous in the
   expression of their desire to have the inhibition removed.
   Representatives of commercial interests have, in the main,
   acceded to this opinion. As has been shown, the prohibition
   was not contemplated originally. It was included in the act
   only as a concession to certain opponents of pooling in the
   House of Representatives. … On the other hand, it is
   universally recognized that certain dangers to the shipper are
   incident to such action. Railroad pools may, and certainly
   have, in some instances, operated either to raise rates, or to
   maintain them in face of a tendency to decline. As a
   consequence, the majority of these appeals for remedial
   legislation are accompanied by a demand that pooling, if once
   more permitted by law, shall be subject to governmental
   approval and supervision."

      Final Report of the Industrial Commission,
      pages 338-348.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1901-1905.
   The Northern Securities Case.
   Another test of the Sherman Act.
   The question of the Legality of Combination
   between Corporations through a "Holding Company."

   At about the time when the Industrial Commission was producing
   its final report, from which the above is taken, the courts of
   the United States were called on to give attention to another
   mode, distinctly different from either "pooling" agreements or
   corporate consolidation, by which an effective combination of
   railway lines could be secured. It came to the consideration
   of the courts in the case of the Northern Securities Company,
   which was famous in its day. Briefly related, the case arose
   as follows:

   Although the Great Northern Railway and the Northern Pacific
   Railway traverse the same Northwestern section of the United
   States, from the Mississippi River and the western extremity
   of the Great Lakes to the Pacific Coast, at no great distance
   apart, there was not rivalry, but a community of interest
   between them, in 1901, when the corporations to which they
   belong became joint purchasers of the Chicago, Burlington and
   Quincy Railway system, in order to secure for each of them a
   direct connection with Chicago, under their joint control.
   This achievement of the powerful railway interests controlled
   by James J. Hill was followed by what is known in Wall Street
   as a "raid" on the stock of the Northern Pacific, by the Union
   Pacific interests, headed by E. H. Harriman, with the object
   of securing votes to elect the next board of directors in that
   corporation, and thus control the whole Northern
   transcontinental combination. The outcome of the fierce
   struggle was a compromise, from which issued the famous
   "holding company" known as the Northern Securities Company,
   incorporated on the 12th of November, 1901, under the
   accommodating laws of the State of New Jersey. The term
   "holding company" describes precisely the function which this
   corporation was created to perform. In the language of its
   charter, "the objects for which the corporation is formed are:
   To acquire by purchase, subscription or otherwise, and to hold
   as investment, any bonds or other securities or evidences of
   indebtedness. … To purchase, hold, sell, assign, transfer,
   mortgage, pledge, or otherwise dispose of, any bonds or other
   securities or evidences of indebtedness created or issued by
   any other corporation. … To purchase, hold … etc., shares of
   capital stock of any other corporation … and, while owner of
   such stock, to exercise all the rights, powers and privileges
   of ownership, including the right to vote thereon."

{552}

   The specific plan of operation was set forth in a circular
   issued by the Northern Securities Company, on the 22d of
   November, 1901, to holders of the stock of the Great Northern
   Railway Company, which said: "The Northern Securities Company,
   incorporated under the laws of the State of New Jersey, with
   an authorized capital stock of $400,000,000, and with power to
   invest in and hold the securities of other companies, has
   commenced business, and has acquired from several large
   holders of stock of the Great Northern Railway Company a
   considerable amount of that stock. A uniform price has been
   paid of $180 per share, in the fully paid stock of this
   company, at par. This company is ready to purchase additional
   shares of the same stock at the same price, payable in the
   same manner, and will accept offers made on that basis if made
   within the next sixty days."

   "It seems," says Professor Meyer, in his "History of the
   Northern Securities Case," "that the capitalization of
   $400,000,000 was fixed at that figure in order to cover
   approximately the combined capital stock of the Northern
   Pacific and Great Northern at an agreed price apparently based
   upon earning capacity. The par value of the outstanding
   capital stock of the Great Northern was $123,880,400, and that
   of the Northern Pacific amounted to $155,000,000. The Northern
   Securities Company purchased about seventy-six per cent. of
   the former and ninety-six per cent. of the latter, on the
   basis of $115 per share of $100 of Northern Pacific and $180
   per share of $100 of the Great Northern."

   From the side of the railway interests concerned, this holding
   together of the stocks of the two corporations which owned
   between them the connecting Burlington line to Chicago was a
   necessary business transaction. Their view of it was stated
   subsequently by Mr. Hill, in testimony given during
   proceedings which tested the legality of the holding company,
   when he said: "With the Northern Pacific as a half-owner in
   the shares of the Burlington and responsibility for one-half
   of the purchase price of these shares, the transfers of the
   shares of the Northern Pacific or the control of the Northern
   Pacific to an interest that was adverse or an interest that
   had greater investments in other directions, the control being
   in the hands of companies whose interests would be injured by
   the growth and development of this country would, of course,
   put the Great Northern in a position where it would be almost
   helpless, because we would be, as it were, fenced out of the
   territory south which produces the tonnage we want to take
   west and which consumes the tonnage we want to bring east, and
   the Great Northern would be in a position where it would have
   to make a hard fight—either survive or perish, or else sell
   out to the other interests. The latter would be the most
   business-like proceeding."

   On the other hand, from the standpoint of public interests,
   the combination looked dangerous to the Northwestern States,
   as being a suppression of competition and a creation of
   monopoly in railway transportation, and it was quickly
   announced that the Governor of Minnesota had determined to
   invite the Governors of States affected by the transaction to
   a conference, for the purpose of considering "the best methods
   of fighting the Northern Securities Company’s propositions in
   the courts and by new legislation, if necessary." The result
   of the conference was a suit undertaken by the State of
   Minnesota, at first in the Supreme Court of the United States,
   where it was found to be impracticable, but finally begun in
   the United States Circuit Court. This State action was soon
   followed by proceedings taken by the Federal Government.
   Attorney-General Knox was asked by the President for an
   opinion as to the legality of the procedure involved in the
   formation of the Northern Securities Company, and replied
   that, in his judgment it violated the provisions of the
   Sherman Act of 1890. The President then "directed that
   suitable action should be taken to have the question
   judicially determined." Suit was begun accordingly on the 10th
   of March, 1902, by the United States, in the United States
   Circuit Court at St. Paul, against the three companies,
   —Northern Securities, Great Northern, and Northern Pacific.
   Testimony was taken in St. Paul and New York, and the case was
   argued in March, 1903, at St. Louis, before a special trial
   court, composed of four circuit judges. The decision rendered
   by this court, the four judges concurring, declared the
   transaction illegal, and enjoined the Northern Securities
   Company from performing the acts that it was intended to
   perform. This decision was contradicted, however, by one given
   at about the same time in the suit of the State of Minnesota,
   which had its trial in the United States Circuit Court for the
   District of Minnesota. There the legality of the formation of
   the Northern Securities Company was affirmed.

   Appeals from both decisions were taken to the Supreme Court,
   and that of the special trial court, in the suit of the
   Federal Government, which declared the procedure involved in
   the formation of the Northern Securities Company to be in
   violation of the Sherman Act of 1890, was fully sustained by a
   majority of the Court, in March, 1904. In the opinion of the
   majority of the justices, "if Congress has not, by the words
   used in the Act, described this and like cases, it would, we
   apprehend, be impossible to find words that would describe
   them."

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

   The Court below was authorized accordingly to execute its
   decree against the Securities Company. A little later the
   Supreme Court decided in the Minnesota State suit that it had
   no jurisdiction, and sent the case back, to be remanded to the
   State court from which it had been originally removed. With
   this case nothing further was done.

   In connection with the undoing of the Northern Securities
   Company’s operations, to reconvey the property for which it
   had issued its stock, fresh litigation arose, over questions
   that touched the construction to be put on the court’s decree.
   This, too, went up to the Supreme Court of the United States,
   and was decided there in March, 1905; but it has no important
   bearing on the questions involved in the original case.

{553}

   In the final chapter of his history of the case, Professor
   Meyer has this to say of it: "The chief interest of the
   Northern Securities case lies in the magnitude of the
   interests involved and in the variety of the economic and
   legal problems which were incidentally drawn into the
   controversy. From the point of view of railway organization
   the case presents little of consequence, except that railway
   corporate organization, in the process of metamorphosis or
   evolution, must, avoid the technicality of the particular type
   of holding company which the Northern Securities Company
   represented. From the point of view of railway regulation and
   the relations between the general public interests and private
   railway management, the case has no significance whatsoever,
   in spite of the fact that action against the Securities
   Company arose out of alleged injurious consequences to the
   public. It was assumed that competition had been stifled,
   without first asking the question whether competition had
   actually existed; and whether, if competition could be
   perpetuated, the public would profit by it."

      Balthazer Henry Meyer,
      A History of the Northern Securities Case
      (Bulletin of the University of Wisconsin, Number 142).

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1901-1909.
   The Harriman System.
   Its Creation.
   Its Magnitude.
   The Rapid Rise of the late E. H. Harriman to Financial Power.

   On the death of the late Edward H. Harriman, which occurred on
   the 9th of September, 1909, it was said that he was the
   absolute dictator of 75,000 miles of railroad in the United
   States—about one-third of the country’s total mileage of
   railways—besides being a leading director in four ocean
   steamship lines, two trust companies, and three banks. Some
   time previously the Interstate Commerce Commission, in the
   report of its investigation of the Union Pacific Railroad
   management, said of him: "Mr. Harriman may journey by
   steamship from New York to New Orleans, thence by rail to San
   Francisco, across the Pacific Ocean to China, and, returning
   by another route to the United States, may go to Ogden by any
   one of three rail lines, and thence to Kansas City or Omaha,
   without leaving the deck or platform of a carrier which he
   controls, and without duplicating any part of his journey."

   In the same report, referring to one of the most questionable
   of Harriman’s financial operations, the Commission remarked
   that it was "rich in illustrations of various methods of
   indefensible financing," but added that it was no part of the
   Harriman policy to permit the properties under the Union
   Pacific control to degenerate. "As railroads," it was said,
   "they are better properties to-day, with lower grades,
   straighter tracks, and more ample equipment than they were
   when they came under that control. Large sums have been
   generously expended in the carrying on of engineering works
   and betterments which make for the improvement of the service
   and the permanent value of the property."

   On the occasion of Mr. Harriman’s death, the New York
   Evening Post, reviewing his career, said of him that
   "his worst enemies are forced to admit that as a railroad
   executive he had no peer. What he found on taking charge of
   the Union Pacific was two dirt ballasted streaks of rust. The
   stations along the mountain grades were tumbled-down shacks,
   and most of the equipment was fit only for the scrap pile.
   Moreover, there was no organization. From top to bottom of the
   staff the men had lost heart. In 1898 the Union Pacific was
   suffering from bankruptcy, brought on by years of political
   and financial intrigue. But when Harriman got his grip on the
   property he said to his associates: ‘We will rebuild it and do
   it right away.’

   Harriman’s plans called for hundreds of millions of dollars
   for new rails, lower grades, and modern cars, locomotives, and
   terminals. After a struggle the Union Pacific directors came
   around to his way of thinking."

   "It is necessary to remember," said the Post, in
   another article, "in summing up the Wall Street side of Mr.
   Harriman’s history, that fifteen years ago he was hardly
   known, even in railway circles; that ten years ago, his name
   would have conveyed no meaning or association to the general
   public; that even at the inception of the celebrated Northern
   Pacific fight of 1901 [see above, under date of 1901-1905], in
   which he was actually a chief protagonist, Wall Street
   mentioned his name only incidentally in connection with it.
   The fight, as the Stock Exchange and the newspapers then saw
   it, was waged between the ‘Standard Oil interest,’ and the
   ‘Morgan interest,’ and the Union Pacific’s chairman cut little
   individual figure in the public view."

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1903 (February).
   Act of Congress to Further Regulate Commerce with Foreign
   Nations and among the States, known commonly
   as "the Elkins Law."

   The following are the essential provisions of the Act,
   approved February 19, 1903, which is commonly referred to as
   the Elkins Anti-Rebate Law:

   "The willful failure upon the part of any carrier subject to
   said Acts to file and publish the tariffs or rates and charges
   as required by said Acts or strictly to observe such tariffs
   until changed according to law, shall be a misdemeanor, and
   upon conviction thereof the corporation offending shall be
   subject to a fine not less than one thousand dollars nor more
   than twenty thousand dollars for each offense; and it shall be
   unlawful for any person, persons, or corporation to offer,
   grant, or give or to solicit, accept, or receive any rebate,
   concession, or discrimination in respect of the transportation
   of any property in interstate or foreign commerce by any
   common carrier subject to said Act to regulate commerce and
   the Acts amendatory thereto whereby any such property shall by
   any device whatever be transported at a less rate than that
   named in the tariffs published and filed by such carrier, as
   is required by said Act to regulate commerce and the Acts
   amendatory thereto, or whereby any other advantage is given or
   discrimination is practiced. Every person or corporation who
   shall offer, grant, or give or solicit, accept or receive any
   such rebates, concession, or discrimination shall be deemed
   guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction thereof shall be
   punished by a fine of not less than one thousand dollars nor
   more than twenty thousand dollars. In all convictions
   occurring after the passage of this Act for offences under
   said Acts to regulate commerce, whether committed before or
   after the passage of this Act, or for offenses under this
   section, no penalty shall be imposed on the convicted party
   other than the fine prescribed by law, imprisonment wherever
   now prescribed as part of the penalty being hereby abolished.
   Every violation of this section shall be prosecuted in any
   court of the United States having jurisdiction of crimes
   within the district in which such violation was committed or
   through which the transportation may have been conducted; and
   whenever the offense is begun in one jurisdiction and
   completed in another it may be dealt with, inquired of, tried,
   determined, and punished in either jurisdiction in the same
   manner as if the offense had been actually and wholly
   committed therein.

{554}

   "In construing and enforcing the provisions of this section
   the act, omission, or failure of any officer, agent, or other
   person acting for or employed by any common carrier acting
   within the scope of his employment shall in every case be also
   deemed to be the act, omission, or failure of such carrier as
   well as that of the person. Whenever any carrier files with
   the Interstate Commerce Commission or publishes a particular
   rate under the provisions of the Act to regulate commerce or
   Acts amendatory thereto, or participates in any rates so filed
   or published, that rate as against such carrier, its officers
   or agents in any prosecution begun under this Act shall be
   conclusively deemed to be the legal rate, and any departure
   from such rate, or any offer to depart therefrom, shall be
   deemed to be an offense under this section of this Act."

      Statutes at Large of the United States,
      Fifty-seventh Congress, Session II, chapter 708.

   In comment on the above Act, Professor Ripley wrote, sometime
   after its passage:

   "Two years ago, at the instance of the railways, which were
   desirous of stopping large leakages of revenue due to rate
   cutting, Congress enacted the so-called Elkins law. This was
   distinctly a railway measure. Hence the ease and quiet of its
   passage. It roused none of the corporate watch dogs of the
   Senate, ostensibly guardians of the public welfare. Nor was it
   a compromise. There was no need of compromise. Both railways
   and shippers were agreed in the wish to eliminate rebates.
   Section 3 of this law of 1903 recites ‘that whenever the
   Interstate Commerce Commission shall have reasonable ground
   for belief that any common carrier is engaged in the carriage
   of passenger or freight traffic between given points at less
   than the published rates on file, or is committing any
   discriminations forbidden by law’ (our italics), it may
   petition any circuit judge for the issuance of an injunction
   summarily prohibiting the practice. Such a remedy would seem
   to be prompt, efficient, and adequate. It is the basis of the
   universal railway testimony that no further legislation on the
   subject is needed, but that the Interstate Commerce Commission
   should quit talking and get down to business. …

   "That the Elkins law adds nothing to the original statute of
   1887 is indisputable. It deals with means, not ends. It
   provides motive power, but not intelligent direction, for the
   wheels of justice. The law remains absolutely unchanged in its
   definition of rights and wrongs."

      W. Z. Ripley,
      President Roosevelt’s Railway Policy
      (Atlantic Monthly, September, 1905).

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1905.
   International Railway Congress.

   The International Railway Congress had its meeting of 1905 at
   Washington, on the invitation of the American Railroad
   Association. Between three and four hundred American railroad
   men were in attendance during the Congress, which lasted from
   May 4 to May 13. The delegates from oversea numbered three
   hundred and twenty, and included representatives from every
   country in the world. Germany, for the first time, was
   adequately represented in the Congress; while at no previous
   Congress were there so many delegates from Great Britain and
   from British colonies.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1906.
   Reconstruction of the Interstate Commerce Commission.

      See (in this Volume)
      INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1906-1909.
   Decision of the Supreme Court of the United States on
   the Constitutionality of the "Commodities Clause" of
   the Hepburn Act.
   The Railroad Monopoly of the Anthracite Coal Trade.

   The Act of 1906 (known commonly as the Hepburn Act) which
   amended the Interstate Commerce Act of 1887 (see above, under
   date of 1870-1908), contains an important provision which was
   specially intended to dissolve the monopolistic combination by
   which a group of railroads operating in Pennsylvania have
   established control of the mining and marketing, as well as
   the transportation of anthracite coal. This was inserted in
   the Act on motion of Senator Elkins and is sometimes referred
   to as the "Elkins Clause," sometimes as the "Commodities
   Clause" of the Railway Rebate Act. This clause declared it to
   be unlawful "for any railroad company to transport from any
   State to any other State or to any foreign country any article
   or commodity other than timber manufactured, mined, or
   produced by it, or under its authority, or which it may own in
   whole or in part, or in which it may have any interest, direct
   or indirect, except such articles or commodities as may be
   necessary and intended for its use in the conduct of its
   business as a common carrier."

   Since 1874 the Constitution of Pennsylvania had declared that
   "no incorporated company doing the business of a common
   carrier shall, directly or indirectly, prosecute or engage in
   mining or manufacturing articles for transportation over its
   works; nor shall such company directly or indirectly engage in
   any other business than that of common carrier, or hold or
   acquire lands, freehold or leasehold, directly or indirectly,
   except such as shall be necessary to carry on its business."
   But this constitutional prohibition had not sufficed to
   restrain the owners of the railways which tap the anthracite
   coal district from acquiring practical ownership of so large a
   part of its mines as to be able, by combinations and
   understandings among their managers, to monopolize the market
   of that most important commodity. It was thought that the
   power vested in the General Government to regulate the
   commerce in coal between Pennsylvania and other States might
   be brought into exercise against this anthracite monopoly with
   more effect.

   On the 1st of May, 1908, the "commodities clause" of the
   Hepburn Act became operative, and soon thereafter a suit was
   brought in the United Slates Circuit Court for the Eastern
   District of Pennsylvania, to test its constitutionality. In
   this trial of the question the Government met defeat. Two of
   the three Judges of the Court, namely Gray and Dallas, filed
   opinions against the constitutionality of the enactment, their
   colleague, Judge Buffington, dissenting. The case went then on
   appeal to the Supreme Court, and there, by a judgment so
   nearly unanimous that Judge Harlan alone dissented on a single
   point, the decision of the Circuit Court was reversed and the
   constitutionality of the law upheld.

{555}

   The following summary of its opinion was given out by the
   Supreme Court at the time of the announcement, May 3, 1909:

   "(1.) The claim of the government that the provision contained
   in the Hepburn act, approved June 29, 1906, commonly called
   the Commodities Clause, prohibits a railway company from
   moving commodities in interstate commerce because the company
   has manufactured, mined, or produced them, or owned them in
   whole or in part, or has had an interest direct or indirect in
   them, wholly irrespective of the relation or connection of the
   carrier with the commodities at the time of transportation, is
   decided to be untenable. It is also decided that the provision
   of the commodities clause relating to interest, direct or
   indirect, does not embrace an interest which a carrier may
   have in a producing corporation as the result of the ownership
   by the carrier of stock in such corporation irrespective of
   the amount of stock which the carrier may own in such
   corporation, provided the corporation has been organized in
   good faith.

   "(2.) Rejecting the construction placed by the government upon
   the commodities clause, it is decided that that clause, when
   all its provisions are harmoniously construed, has solely for
   its object to prevent carriers engaged in interstate commerce
   from being associated in interest at the time of
   transportation with the commodities transported, and therefore
   the commodities clause only prohibits railroad companies
   engaged in interstate commerce from transporting in such
   commerce commodities under the following circumstances and
   conditions:

   "(a) When the commodity has been manufactured, mined, or
   produced by a railway company, or under its authority, and at
   the time of transportation the railway company has not in good
   faith before the act of transportation parted with its
   interest in such commodity;

   "(b) When the railway company owns the commodity to be
   transported in whole or in part;

   "(c) When the railway company at the time of transportation
   has an interest direct or indirect in a legal sense in the
   commodity, which last prohibition does not apply to
   commodities manufactured, mined, produced, owned, etc., by a
   corporation because a railway company is a stockholder in such
   corporation.

   "Such ownership of stock in a producing company by a railway
   company does not cause it as the owner of the stock to have a
   legal interest in the commodity manufactured, etc., by the
   producing corporation.

   "(3.) As thus construed the commodities clause is a regulation
   of commerce within the power of Congress to enact. The
   contentions elaborately argued for the railroad companies that
   the clause, if applied to preexisting rights, will operate to
   take property of railroad companies and therefore violate the
   due process clause of the Fifth Amendment, were all based upon
   the assumption that the clause prohibited and restricted in
   accordance with the construction which the government gave
   that clause and for the purpose of enforcing which
   prohibitions these suits were brought.

   "As the construction which the government placed upon the act
   and seeks to enforce is now held to be unsound, and as none of
   the contentions relied upon are applicable to the act as now
   construed, because under such construction the act merely
   enforces a regulation of commerce by which carriers are
   compelled to dissociate themselves from the products which
   they carry and does not prohibit where the carrier is not
   associated with the commodity carried, it follows that the
   contentions on the subject of the Fifth Amendment are without
   merit.

   "(4.) The exemption as to timber, etc., contained in the
   clause is not repugnant to the Constitution.

   "(5.) The provision as to penalties is separable from the
   other provisions of the act. As no recovery of penalties was
   prayed, no issue concerning them is here presented. It will be
   time enough to consider whether the right to recover penalties
   exists when an attempt to collect penalties is made.

   "(6.) As the construction now given the act differs so widely
   from the construction which the government gave to the act,
   and which it was the purpose of these suits to enforce, it is
   held that it is not necessary, in reversing and remanding, to
   direct the character of decrees which shall be entered, but
   simply to reverse and remand the case with instructions to
   enforce and apply the statute as it is now construed.

   "(7.) As the Delaware and Hudson Company is engaged as a
   common carrier by rail in the transportation of coal in the
   channels of interstate commerce, it is a railroad company
   within the purview of the commodities clause, and is subject
   to the provisions of that clause as they are now construed."

   Six railway companies, namely, the Delaware and Hudson, the
   Erie, the Central of New Jersey, the Lackawanna, the
   Pennsylvania and the Lehigh Valley, were involved in the test
   suit on which this decision was given; but the ruling will
   affect all roads engaged in coal mining. Justice Harlan
   dissented from that part of the decision which relates to the
   ownership of stock in a producing company; otherwise the
   opinion, announced by Justice White, was the opinion of the
   entire Bench.

   By ruling that "ownership of stock in a producing company by a
   railway company does not cause it as the owner of the stock to
   have a legal interest in the commodity manufactured, etc., by
   the producing company," the court appears to have made further
   legislation necessary, if the companies are to be barred from
   controlling the production and marketing of the coal through
   subsidiary corporations.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1907.
   Regulative Legislation in the States.

   "Never in the history of railroad legislation have our
   transportation systems run counter to a campaign so
   comprehensive, wide-spread, and disturbing as the general
   trend of ‘regulation’ in almost every State Legislature in
   session during 1907. It seems as if a legislative tempest
   against the railroads had been unloosed simultaneously in more
   than thirty States upon a given signal. The welcome accorded
   it by our lawmakers is inexplicable, unless we are prepared to
   admit that our Government, as has been charged frequently, is
   one of impulse. On this hypothesis it is readily understood.

{556}

   "Thirty-five States, in all, attempted to enact laws reducing
   freight or passenger rates, establishing railroad commissions,
   increasing the powers of existing commissions, regulating car
   service, demurrage, safety appliances, block signals, free
   passes, capitalization, liability for accidents to employees,
   hours of labor, blacklisting, strikes, etc. … Uniformity was
   sought without discrimination or foresight. Railroads in
   densely populated districts and those in sparsely settled
   rural localities were given alike a two-cent rate. Worse than
   this: roads of different earning power in the same State were
   assigned a level rate. The prosperous and well-established
   road and the struggling pioneer were bracketed,—to sink or
   swim.

   "But all of their work was not wasted. Real constructive
   legislation was enacted in many States in regard to corporate
   control, safety appliances, block signals, working hours,
   rights of employees, railroad mergers, valuation,
   capitalization, publication of rate schedules, etc., while in
   the States of South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, and
   Wisconsin the rate question was given fair and temperate
   consideration. …

   "An analysis of the general results shows that passenger fares
   were either actually reduced or affected in twenty-one States:
   Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas,
   Maryland, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri,
   Nebraska, North Carolina, North Dakota, Oklahoma,
   Pennsylvania, South Dakota, Virginia, West Virginia, and
   Wisconsin. Two-cent rates now prevail in Arkansas, Indiana,
   Illinois, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, Pennsylvania, and
   Wisconsin; and in Ohio, since 1906; two-and-one-half-cent
   rates in Alabama and North Dakota. North Carolina has
   established a two-and one-quarter-cent rate; West Virginia, a
   two-cent rate for railroads over fifty miles in length; Iowa,
   a sliding scale of from two to three cents per mile; Michigan,
   a two, three, and four cent rate; Kansas, Maryland, and
   Mississippi, two-cent rates for mileage books; the railroad
   commissions of Georgia and South Dakota have been authorized
   to establish a two-cent and a two-and-one-half-cent rate,
   respectively; and Oklahoma specifies in its new constitution a
   maximum charge of two cents for passenger fare. Virginia’s
   Corporation Commission has adopted a two-cent rate for trunk
   lines, a three-cent rate for minor roads and a
   three-and-one-half-cent rate on one or two lines.

   "Freight charges were lowered in many States. The Commodity
   Freight Rate law of Minnesota is probably the most scientific
   and equitable, and is being used by many Western roads as a
   basis. Commissions in other States have adopted it as a model.

   "Laws prohibiting free passes were enacted in Alabama,
   Indiana, Kansas, Maine, Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, New
   Hampshire, New York, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Dakota, and
   Texas.

   "Eleven States created railroad commissions: Colorado,
   Indiana, Michigan, Montana, Nevada, New Jersey, New York,
   Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, and Vermont. Sixteen others
   gave increased power to existing commissions, apart from rate
   regulation: Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Illinois, Iowa,
   Kansas, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, New Hampshire, North
   Carolina, South Carolina, South Dakota, Texas, Washington, and
   Wisconsin."

      Robert Emmett Ireton,
      The Legislatures and the Railways
      (Review of Reviews, August, 1907).


RAILWAYS: A. D. 1907.
   Limitation of Working Hours for Trainmen.

   An Act of Congress passed in January, 1907, prohibits railways
   engaged in interstate and foreign commerce from requiring or
   permitting those of their employés who have to do with the
   movement of trains to work more than sixteen hours
   consecutively, or more than an aggregate of sixteen in each
   twenty-four hours, and requires that when an employé shall
   have worked for sixteen hours there shall follow a period of
   rest of not less than ten hours before he shall resume his
   duties. Certain exceptions are made to provide for accidents,
   the failure of trains to make their regular schedules,
   connections, etc. Violation of the act is declared to be a
   misdemeanor punishable by a fine of from $100 to $1,000, and
   the Interstate Commerce Commission is charged with the duty of
   enforcing the law.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1907.
   Strike on roads west of Chicago averted
   by Federal Intermediation.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907 (APRIL).

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1907-1908.
   Limitation of State Authority in matters
   of Interstate Commerce.

   Serious collisions between Federal and State authority which
   occurred in 1907, in the States of Alabama, North Carolina,
   and Minnesota, on questions relating to interstate railways
   and their commerce, were cleared by important decisions of the
   Supreme Court of the United States, rendered in the spring of
   1908. The States in question had enacted laws which had the
   effect of intimidating railway companies and their agents from
   appealing to Federal courts, by the severity of the penalties
   they imposed. Suits undertaken in consequence against the
   State officials acting under these laws raised the question
   which was carried to the Federal Supreme Court. The bearing of
   the judgment rendered by that Court in the Minnesota case,
   Justice Harlan alone dissenting, is indicated by two passages
   from it, as follows:

   "The provisions of the acts relating to the enforcement of the
   rates, either for freight or passengers, by imposing such
   enormous fines and possible imprisonment as a result of an
   unsuccessful effort to test the validity of the laws
   themselves, are unconstitutional on their face, without regard
   to the question of the insufficiency of those rates."

   "If the act which the State Attorney-General seeks to enforce
   be a violation of the Federal Constitution, the officer in
   proceeding under such enactment comes into conflict with the
   superior authority of that Constitution, and he is in that
   case stripped of his official or representative character and
   is subjected in his person to the consequences of his
   individual conduct. The State has no power to impart to him
   any immunity from responsibility to the supreme authority of
   the United States."

{557}

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908.
   Decision in Armour Packing Company Case.

   A decision by the United States Supreme Court in the case of
   the United States vs. the Armour Packing Company covered cases
   in which identical proceedings were pending against three
   other packing companies and the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy
   Railroad Company. The packing company had contracted with the
   railway company for a rate from the Mississippi to New York,
   to continue for seven months, soon after which the railway
   company filed, published, and posted a much higher rate,
   continuing, however, to give transportation to the packing
   company, on through bills of lading to foreign ports for the
   lower rate of the contract. The Supreme Court sustained the
   Circuit Court in deciding this to be in violation of the law
   against discrimination in rates, since that law, being in
   force when the contract was made, was necessarily "read into
   the contract" and "became part of it."

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908 (April).
   Passage of Act relating to the Liability of Common Carriers
   by Railroad to their Employés in Certain Cases.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION: EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908 (November).
   Supreme Court Decision in Case of Virginia Railroads
   vs. the State Corporation Commission of Virginia.

   "Justice Holmes today [November 30, 1908] announced the
   decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case
   of the Virginia railroads versus the state corporation
   commission of Virginia, calling into question the order of the
   commission fixing a uniform rate of two cents a mile for
   carrying passengers in the state. The decision reversed the
   decision of the United States circuit court for the eastern
   division of Virginia on the technical ground that the
   railroads should have appealed from the commission’s order to
   the supreme court of Virginia before seeking the intervention
   of the federal courts. In effect the court directs that the
   railroad companies take their case to the state court of last
   resort and that in order to prevent injustices through the
   possible application of the statute of limitations, the case
   be retained on the docket of the United States circuit court,
   by which it was originally decided favorably to the roads."

      Washington Despatch to the Associated Press.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908-1909.
   The Missouri River Rate Case.
   Permanent Injunction against
   the Interstate Commerce Commission.

   By an order made on the 24th of June, 1908, the Interstate
   Commerce Commission forbade the charging of a through rate on
   first class matter, by the railroads, from the Atlantic
   seaboard to the Missouri River ($1.47 per hundred pounds),
   which equalled the rate charged from the Atlantic to the
   Mississippi (87 cents) plus the rate from the Mississippi to
   the Missouri (60 cents). In other words, the Commission sought
   to impose a through rate to the Missouri which would be nine
   cents per hundred pounds less than the sum of the rates
   charged on two parts of the same distance. The western railway
   companies affected by the order applied to the United States
   Circuit Court, at Chicago, for a permanent injunction to
   restrain its enforcement. The injunction was granted on the
   24th of August, 1909, Judges Grosscup and Kohlsaat
   concurring in the decision, Judge Baker dissenting.

   "The question raised," said Judge Grosscup, in rendering the
   opinion, "in its larger aspects is not so much a question
   between the shippers and the railroads as between the
   commercial and manufacturing interests of Denver and of the
   territory east of the Mississippi River on the one side, and
   the commercial and manufacturing interests of the Missouri
   River cities on the other. …

   "We are not prepared to say the commission has not the power
   to enter upon a plan looking toward a system of rates wherein
   the rates for longer and shorter hauls will taper downward
   according to distance, providing such tapering is both
   comprehensively and symmetrically applied—applied with a
   design of carrying out what may be the economic fact, that, on
   the whole, it is worth something less per mile to carry
   freight long distances than shorter distances.

   "But it does not follow that power of that character includes
   power, by the use of differentials, to artificially divide the
   country into trade zones tributary to given trade and
   manufacturing centres, the commission in such cases having as
   a result to predetermine what the trade and manufacturing
   centres shall be; for such power, vaster than any one body of
   men has heretofore exercised, though wisely exerted in
   specific instances, would be putting into the hands of the
   commission the general power of life and death over every
   trade and manufacturing centre in the United States."

   In the dissenting opinion of Judge Baker he said: "The
   question is not whether a lawful power or authority has been
   shown to have been wrongly exercised, but whether there is any
   law at all for the power or authority claimed and exercised."
   He found the necessary law, and added: "If Congress cannot
   constitutionally make a general declaration that the rates
   shall be reasonable and not unjustly discriminatory and then
   trust an executive body to hear evidence and decide questions
   of fact respecting reasonableness and just discrimination, the
   power of Congress over rates would be worthless."

   In September it was announced that the Commission would appeal
   from the injunction to the Supreme Court.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1909.
   The Seventh Transcontinental Line.

   The seventh transcontinental line of railway in America, the
   Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul system, was announced as
   completed on the 1st of April, 1909. As its name indicates, it
   is an extension of the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul system
   by a line fourteen hundred miles long from Mobridge, South
   Dakota, to Seattle and Tacoma, in the State of Washington.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1909.
   Fines imposed on the New York Central Railroad Company.

   Fines aggregating $134,000, imposed on the New York Central
   Railway Company by the United States Circuit Court for the
   Southern District of New York for rebates granted to the
   American Sugar Refining Company in violation of law, were
   affirmed in February, 1909, by the Supreme Court of the United
   States, and were paid on the 12th of May.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1909 (May-June).
   The Georgia Railroad Strike.

   See (in this Volume)
   RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

{558}

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1910.
   Special Message of President Taft
   touching Interstate Commerce.

   The important Special Message addressed to Congress by
   President Taft on the 7th of January, 1910, recommending
   amendatory legislation on the two subjects of interstate
   commerce and the combinations called "trusts," opened with the
   following statement:

   "In the annual report of the Interstate Commerce Commission
   for the year 1908 attention is called to the fact that between
   July 1, 1908, and the close of that year sixteen suits had
   been begun to set aside orders of the commission (besides one
   commenced before that date), and that few orders of much
   consequence had been permitted to go without protest; that the
   questions presented by these various suits were fundamental,
   as the constitutionality of the act itself was in issue, and
   the right of Congress to delegate to any tribunal authority to
   establish an interstate rate was denied; but that perhaps the
   most serious practical question raised concerned the extent of
   the right of the courts to review the orders of the
   commission; and it was pointed out that if the contention of
   the carriers in this latter respect alone were sustained, but
   little progress had been made in the Hepburn act toward the
   effective regulation of interstate transportation charges. In
   twelve of the cases referred to, it was stated, preliminary
   injunctions were prayed for, being granted in six and refused
   in six.

   "‘It has from the first been well understood,’ says the
   commission, ‘that the success of the present act as a
   regulating measure depended largely upon the facility with
   which temporary injunctions could be obtained. If a railroad
   company, by mere allegation in its bill of complaint,
   supported by ex-parte affidavits, can overturn the results of
   days of patient investigation, no very satisfactory result can
   be expected. The railroad loses nothing by these proceedings,
   since if they fail it can only be required to establish the
   rate and to pay to shippers the difference between the higher
   rate collected and the rate which is finally held to be
   reasonable. In point of fact it usually profits, because it
   can seldom be required to return more than a fraction of the
   excess charges collected.’

   "In its report for the year 1909 the commission shows that of
   the seventeen cases referred to in its 1908 report, only one
   had been decided in the Supreme Court of the United States,
   although five other cases had been argued and submitted to
   that tribunal in October, 1909.

   "Of course, every carrier affected by an order of the
   commission has a constitutional right to appeal to a Federal
   Court to protect it from the enforcement of an order which it
   may show to be prima facie confiscatory or unjustly
   discriminatory in its effect; and as this application may be
   made to a court in any district of the United States, not only
   does delay result in the enforcement of the order, but great
   uncertainty is caused by contrariety of decision. The
   questions presented by these applications are too often
   technical in their character and require a knowledge of the
   business and the mastery of a great Volume of conflicting
   evidence which is tedious to examine and troublesome to
   comprehend. It would not be proper to attempt to deprive any
   corporation of the right to review by a court of any order or
   decree which, if undisturbed, would rob it of a reasonable
   return upon its investment or would subject it to burdens
   which would unjustly discriminate against it and in favor of
   other carriers similarly situated. What is, however, of
   supreme importance is that the decision of such questions
   shall be as speedy as the nature of the circumstances will
   admit, and that a uniformity of decision be secured so as to
   bring about an effective, systematic, and scientific
   enforcement of the commerce law, rather than conflicting
   decisions and uncertainty of final result.

   "For this purpose I recommend the establishment of a court of
   the United States composed of five judges designated for such
   purpose from among the circuit judges of the United States, to
   be known as the ‘United States Court of Commerce,’ which court
   shall be clothed with exclusive original jurisdiction over the
   following classes of cases:

   "(1.) All cases for the enforcement, otherwise than by
   adjudication and collection of a forfeiture or penalty, or by
   infliction of criminal punishment, of any order of the
   Interstate Commerce Commission other than for the payment of
   money.

   "(2.) All cases brought to enjoin, set aside, annul, or
   suspend any order or requirement of the Interstate Commerce
   Commission.

   "(3.) All such cases as under section 3 of the act of February
   19, 1903, known as the ‘Elkins Act,’ are authorized to be
   maintained in a circuit court of the United States.

   "(4.) All such mandamus proceedings as under the provisions of
   section 20 or section 23 of the Interstate Commerce law are
   authorized to be maintained in a circuit court of the United
   States.

   "Reasons precisely analogous to those which induced the
   Congress to create the Court of Customs Appeals by the
   provisions in the tariff act of August 5, 1909, may be urged
   in support of the creation of the Commerce Court."

   Further recommendations of the Message are summarized in the
   following:

   Pooling arrangements as to rates to be allowed under direct
   supervision of the commission.

   The commission to be empowered to pass upon freight
   classifications.

   The commission to be empowered to hold up new rates or
   classifications by railroads until an inquiry can be made as
   to their reasonableness. If found to be unreasonable, the
   commission may forbid the increase.

   Shippers to be given the choice of established routes on
   through freight.

   From and after the passage of the amendments, it is provided
   that no railroad shall acquire any stock or interest in a
   competing line, except that where a road already owns 50 per
   cent, or more of the stock of another road, it may complete
   the purchase of all the stock. Also in cases where one road is
   operating another under a lease of more than twenty-five
   years’ duration, it shall have a right to acquire the demised
   road. Allowing these acquisitions of stock does not exempt any
   road from prosecution under the Anti-Trust law.

   Stocks must be issued at par value for money paid in or for
   property or services, rates at full value, under an inquiry by
   the Federal authority, who shall supervise all stock and bond
   issues.

   ----------RAILWAYS: End--------

RAISULI, The Moorish Brigand.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

RALLIÉS.

   A political party in France said to be made from fragments
   from the former Bonapartists, Orleanists, and Boulangerists.

RAMSAY, Sir William.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM; also,
      NOBEL PRIZES.

RATE REGULATION, Railway.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908.

{559}

RAYLEIGH, Lord.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

REBATE RESTRICTION, Railway.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908,
      and 1903 (February).

RECIPROCITY TREATY: United States and Newfoundland:
   The Hay-Bond Treaty.
   Its Amendment to Death by the United States Senate.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.

RECLAMATION OF ARID LANDS.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

RED CROSS SOCIETY, The American National.

   By an Act of Congress passed in 1904, the American National
   Red Cross was incorporated under the laws of the District of
   Columbia and brought directly under Government supervision.
   Its charter provided that five members of its Board of
   Incorporators were to be chosen from the Departments of State,
   War, Navy, Treasury, and Justice. Its accounts were to be
   audited by the disbursing officer of the War Department. The
   entire support, however, aside from the income from a small
   endowment, comes from the dues of individual members and
   voluntary contributions. The election of Mr. Taft, then
   Secretary of War, as the first president of the reorganized
   Red Cross, emphasized its new relationship to the Federal
   Government and its new position as a body of really National
   scope. At the annual meeting of the Society in December, 1908,
   Mr. Taft, then President-elect of the United States, consented
   to be reelected to the presidency of the Red Cross
   organization in the United States.

   Throughout all the many calamities of the past decade, from
   earthquake, volcanic eruption, fire, flood, war, famine, and
   pestilence, the Red Cross Society has always been instant in
   readiness for effective humane service, from almost every
   civilized country of the world, and for any call to any
   quarter of the globe. In the United States it has lately
   undertaken a continuous and permanent service in connection
   with the anti-tuberculosis crusade.

RED CROSS SOCIETY:
   In Japan, before and during the Russo-Japanese War.

   "The Red Cross Society of Japan is by no means merely a copy
   of the Red Cross societies of Europe, as its name would seem
   to indicate; for the idea of assisting the wounded soldiers
   and allaying the suffering caused by war arose spontaneously
   in Japan. …

   "In 1867, two years before the Restoration, when Japan was
   considered a savage country by the West, and when she
   possessed neither railways nor telegraphs, machinery, etc.,
   Count Sano, an enthusiastic humanitarian, was sent by the
   Shogun to the Exhibition in Paris, where he had the
   opportunity of studying the Red Cross societies of various
   countries. Again, in 1873, when this gentleman was ambassador
   in Vienna, he carefully observed the Red Cross Society, and
   especially its activity during the Franco-German War of 1870.
   When the Civil War of 1877 broke out in Japan, Count Sano was
   back in his native country, and he conceived the idea of
   forming a society after the model of the European Red Cross
   societies. The nobility of Japan received his ideas most
   favourably, and a society was founded which was called
   Hakuaisha (Benevolent Society). …

   "The Mikado countenanced the objects of the Society and
   assisted it in every way. From 1887 onward he gave it a yearly
   contribution of 5,000 yen, to which in 1888 a gift of 100,000
   yen was added. After the Chino-Japanese War, the Mikado’s
   yearly contribution was increased to 10,000 yen, in
   recognition of the progress which the Society had made and of
   the great assistance which it had given during that campaign.
   Besides this sum he contributes yearly 5,000 yen to the Red
   Cross Society for the patients, and from time to time makes
   generous gifts to the Society. The motto of the Japanese Red
   Cross Society is ‘Pay your debt to your country by helping its
   soldiers’; and this motto has quickly made the Society
   immensely popular throughout the country. …

   "The war with China of 1894-1895 demonstrated the excellence
   of the Japanese Red Cross Society, and proved at the same time
   its best advertisement, for at the end of 1895 there were more
   than 160,000 members. Since the Society had proved its immense
   practical utility, the number of its members rose by leaps and
   bounds, and at the end of 1898 there were 570,000 members, and
   the yearly receipts had reached 1,582,622 yen; at present it
   must count about 1,000,000 members, and must have an income of
   at least 3,000,000 yen, or about £300,000 per annum, a truly
   enormous sum for a country like Japan, where a yen goes about
   as far as ten shillings go in Great Britain. The latest
   available figures give the following record: Number of
   members, 920,000; funds in hand, £794,000; annual income,
   £231,000."

      O. Eltzbacher,
      The Red Gross Society of Japan
      (Contemporary Review, September, 1904).

REDEMPTORISTS: Forbidden to teach in France.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

REFERENDUM, Initiative and Recall:
   In Switzerland.

   According to a report on the subject made to the State
   Department at Washington, in June, 1902, by the United States
   Minister to Switzerland, the Honorable Arthur S. Hardy, down
   to that time, "since the referendum has been in force, 226
   Federal laws and resolutions have been enacted, of which 40
   were submitted to the people, 14 by the compulsory and 26 by
   the optional referendum. The people have exercised the
   initiative five times since its adoption in 1891, rejecting
   the measures proposed four out of five times."

REFERENDUM, Initiative and Recall:
   In the United States.

   "The first State to adopt a constitutional amendment providing
   for the initiative and referendum was South Dakota in 1898.
   Next came Utah (1900) with an amendment which is not
   self-executing, and the Legislature has not so far passed the
   necessary enabling act. Oregon followed in 1902, Montana in
   1906, and Oklahoma in 1907. South Dakota, Oregon, and Oklahoma
   have also extended the constitutional amendments so as to
   provide for the initiative and referendum in municipal
   corporations. Maine, Missouri, and North Dakota are soon to
   vote upon constitutional amendments embodying the initiative
   and referendum for State matters; and Maine proposes to extend
   this right to municipal corporations concerning their local
   affairs.

{560}

   In 1907 Iowa and South Dakota each enacted a general law under
   which cities may, if they so choose, have charters embodying
   the general features of the ‘commission plan of government,’
   and acquire with them the right to have the initiative, the
   referendum, and the recall. In South Dakota the Constitution
   specifically gives to the people the right of the initiative
   and referendum, but in Iowa no mention thereof is made in the
   Constitution. The Supreme Court of Iowa, however, has held
   that the statute conferring the right upon cities of a certain
   class to adopt a commission plan of government which included
   the initiative, referendum, and recall was constitutional, as
   the State Constitution did not specifically forbid the
   granting of these rights. In Texas cities of a designated size
   can be incorporated by special act, and since Galveston
   obtained its new form of government several cities of Texas
   have been given charters by special acts, some embodying the
   initiative, referendum, and recall, others one or two of these
   rights, and some none of them or only in a modified form. The
   recall is the most recent of the three new measures of relief.
   Los Angeles in 1903 seems to have been the first city to have
   made the recall a part of its city charter. In 1905 San Diego,
   San Bernardino, Pasadena, and Fresno, California, followed. In
   1906 Seattle joined the list, and in 1907 there were added
   Everett, in Washington, and six other California cities—Santa
   Monica, Alameda, Long Beach, Vallejo, Riverside and San
   Francisco. No State has a constitutional provision for the
   recall."

      The Outlook,
      August 15, 1908.

   On the 25th of May, 1908, the Initiative and Referendum League
   of America addressed a memorial to Congress, asking for the
   passage of a Bill which had been introduced in the Senate
   (Senate Bill No. 7208), "For a modern system whereby the
   voters of the United States may instruct their National
   Representatives," and, further, for the passage of Senate
   Joint Resolution No. 94, "asking the States to establish the
   machinery for taking a referendum vote on national issues
   whenever Congress shall so direct."

REGENERADORES.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

REGGIO:
   Its Destruction by Earthquake.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES: ITALY.

REGIE, The San Domingo.

      See (in this Volume)
      SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1901-1905.

REGINA:
   Capital of the Province of Saskatchewan.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1905.

REID, George Houston:
   Premier of Australia.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.

REID, Sir Robert T.:
   Lord Chancellor of England.

      See (in this Volume)
      England: A. D. 1905-1906.

REINSCH, Paul S.:
   Delegate to Third International Conference
   of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM:
   Its Limitations in Russia.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA. A. D. 1905 (APRIL-AUGUST), and 1909 (JUNE).

RELIGIOUS TEACHING, in State Supported Schools:
   The Controversy.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1903;
      CANADA: A. D. 1905;
      EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 and 1906.

RENAULT, Louis.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

RENNENKAMPF, General.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

REPATRIATION OF THE BOERS.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.

REPUBLIC, The Rescue of the Steamship.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRICAL.

RESCHAD, Mohammed:
   Raised to the Turkish Throne.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

RESEARCH, Original.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

RESOURCES, Conservation of Natural.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

REVAL, Disorders in.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

REVOLUTION, Persia.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA.

REVOLUTION, Turkish.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

REYES, Rafael:
   President of Colombia.

      See (in this Volume)
      COLOMBIA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1906-1909.

RHODES, CECIL J.:
   His death.
   His continued Influence in South Africa.
   His Policy carried on by Dr. Jameson.

      See(in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.

RHODES, CECIL J.:
   His Will, endowing Scholarships at Oxford for Students in the
   British Colonies and the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS.

RHODESIA: A. D. 1908.
   Report of the British South Africa Company.

   The annual report of the directors of the British South Africa
   Company, presented at a meeting of shareholders in London in
   February, 1909, contained the following statements:

   "During 1908 there has been a remarkable improvement in the
   circumstances of Rhodesia. This improvement has been evident
   in every department of trade and industry, and is reflected in
   the returns of administrative receipts, railways, mines and
   land. It was pointed out last year what an important effect
   even a slight increase in general prosperity would exercise
   upon the whole financial position, and the figures now
   available show that this view was correct. The administrative
   revenue of Southern Rhodesia during the year 1908-1909 will
   suffice to cover administrative expenditure without any call
   whatever upon the commercial income of the company; the
   shortages of the railway companies in respect of the same
   period will be less by £100,000 than in 1907-1908; during the
   year ending 31st March, 1910, large additional revenue will be
   derived from the carriage from the port of Beira of the
   materials and stores for the extension of the railway into the
   Congo territory. … The negotiations for the extension
   northwards of the Rhodesian Railway system have been brought
   to a successful conclusion. With the coöperation of the
   Tanganyika Concessions (Limited) a company has been formed
   called the Rhodesia-Kantanga Junction Railway and Mineral
   Company (Limited), which will construct a standard gauge line
   from the present terminus at Broken Hill to a point on the
   frontier of the Congo Free State; from the frontier to the
   Star of the Congo Mine the line will be constructed by the
   Couipaguie du Chemin de Fer du Kantanga. … On the completion
   of the first section to the frontier, Rhodesia will be
   traversed by a trunk line from south to north.

{561}

   "The European population shows a net increase of over 1,100
   since the intermediate census, in September, 1907, when it
   numbered 14,018. An area of 1,169,305 acres of land has been
   settled and occupied during the past year. The output of gold
   has increased from £2,178,886 in 1907 to £2,526,037 in 1908.
   Imports have increased by about £100,000 during the past
   year."

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904.

RIBEIRO, HINTZE.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

RICHMOND, Virginia: A. D. 1907.
   Great Reunion of Confederate War Veterans.
   Unveiling of Monument to Jefferson Davis.

   A great gathering of the surviving veterans of the
   Confederacy, to the number of about 15,000, at Richmond, late
   in May and early in June, was brought about in connection with
   the unveiling of an impressive monument to Jefferson Davis. An
   equestrian statue of General J. E. B. Stuart was also unveiled
   on one of the days of the reunion.

RIFF, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

RIGA, Disorders in.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

RIKKEN SEIYU-KAI.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).

RIO DE JANEIRO: A. D. 1903-1905.
   Eradication of Yellow Fever.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH: YELLOW FEVER.

RIO DE JANEIRO: A. D. 1906.
   Third International Conference of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

RITCHIE, C. T.:
   Chancellor of the Exchequer in the British Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

ROBERT, CHRISTOPHER R.:
   Benefactor of Robert College.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: TURKEY, &C.

ROBERT COLLEGE:
   Its Influence in Turkey and the Balkan States.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: TURKEY, &C.

ROBERTS, SIR FREDERICK SLEIGH ROBERTS, FIRST EARL:
   On the British Territorial Force and the need
   of Compulsory Military Training.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

ROCHAMBEAU MONUMENT:
   The unveiling at Washington.
   Representatives of the families of Rochambeau and
   Lafayette invited Guests of the Nation.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

ROCKEFELLER, John D.:
   Stupendous Endowment of the General Education Board.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

ROCKEFELLER, John D.:
   Gift for the eradication of the Hookworm Disease.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH: THE HOOKWORM DISEASE.

ROCKEFELLER, John D., Jr.:
   Investing in a Concession in the Congo State.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

ROCKHILL, W. W.:
   Minister to China.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

ROENTGEN.

      See (in this Volume)
      RONTGEN.

ROGHI, EL.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

ROJESVENSKY,
ROZHDESTVENSKY, ADMIRAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH.

      See (in this Volume and Volume IV.)
      PAPACY.

ROMAÑA, PRESIDENT EDUARDO DE.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERU.

ROME: A. D. 1903.
   General Strike of Workmen.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.

ROME: A. D. 1908.
   Election of Ernesto Nathan to be Mayor.

      See (in this Volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1909.

RONTGEN, Wilhelm Conrad:
   Recipient of Nobel Prize.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

   ----------ROOSEVELT, Theodore: Start--------

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   Becomes President of the United States on
   the Assassination of President McKinley.

      See (in this Volume)
      BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   On the Federal Control of Corporations engaged in
   Interstate Trade.

      See (in this Volume)
      Combinations, Industrial, &c.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1903.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   On Railway Rate Regulation.

      SEE
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   His intermediation in the Anthracite Coal Strike of 1902.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   Message recounting the Circumstances of the Secession from
   Colombia and recognized Independence of Panama, and the Treaty
   with Panama for the Building of the Isthmian Canal.

      See (in this volume)
      PANAMA CANAL.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   On the Wrong done to the Chinese.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   On the Strike of the Teamsters’ Union at Chicago.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-JULY).

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   Elected President of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER ).

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   Mediation between Russia and Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   Initial Invitation to the holding of the Second Peace
   Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   Account of Visit to Porto Rico.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   On the Rendering of Aid to San Domingo.

      See (in this Volume)
      SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   On the Progressive Taxation of Fortunes.

      See (in this Volume)
      WEALTH, THE PROBLEMS OF.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   Defense of Japanese Treaty Rights.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   Recommends remission of part of Boxer Indemnity to China.

      See CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   On the Conservation of Natural Resources.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   Appointment of Country Life Commission,
   and Message on its Report.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909 (AUGUST-FEBRUARY).

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   On the Japanese Question in California.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   Recipient of Nobel Prize for Promotion of Peace.
   Its devotion to the Creation of a Foundation for
   the Promotion of Industrial Peace.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   Veto of the Census Bill.

      See (in this Volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

{562}

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   Renunciation of Third Term Candidacy.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (NOVEMBER).

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   Progress of Civil Service Reform under his Administration.

      See (in this Volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
   After leaving the White House.

   Shortly before the ending, March 4, 1909, of his second term
   in the Presidency of the United States, Mr. Roosevelt became
   connected, as "Contributing Editor," with The Outlook,
   and began the discussion of current topics in signed articles,
   published in that weekly magazine. For some time it had been
   known that Mr. Roosevelt intended, when released from office,
   to enjoy a long vacation in Central Africa, hunting wild game.
   His preparations were made before he left the White House, and
   on the 20th of March, to correct misunderstandings as to the
   recreation he contemplated, he published the following
   announcement in The Outlook:

   "I am about to go to Africa as the head of the Smithsonian
   expedition. It is a scientific expedition. We shall collect
   birds and mammals for the National Museum at Washington, and
   nothing will be shot unless for food, or for preservation as a
   specimen, or unless, of course, the animal is of a noxious
   kind. There will be no wanton destruction whatever.

   "I very earnestly hope that no representative of any newspaper
   or magazine will try to accompany me or to interview me during
   any portion of my trip. Until I actually get to the wilderness
   my trip will be precisely like any other conventional trip on
   a steamboat or railway. It will afford nothing to write about,
   and will afford no excuse or warrant for any one sending to
   any newspaper a line in reference thereto. After I reach the
   wilderness of course no one outside of my own party will be
   with me, and if any one pretends to be with me or pretends to
   write as to what I do, his statements should be accepted as on
   their face not merely false but ludicrous. Any statement
   purporting to have been made by me, or attributed to me, which
   may be sent to newspapers should be accepted as certainly
   false and as calling for no denial from me. So far as possible
   I shall avoid seeing any representative of the press, and
   shall not knowingly have any conversation on any subject
   whatever with any representative of the press beyond
   exchanging the ordinary civilities or courtesies. I am a
   private citizen, and I am entitled to enjoy the privacy that
   should be the private citizen’s right. My trip will have no
   public bearing of any kind or description. It is undertaken
   for the National Museum at Washington, and is simply a
   collecting trip for the Museum. It will be extremely
   distasteful to me and of no possible benefit to any human
   being to try to report or exploit the trip, or to send any one
   with me, or to have any one try to meet me or see me with a
   view to such reporting or exploitation. Let me repeat that
   while I am on steamer or railway there will be nothing
   whatever to report; that when I leave the railway for the
   wilderness no persons will have any knowledge which will
   enable them to report anything, and that any report is to be
   accepted as presumably false."
      THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

   The ex-President took steamer from New York on the 30th of
   March, and one of the journals which had been among the
   sharpest of his critics and opponents for years, the New York
   Times, had this to say of him that day:

   "There is no need to tell him that he will carry with him
   wherever he goes the abiding affection of nearly 80,000,000 of
   people. They who dislike Colonel Roosevelt, or think they do,
   scarcely count in the Census. Wherever he goes he will make
   friends among human beings, and impress everybody with a
   reasonably high yet easily appreciable ideal of the American
   citizen. Courage, energy, quick co-ordination of muscle and
   brain, persistent alertness, boundless sympathy, and good
   fellowship are characteristics of Colonel Roosevelt. Everybody
   likes such a man."

   Returning from his African expedition in the spring of 1910,
   the ex-President accepted invitations in Europe which took him
   to Naples, Rome, Vienna, Paris, Brussels, The Hague,
   Christiania, Berlin, London, and was received with
   extraordinary honors at every capital.

   ----------ROOSEVELT, Theodore: End--------

   ----------ROOT, ELIHU: Start--------

ROOT, ELIHU:
   Secretary of War and Secretary of State.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

ROOT, ELIHU:
   Correspondence relating to the establishment of the
   Republic of Cuba.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.

ROOT, Elihu:
   On the Alaska Boundary Commission.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

ROOT, Elihu:
   Correspondence on American Fishing Rights on the
   Newfoundland Coast.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

ROOT, Elihu:
   Visit to South American Republics, 1906.
   Address at the Third International Conference
   of American Republics in Rio de Janeiro.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

ROOT, Elihu:
   Speech in 1906 summarizing recent Governmental Action
   against Corporate Wrong-doers.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

ROOT, Elihu:
   Address to Central American Peace Conference at Washington.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.

ROOT, Elihu:
   At Peace Congress in New York.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR: THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

ROOT, Elihu:
   On the Japanese Question in California.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

ROOT, Elihu:
   Exchange of Notes with Japan, embodying a Declaration
   of Common Policy in the East.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

ROOT, Elihu:
   On National Duty in State Legislation.

      See (in this Volume)
      LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

   ----------ROOT, ELIHU: End--------

ROSE, URIAH M.:
   Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

ROSEBERY, ARCHIBALD F. PRIMROSE, EARL:
   Opposition to Home Rule for Ireland.

      See (in this Volume)
      England: A. D. 1905-1906.

ROSEBERY, ARCHIBALD F. PRIMROSE, EARL:
   On the State of Peace in Europe and the Preparations for War.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

ROSEBERY, ARCHIBALD F. PRIMROSE, EARL:
   To the House of Lords on the Budget of 1909.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

ROSEN, BARON ROMAN:
   Russian Ambassador at Washington and Plenipotentiary
   for negotiating Treaty of Peace with Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-JULY).

ROSS, Dr. Ronald.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

{563}

ROTA, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1908.

ROTATIVOS.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

ROUMANIA: A. D. 1902.
   Oppression of the Jews.
   Remonstrance of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA.

ROUVIER, Maurice:
   Prime Minister of France.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

ROUVIER, Maurice:
   Agreement with Germany for the Conference at Algeciras.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

ROUVIER, Maurice:
   Fall of his Ministry.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

ROWE, Dr. L. S.:
   Delegate to Third International Conference
   of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

ROZHDESTVENSKY,
ROJESVENSKY, ADMIRAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

RUEF, ABRAHAM.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

RUNCIMAN, Mr.:
   President of the English Board of Education.
   Statements.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

   ----------RUSSIA: Start--------

RUSSIA: A. D. 1870-1905.
   Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

      See (in this Volume)
      [Other countries or regions]: A. D. 1870-1905.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1901 (July).
   Russianizing of the Finnish Army.
   Autocratic Violation of the Constitution of Finland.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINLAND: A. D. 1901.


RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.
   Persistent Occupation of Manchuria, despite Treaty with China.
   Japanese Complaints and Demands.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904,
      CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.
   The Disaffection among the Students of the Universities.
   Famine in Eastern Districts, and Industrial Depression
   in the Cities.
   Assassination of Sipiagin.
   Advent of Plehve to Power.
   Atrocities of his Administration.
   Witte, Minister of Finance.
   Assassination of Plehve.

   In Volume VI. of this work, which went to press in the spring
   of 1901, the record of events in Russia was brought down to
   March and April of that year. The revolutionary temper, then
   rapidly rising in heat throughout the Empire, found its most
   active manifestation among the students of the universities,
   whose outbreaks of disaffection were punished mercilessly, by
   Siberian exile, by draft into the army, or more summarily by
   the Cossacks’ knout. The Tsar, however, had seemed at last to
   recognize the special grievances of the students and to wish
   to have remedies found for them. To succeed M. Bogoliepoff,
   the late Minister of Instruction, whom a student had shot on
   the 27th of February, the Tsar appointed to that office a
   General Vannovsky, who was credited with having a clear and
   sympathetic understanding of the wrongs to the student body
   which provoked their disorderly conduct. It was believed, too,
   that full powers had been given to him for reforming the
   government of the universities. But, whatever may have been
   the excellence of disposition in General Vannovsky and in the
   Tsar, the projected reforms were so obstructed, in some
   manner, that the students became more and more openly
   revolutionary in their action, and the new minister resigned
   in the second year of his endeavors.

   A number of immediate causes of misery in the Empire were now
   added to the many causes which a despotic and corrupt
   government kept always in operation. Harvests in large parts
   of Eastern Russia had failed, bringing the horrors of famine
   on some 24,000,000 people. Simultaneously with this, an
   industrial crisis came, to close great numbers of factories
   and shops and to create a vast army of the unemployed. M.
   Witte, as Minister of Finance, had been extraordinarily
   skilful and successful in developing new industries in Russia;
   but had done so by measures of unnatural stimulation which had
   this unfortunate result. High tariffs for the protection of
   home manufactures from foreign competition, and the offer of
   attractive inducements to foreign capital, had brought about
   many investments which proved to be unprofitable, and the time
   had come, as happens always and everywhere in such cases, when
   the unsound structure of productive enterprise must collapse.
   Thus the country, having all of its industrial centers filled
   with suffering unemployed workmen and many of its rural
   districts filled with starving peasants, was a field most
   perfectly prepared for the seed of insurgent passion which
   countless agents were now busied in sowing.

   Students and workmen became associated in flagrant
   revolutionary demonstrations, flaunting the red flag of
   rebellion and singing seditious songs, at St. Petersburg,
   Moscow, Kieff, Kharkoff, Odessa, and other cities, fighting
   vain battles with savage Cossacks and police. To excite the
   peasantry to action, a forged ukase was circulated among them,
   in the districts of Poltava and Kharkoff, announcing that the
   land, held wrongly by the nobles, had been restored to them by
   the Tsar; that they could take possession of it, and, with it,
   the present contents of granaries and barns. They proceeded
   accordingly to strip many estates (see below, Russia: A. D.
   1902), and suffered piteously from the soldiery that came in
   haste to stop their deluded work. It was at this time that M.
   Witte set on foot an extensive inquiry into agricultural
   conditions, the important political outcome of which will be
   spoken of later on.

   On the 15th of April, 1902, the Minister of the Interior, M.
   Sipiagin, was killed by a student named Belmatcheff. This
   murderous exploit of the revolutionary terrorists brought a
   man into power who gave Russia an experience in the next two
   years, of heartlessness and foulness in despotism which
   surpassed all that it had known before.

{564}

   "Sipiagin, when Minister of the Interior, had already brought
   matters so far by his reactionary policy of violence that the
   news of his assassination at the hands of Belmatcheff was
   received with unmixed joy in all classes of Russian society.
   But the fullest proof of the irreconcilableness of autocracy
   with things like improvement and progress was furnished by the
   successor of Sipiagin, Von Plehve, who soon proved himself to
   be the complete personification of all evil, heartlessness,
   and corruption. … The attention of the highest circles was
   drawn to his person when, after the assassination of Alexander
   II., he conducted the prosecution at the arraignment of the
   participators in the deed. Later, on being appointed State
   Secretary, he was able, by his persistent zeal in the service
   of the reaction, to place himself on a good footing with those
   in power, particularly with the Procurator of the Holy Synod,
   Pobiedonostseff, who, when the policy of destroying the
   Finnish constitution was determined upon, found a good tool in
   Von Plehve. In the anti-Finn coup d’état he played a
   considerable part, particularly as member of the secret
   committee which drafted the plan for the Russification of the
   Finnish Grand Duchy, and drew up the manifesto; while, still
   later, as Secretary for Finland, together with the then
   Governor-General Bobrikoff, he conducted and carried out the
   well-known policy of suppression.

   "As Minister of the Interior, Von Plehve lost no time in
   showing what policy he intended to follow, as he declared the
   general dissatisfaction in Russia to be solely the result of
   the conspiracy and machinations of a handful of evil disposed
   persons, who could easily be rendered incapable of harm if
   only the police were sufficiently strengthened and received
   extensive powers. … The Minister came into conflict, shortly
   after his appointment, with a number of his colleagues,
   especially with the Finance Minister, De Witte, who had
   previously been practically omnipotent, and with the Minister
   of Justice, Muravieff. The difference with the latter hinged
   on the question of the treatment of 'political criminals,' the
   trials of whom Von Plehve wished to allocate to a special
   court-martial, the proceedings being conducted with closed
   doors, whilst the Minister of Justice required a public trial
   before the ordinary courts. The Tsar, as usual, followed the
   most reactionary counsel. … Of deeper significance and more
   far-reaching effects was the conflict with the Finance
   Minister, who, indeed was far more menacing to Von Plehve’s
   exalted position. Without being imbued with really liberal
   views, but being possessed of intelligence and a clear view as
   regards all social phenomena, De Witte, doubtless one of the
   most able statesmen Russia has possessed in recent times,
   recognized that, if matters in the Empire continued much
   longer in the same way, a catastrophe was unavoidable. …

   "De Witte obtained the consent of the Tsar to the formation of
   committees, in the different parts of the country, consisting
   of representatives of agriculture, and including both large
   estate owners and men of the people, to whom was allotted the
   task of declaring their views as to the cause of the decline
   of Russian agriculture, and of indicating steps for the
   improvement of agricultural conditions. De Witte himself urged
   the committees to express themselves freely and openly as to
   the causes of the prevailing misery, and as to the means of
   remedying it. But in all probability he hardly expected that
   these utterances would go so far in their openness as they
   really did. Quite a number of committees were perspicacious
   enough to deal not merely with the economical, but likewise
   with the general political position, though recognising that
   the former was very closely connected with the latter. In this
   way the ice was broken. One committee after the other
   criticised the existing system of government with astonishing
   boldness, and required an unconditional and radical change
   therein. … it was the representatives of the zemtsvo
   assemblies who played the chief part in the agricultural
   committees, and consequently hopes began to be cherished more
   or less everywhere that these assemblies would now receive
   amplified rights, and that in this way the basis would be laid
   for the future and for the constitution dreamt of by all. Such
   hopes were, however, not to the taste of Von Plehve, the new
   Minister of the Interior. … Finally they [the committees] were
   dissolved, without having achieved any other result than a
   number of reports which had been drawn up by them, and which
   ended by being pigeon-holed in one record office or the other.
   Von Plehve had conquered the Finance Minister. But his success
   was a Pyrrhic victory. At one stroke he converted a large
   number of liberal friends of reform into radical adherents of
   the emancipation movement, while to all others who had
   followed the proceedings of the agricultural committees with
   interest and expectancy he brought home a clear apprehension
   of the fact that a régime, under which the will or the whim of
   an irresponsible official could bring to naught plans having
   for their object the amendment of the conditions of life of
   many millions of people, could never contribute to the
   promotion of national development. Similar fruits were borne
   by Von Plehve’s policy in many other directions. …

   "Never have the police been so numerous or so powerful as
   under Von Plehve’s regime; never were such trifling causes
   sufficient to deprive both sexes of citizens of their liberty,
   to expose them to ill-treatment, and to send them into exile.
   But never, on the other hand, have such means proved to be
   more powerless. … The so-called ‘Organisation of the
   Struggle,’ the same that had slain the previous Minister of
   the Interior, Sipiagin, also sentenced to death the Governor
   of Ulfa, Bogdanovitch. … At last Von Plehve, too, was
   overtaken by his fate. On the 28th of July, 1904, a member of
   the ‘Organisation of the Struggle’ threw a bomb into the
   carriage of the Minister as he was driving towards the Warsaw
   railway station in St. Petersburg, on his way to an audience
   with the Tsar. He was killed instantaneously; while the
   assassin, Sasonov, and a second terrorist, Sickocki, who had
   lent him assistance, were arrested and condemned to twenty and
   eleven years respectively of penal servitude."

      K. Zilliacus,
      The Russian Revolutionary Movement,
      chapter 16 (New York, Dutton and Company).

{565}

RUSSIA: A. D. 1902.
   The Political Awakening of the Common People.
   Ideas of the Stundists.
   Peasants taking Possession of the Granaries.
   Floggings and Butcheries in Progress.

   "The discontented crowds are unarmed, their only weapons are,
   so far, shouts, banners and martyrdom for Liberty, while the
   auto-bureaucratic regime meets these with the infliction of
   wounds and death. Still there are features in this uneven
   struggle which are of very ill-omen for auto-bureaucracy. Such
   is, in the first place, the hearty compact between the factory
   workers and the masses of the towns on the one hand, and the
   forward elements of the classes, mainly represented by
   students of the different higher educational institutions, on
   the other. Secondly, there is the persistency with which the
   cries ‘Down with Autocracy!’ ‘Long live Liberty,’ are now
   resounding throughout the Empire of the Tzars. The shooters
   are invariably beaten down, even shot down, as we shall see
   later on; but the cry is raised again and again. Revolutions
   are, unfortunately, not accomplished by shouts alone; but does
   not the Tzar’s Government take all possible pains to teach the
   population this simple truth? …

   "Merciless wholesale flogging goes on in the Poltava province.
   Rifles have also been used; and a number of women and children
   have been wounded and several peasants shot dead. One of the
   bodies had fourteen bullets in it. In the Kharkov province
   ‘peace and order’ has been enforced with a still greater
   ‘respect to uniform and arms.’ The soldiers themselves state
   that the number of blows doled out with the bundles of birch
   to the peasants amounted at times to 250 per person. When
   fleeing from the torture eight peasants hit on a patrol. The
   commanding officer being drunk ordered ‘fire!’ and all the
   eight unarmed and helpless victims fell dead!

   "But do these ‘energetic measures’ produce the desired effect?
   In the village of Kourlak, Province of Voronezh, the same
   merciless flogging was to be administered to all its
   inhabitants. When the thirty-seventh peasant received his
   portion of the torture, the villagers, after consultation,
   declared that they submitted. But they collected carefully
   all the birch-bundles which served for the execution.
   ‘ They will be of use to us,’ said the peasants, ‘when
   we shall flog you!’ All the official
   explanations given them by the authorities on this occasion
   led them to the conclusion that the administration
   acknowledged the righteousness of their claims on the land,
   and flogged them only for using wrong means for its
   recovery;—that therefore they would soon have the upper hand
   over the officials and landlords, and would then flog them in
   their turn.

   "Nor does the movement in the Poltava Province (see above,
   Russia. A. D. 1901-1904) show any sign of abatement. According
   to the latest private information, which dates from the last
   day of April, the peasant movement there does not at all bear
   the character of devastation; although the landlords are
   undoubtedly ruined by the quiet doings of the villagers. There
   is no pillaging. The peasants, headed by their elective
   elders, open the granaries of the landlords and distribute the
   grain among themselves according to the needs of each family
   (the well-to-do receiving nothing), while the remaining grain,
   if any, is transferred to the communal stores. Part of this
   appropriated grain has already been used by the peasants for
   sowing their own fields, as well as those they have
   appropriated from the gentry. As soon as the troops are
   marched into the rebellious locality, they take possession
   of the appropriated grain still remaining in the communal
   granaries, and return it to its former owners. But as soon as
   the soldiery, after wholesale flogging of the peasantry, leave
   the locality, the peasants again take possession of the
   landlords’ grain. The prison at Poltava is crammed with
   peasants and students, and yet clandestine manifestoes are
   published with the regularity of the local official paper, and
   are distributed even among the soldiery. …

   "The present peasant movement is not confined to the three
   provinces already mentioned. In these it originated simply on
   the ground of starvation, and similar events are reported from
   the provinces of Koursk, Ekaterinoslav and Podolia; also in
   those of Tomsk, Tobolsk, etc., in distant Siberia, where
   governmental grain stores suffered the fate of the landlords’
   granaries in Europe. But the tension of the peasants’ spirit,
   their utter distrust of the present Government, and their
   readiness to take justice into their own hands may be said to
   be universal throughout the Empire.

   "At the beginning of the Social Democratic movement in Russia
   no hopes of the Russian peasant were cherished by its leaders.
   But powerful agrarian organisations have since sprung up."

      Felix Volkhovsky,
      The Russian Awakening
      (Contemporary Review, June, 1902).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1902.
   Russo-Chinese Treaty concerning Tibet.

      See (in this Volume)
      TIBET: A. D. 1902.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1903 (April).
   The Massacre of Jews at Kishineff.

   The British Vice-Consul at Odessa, Mr. Bosanquet, visited
   Kishineff in July, to learn the facts of the barbarous attack
   on the Jewish population of that town, which had been made by
   a mob in the previous April. The following particulars are
   taken from his official report, published soon afterward as a
   Parliamentary Paper:

   "The riots began on Easter Sunday (O. S.), (the 19th April, N.
   S.), in the afternoon, in the eastern extremity of the town …
   and on that day were confined to the ordinary acts of a
   turbulent crowd—e. g., the smashing of windows and
   door-panels in Jewish houses. The area of Sunday’s disturbance
   was comparatively small." Early the next morning they began
   afresh in the same quarter, and spread to other parts of the
   town. "They were directed entirely against the Jews." "Monday
   was the day when the worst crimes were committed, and these
   were perpetrated by bands of rioters in different parts of the
   town. Many people believe the riots to be the work of
   organized companies."

   "Besides the murders committed, the interiors of houses were
   utterly dismantled, pillows ripped up, Jewish Scriptures torn,
   floors destroyed, and furniture thrown into the street; while
   at an early stage wine was broached, that which was not drunk
   pouring into the street. The local authorities took no
   effective step to stop the riots, which continued unabated
   till 4 P. M., or later, the soldiers meanwhile being passive,
   if not sympathetic, spectators, and the police contenting
   themselves with the arrest of minor criminals; then the
   Governor, who had remained at home giving orders by telephone,
   which were disregarded, at length ventured to sign the
   necessary order for the troops to be employed.
{566}
   The only case I heard of in which the latter used their
   weapons occurred shortly after the issue of the Governor’s
   order, when a Christian boy, pursuing a Jew with a stone, and
   refusing to desist, was knocked down and bayoneted by
   soldiers. An eye-witness of the scene related the facts to me.
   This boy (with one doubtful exception) was the only Christian
   killed in the disturbances. If resolute action had been taken
   by the authorities, it is believed that the riots could have
   been checked at an early stage. The more usual opinion seems
   to be that all the murders occurred on Monday. It is certain
   that none were perpetrated on Sunday, and very doubtful
   whether any took place after the order to employ the troops
   had come into effect. The disorders did not entirely cease, as
   next day (21st April) houses in the outskirts were pillaged;
   but, roughly speaking, the riots may be said to have ended on
   Monday. Some students are said to have taken part in the
   riots."

   "Apparently a feeling existed among the lower classes that the
   Jews ought not to be in a majority at Kishineff. The fact is
   that they form about 50 per cent. of the population, which
   amounts to some 115,000 inhabitants, the other half consisting
   two-thirds of Moldavians, and after them of Russians, Greeks,
   Armenians, Poles, Germans, &c."

   The victims of these melancholy occurrences are officially
   estimated at 41 Jews killed, or who died subsequently of
   wounds, 3 severely, and 300 slightly, wounded. Among the
   killed was one child accidentality suffocated by its mother. The
   deaths are placed by another (Jewish) authority at 43,
   including 2 young children, and by some even as high as 47,
   but this figure seems to include persons who died from shock,
   and not directly from violence. The official estimate of
   deaths is identical with the figure communicated to me at the
   Jewish hospital.

   "Three hundred and eight persons have already been convicted
   of thefts and other minor offenses [in connection with the
   riots], and have been sentenced to terms of imprisonment
   ranging from one week to three months. … The accused still
   awaiting trial number 360. … Of the above prisoners 260 are
   accused of participation in the riots without actual violence
   and are out on bail in sums ranging from 200 to 300 roubles.
   Those in this category who are found guilty will be sentenced
   to imprisonment without hard labour in the Maison
   Correctionnelle, where the discipline is more severe than in
   prison. The remaining 100 are charged with murder in addition
   to other crimes, and those found guilty will be transported to
   undergo penal servitude in the Island of Sakhalin."

RUSSIA: A. D. 1903 (May-October).
   Intrigues against Opening Ports in Manchuria to Foreign Trade.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1903 (May-October).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1903-1904.
   Concert with Austria-Hungary in submitting the Mürzsteg
   Programme of Reform in Macedonia to Turkey.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904 (February-July).
   Opening of the War with Japan.
   Battles at the Yalu.
   First operations in Manchuria.
   First movements against Port Arthur.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904 (July-September).
   War with Japan:
   Japanese Success in Manchuria.
   The great battle of Liao-Yang.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
   Reforming attempts of Prince Mirsky.
   Meeting of Zemstvo presidents.
   The Revolutionary Workman.
   Father Gapon.
   The Appeal to the Tsar.
   The answering Massacre of "Bloody Sunday."
   Assassination of Grand Duke Sergius.
   Witte’s practical premiership.
   The Call of the First Duma.
   The General Strike on the Railways.
   The Great General Strike.
   The Ukase of October 30, called the Constitution of Russia.
   Beginning of Reaction.
   The Postal Strike.
   Fatal Rising at Moscow.

   The hated Plehve was succeeded by Prince Svyatopolk Mirsky, a
   broad-minded statesman, who began earnest efforts to set the
   government on a different course. One of the first measures of
   the prince was to win authority from the Tsar for a meeting of
   the presidents of the zemstvos, or provincial councils, which
   are bodies of a considerably representative character,
   exercising a limited power in their rural districts over
   matters of sanitation, public roads, and common schools.
   Ostensibly, the meeting was to concert measures of relief for
   the wounded in the war with Japan; but everybody knew that
   political questions could not escape discussion if such a
   meeting was held.

   All the interests that uphold autocracy, aristocracy, and
   bureaucracy in Russia were quick to scent danger, and had no
   difficulty in persuading the weak-willed sovereign to recall
   his consent to the meeting. In his feeble, half-way manner of
   doing things, he forbade it as a public assembly, but allowed
   its members to meet unofficially and privately, in November,
   with no publication of their discussions or acts. They adopted
   resolutions setting forth a bold demand for a representation
   of the people in their government, and these were laid before
   the Tsar. He gave a public reply to them on the 26th of
   December, ignoring the demand for representative institutions,
   declaring that the government must remain autocratic, but
   making vague promises of reform in the laws, with especial
   assurances of liberty to the press and in religion; but
   everything granted must flow by gracious favor from the
   autocracy, through the channels of the bureaucracy, where it
   could not by any possibility run true and clear. The words of
   the Tsar, vague as they were, produced some encouragement, and
   a feeling of trust in his good intentions; but the effect was
   soon destroyed.

   It was at about this time that Prince Trubetskoi, in authority
   at Moscow, addressed a letter to Prince Mirsky, from which the
   following was published in translation soon after:

   "Through this letter I wish to explain myself to you, and ask
   you not to refuse me the privilege of representing to the
   Emperor, most humbly, the motives which prompted me to give
   the zemstvo permission to assert itself. According to public
   opinion, in which I concur unreservedly, Russia is, at
   present, facing an epoch of anarchy and revolutionary
   movement. What is going on is, by far, no mere agitation by
   the youth. The youth stands forth only as a reflection of the
   general state prevailing in society. This state is most
   dangerous and terrible for our entire country, as well as for
   all of us, and particularly so for the holy person of the
   Emperor. It is, therefore, the duty of every truly loyal
   subject to ward off the disastrous calamity with any and all
   means at his disposal.
{567}
   A short time ago, I had the good fortune to be received by the
   Emperor, and to tell him, straightforwardly and truly, to the
   best of my effort and knowledge, about the present state of
   society. I endeavored to explain to him that what is going on
   is not a riot, but a revolution; that the Russian people is
   thus being drawn into a revolution, which it does not desire,
   and which can be forestalled by the Emperor. Yet there is but
   one way out of it, just one, and that is by the Emperor
   placing confidence in the strength of society and of the
   masses. In the depths of my soul I am firmly convinced that if
   the Emperor only wanted to confidently group these powers
   around himself, Russia would free itself from all the terrors
   of the impending disturbance, and would support its Czar, his
   will, and his absolute sovereignty. In view of the state of
   mind of all the people, who are filled with fear and horror
   over the things referred to above, it is really beyond human
   power to refuse them to speak about that which is vexing and
   tormenting everybody so fearfully."

   "The opening of the next year (1905) was marked by the
   appearance of a new element in revolution. Certainly, there
   had been strikes and riots in the great cities before; there
   had been peasant risings and other forms of economic agitation
   in various parts. But as a whole the revolutionary movement as
   such had been inspired, directed, and even carried out by the
   educated classes—the students, the journalists, the doctors,
   barristers, and other professional men. It had been almost
   limited to that great division of society which in Russia is
   called ‘The Intelligence.’ … It was ‘the Intelligence’ who
   hitherto had fought for the revolution. … At length the
   first-fruits of their toilsome propaganda, continued through
   forty years, were seen, and the revolutionary workman
   appeared.

   "He was ushered in by Father George Gapon, at that time a
   rather simple-hearted priest, with a rather childlike faith in
   God and the Tsar, and a certain genius for organization. His
   personal hold upon the working classes was probably due to
   their astonishment that a priest should take any interest in
   their affairs, outside their fees. … Father Gapon, with his
   thin line of genius for organization, had gathered the
   workmen’s groups or trade unions of St. Petersburg into a
   fairly compact body, called ‘The Russian Workmen’s Union,’ of
   which he was President as well as founder. In the third week
   in January the men at the Putiloff iron works struck because
   two of their number had been dismissed for belonging to their
   union. At once the Neva iron and ship-building works, the
   Petroffsky cotton works, the Alexander engine works, the
   Thornton cloth works, and other great factories on the banks
   of the river or upon the industrial islands joined in the
   strike, and in two days some 100,000 work-people were ‘out.’

   "With his rather childlike faith in God and the Tsar, Father
   Gapon organized a dutiful appeal of the Russian workmen to the
   tender-hearted autocrat whose benevolence was only thwarted by
   evil counsellors and his ignorance of the truth. The petition
   ran, in part, as follows:—

   "‘We workmen come to you for truth and protection. We have
   reached the extreme limits of endurance. We have been
   exploited, and shall continue to be exploited under your
   bureaucracy. The bureaucracy has brought the country to the
   verge of ruin and by a shameful war is bringing it to its
   downfall. We have no voice in the heavy burdens imposed on us.
   We do not even know for whom or why this money is wrung from
   the impoverished people, and we do not know how it is
   expended. This is contrary to the Divine laws, and renders
   life impossible. It is better that we should all perish, we
   workmen and all Russia. Then good luck to the capitalists and
   exploiters of the poor, the corrupt officials and robbers of
   the Russian people!

   "‘Throw down the wall that separates you from your people.
   Russia is too great and her needs are too various for
   officials to rule. National representation is essential, for
   the people alone know their own needs. Direct that elections
   for a constituent assembly be held by general secret ballot.
   That is our chief petition. Everything is contained in that.
   If you do not reply to our prayer, we will die in this square
   before your palace. We have nowhere else to go. Only two paths
   are open to us—to liberty and happiness or to the grave.
   Should our lives serve as the offering of suffering Russia, we
   shall not regret the sacrifice, but endure it willingly.’

   "On the morning of Sunday, January 22, 1905, about 15,000
   working men and women formed into a procession to carry this
   petition to the Tsar in his Winter Palace upon the great
   square of government buildings. They were all in their Sunday
   clothes; many peasants had come up from the country in their
   best embroideries; they took their children with them. In
   front marched Father Gapon and two other priests wearing
   vestments. With them went the ikons, or holy pictures of
   shining brass and silver, and a portrait of the Tsar. As the
   procession moved along, they sang, ‘God save our people. God
   give our orthodox Tsar the victory.’

   "So the Russian workmen made their last appeal to the autocrat
   whom they called their father. They would lay their griefs
   before him, they would see him face to face, they would hear
   his comforting words. But the father of his people had
   disappeared into space. As the procession entered the square,
   the soldiers fired volley after volley upon them from three
   sides. The estimate of the killed and wounded was about 1500.
   That Sunday—January 9th in Russian style—is known as Bloody
   Sunday or Vladimir’s Day, after the Grand Duke Vladimir who
   was supposed to have given the orders. Next morning Father
   Gapon wrote to his Union: ‘There is no Tsar now. Innocent
   blood has flowed between him and the people.’"

      Henry W. Nevinson,
      The Dawn in Russia, Introduction.
      (Harper’s, New York).

   If the atrocity of the 9th of January was intended to
   terrorize and paralyze the opposition to absolutism it failed.
   It maddened the more violent revolutionists, and increasingly
   desperate enterprises of assassination were provoked. The
   provocation was made greater by the appointment of Trepoff,
   notorious for brutality of temper, to a newly created office,
   of Governor-General of St. Petersburg. On the 17th of February
   the Grand Duke Sergius, uncle to the Tsar, Governor-General of
   Moscow, and conspicuously heartless and foul in his exercise
   of power, was assassinated as he drove through the streets.
   Strikes and riotous outbreaks were of constant occurrence in
   the industrial cities, especially violent in Warsaw, Lodz, and
   other Polish towns.

{568}

   The Tsar issued a piteous manifesto on the 3d of March,
   appealing for a "rally round the throne" by all "who, true to
   Russia’s past, honestly and conscientiously have a care for
   all the affairs of the state such as we have ourselves." On
   the same day he published a rescript in which he said: "I am
   resolved henceforth, with the help of God, to convene the
   worthiest men, possessing the confidence of the people and
   elected by them, to participate in the elaboration and
   consideration of legislative measures." But, even if this
   expressed the personal disposition of the weak-willed
   sovereign, it promised nothing to correspond to it in the
   action of government; as was shown by the promotion of Trepoff
   to be Assistant-Minister of the Interior and Chief of Police.
   Prince Mirsky, baffled in his undertakings and hopeless of
   good from his service, had resigned the Ministry of the
   Interior, and his successor, M. Buliguine, held the office but
   a short time. M. Serguei Yulievitch Witte, former Minister of
   Finance, and latterly President of the Imperial Ministers, now
   acquired a substantial premiership in the administration,
   which does not seem to have belonged to his office before.
   Nothing of satisfaction came from the December promises of
   reformed law. Bureaucratic commissions were understood to be
   working on measures to make good the Tsar’s word, but months
   passed with no result. There were fitful relaxations of the
   censorship of the press, so capricious that no editor could
   know what he might and might not say.

   In April, religious liberty was proclaimed, with special
   rights and privileges reserved to the Russian orthodox church.
   M. Witte had advocated a separation of the church from the
   state; but that was beyond hope. There must, however, have
   been an important weakening of church influence in the
   government, since the long despotic procurator-general of the
   Holy Synod, M. Pobiedonostzeff, resigned before the close of
   the year.

   Early in the summer the heads of provincial zemstvos held
   another meeting, and discussed the popular demand for a
   constitutional and representative government without
   restraint. Then the Czar gave them a friendly audience, and
   declared to them that "the admission of elected
   representatives to works of state will be regularly
   accomplished"; but this was followed speedily by an official
   explanation that his majesty’s remarks must not be understood
   as containing "any indication of the possibility of modifying
   the fundamental law of the empire." This was to check an eager
   leaping of the public mind to high hopes.

   On the 19th of August the long wavering imperial mind seemed
   brought to a definite intention at last, in a proclamation
   which summoned a national assembly, or duma, to meet "not
   later than the middle of January, 1906."

   "The Empire of Russia," said the Tsar in his preamble, "is
   formed and strengthened by the indestructible solidarity of
   the Tsar with the people and the people with the Tsar. The
   concord and union of the people and the Tsar are a great moral
   force, which has created Russia in the course of centuries by
   protecting her from all misfortunes and all attacks, and has
   constituted up to the present time a pledge of unity,
   independence, integrity, material well-being, and intellectual
   development. Autocratic Tsars, our ancestors, constantly had
   that object in view, and the time has come to follow out their
   good intentions, and to summon elected representatives from
   the whole of Russia to take a constant and active part in the
   elaboration of laws, attaching for this purpose to the higher
   state institutions a special consultative body, entrusted with
   the preliminary elaboration and discussion of measures, and
   with the examination of the state budget. It is for this
   reason that, while preserving the fundamental law regarding
   autocratic power, we have deemed it well to form a State Duma,
   and to approve regulations for the elections to this Duma."

   By the terms of the call it will be seen, "the fundamental law
   regarding autocratic power" was preserved with care. And, said
   the proclamation, "we reserve to ourselves entirely the care
   of perfecting the organization of the duma." It was to have no
   power to initiate legislation, but only to discuss and pass
   judgment upon measures brought before it by the ministers of
   the Tsar, who thus held fast to the substance of his
   autocratic power.

   The Duma was to consist of 412 members, representing 50
   governments and the military province of the Don, and only 28
   members representing towns. It was to be elected for five
   years, unless dissolved sooner by the Tsar. Its meetings were
   to be secret, except as the president, in his discretion,
   might admit the reporters of the Press.

   The limited functions proposed for the Duma, and the
   indefinite prescription of procedure in its election, left not
   much in the Tsar’s project of a national assembly to satisfy
   the nation. In September a large meeting of representatives of
   the zemstvos, from all parts of the Empire, was held privately
   at Moscow, and it was there agreed that they should exert
   themselves to secure as many seats in the coming Duma as
   possible, with a view to making it instrumental in the
   movement for something better. The ultimate aim of present
   endeavor was defined in a programme which included: a
   representative national legislature; a systematic budget
   system; freedom of conscience, speech, press, meeting and
   association; inviolability of person and home; equal rights of
   all citizens; equal responsibility of all officials and
   citizens under the law; the abolition of passports.

   In October, on the 21st, the workingmen organized their first
   great general strike, on the railways, which paralyzed travel
   and traffic, except as the government could operate some
   military trains. The strikers made bold demands, presented to
   Witte on the 24th: "The claims of the working classes," they
   said, "must be settled by laws constituted by the will of the
   people and sanctioned by all Russia. The only solution is to
   announce political guarantees for freedom and the convocation
   of a Constituent Assembly, elected by direct, universal and
   secret suffrage. Otherwise the country will be forced into
   rebellion." Witte replied: "A Constituent Assembly is for the
   present impossible.
{569}
   Universal suffrage would, in fact, only give preëminence to
   the richest classes, because they could influence all the
   voting by their money. Liberty of the press and of public
   meeting will be granted very shortly. I am myself strongly
   opposed to all persecution and bloodshed, and I am willing to
   support the greatest amount of liberty possible. … But there
   is not in the entire world a single cultivated man who is in
   favor of universal suffrage." Two days after receiving this
   reply the Council of Labor Delegates, or "Strike Committee,"
   declared a general strike of workmen throughout Russia, and
   about a million workingmen are said to have taken the risk of
   starvation by dropping work.

   No doubt it was that evidence of determination in the
   revolutionary spirit of the country which drew from the Tsar,
   on the 30th of October, the famous ukase which was
   characterized hastily at the time as "the Magna Charta of
   Russia," "the surrender of autocracy," the founding of
   constitutional government. In reality, the document was no
   more than an injunction to the ministers of the autocrat to
   carry out his "absolute will" in certain matters, most of
   which were set forth with characteristic vagueness of terms.
   The following is a translation of the entire manifesto, as
   communicated to the Government of the United States from its
   embassy at St. Petersburg:

   By the grace of God we, Nicholas Second, Emperor and Autocrat
   of all the Russias, Tsar of Poland, Grand Duke of Finland,
   etc.

   The rioting and agitation in the capitals and in many
   localities of our Empire has filled our heart with great and
   deep affliction. The welfare of the Russian Emperor is united
   with the welfare of the people, and its troubles are his
   troubles. The agitation which has broken out may bring
   confusion among the people and threaten the entirety and unity
   of our Empire.

   The solemn vow of the imperial service commands us, with all
   the strength of intelligence and of our power, to endeavor to
   stop as quickly as possible agitations so dangerous to the
   Empire. In ordering the competent authorities to take measures
   to avert the disorders, the troubles, and violence, and to
   guard peaceful people who are eager to fulfill quietly the
   duties placed upon them, we have found it necessary, in order
   to insure the proper execution of the general measures marked
   out by us, to unify the action of the supreme government.

   We lay upon the government the fulfillment of our absolute
   will:

   1. To grant to the population the inviolable basis of free
   citizenship, on the ground of actual inviolable personality,
   freedom of conscience, speech, meeting, and unions;

   2. Without stopping the intended elections for the State Duma,
   to include now in the participation of the Duma as far as
   possible, in view of the corresponding short term which
   remains before the convocation of the Duma, those classes of
   the population which up to now were entirely deprived of the
   right to vote and to allow in future the further development
   of the element of a general right of election which is to be
   established by new legislation; and

   3. To establish as an inviolable rule that no law shall take
   effect without its confirmation by the State Duma and that the
   persons elected by the population should be guaranteed the
   possibility of actual control over the legal activity of the
   persons appointed by us.

   We call on all the true sons of Russia to remember their
   duties toward their fatherland, to assist in combating these
   unheard-of agitations, and together with us to unite all their
   strength in establishing quietness and peace in their country.

   Given in Peterhof on the 17th day of October in the year of
   our Lord 1905 and the eleventh year of our reign.

      (Signed in his own hand.)
      NICHOLAS.

   At the same time, the ministers of the autocrat were enjoined
   to "abstain from any interference in the elections of the
   duma;" they were to "maintain the prestige of the duma and
   confidence in its labors, and not resist its decisions so long
   as they are not inconsistent with the historic greatness of
   Russia." In the exercise of executive power they should embody
   "(1) straightforwardness and sincerity in the confirmation of
   civil liberty;"
   "(2), a tendency toward the abolition of exclusive laws;"
   "(3), the coordination of the activity of all the organs of
   government;"
   "(4), the avoidance of repressive measures in respect to
   proceedings which do not openly menace society or the state."

   These orders and injunctions from the autocracy to the
   bureaucracy were to be the constitution of government for
   which Russia had made demands. They did not satisfy the
   demand—or satisfied only the small party who were afterwards
   called "Octobrists," because they asked for no more than was
   granted in this ukase of October 30, 1905. The general strike
   was not called off, but demands for a Constituent Assembly
   were reiterated persistently. Agitation was kept alive, and
   with it the murderous warfare waged by revolutionists against
   high officials and the police. At the same time, reactionary
   officials and army officers, enraged by what the Tsar had
   done, stirred up mobs in various parts of the country to
   attack the Jews, and add to the state of public disorder, thus
   furnishing arguments for a fresh resort to repressive measures
   by the military arm. Presently there were serious outbreaks of
   mutiny in army and navy, at Odessa, Kronstadt, and Sevastopol,
   and all the foundations of public order seemed really, for a
   time, to be breaking up.

   It is evident there was serious alarm in the circles of the
   autocracy. Pobiedonostzeff, the bigoted Procurator of the Holy
   Synod, and Trepoff, the savage head of the police, resigned.
   On the 4th of November an amnesty to political offenders was
   proclaimed, and the ancient liberties of Finland were
   restored, by a decree which abolished that of February, 1899
   (see, in Volume VI., FINLAND), and that also annulled a later
   military law, of 1901, by which the Finnish army had been put
   on the Russian footing.

   These signs of yielding to the claims "of the nation soon gave
   place, however, to symptoms on the reactionary side of revived
   courage and obstinacy among the keepers and masters of the
   Tsar’s mind and will. A manifesto on the 12th of November
   declared that reforms would not be possible till the country
   was quieted. Another on the 13th proclaimed martial law in
   Poland; whereat the "strike committee" called another strike
   in sympathy with Poland.
{570}
   On the 14th Witte published an appeal to the workmen, saying:
   "Brothers! Workmen! Go back to your work and cease from
   disorder. Have pity on your wives and children, and turn a
   deaf ear to mischievous counsels. The Tsar commands us to
   devote special attention to the labor question, and to that
   end has appointed a Ministry of Commerce and Industry, which
   will establish just relations between masters and men. Only
   give us time, and I will do all that is possible for you. Pay
   attention to the advice of a man who loves you and wishes you
   well." The renewed strike was not successful. Not many of the
   workingmen would face the suffering from non-employment which
   they had gone through already. The attempt was ended on the
   20th; but the Committee which called it, in annulling the
   order, enjoined the workers of the Empire to organize "for the
   final encounter between all Russia and the bloody monarchy now
   dragging out its last days."

   Meantime, on the 17th, the Tsar sought to conciliate the
   peasants by reducing for one year the payments on land that
   were due under the land distribution which went with
   emancipation in 1861, and remitting them entirely after
   January, 1907.

      See (in Volume IV.)
      SLAVERY, MEDIEVAL AND MODERN: RUSSIA.

   On the 20th of November a Peasants’ Congress of 300 delegates
   met in Moscow and formulated demands for the nationalization
   of land and for a constituent assembly. The delegates were
   arrested. An alarming mutiny in the fleet and army at
   Sevastopol broke out on the 26th, but it was soon suppressed.
   Two days later the whole body of employees in the postal and
   telegraphic service at Moscow began a most troublesome strike,
   which spread from there and was continued for some weeks. Mr.
   Nevinson, who was in Moscow at the time, describes it in one
   of his chapters:

   "In those happy weeks when freedom still was young and living,
   two things ruled the country—speech and the strike, the word
   and the blow. The strike was everywhere felt. No letter or
   telegram went or came. Each town in Russia was isolated, and
   the whole Empire stood severed from the world. … In Moscow the
   cooks struck, and paraded the streets with songs never heard
   in the drawing-room. The waiters struck, and heavy proprietors
   lumbered about with their own plates and dishes. The
   nursemaids struck for Sundays out. The housemaids struck for
   rooms with windows, instead of cupboards under the stairs, or
   sections from the water closets. Schoolboys struck for more
   democratic masters and pleasanter lessons. Teachers struck for
   higher pay. … But at the back of the strikes and all the
   revolutionary movement lay the motive force of speech. … After
   these centuries of suppression, all Russia was revelling in a
   spiritual debauch of words."

   On the 6th of December General Sakharoff, formerly Minister of
   War and now Governor-General of a district on the Volga, was
   shot by a woman, to avenge the sufferings he had caused to the
   peasants. On the 7th the Strike Committee called on the
   workpeople to withdraw their money from the savings-banks;
   and, a little later, a joint manifesto, issued by that
   committee and committees of Peasants, Social Democrats, and
   Social Revolutionists, appealed generally to the people, not
   only to withdraw money from the savings banks, but "to refuse
   to pay taxes, or to take bank-notes, or to subscribe to
   loans," as a means of crippling the government financially.
   All papers which published this manifesto were suppressed and
   their editors arrested.

   Then, in the last twelve days of December, came the fatal
   rising at Moscow, which the government, forewarned by its
   spies, precipitated, while the revolutionists’ preparations
   were but half made, and which it crushed mercilessly, with
   ease. From a diary of the occurrences of these tragical days
   at Moscow, given in the report of the resident American Consul
   to Ambassador Meyer, at St. Petersburg, the following entries
   are taken:

   "December 24.
   Barricades were continually built during days and nights. The
   revolutionists were in hope that about 20,000 or 30,000
   workmen from the factories in the suburbs would enter the city
   and join them, but this was not accomplished, as the military
   forces were sufficient to prevent this. The revolutionists
   spread a rumor amongst the workmen that the soldiers were in
   sympathy with the strikers and that they would not fire on the
   mob and would join their ranks, but this rumor turned out to
   be untrue, as the troops were loyal to the Government. …

   "December 27.
   At 6 o’clock P. M. the house where the chief of the secret
   police, Mr. Voilochenkoff, resides, was surrounded by a
   revolutionary party and by their insistent demands the front
   door was opened. Six men rushed into his apartments and
   arrested the chief, and read the death sentence of the
   revolutionary party to him. His wife and three children
   pleaded to the revolutionists for mercy, but the
   revolutionists would not listen to their pleading, and they
   gave Mr. Voilochenkoff a short time to prepare for death and
   then took him out into a side street where he was shot to
   death, and his body left in the street. Disturbances and
   shooting were carried on in the different parts of the city,
   and new barricades erected.

   "December 31.
   The troops bombarded the large Prochoroff spinning mills,
   where a large number of revolutionists made their last stand.
   Many houses in the vicinity of the mill were either burnt down
   or wrecked by cannon balls. Many of the revolutionists and
   strikers were killed, wounded, or captured and the weapons
   confiscated. The general strike has been called off."

   This was practically the end of the abortive rising. On the
   5th of January, 1906, Ambassador Meyer wrote to the State
   Department at Washington:

   "In my cable of December 25 I stated that although fighting
   had been stubborn and gatling guns had been used, I believed
   that the estimates so far given out as to loss of life were
   much exaggerated. It appears now that I was correct in my
   surmise, for in a semi-official statement given by one of the
   papers, from statistics taken at all the hospitals and
   accident bureaus, the deaths were given as about 750 and the
   wounded as a little over a thousand.

   "I am glad to state that as yet I have heard of no injuries
   occurring to American citizens in Moscow; in fact in all these
   disturbances that have taken place in the various cities the
   revolutionists and strikers have refrained in all instances
   from attacking foreign consulates, and I believe this also
   applies to the property of foreign individuals."

{571}

   On the 29th of January Ambassador Meyer wrote to Washington:
   "The revolutionary party seems to have spent its force for the
   time being. Instead of aiding reforms, they have greatly
   hampered them. By the attempted capture of Moscow, by their
   riots and rebellions in other parts of the country, followed
   by destruction of life and property, they have forced the
   Government into repression and reactionary methods in order to
   restore law and order. All this has necessarily caused a delay
   in the classification of the newly enfranchised voters and has
   given an excuse for a continued waste of precious time due to
   bureaucratic formality.

   "Some of the factions are finally waking up to the necessity
   of giving attention to registration and a better comprehension
   of the coming elections. The Constitutional-Democratic party
   have decided by a large majority to take part in the elections
   and the Douma. The Social Democrats have also decided to
   participate. On the other hand, the Russian
   Social-Revolutionaries, at their first meeting in Finland,
   lately, voted in favor of a boycott of the elections.

   "At its last meeting, the Constitutional-Democratic party, in
   view of obstacles to free election campaigning which the local
   authorities are using against all opposing parties, voted to
   protest against the government policy, which in any way
   impeded free elections to the Imperial Douma, and further
   urged the most energetic participation of its members in the
   approaching elections.

   "At a meeting of the marshals of the nobility, held at Moscow
   last week, the following resolutions were adopted: 1.That the
   final settlement of the agrarian question should be made the
   first task of the Douma. 2. That in deciding the agrarian
   question, it should be based on the principle of inviolability
   of private property."

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905. War with Japan:
   Siege and Surrender of Port Arthur.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST) and
      1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905 (October-May).--War with Japan:
   Voyage of the Baltic Fleet.
   Its Destruction in the Battle of Tsushima.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905 (September-March).
   War with Japan: Campaign in Manchuria.
   From the Battle of Liao-Yang to the end
   of the Battle of Mukden.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1909.
   General Consequences in Europe of the Weakening of Russian
   Prestige and Power by the Russo-Japanese War.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905.
   Action with other Powers in forcing Financial Reforms
   in Macedonia on Turkey.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (February-November).
   Naval Mutiny.
   Army Revolt.
   Peasant Risings.
   Conflict in the Caucasus.

   The most serious of the revolutionary outbreaks of the year
   was that of mutiny in the navy. "Already in February the
   sailors of the Black Sea fleet, instigated by the
   revolutionary propaganda, had burned down the barracks at
   Sebastopol and assaulted their officers, and on June 27 the
   crew of the ‘Kniaz Potemkin,’ the principal battle-ship of the
   Black Sea fleet, mutinied at sea while the squadron of which
   it formed part was manoeuvring, and killed nearly all its
   officers. The mutineers were in league with the working men at
   Odessa, who at the same time invaded the harbor, and,
   accompanied by a riotous mob, plundered and burnt in all
   directions. Property of immense value was consumed, and some
   of the troops refused to fire on the rioters. Ultimately fresh
   troops were brought up, the ‘Kniaz Potemkin’ sailed away to
   the Roumanian port of Constanza, where it was surrendered to
   the Roumanian authorities, who gave up the ship to the
   Russians, and the crew was landed and disarmed. The crew of
   another battle-ship, the ‘Georgei Pobiedonosets,’ took part in
   the mutiny, but surrendered to the Russian authorities at
   Odessa. Riots also took place at the same time at the seaports
   of Reval, Riga, Libau, and Kronstadt, where the dockers were
   joined by the navy men and struck for an increase of wages. …
   On July 10 Count Schouvaloff, Prefect of Police at Moscow, was
   assassinated, and a general strike was proclaimed at Minsk. …
   In the Baltic provinces the peasants, who are Letts,
   constantly attacked the landed proprietors, who are German in
   race and speech; many of the latter were killed, the municipal
   buildings at Reval, Riga and Mittau were sacked. … In
   September the conflict which had been going on between the
   Tartars and the Armenians in the Caucasus culminated in a
   series of horrible massacres, accompanied by much destruction
   of property. At Baku most of the naphtha wells were destroyed
   by incendiary fires, and very much of the oil industry was
   ruined. The Tartars, carrying green banners, proclaimed a holy
   war against the Armenians, many thousands of whom were killed.
   … On November 25 an organized revolt took place of the
   soldiers, sailors and workmen of Sebastopol. There was no
   rioting, but several officers were killed, and for some days
   the town was in the hands of the rebels. The revolt was only
   suppressed on November 30, when a regular battle took place
   between the rebels and 20,000 troops that had been brought up
   against them. Forts and loyal ships fired on mutinous ships,
   and the barracks held by the rebels had to be bombarded before
   they were forced to surrender. … Other mutinies of troops took
   place at the same time at Warsaw and in other places."

      The Annual Register 1905,
      pages 313-323.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (April-August).
   The Tsar’s Decree of Religious Liberty.
   Minister Witte’s enlightened Memorial.
   The Emptiness of Results.

   Early in May, 1905, there was announcement that the Tsar, on
   the morning of the Russian Easter Day, had published a decree
   proclaiming absolute religious liberty to all his subjects.
   Previous tolerance of all religions in Russia had been subject
   to important limitations. No member of the state church could
   leave it to enter another without losing all his civil rights,
   and no church other than the Orthodox could proselyte.
   Furthermore, when members of the Russian Church and those of
   any other church married, it was necessary to have the
   ceremony performed by an Orthodox priest, and the law insisted
   that the children of such marriages be brought up in the
   Orthodox faith. These restrictions were particularly hard on
   the Old Believers, as they are called,—a body which separated
   from the Orthodox Church two and a half centuries ago and has
   suffered all kinds of persecution. The new ukase recognized
   the various orders of priesthood among the Old Believers, and
   gave them the right to celebrate marriage. To all the
   dissenting sects—Roman Catholics, Lutherans, Jews, and
   others—is accorded the right to erect houses of worship
   without restriction.

{572}

   The Tsar’s decree of entire religious freedom was known soon
   to have been the fruit of a remarkably broad minded memorial
   addressed to him by M. Witte, the President of his Council of
   Ministers, and a translation of that memorial was published in
   the May issue of The Contemporary Review. It pictured a
   state of paralysis in the Russian Church, consequent on its
   bondage to the State. "Both the ecclesiastical and the secular
   press," said the writer, "remark with equal emphasis upon the
   prevailing lukewarmness of the inner life of the Church,—upon
   the alienation of the flock, particularly of the educated
   classes of society, from its spiritual guides; the absence in
   sermons of a living word; the lack of pastoral activity on the
   part of the clergy, who in the majority of instances confine
   themselves to the conduct of divine service and the
   fulfillment of ritual observances; the entire collapse of the
   ecclesiastical parish community, with its educational and
   benevolent institutions; the red-tapism in the conduct of
   diocesan or consistorial business, and the narrowly
   bureaucratic character of the institutions grouped about the
   Synod. It was from Dostoyevski that we first heard that word
   of evil omen, ‘The Russian Church is suffering from
   paralysis.’"

   This condition M. Witte attributes to the position in which
   the Church was placed by Peter the Great. "The chief aim of
   the ecclesiastical reforms of Peter I. was to reduce the
   Church to the level of a mere government institution pursuing
   purely political ends. And, as a matter of fact, the
   government of the Church speedily became merely one of the
   numerous wheels of the complicated government machine. On the
   soil of an ecclesiastical government robbed by bureaucratism
   of all personal elements the dry scholastic life-shunning
   school arose spontaneously. This policy of coercing the mind
   of the Church, though it may have been attended for the moment
   by a certain measure of political gain, subsequently inflicted
   a terrible loss. Hence that decline in ecclesiastical life
   with which we now have to deal."

   The wise President of the Tsar’s Council made so much
   impression on the mind of his master as to draw from him the
   ukase of general religious freedom; but three months later, in
   the August number of The American Review of Reviews,
   Dr. E. J. Dillon, whose intimate knowledge of Russian affairs
   is well known, described how effectually the decree had been
   smothered by the bureaucracy, which is stronger than the Tsar.
   He wrote: "The most welcome of all the concessions emanating
   from the throne was that which Nicholas II. bestowed upon his
   subjects last Easter Sunday. Inspired and drafted by M. Witte,
   it was at first spoken of as liberty of conscience, but was
   soon afterward seen to amount to nothing more than religious
   toleration. And since then the bureaucracy has touched and
   killed it."

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (June-October).
   Ending of the War with Japan.
   Mediation by the President cf the United States.
   The Peace Treaty of Portsmouth.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
   The Recent Russian Political Parties.

   As explained by Mr. Maurice Baring in his interesting book
   entitled A Year in Russia, the crystallization of
   political parties in Russia began after the issue of the
   Manifesto of October, 1905. The most important was that of the
   Constitutional Democrats, nicknamed the "Cadets," a name
   formed from the letters "K. D." Similarly the party called
   Social Revolutionaries are nicknamed "S. R’s." and the Social
   Democrats "S. D’s." The party of the Constitutional Democrats
   was the product of a combination of Zemstvo members who had
   previously been united in a "League of Liberation" with the
   professional classes, whom Professor Milioukov had brought
   together in a "Union of Unions," which represented the great
   mass of educated Russia—the "Intelligenzia." This combination
   of the professional class with the Zemstvoists, who had more
   political experience than others could enjoy in Russia, was
   mainly the important work of Professor Milioukov.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
   The First Duma.
   Election of Representatives.
   Its Conflict with the Government and its Dissolution.
   Rise of M. Stolypin.
   The Instigated Massacres (Pogroms).

   In January, 1906, when the Duma promised by the Tsar on the
   19th of the previous August should have met, the conditions in
   the country were such that the Government dared not permit the
   meeting to be held, and it was postponed without date. After
   some weeks a more submissive state of order was restored, and
   the meeting was appointed for the 10th of the following May.
   The elections were held in March, and Ambassador Meyer
   described the system on which they were conducted in an
   extended despatch to the State Department at Washington, from
   which the following is borrowed:

   "The total number of members of the Duma, when the elections
   shall have finally been completed, will be 501. The elections
   are, however, not carried on the same day throughout the
   country. Governors and vice-governors, prefects of cities and
   their lieutenants cannot vote in their departments, nor can
   members of the army or navy who are on active service, or
   persons doing police duty in governments or cities when
   elections are taking place.

   "The voters are divided into classes, and that it may be
   more clearly shown I have made the following table;

------------------------------------------------------------
Peasants.

Clergy
Cities not in special list
Volosts
Workmen
-------------------------> Delegates -> Electors -> Duma Members

Landed proprietors
and special cities.
-------------------------------------> Electors -> Duma Members

------------------------------------------------------------

{573}

   "From this it will be seen that the peasants are in a class by
   themselves and, as a matter of fact, in the present elections
   are not given an opportunity of expression, as it is the volosts
   (elected at the mir, in most instances, before the Duma was
   even granted) that choose the delegates. The volosts, workmen,
   clergy (not lauded proprietors), voters of cities (not in
   special list), and class C of lauded proprietors, all choose
   delegates. These delegates, in turn, select electors, as do
   also landed proprietors, and qualified voters of cities on the
   special list. The electors vote for Duma members in their
   appropriate electoral college, and their choice is confined to
   a member of their own body. Therefore in every instance, in
   order to become a member of the Duma, a candidate must be an
   elector and previous to that a delegate, except in the case of
   landed proprietors and voters of special cities. …

   "It is noticeable that the large cities in European Russia are
   limited to one member of the Duma, with the exception of
   Moscow and St. Petersburg, the former having an allotment of
   four and the latter of six.

   "There is an exceptional provision with regard to the
   procedure of the peasant electors. … Elections to the Duma,
   with the exception cited as to the privilege of peasant
   electors, are finally effected in the governments and
   territories by the government electoral college, and in the
   cities by the municipal electoral college."

   Mr. Meyer reported further that an imperial manifesto had
   announced that the Council of the Empire would in future
   "consist of an equal number of elective members and members
   nominated by the Emperor. It will be convoked annually by an
   imperial ukase at the same time with the Duma. The two
   assemblies will have equal legislative powers, and each can
   exercise the same initiative in introducing bills or
   interrogations. Every bill must be passed by both houses
   before being sent to the Tsar for his signature and approval.
   The elected members of the Council will be eligible for nine
   years, a third being reelected every three years." Of the 98
   elective members of the Council (one half of the body), 18
   were to be chosen from the nobles, 50 from the zemstvo of each
   government, 6 from the Orthodox Church, 6 from the
   universities, 12 from the representatives of the Council of
   Commerce and Industry, and 6 from representatives of the
   Polish landed proprietors.

   On the 7th of April Ambassador Meyer wrote to Washington
   concerning the result of the elections: "The success of the
   Constitutional Democrats has made a great impression on the
   Government and created considerable nervousness. Witte is
   really anxious to resign and go out of the country for a
   much-needed rest. But he assured a mutual friend that he would
   stay and serve the Emperor as long as His Majesty desired. The
   elections so far have impressed upon his mind the want of
   confidence which exists among the people as to his
   administration. As he is without any supporters among the
   elected members of the Duma, it is difficult to believe that
   the Emperor will be able or even desirous of having him
   continue to serve as premier after the Duma is organized."

   This anticipation proved correct. M. Witte had withdrawn from
   the ministerial premiership when the Duma assembled on the
   10th of May, and M. Goremykin had taken his place.

   There was conflict between the Duma and the Government from
   the moment that the former adopted its reply to the opening
   speech of the Tsar. With unanimity it demanded general amnesty
   for past political offenses, abolition of the death penalty,
   suspension of martial law, full civil liberty, universal
   suffrage, abolition of the council of the empire, a review of
   the fundamental law, responsibility of ministers and right of
   interpellation, a forced expropriation of land, and a
   guarantee of rights to trade unions.

   M. Stolypin, Minister of the Interior, now coming to the front
   of ministerial leadership, made his first speech in the Duma
   on the 21st of June, and was assailed with cries of "Murderer"
   and "Assassin" when he defended illegal acts of police officials
   and provincial governors, in the suppression of disorder, and
   declared his determination to maintain order. Among the
   replies to him was one by Prince Urussoff, former Assistant
   Minister of the Interior, who made a powerful attack on the
   sinister methods of the Government—the "policy of massacre,"
   as he named it—declaring that massacres were always organized
   by secret forces. "Any investigation," he said, "of the
   so-called ‘pogroms’ (massacres) will bring the investigator
   face to face with the following certain symptoms; they are
   identical in all cases; Firstly, a massacre is always preceded
   by reports of its preparation, accompanied by the circulation
   of appeals exciting the population and of one constant kind in
   form and substance. They are accompanied by a certain kind of
   stormy petrels in the person of little known representatives
   of the dregs of the population. Then, too, the cause of the
   massacre as officially announced is afterwards always without
   exception found to be false. Furthermore, in these massacres
   there is always to be found a certain similarity of plan which
   gives these actions the character of chance. The murderers act
   on the assumption of some kind of right, as though conscious
   that they will not be punished, and only continue to act as
   long as this confidence remains unshaken—after which the
   massacre stops extraordinarily quickly and easily."

   What Prince Urussoff had intimated, as to the instigation of
   the massacres from high circles was declared most distinctly
   and positively, three years later, by Prince Kropotkin, in a
   letter to the London Times of July 29, 1909. He wrote:
   "Something which never has happened anywhere in Western Europe
   happened then in Russia, as M. Obninsky, a member of the first
   Duma, says in a terrible book of statistics he has published
   in 1906 at Moscow, under the title, ‘A Half-Year of the
   Russian Revolution.’ In a hundred different cities men of the
   so-called ‘Black Hundreds’ came together on some public
   square, received there the benediction of the clergy, sent
   telegrams to the Palace circles in St. Petersburg, received
   answers from them, and then went on killing the Jews, the
   Armenians, the Poles, the Russian members of the Zemstvos, and
   Russian ‘Intellectuals’ altogether, under the protection of
   the military, the local police, and the local governors.

{574}

   "For some time I could not believe that such pogroms
   could have been organized from St. Petersburg by the
   authorities. Now the evidence is overwhelming. We know that
   proclamations inciting to pogroms were printed by the
   gendarmes in the Secret Police offices, we know from the
   revelations of these gendarmes themselves that men and
   officers were sent to the provinces with proclamations and
   arms to organize the pogroms; and we know how the leaders of
   the Union of Russian Men were petted and given money by the
   Tsar and how they organized murders, wholesale and retail,
   with the aid of members of the Secret Police; and here is the
   net result which I have before me in a long, very long, list
   compiled by the Law Review Pravo.

   "This list is simply horrifying. The Constitution manifesto
   was signed on October 30. The same day took place the
   pogrom at Tver; the Zemstvo house was burnt, and 24
   persons were wounded. At Moscow, November 2, 30 wounded;
   Odessa, October 31-November 3, more than 1,000 killed and
   5,000 wounded; Kieff, October 31, 150 killed, 100 wounded;
   Tomsk, November 3, 150 killed and burned, 76 heavily wounded
   (all these, by the way, and many others are Russian towns);
   Minsk, 100 killed, 400 wounded; Tiflis, November 2, more than
   100 killed; and so on, and so on. … The result of similar
   campaigns in different parts of Russia for twelve months only
   in 1905-1906 was—killed, more than 14,000; executed, about
   1,000; wounded and partly died from wounds, about 20,000;
   arrested and imprisoned, mostly without judgment, 75,000. This
   last figure was given in the Duma by Professor Kovalevsky on
   May 2, 1906, in the presence of M. Stolypin, who did not
   contest it."

   On the 22d of July the Duma was dissolved by imperial command,
   and the following manifesto to the people was published by the
   Autocrat on the following day:

   "Persons selected by the people were called to the
   legislature. Trusting in the goodness of God, believing in the
   happy and grand future of our people, we were expecting from
   their labors the happiness and interest of the country. Great
   reforms had been indicated by us in all that concerns the life
   of the people, and our greatest care, which is to substitute
   education for the ignorance of the people and to lessen the
   difficulties of its life by improving the conditions under
   which it cultivates the ground, was foremost. A painful ordeal
   was reserved to our hopes. The elected of the nation, instead
   of turning their attention to legislative labors, have entered
   a field that was closed to them, and have begun to investigate
   the doings of authorities established by us, to indicate to us
   the imperfections of fundamental laws that can only be altered
   by our imperial will, and to commit illegal acts, such as the
   appeal addressed to the people of the Duma.

   "The peasants, dazed by these disorders, without waiting for
   the legal improvement to their position, gave themselves up,
   in a great number of governments, to pillage and theft,
   refusing to submit to the law or to legal authorities. …

   "By dissolving the actual Duma of the Empire we testify to our
   unalterable intention of maintaining, in all their force, the
   laws concerning the establishment of that institution, and,
   consequently, we have fixed, by our ukase given to the ruling
   Senate on the 8th July instant, the convocation of the new
   Duma on the 20th of February, 1907."

   About two hundred members of the dissolved Duma went
   immediately from St. Petersburg to Viborg, in Finland, and
   held a meeting there, from which they published an address to
   the "Citizens of all the Russias," signed by one hundred and
   sixty of their number, protesting against the opposition which
   the Duma had encountered from the Government in all its
   undertakings, and practically refusing submission to its
   dissolution. "In the place of the present Duma," they said,
   "the Government promises to convoke a new one in seven months.
   … For seven months the Government will act as it likes, will
   wrestle with the movement of the people in order to obtain a
   submissive and desirable Duma, and if it succeeds in entirely
   crushing the movement of the people it will not convoke any
   Duma at all. Citizens, stand firmly by the trampled rights of
   the representatives of the people. Stand for the Duma of the
   Empire. Russia must not remain one day without representatives
   from the people. We have the means of obtaining this. The
   Government has not the right without our consent to collect
   taxes from the people, nor to call the people to military
   service, and therefore, now, when the Government has dissolved
   the Duma of the Empire, it is your right to refuse to supply
   it with soldiers or money. If the Government, in order to
   secure resources, makes loans, such loans, made without
   consent of the representatives of the people, will henceforth
   be invalid, and the Russian people will not recognize them and
   will not pay for them. Consequently, until the representatives
   of the people are convoked, do not pay a kopeck into the
   treasury nor send a man to the army. Be firm in your refusal;
   stand for your rights, all as one man. Against the united and
   absolute will of the people no power whatever can resist.
   Citizens, in this compulsory but inevitable struggle your
   representatives will be with you."

   This proved to be futile action. The Government was prompt in
   arresting and imprisoning most of the signers of the appeal to
   the people, and none of them was allowed to be returned to the
   Second Duma when the new elections were held. Pending that
   election, some very substantial gifts of imperial favor were
   made to the peasants, to win their good will, but nothing
   appears to have been remembered of the October injunctions of
   the Tsar concerning the "confirmation of civil liberty." In
   August, 4,500,000 acres of crown lauds were transferred by an
   imperial ukase to the Peasants’ Bank, for sale to the peasants
   on easy terms; and on the 18th of October another ukase
   released them to a large extent from the restraints of the
   communal system, and decreed the equality of all citizens
   before the law. The following is part of the text of this
   important decree, as communicated in translation to the
   American government by Ambassador Meyer, and published in the
   report of 1906 on Foreign Relations.

   "The Czar orders, on the basis of the fundamental law of 1906,
   that the following reforms be made:

   "1. To accord all Russian subjects, without distinction of
   origin, with exception of the aborigines, equal rights with
   regard to the state service with persons of noble blood, and
   at the same time to abolish all special privileges of dress
   due either to official position or to the origin of the
   wearer.

{575}

   "2. Peasants and members of other classes formerly taxable are
   freed (a) from the presentation of discharge papers on
   entering an educational institution or the civil service;
   further, from personal payment in kind and the performance of
   communal duties during the whole time the persons in question
   may be either in the educational institution or civil service;
   (b) from the necessity of demanding for entry into holy
   orders or a monastery the permission of the commune.

   "3. The compulsory exclusion of peasant and other classes
   formally taxable from the following ranks and careers is
   abolished;
   (a) From entering the civil service;
   (b) from receiving rank;
   (c) from receiving orders and other distinctions;
   (d) from attaining learned grades and honors;
   (e) from completing educational courses and
   particularly from winning higher class rights.

   "In all these cases the persons in question are allowed to
   retain all the rights arising from their connections with
   their commune, as well as the responsibilities thereof, until
   they have freely withdrawn from the commune or entered into
   other corporations of standing. With regard to the legal
   standing of the persons in question, there shall serve as a
   basis the regulations of the rank or profession which these
   persons have won."

      See, also, below,
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

   Meantime, extensive plans of insurrection, with naval and
   military mutiny, in five cities, had been formed and had
   miscarried. The outbreak was premature at Sveaborg, late in
   July, and the sailors who started it were quickly overcome.
   The same failure occurred at Kronstadt, where the
   revolutionists and mutinous troops took Fort Constantine and
   the arsenal, but found no ammunition in the latter, and were
   defenseless when surrounded by loyal forces. At Libau, Odessa,
   and Sevastopol the intended rising was given up.

   On the 25th of August a desperate plot of wholesale murder,
   intended to include M. Stolypin among its victims, was carried
   out by the explosion of a horribly destructive bomb at the
   country house of that Minister, on Aptekarsky Island. M.
   Stolypin was holding a reception, and the rooms were crowded
   with officials and others, when four conspirators, three of
   them dressed as gendarmes, drove up boldly, and were able,
   either to enter the house with a bomb or to throw it through a
   window. The effect of the explosion was so horribly
   destructive that the house was torn to pieces and thirty
   people were killed outright or injured mortally, besides an
   equal number that received curable wounds. Two of the
   Minister’s children were among the latter, and he himself
   received slight injuries. The Governor of Penza, M. Koshoff,
   who stood near him, was instantly killed. Two of the assassins
   were among the killed and the other two were wounded and
   captured. On the following day a young woman of the terrorist
   organization slew General Min, at Peterhof railway station, by
   shots from a revolver. He had been active in suppressing the
   insurrection at Moscow.

   In October Ambassador Meyer, after a trip into Poland and to
   Odessa, reported as the result of his observations:

   "On the whole, the revolutionary movement, for the time being,
   has lost its momentum. A year ago it was on the crest of the
   wave. Then a strike could be ordered and put in force without
   any difficulty, but now the workmen refuse to be used for
   political purposes or respond to the whims of the agitator.
   The present conditions are liable to continue until the next
   Duma, March 5. Yesterday, which was the first anniversary of
   October 17 (Russian Style), it had to be given out by some of
   the revolutionists that there would be strikes, uprisings, and
   agitations throughout the country. But the day passed off
   quietly. Mr. Stolypin is facing with much courage and
   resolution the stupendous task which confronts him. He is
   endeavoring to deal fairly, while at the same time it is
   necessary to reestablish law and order."

   On the 21st of December Count Alexei Ignatieff was
   assassinated at Tver, while attending a meeting of the
   provincial zemstvo, the assassin stating that he had acted
   under orders of the Socialist revolutionary committee.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (April).
   Invitation of the Nations to a Second Peace Conference
   by the Tsar.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST; A. D. 1907.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (April).
   At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco Question.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE A. D. 1905-1906.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1907 (August).
   Convention with Great Britain containing Arrangements on
   the subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet.

      See EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1907.
   The Second Duma and its Early Dissolution.
   Increase of Radicalism among its Members.
   The New Electoral Law, under which a "Workable" Third Duma
   was elected.
   M. Stolypin’s Policy.

   The promise that a second Duma would be summoned to meet in
   March, 1907, was fulfilled. Between the 21st of January and
   the end of February elections were held, with results that
   were exceedingly disappointing and irritating to the imperial
   government. It strove hard, by arbitrary measures and vigorous
   working of its police, to suppress the Constitutional
   Democrats,—the party which it fears the most. It pursued their
   leaders into exile or imprisonment, broke up their meetings,
   harassed them so in the canvass and the election that the
   return of deputies by the party was reduced from 185 in the
   First Duma to 108; but, on the other hand, the Socialist
   representation in the Second Duma was raised above that in the
   First from 17 to 77, and the Octobrists elected 31 deputies,
   gaining 18 more seats than they had filled before. On the
   whole, as a consequence, the Second Duma held more radicalism
   in its make-up, with less intelligence, than the First.

   Its meetings were opened on the 6th of March, and soon gave
   evidence that the antagonisms in the body were too extreme for
   any influential political work. In June M. Stolypin accused
   most of the Socialist members of being parties to the
   revolutionary propaganda in the army and navy, and demanded
   their suspension by the Duma. It refused to suspend them
   without an investigation of the truth of the charge, and
   appointed a committee to receive such evidence as the
   government could bring. Thereupon the Tsar, by a manifesto
   published on the 16th of June, dissolved the Second Duma as
   summarily as he had dissolved the First, ordered new
   elections, to begin on the 14th of September, and summoned the
   Third Duma, then elected, to meet on November 14th.

{576}

   At the same time a new electoral law was proclaimed, in
   flagrant violation of the so-called Constitution of October
   30, 1905, which had declared, as an "immutable rule,"
   established by the "inflexible will" of the Tsar, that "no law
   can ever come into force without the approval of the State
   Duma." The new law was planned carefully and skilfully to
   disfranchise great numbers in the classes of people which
   autocracy fears; to add weight to the votes of the classes on
   which it leans; to diminish the representation of industrial
   cities, as well as of non-Russian districts,—Poland, Siberia,
   etc.,—and, generally, to make a farce of the pretended
   concession of representative and constitutional government
   which the autocratic court had been playing for the amusement
   of the country during the past two years.

   The new electoral law accomplished its purpose of securing a
   Duma that would keep workable relations with M. Stolypin. A
   very intelligent English publicist, Dr. Dillon, who discusses
   Foreign Politics every month in the Contemporary
   Review, whose views are broadly liberal as a rule, and
   whose acquaintance with Russian affairs seems to be specially
   intimate, inclines to justify the measure on this practical
   ground, or, rather, to accept it as approved by this result.
   When the make-up of the Third Duma had become known he wrote,
   in the Contemporary Review of December, 1907, as
   follows:

   "M. Stolypin’s electoral law has been criticised severely.
   And, to be frank, one must admit that from the point of view
   of men who advocate universal manhood suffrage it is a mere
   mockery. For it suspended the right of election in some
   places, arbitrarily lessened the number of representatives in
   certain provinces, created groups of electors, and authorised
   Government officials to decide how they should be formed; in a
   word, it is a means of manipulating the elections for the
   avowed purpose of having a certain stamp of men returned and
   another type of men eliminated. To say that the Chamber which
   has resulted from these expedients is not the elect of the
   nation is, of course, a truism. It is not, and was not, meant
   to be this. … The data respecting the intellectual and social
   status of the newly elected are still very defective and
   untrustworthy. But so far as they go, they show that among the
   men who are about to rescue Russia from ruin there are:—

   Members of the nobility                             157
   Priests                                              51
   Merchants                                            22
   Peasants                                             77
   Petty tradesmen                                       6
   Working-men                                          15
   Honorary burghers                                     8
   Ex-officers                                          20
   Officials                                            56
   Zemstvo workers                                      27
   Employees of municipalities                          23
   Marshals of nobility                                 36
   Cantonal elders and secretaries                      21
   Men who have been educated in high schools          167
   Men who have been educated in intermediate schools   82
   Men who have been educated in primary schools        61
   Members educated at home                             23
   Between the ages of 25-30                            19
   Between the ages of 30-40                            81
   Between the ages of 40-50                            87
   Between the ages of 50-00                            47
   Between the ages of 60-70                            13
   Between the ages of 70-80                             l
   Members of the Second Duma                           59
   Members of the First Duma                             7
   Members of the Council of the Empire                  3

   A month later the same writer said:

   "The Third Duma is already a month old, and has as yet done no
   work, has not even organised itself. Festina lente is
   evidently its maxim, with the accent on the second word.
   Debates there have been not a few, but they were as the noise
   of sounding brass and tinkling cymbals. The first discussion
   took place on the motion to thank the Tsar for the October
   Manifesto, which created the Legislative Chamber. A great
   majority of the deputies—including the Constitutional
   Democrats, who are adjusting themselves to their
   environment—were in favour of expressing their gratitude, but
   they could not agree how to call the institution for which
   they felt grateful. Some wanted to name it a Constitution,
   others ‘a renovated order of things.’ If it is a Constitution,
   then there is no Autocrat, the Octobrists argued, and
   consequently that title of the Emperor must be dropped. ‘If we
   are bent on thanking the Tsar,’ replied the Conservatives,
   ‘let us do it with a good grace. Whatever name we may give to
   the present régime, the title of the ruler has
   undergone no change. He was an Autocrat when he ascended the
   throne, and he is an Autocrat to day. Proofs? They are as
   plentiful as blackberries.’ …

   "But the Constitutionalists—and among them the Octobrists
   favoured by M. Stolypin—insisted. ‘By the Manifesto,’ they
   argued, ‘the Tsar limited his authority and curtailed his
   prerogatives. Thus it is no longer in his power to issue laws
   without the approval of the Duma; neither can he abrogate any
   of the Organic Statutes.’ ‘You are mistaken,’ answered the
   Monarchists. ‘Have the Organic Statutes not been already
   altered? Has the "immutable" electoral franchise not been
   changed?’ … But the Octobrists stood their ground, and the
   address was voted with a flaw in the Tsar’s title. That was
   the work of one whole day and part of a night—an unlucky
   day—the 13th November Russian style. In this way the Duma
   offered the Sovereign a pot of honey mingled with wormwood.
   The Premier was upset, the Tsar offended, and the Monarchists
   indignant. ‘This, then,’ the Monarchists exclaimed, ‘is M.
   Stolypin’s Duma, the areopagus which is to prescribe remedies
   for the Russian nation now at death’s door?’

   "Three days later came the Premier in a quos ego mood.
   And he was at his best. Ever since his first appearance as a
   public orator, M. Stolypin has kept the high place he then
   won. His eloquence, like his character, is manly, and his
   utterance impressive. His look, his accents, his gestures,
   betoken sincerity, and his manner is warm with the heat of
   subdued enthusiasm. On this historic day he simply electrified
   the House, captivated his adversaries, and extorted applause
   from his bitter enemies. And yet he was battling with the
   Duma, swimming against the current. He spoke of the Autocratic
   power and of the Autocratic Sovereign, and had the
   satisfaction of being interrupted by enthusiastic cheers. …

{577}

   "Happily M. Stolypin is a man of steadfast purpose rather than
   brilliant intellect, for his moral qualities may stand him in
   better stead, during the revolutionary crisis than would rare
   mental gifts. At bottom his temper is Liberal rather than
   Conservative, and mainly for that reason he would seem to have
   been chosen to be sexton of the old epoch and harbinger of the
   new. …

   "No fair-minded man can doubt the sincerity of M. Stolypin’s
   Liberalism. It has withstood the test of time and the pressure
   of unfavourable circumstance. His faith in Liberal specifics
   is so firm that he declines to diagnose any diseases that call
   for more drastic remedies. … M. Stolypin is at present the
   only influential politician in Russia who is working
   efficaciously for the Liberal cause. He is systematically
   removing hindrances to Constitutionalism which are most
   formidable at the outset. …

   "But the greatest service which any Minister could render a
   cause was performed by M. Stolypin for Liberalism at a time
   when it depended on him either to lay the groundwork for a
   Constitutional fabric or to establish firm Monarchical
   government. And for that service he deserves, and may yet
   receive, a public monument from Democratic Russia. He advised
   the Tsar to summon the Third Duma soon after the Second, and
   to issue no laws in the meanwhile. That was really the turning
   point in the history of Russia’s Constitution, the magnum
   opus of M. Stolypin’s political life. And he followed it
   up with a step more extraordinary and decisive still. He
   himself had recourse to the Autocratic power which it is the
   tendency of his policy to annihilate, and he used it for the
   purpose of destroying Autocracy. That surely was a coup de
   maître which entitled the Minister to the undying
   gratitude of all Liberal Russia. But not a Liberal uttered a
   word of thanks. This deadly blow was struck at the Autocracy
   in the following way:

   "The Electoral Law opened the portals of the Duma chiefly to
   Democrats and other irreconcilable enemies of the Monarchy,
   and so long as it remained in force, no Duma acceptable to the
   Government was possible. Yet it could not be abrogated. For,
   together with the Organic Statutes, it had been declared part
   of the unchangeable Constitution. The Tsar’s hands, therefore,
   were tied, his word was pledged, and the result was a
   deadlock. Autocratic power could not be wielded anew without
   effecting a perilous coup d'état. Well, the Premier
   advised the Crown to seize once more the sword of the
   Autocracy, and with it to hew off the branch on which the
   Autocrat was sitting. That was the true significance of the
   measure against which the enemies of the Autocracy still cry
   out. For the object directly aimed at and immediately attained
   by this coup d'état was the creation of the Octobrist
   Party, whose first work in the Duma was to declare that the
   Autocracy had gone forever."

      E. J. Dillon,
      Foreign Affairs
      (Contemporary Renew, January, 1908).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1907 (November).
   Treaty with Great Britain, France, Germany, and Norway,
   guaranteeing the Integrity of Norway.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
   Action in Persia during the Constitutional Revolution.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1908.
   Evasion of the Conscription.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1908.
   North Sea and Baltic Agreements.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1908.
   Proxy Parliamentary Vote given to Women of Property.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1908.
   Policy of Prussia in her Polish Provinces dictated by
   her relations to Russia.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (JANUARY).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1908 (September).
   Withdrawal from Intervention in Macedonia.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Attitude toward the Austrian Annexation of Bosnia
   and Herzegovina.
   Was the Government coerced by German Threats?

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Exercise of Disputed Authority in Northern Manchuria.
   The Kharbin question.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Measures for the Destruction of the Constitutional Autonomy
   of Finland.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.
   Oppressions continued.
   Executions, Imprisonment, Exile, Torture, Persecution.

   On the 1st of August, 1909, a letter was addressed to the
   British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs by one hundred
   and eighty men of distinction in Great Britain,—Members of
   Parliament, Peers, Bishops and other clergymen, University
   professors, authors, editors,—asking the Government to exert
   such influence as might be possible with that of Russia, to
   induce a relaxation of the system of repression still
   maintained in that unhappy country, and to ameliorate the
   dreadful barbarities which go with imprisonment there. "We
   know," said these memorialists, "how slow has been our own
   progress in the past, and how many points in our present
   condition are open to independent criticism. We are conscious
   of the difficulties that attend all reforms, and we desire
   that no feeling of impatience should cause us to withhold our
   sympathy from every sincere attempt to promote good government
   among a friendly people.

   "It is in no spirit of ungenerous remonstrance that we are
   constrained to observe that for four years a system of
   repression has been maintained in Russia, which has not
   relaxed its severity though the evidences of any organized
   revolutionary movement have dwindled and disappeared. There
   has recently been an announcement of some relaxation in
   particular districts, but the greater portion of the Empire
   remains, in time of peace, under some form of martial law. The
   number of capital sentences on civilians for the period
   between October, 1905, and December, 1908, has reached 4,002,
   and the number of executions was officially stated to be
   2,118. These sentences were passed, moreover, not by ordinary
   civil process, but by exceptional military Courts. The number
   of persons in exile in Siberia and Northern Russia, mostly
   punished without trial by administrative process, under a
   system of exile, which involves much physical suffering and
   privation, was officially reckoned in October last at 74,000.

{578}

   "The number of persons exiled without trial under
   administrative decree cannot be realized without a serious
   protest, but the evidence which has reached us through the
   Press, from trustworthy witnesses, and above all from the
   reports of the debates in the Duma, has persuaded us that the
   sufferings of those who remain in prison justify, nay,
   require, a stronger remonstrance. Over 180,000 persons—a total
   which has more than doubled since 1905—criminals and political
   offenders, are crowded together in prisons built to hold
   107,000. In most of these prisons epidemic diseases, and
   especially typhus, are prevalent; the sick and the whole lie
   together—their fetters even in cases of fever are not removed.
   In some prisons the warders systematically beat and maltreat
   the sick and the whole alike. There is also evidence of more
   deliberate tortures, employed to punish the defiant or to
   extract confession from the suspect.

   "Such excesses would move our indignation were all the victims
   ordinary criminals. We desire to base our protest on the
   ground of simple humanity; but it is none the less important
   to remember that many of these prisoners, if guilty at all,
   are suffering for acts or words which in any constitutional
   country would be lawful, or even praiseworthy.

   "Our object in addressing you is to draw your attention to
   these facts and to place on record the impression which we
   have formed of them. That no direct intervention is possible
   we fully realize, nor do we wish to enlarge the area of
   international controversy. But there are probably means by
   which a friendly Government may exert an influence to
   ameliorate the lot of those who are suffering under the evils
   which we have described. The infliction of such wrongs upon
   Russians and the indignation which they excite among
   ourselves, are relevant and important factors in our mutual
   relations, of which the two Governments should be fully
   informed."

   Later and more specific facts, illustrative of the arbitrary
   and barbarous oppression under which the Russian people are
   still suffering, were given in The Outlook of October
   9, 1909, from which the following is taken:

   "In the first seven months of 1909 military courts sentenced
   841 persons to death in Russia and up to the 1st of August 381
   of the persons so sentenced had been hanged or shot. Nearly
   all were civil or political offenders, who, in a
   constitutional country, would have been tried with proper
   legal forms and guarantees in the regular civil tribunals. In
   these same seven months the publishers of 109 periodicals in
   Russia were fined in the aggregate sum of 54,425 rubles for
   publishing news or expressing opinions obnoxious to the
   Government, and in addition to these pecuniary punishments
   whole editions of papers and magazines were seized and
   destroyed, printing offices were closed, editors were arrested
   and employees were exiled—all by administrative process. In
   the month of June, 1909, three newspapers were suppressed
   altogether, and in August, 1909, the St. Petersburg journal
   Reitch (Speech), the organ of the Constitutional Democrats,
   was fined 500 rubles for printing a signed article entitled
   ‘Suicide in the Army,’ which was based wholly on reports of
   the Ministry of War.

   "On the 28th of May, 1909, Mr. Selden, a St. Petersburg
   publisher, was sentenced to six months’ imprisonment in a
   fortress for publishing one of Count Tolstoy’s books, and on
   the 17th of August, 1909, the Count’s private secretary, Mr.
   N. N. Gusef, was exiled by administrative process to the
   province of Perm for distributing the venerable author’s
   brochure entitled ‘Thou Shalt Do No Murder.’ In July, 1909,
   Mr. W. Bogoras, author of Volume eleven of the Memoirs of the
   American Museum of Natural History (one of the Volumes
   containing the scientific results of the Jessup North Pacific
   Expedition), was sentenced to two months' imprisonment for
   describing the beating of citizens of Tver by dragoons in
   1905, a thing that he had personally witnessed. …

   "In August, 1909, the ‘Authors’ and Scientists’ Mutual Benefit
   Society,’ a benevolent organization which had been in
   existence for eighteen years, which had eight hundred members,
   and which included most of the writers and scholars of Russia,
   was suppressed by order of Premier Stolypin, for the
   ostensible reason that it had given pecuniary aid to an
   indigent author named Vitashefski—a man of advanced age who
   had once, twenty years earlier, been sent to Siberia for
   political crime. It is believed, however, that the real reason
   for the suppression of the Society is the fact that most of
   its members are liberals. The existing Government is extremely
   intolerant toward social organizations that take an
   independent or critical attitude toward the reactionary policy
   now in force. On the 21st of July, 1909, the severest form of
   martial law, the so-called ‘law of extraordinary defense,’ was
   proclaimed in St. Petersburg for the seventh consecutive time.
   The city has been under some form of martial law ever since
   the assassination of Alexander II. in 1881. Almost the only
   encouraging feature of the present situation in Russia is the
   fact that the members of the Duma are still allowed to talk,
   and the newspapers are still permitted to publish verbatim
   reports of the debates. The lower house of the so-called
   Parliament has no independent power, and no real control even
   over the finances of the Empire; but it can criticise,
   interpellate the Czar’s Ministers, and promote to some extent
   the political education of the people.

   "Three years ago Premier Stolypin defined his policy as
   ‘progressive reform, with the restoration of order.’ He has
   partly restored order, by hanging, imprisoning, or exiling to
   Siberia a large part of the disorderly population; but his
   reforms have ‘progressed’ as the land-crab is popularly
   supposed to walk—backward. Whether he is wholly to blame for
   the reactionary policy that he is enforcing, or whether he
   acts more or less under compulsion, we shall not know,
   perhaps, until he retires from office and follows the example
   of General Kuropatkin and General Linevitch by writing his
   memoirs."

   On the trial, in May, of M. Selden, for publishing and
   distributing Count Tolstoi’s pamphlets, "Thou shalt not Kill,"
   "A Letter to Liberals," "Christianity and Patriotism," the
   venerable writer addressed a note to the court, challenging
   the prosecution of himself, instead of the publisher. "As
   these pamphlets," he wrote, "were written by me and published
   by one of my friends, not only with my consent but at my
   desire, M. Selden taking a purely passive part in the affair,
   all the measures which are being taken against M. Selden
   should logically and in equity be directed against me,
   especially because I have repeatedly declared, and now declare
   again, that I consider it my duty to my conscience to
   disseminate, so far as lies in my power, the pamphlets in
   question as well as my other works, and shall continue doing
   so as long as I am able. I feel constrained to inform you of
   this, and ask you to take whatever measures may devolve from
   my present statement."

{579}

   But the magistrate did not venture to institute proceedings
   against the principal in the offense, and the Government took
   no notice of the challenge.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.
   Revived Censorship of the Press.
   Its Stupidity.
   Gains for Free Speech notwithstanding.

   "At the present time, the liberties granted less than four
   years ago are mutilated. The censor is busy once more. The
   Russian journalist is again compelled to practice the arts of
   half-meaning, insinuation, and innuendo, which made his
   predecessors of a generation ago marvels of subtle expression.
   But that is only when a writer would say everything he wants
   to say. Undoubtedly, the range of the permissible has grown
   immensely since the early days of even Nicholas II. To write
   of labor wars, of conspiracies, of constitutional liberties,
   Russian newspapers need no longer confine themselves to
   telegraphic reports of foreign strikes, conspiracies, and
   constitutions. They need only print what the radicals in the
   Duma utter. Not even the full Duma’s reports may be privileged
   at present, but, after all, the Russian censor is a stupid
   fellow. The censorship, like the autocracy in general, is
   inefficient, spasmodic, allowing to-day what it prohibited
   yesterday, or even allowing in one column what it strikes out
   from another. St. Petersburg and Moscow in 1890 had eleven
   daily papers, and twenty weeklies. In 1900 the number had
   risen to twenty-four dailies and thirty-three weeklies. In all
   Russia there were then 287 periodical publications. In August,
   1905, the number had risen to 1,630, of which St. Petersburg
   alone had 534. There were fifty daily papers at St. Petersburg
   and twenty-five at Moscow in those short days of freedom, when
   the pent-up speech of ages burst out in Russia. This, of
   course, was inflation. Periodicals were born and died with the
   rising and setting of the sun. The numerical strength of the
   press must be far smaller now. But much that was gained for
   freedom of speech in those stormy days has not been lost."

      New York Evening Post,
      March 23, 1909.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (January-July).
   Dark Secrets of the Russian Police and Spy System brought
   to Light.

   The first in a series of startling disclosures of the dark
   secrets of the Russian espionage and police system was made in
   January, 1909, when it came to public knowledge that the head
   and front of the Revolutionary Socialists of the Empire, one
   Azeff by name, had been discovered by his associates to be a
   secret agent of the police; had been tried and condemned by a
   tribunal of their party, at Paris, and had escaped into some
   hiding place, with avenging emissaries in pursuit, to take his
   life. A little later it appeared that a former Director of the
   Police in the Department of the Russian Ministry of the
   Interior, M. Lopukhin, had been arrested for treason, on the
   charge of having betrayed Azeff to the Revolutionists, by
   making known to them the double part that the latter played,
   as a so-called agent provocateur, drawing them into
   criminal plots of which he kept the police informed.

   The preliminary trial of Lopukhin occurred in April, and it
   was stated in the indictment then published that Azeff had
   penetrated into the very centre of the Social Revolutionary
   machinations, and that part of his great services to the
   Secret Police were rendered during the period that M. Lopukhin
   occupied the post of Director of the Police Department in the
   Ministry of the Interior—i.e., from May, 1902, to
   March, 1905. It was affirmed that M. Lopukhin not only knew of
   the existence and activity of Azeff, but met the latter more
   than once both at his (M. Lopukhin's) house and at one of the
   conspiratorial headquarters in St. Petersburg. The indictment
   paid a warm tribute to Azeff’s ability in so long maintaining
   his connexion with the police without awakening the suspicions
   of the Social Revolutionaries as to his true character. It was
   eventually remarked, however, that the plots in which Azeff
   was concerned invariably failed, whereas many of the others
   succeeded, and accusations of treachery began to be levelled
   against him. In October, 1908, a commission of inquiry was
   appointed by the Social Revolutionaries in Paris to inquire
   into the charges brought against Azeff. Burtzeff, editor of a
   revolutionary organ, stated before this tribunal that he had
   seen M. Lopukhin, who had informed him of Azeff’s relations
   with the Russian police.

   M. Lopukhin, on his trial, admitted having given this
   information to Burtzeff, but explained that it was in
   consequence of what the latter had told him of the
   revolutionist designs, including a pending plot against the
   life of the Tsar. He then felt it his duty to unmask Azeff,
   lest the murders which might otherwise have followed should
   lie on his conscience, and when the revolutionaries came to
   him for confirmation of what he had told Burtzeff he found it
   impossible to retract his words. He was convicted, however, on
   the 13th of May, and sentenced to five years of imprisonment
   at hard labor, with the loss of civil rights. The sentence was
   mitigated subsequently, and he was sent to exile at
   Krasnoyarsk, Siberia, his family being allowed to accompany
   him.

   Prince Urussoff, whose bold speech in the First Duma on the
   instigation of massacres is quoted from above (A. D. 1906), is
   a brother-in-law of M. Lopukhin, and derived from him, no
   doubt, the information on which he spoke.

   In July, a new disclosure of the character of the Russian
   secret service police was made, as revolting as that in the
   Azeff case. A personage known as M. Harting, chief of that
   Russian service in Paris, and so favorably regarded in the
   French capital that he was about to be made an officer of the
   Legion of Honor, was discovered to have been the leader of a
   plot to assassinate the Tsar Alexander III. in 1890, during
   that monarch’s visit to Paris; that he then bore the name of
   Landesen; that he had escaped arrest and was condemned by
   default to imprisonment for five years; that he subsequently,
   under the new name, secured secret service employment in the
   Russian police. All this was quickly proved to be fact by the
   French Government, and officially announced.

{580}

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (April).
   The Agrarian Law.

   On the basis of the decree relative to the communes which is
   partly described above (see A. D. 1906), a law was brought
   into force by the Government in 1906, known as the law of
   November 9, which supposedly was provisional and subject to
   ultimate ratification by the Duma. Writing of it in the New
   York Evening Post of May 28, 1909, S. N. Harper says:

   "This law of November 9 aims directly at the destruction of
   the commune. Before this law a two-thirds vote of the commune
   was necessary for the granting of the petition of a member to
   divide out. Now a local police official, whom by the way
   another project of reform abolishes as irresponsible and a
   source of abuse, can override the vote of a commune and grant
   the petition. A peasant who divides out receives that portion
   which he is using if there has been no redistribution for
   twenty-four years. If there has been a redistribution within
   twenty-four years, he receives what he would receive on the
   basis of a new redistribution—what this would be is again
   decided by the official. As we saw, no equitable reckoning is
   possible here.

   "The peasant can sell this land which he receives from the
   commune, for it is now his private property. In one province
   which I visited this summer, in over one-half of the cases of
   dividing out the peasant had sold his land immediately—usually
   to the village ‘fist’—the prosperous village usurer and boss
   who holds his neighbors in his fist."

   The law was operative for more than two years before it
   received the sanction of the Duma, in April, 1909. Of the
   parliamentary enactment then given to it the above writer
   says:

   "The outcome of the debates was certain. It had been secured
   by the change of the electoral law for the third Duma, whereby
   the landed gentry had been given the predominant vote. … No
   more important than the vote of this assembly is the attitude
   of the country at large toward this law. The landed gentry are
   naturally for this measure. The village system is a source of
   danger to them. The law will establish ‘peasant’ landlords,
   whose interests will be much the same as theirs. But the
   peasants have shown quite plainly their hostile attitude
   toward this law. Only those peasants who are economically
   provided for and those who, for one reason or another, have
   become mere hangers-on of the local police officials are in
   favor of the law. It is these that have taken advantage of the
   law, with the support of the local official. But they have
   done so in spite of the protest of the other peasants, only
   their economic position making it possible, and their friend
   the official has not been able to prevent, therefore, the
   other peasants from giving a violent character to their
   protest. Those who have insisted on dividing out have in many
   instances been burned out the next week."

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (April-July).
   Advance of Russian Troops into Persia.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (May).
   New Russo-Chinese Agreement, establishing Municipalities on
   the Line of the Chinese Eastern Railway.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (June).
   "Dreadnought" building.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: RUSSIAN.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (June).
   Stringent Orthodoxy of the Tsar.

   A Press despatch from St. Petersburg, June 4, 1909, reported:

   "Premier Stolypin spoke in the Duma to-day in defence of the
   government’s draft of a law dealing with the matter of
   changing from one faith to another and against the
   modifications removing all restrictions introduced in
   committee. He said that the Emperor, as head of the Orthodox
   Church, could not suffer backsliding from the orthodox to
   non-Christian beliefs, and that if such amendments were
   incorporated the bill would be vetoed. Continuing he defined
   the relations between church and state. He conceded that the
   church enjoyed full independence in matters of creed and
   dogma, but insisted on state control. The speech was a
   brilliant effort, but it fell upon cold ears, and brought out
   no applause. The premier, for the first time in the history of
   the third Duma, found himself fighting for a lost cause before
   an adverse house."

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (October-November).
   Differing Accounts of Political Conditions, of the work of
   the Duma, and of the Disposition of the Government.

   The last weeks of 1909 brought from observers in Russia quite
   differing impressions and representations of the existing
   political conditions. Late in October a St. Petersburg
   correspondent of The Evening Post, New York, wrote:

   "Stolypin has given Russia a packed Duma, the predominant
   party in which is elected by 130,000 rural gentry, who were
   unable to get many more than a dozen members into the first
   two Dumas. As might have been expected, this Duma has done
   nothing for Russia. Its Land law has not been accepted by the
   peasantry, its Religions law remains a dead letter, because,
   according to the premier, the Tsar refuses to sign it. There
   will be a deficit of about one hundred million in the new
   budget, and the country is faced by bankruptcy.

   "But, to return to the Duma, it has been proved during the
   last session that the people have no control over the purse,
   thanks to a ‘rule’ made by Count Witte before the meeting of
   the first Legislature. This ‘rule’ says that if the Duma and
   the Council of Empire fail to agree on the budget, then the
   figures of the former year’s budget remain in force. As the
   Council of Empire (or Russian upper house) must always have a
   reactionary and bureaucratic majority, the Duma has no control
   of the national expenditure and never can have. This was
   brought home very forcibly to the lower house during the last
   session, when a humble suggestion which it made about
   including a sum of 350 million rubles in the extraordinary
   expenditure account was rejected by the Council of Empire,
   which thus taught the Duma that it has no control over even
   the most important loan operations. When the Duma (with the
   strong approval of even such conservative papers as the
   Novoe Vremya) refused to sanction the naval budget
   until the notoriously corrupt Ministry of Marine—the ministry
   accountable for Tsushima—had been reformed, the government
   laughed at it, and got the necessary money over the deputies’
   heads."

   Two weeks later than the above another St. Petersburg
   correspondent was writing to London:

   "To judge from to-day’s proceedings the present session of the
   Duma bids fair to surpass the most sanguine hopes. Having
   disposed of the last of the Agrarian Bills and of the First
   Offenders Act, the Duma began the debate on the Bill reforming
   the local Courts. This measure represents the foundation of
   all political reform in Russia.

{581}

   "The Duma Committee, after 35 sittings, adopted a proposal
   considerably extending the scope of the Government Bill
   besides providing for the re-establishment of elective
   justices of the peace, introduced in 1804, but repealed in
   1889 in favour of the arbitrary jurisdiction of the Communal
   Court and the Zemsky Natchalnik--both long ago discredited
   institutions. Just as the Agrarian reforms are calculated to
   promote the private ownership of land and respect for the
   rights of property, so the reform of the local Courts will
   inculcate respect for the law.

   "The details of the Bill may possibly give rise to differences
   with the Government and the Upper House, but its substantial
   features will be doubtless retained in the ultimate form which
   will receive the Imperial sanction."

   The writer of this had communicated to his journal, a few days
   previously, the following report of an interview with "a
   leading member of the Government," and apparently gave credit
   to the sentiment it expressed. Said the Minister interviewed:

   "You ask me what are the Government’s intentions regarding
   Poland. I can only repeat what I said before the Joint
   Commission on the Polish Municipal Reform Bill, which is to be
   laid before the Duma. We have decided to give Poland the full
   benefits of local government consistent with the interests of
   the Empire, but not autonomy. We cannot trust the Poles to
   that extent. We shall introduce a Bill creating a separate
   province of Holm, where the great majority of the population
   is of Russian stock, and extend to it the system of mixed
   Russian and Polish Zemstvos to be introduced in the
   south-western provinces.

   "I am satisfied with the progress of agrarian reform. You have
   seen from the speech of M. Krivoshein in the Duma that one
   million peasant households (about 5,000,000 souls) have
   already abandoned the communal system.

   "The continuance of executions is, I know, a source of
   criticism. You know that the Emperor has given orders that
   death sentences should be confirmed only in the worst cases.
   Unhappily, I know of no constitutional method for putting down
   revolution. Russia is so vast. It has taken a long time to
   bring all the guilty to trial. I am also criticized for the
   arbitrary acts of our local authorities, but, I ask you, does
   the Government derive any interest from these arbitrary acts?

   "Political reforms? Yes, they have been delayed. But what, for
   instance, is the good of hurrying through a Bill on the
   liberty of the person until we have first reformed the local
   Courts?

   "You have heard and read the statements that the Octobrists
   have quarrelled with the Government; you have also been told
   that Russia is on the eve of a reaction. Believe neither. The
   Octobrists are taking a more advanced position. That is as it
   should be. It is better for the Duma and by no means
   disagreeable to the Government."

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (December).
   Assassination of the Chief of the Secret Police.

   On the 22d of December Colonel Karpoff, Chief of the Secret
   Police, was killed by an infernal machine at a suburban
   lodging occupied by a certain Voskresensky, who is supposed to
   be a revolutionary and a police spy like Azeff.

   ----------RUSSIA: End--------

RUSSO-CHINESE BANK.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.

RUTHERFORD, Professor Ernest.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM; also
      NOBEL PRIZES.

RYAN, Thomas F.:
   Investing in a Concession in the Congo State.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

RYAN, Thomas F.:
   Purchase of Controlling Stock of Equitable Life
   Assurance Society.

      See (in this Volume)
      INSURANCE, LIFE.

RYAN, Thomas F.:
   Sale of interests to Morgan & Co.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.


S.


SADR AZAM, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

SAGASTA, Praxedes Mateo:
   Prime Minister of Spain.
   His Death.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904.

SAGE FOUNDATION, The:
   For the Improvement of Social and Living Conditions
   in the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

SAGE, Mrs. Russell:
   Gift to Yale University.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910.

ST. GOTHARD RAILWAY:
   Acquisition by the Swiss Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: SWITZERLAND.

ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI: A. D. 1900-1904.
   The Unearthing of Thievery and Corruption by Attorney Folk.
   Prosecutions, Confessions and Convictions.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI: A. D. 1904.
   The Louisiana Purchase Exposition.

   Except the World’s Columbian Exposition at Chicago, in 1893,
   the most important of the industrial exhibitions that have
   been organized in America was that of 1904, at St. Louis,
   which commemorated the centennial of the Louisiana Purchase
   from France. The Exposition was opened on the 30th of April
   and closed December 1st. An estimated total of $44,500,000 was
   expended upon it in structures and management, of which sum
   about $22,000,000 was raised by the Exposition Company. The
   remainder was the expenditure of governments, Federal, State
   and Foreign, and of concessionaires. The total attendance,
   from first to last, was 18,741,073. The receipts fell far
   short of the expenditure, and subscribers to the undertaking
   can have had no returns; but the public gain from it was very
   great. About sixty foreign countries and colonies and nearly
   every State and Territory of the Union were represented in the
   exhibits.

{582}

   A distinguished feature of the Exposition was the remarkable
   number and character of the gatherings, international and
   national, that were brought about in connection with it. The
   most notable of these was the International Congress of Arts
   and Sciences, which opened September 19th. "This Congress,"
   said President Nicholas Murray Butler, of Columbia University,
   in an article describing its plan, "is not such a series of
   gatherings as took place at Chicago and at Paris, but is
   rather a carefully elaborated plan to educate public opinion,
   and the world of scholarship itself, to an appreciation of the
   underlying unity of knowledge and the necessary
   inter-dependence of the host of specialties that have sprung
   up during the past century. … For participation in this
   congress there will assemble a large body of the world’s
   greatest scholars. They will come from all parts of the world
   to contribute surveys of their several departments of
   knowledge, planning those surveys so as to emphasize the
   mutual relations of all the separate arts and sciences."

ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI: A. D. 1904.
   Meeting of the Interparliamentary Union.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR: THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909.

ST. MARK’S CATHEDRAL, at Venice:
   Fall of the Campanile.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENICE: A. D. 1902.

ST. PETERSBURG: DISTURBANCES IN.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA.

ST. PIERRE:
   Volcanic Destruction of the City.

      See (in this Volume)
      VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.

ST. VINCENT ISLAND:
   Volcanic Eruption of La Souffrière.

      See (in this Volume)
      VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.

SAKHAROFF, General:
   Assassination of.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

SAKURAI, Lieutenant Tadayoshi, The story of.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:
   Resignation of the Premiership in the British Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

SALONIKA: A. D. 1903.
   Dynamite Explosion by Insurgents.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.

SALONIKA: A. D. 1903.
   Center of the "Young Turk" organization.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

SALOON QUESTION.

   See (in this Volume)
   ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

SALT TRUST, Dissolution of the.

   See (in this Volume)
   COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

SALTON SEA, The.

   At a point not far from where it runs into Mexican territory
   the Colorado River, for a long recent period, has been
   deflected by bordering sand deposits from a great depression
   in the neighboring desert, known as the Salton Sink. In 1901
   an irrigation company began works for supplying water from the
   Colorado to lands in that vicinity, and seems to have taken no
   proper precautions for controlling the flow through its
   canals. The result was a break through the sand hills, into
   the Salton Sink, which converted it for the time being into
   the "Salton Sea,"—so described in all accounts of the
   catastrophe. For nearly two years the flood of the Colorado
   was poured into the Sink, forming a sea or lake which covered
   an area of about 400 square miles. It was not until February,
   1907, that the combined exertions of the Southern Pacific
   Railway Company, the California Development Co. (whose works
   produced the trouble) and the engineers of the United States
   Reclamation Service, succeeded in returning the Colorado to
   the channel it had escaped from. Since that was done
   evaporation has been steadily emptying the Sink, at the rate
   of five or six feet annually, according to the Chief of the
   Weather Bureau, which has maintained a station there. At the
   end of a year of observations he was reported as saying: "We
   will get the data we want within another year probably and
   then we can cut off the Salton Sea station. The evaporation
   data we expect to obtain will be valuable for calculations on
   irrigation works and reservoirs."

SALVADOR.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA.

SAM, Theresias Simon: President.

      See (in this Volume)
      HAITI: A. D. 1902.

SANBORN, Judge Walter H.:
   Opinion in Suit for the Dissolution of the Standard Oil Company.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

SANTIAGO, Chile:
   First Pan-American Scientific Congress.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: INTERNATIONAL CONGRESSES.

SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1901-1905.
   Financial Conditions.
   Dissipation of Revenues.

   "Many years ago the government, being unable to raise money on
   ordinary security, adopted the practice of vesting the power
   of collection in its creditors. Duties are settled in
   pagarés, or promissory notes, duly indorsed, and
   payable usually in a month or two months. In order to secure
   loans, these pagarés were handed over to the creditor,
   who collected the money directly from the importer or
   exporter. This expedient, which was designed to protect the
   creditor against the government itself as well as against its
   enemies, was in vogue when the government in 1888 sought
   financial relief in Europe. Such relief was obtained from
   Westendorp & Company, bankers, of Amsterdam, who in that year
   underwrote and issued, at 83½ per cent., 6 per cent. gold
   bonds of the Dominican government to the amount of £770,000
   sterling, the government creating a first lien on all its
   customs revenues, and authorizing the Westendorps to collect
   and receive at the custom-houses all the customs revenues of
   the republic. Under this contract, which was ratified by the
   Dominican Congress, the Westendorps created in Santo Domingo
   an establishment, commonly called the ‘Regie,’ which collected
   the duties directly from the importer and exporter and
   disbursed them, the Westendorps sending out from Europe the
   necessary agents and employees. It was further stipulated that
   the Westendorps should, in case of necessity, have the right
   to constitute a European commission, which it was understood
   was to be international in character. The power of collection
   and disbursement was exercised by the Westendorps down to
   1893, when it was transferred to the San Domingo Improvement
   Company, of New York, which continued to exercise it till
   January, 1901, when the company was, by an arbitrary executive
   decree issued by President Jimenez, excluded from its function
   of collecting the revenues, though its employees were
   permitted to remain in the custom-houses till the end of the
   year.

{583}

   "As an assurance to the foreign creditor, whose legal security
   was thus destroyed, Jimenez constituted in the same decree a
   ‘Commission of Honorables,’ with whom the sums due to foreign
   creditors, including the American companies, were to be
   deposited; but their capacity as depositaries was not destined
   to be tested. Late in 1901, it became known that out of the
   reported revenues of the year, amounting to $2,126,453, the
   percentages for the domestic debt had not been set aside, and
   that no payment had been made on the floating interior debt,
   but that the Jimenez ‘revolutionary’ claims had been paid
   without previous warrant of law, and that there existed a
   deficit. Since that time, with the exception of comparatively
   small amounts, nothing whatever has been paid to the foreign
   creditor. The omission, however, has not been due to lack of
   revenues. It has been due to conditions which, if all the
   debts of the republic were with one stroke wiped out, would
   continue to prevent the government from meeting its ordinary
   expenses. The revenues have been seized and dissipated by the
   government and its enemies in ‘war expenses,’ and in the
   payment of 'asignaciones' and ‘revolutionary claims.’ …
   That foreign governments will stand by and permit such
   conditions to continue cannot be expected. They have already
   manifested their desire to intervene."

      John Bassett Moore,
      Santo Domingo and the United States
      (American Review of Reviews, March, 1905).

SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1901-1906.
   Participation in Second and Third International Conferences of
   American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.
   Years of almost Incessant Disorder and repeated Revolutions.
   Jimenez, Vasques, Wos y Gil, Morales and Caceres in
   succession at the Head of Government.
   Menace from the Creditors of the Republic.
   Appeal to the United States.
   American Treaty.
   President Roosevelt on the Situation.

   The assassination of President Heureaux and the election of
   President Jimenez are related in Volume VI. of this work (see
   DOMINICAN REPUBLIC). Jimenez’s rule was not long, and he gave
   way to a provisional government, under General Vasques, which
   was upset by a revolt that broke out in March, 1903, and which
   planted General Wos y Gil so obviously in power that his
   Government was recognized by the United States in October. But
   the rapidly revolving wheel of political events seems to have
   soon whirled Wos y Gil out and brought Jimenez back, to be
   tossed into private life again in 1904 by General Carlos F.
   Morales, of whom Mr. Sigimund Krausz gave a most favorable
   account in The Outlook, of September 17, 1904. "The
   common idea," said Mr. Krausz, "that the population of Santo
   Domingo consists exclusively of a horde of savages, and that
   the generals and politicians causing the kaleidoscopic
   sequence of revolutions are of the same class, and, without
   exception, uneducated brutes and degenerates, is quite
   erroneous, and has been created for the sake of
   sensationalism, largely by journalists and magazine writers
   without personal knowledge of Dominican conditions, or by
   native exiles who, naturally, are always enemies of the party
   in power. … While it is true that the vast majority of the
   Dominican people in the interior of the island live in a
   fearful state of ignorance, superstition, and even barbarism,
   caused by many decades of internal warfare, there is, however,
   also a class of natives who certainly ought not to be thrown
   in the same pot with them. These are the better citizens of
   the capital and the larger coast towns, among whom are many
   intelligent and educated men who had the advantage of fairly
   good schools and intercourse with foreigners. Among this class
   are a number who have received all or part of their education
   abroad, who speak two or three languages, and who, in their
   social intercourse and manners, may safely be pronounced
   gentlemen. They follow the occupations of merchants, planters,
   lawyers, physicians, etc., and while, as a rule, they keep
   aloof from politics, it is from their strata of society that
   spring most of the military and political leaders of Santo
   Domingo. There are few of these men who, by their appearance,
   betray the strain of negro blood in them, and the type is
   hardly distinguishable from that of Latin-Americans in
   general.

   "Carlos M. Morales belongs to the better class of Dominicans
   mentioned before, masters French, English, and Spanish
   fluently, and has the advantage of an ecclesiastical education
   in a seminary of Santo Domingo City. He was, in fact, for
   eight years a priest, before disagreement with various dogmas
   of the Church and the desire to take an active part in the
   political affairs of his country induced him to throw aside
   the cassock. He is a close student of West Indian conditions,
   and well acquainted with the affairs of the world in general.
   While being an ardent admirer of the United States and its
   institutions, and sincerely desiring its political friendship,
   he is at the same time the strongest opponent of any policy
   that would tend to make Santo Domingo a political dependency
   of Uncle Sam, either in the form of annexation or a
   protectorate."

   Morales was soon beset with claims from insistent foreign
   creditors, on account of debts which his predecessors had
   incurred, and which they had left nothing to satisfy. Several
   European governments were threatening forcible measures to
   secure payment for their subjects, and Morales asked for help
   from the United States. The situation and its outcome were
   reported subsequently to Congress by President Roosevelt, as
   follows:

   "The conditions in Santo Domingo have for a number of years
   grown from bad to worse until a year ago all society was on
   the verge of dissolution. Fortunately, just at this time a
   ruler sprang up in Santo Domingo, who, with his colleagues,
   saw the dangers threatening their country and appealed to the
   friendship of the only great and powerful neighbor who
   possessed the power, and as they hoped also the will, to help
   them. There was imminent danger of foreign intervention. The
   previous rulers of Santo Domingo had recklessly incurred
   debts, and owing to her internal disorders she had ceased to
   be able to provide means of paying the debts. The patience of
   her foreign creditors had become exhausted, and at least two
   foreign nations were on the point of intervention, and were
   only prevented from intervening by the unofficial assurance of
   this Government that it would itself strive to help Santo
   Domingo in her hour of need.
{584}
   In the case of one of these nations, only the actual opening
   of negotiations to this end by our Government prevented the
   seizure of territory in Santo Domingo by a European power. Of
   the debts incurred some were just, while some were not of a
   character which really renders it obligatory on, or proper
   for, Santo Domingo to pay them in full. But she could not pay
   any of them unless some stability was assured her Government
   and people.

   "Accordingly the Executive Department of our Government
   negotiated a treaty under which we are to try to help the
   Dominican people to straighten out their finances. This treaty
   is pending before the Senate. In the meantime a temporary
   arrangement has been made which will last until the Senate has
   had time to take action upon the treaty. Under this
   arrangement the Dominican Government has appointed Americans
   to all the important positions in the customs service, and
   they are seeing to the honest collection of the revenues,
   turning over 45 per cent to the Government for running
   expenses and putting the other 55 per cent into a safe
   depositary for equitable division in case the treaty shall be
   ratified, among the various creditors, whether European or
   American. …

   "Under the course taken, stability and order and all the
   benefits of peace are at last coming to Santo Domingo, danger
   of foreign intervention has been suspended, and there is at
   last a prospect that all creditors will get justice, no more
   and no less. If the arrangement is terminated by the failure
   of the treaty chaos will follow; and if chaos follows, sooner
   or later this Government may be involved in serious
   difficulties with foreign governments over the island, or else
   may be forced itself to intervene in the island in some
   unpleasant fashion. Under the proposed treaty the independence
   of the island is scrupulously respected, the danger of
   violation of the Monroe Doctrine by the intervention of
   foreign powers vanishes, and the interference of our
   Government is minimized, so that we shall only act in
   conjunction with the Santo Domingo authorities to secure the
   proper administration of the customs, and therefore to secure
   the payment of just debts and to secure the Dominican
   Government against demands for unjust debts. The proposed
   method will give the people of Santo Domingo the same chance
   to move onward and upward which we have already given to the
   people of Cuba. It will be doubly to our discredit as a nation
   if we fail to take advantage of this chance; for it will be of
   damage to ourselves, and it will be of incalculable damage to
   Santo Domingo."

      President’s Message to Congress,
      December 5, 1905.

   Twenty days after the above was sent to Congress President
   Morales was a fugitive from his capital, expelled by a sudden
   revolutionary movement in which Vice-President Caceres and
   most of the Morales Cabinet appear to have taken a leading
   part. Some fighting occurred; but the Morales forces were
   beaten decisively in the first week of January, 1906, and
   their General, Rodrigues, was killed. Morales, wounded, sought
   protection at the American Legation and resigned the
   Presidency, January 12. Caceres succeeded to the office, and a
   treaty of peace between the contending parties was signed on
   the 17th, on board an United States vessel of war. The new
   Government of San Domingo adhered to the arrangement made by
   Morales with the United States.

   As ratified ultimately, in the spring of 1907, by the United
   States Senate and the Dominican Congress, the treaty provided
   for the conversion of the embarrassed republic’s debt and the
   floating of a new issue of bonds, through the agency of a firm
   of New York bankers which had undertaken the management of the
   affair; while the Government of the United States, by its
   agents, was to continue its supervision of the collection of
   revenue.

SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1905-1907.
   The American Receivership of Dominican Revenues.
   The Modus Vivendi of 1905 and the Treaty of 1907.
   The working of the Arrangement.

   "By the modus vivendi of March 31, 1905, it was
   provided that until the Dominican Congress and the Senate of
   the United States should act upon the convention of February
   7, 1905, the President of the Dominican Republic, on the
   nomination of the President of the United States, should
   appoint a person to receive the revenues of all the
   custom-houses of the Republic. Of the net revenues collected,
   45 per cent was to be turned over to the Dominican Government,
   and used in administrative expenses. The remainder, less the
   expenses of collection, was to be deposited in a bank in New
   York to be designated by the President of the United States,
   and to remain there for the benefit of all creditors of the
   Republic, Dominican as well as foreign, and not to be
   withdrawn before the Dominican Congress and the Senate of the
   United States should have acted upon the convention then
   pending. During the operation of the modus vivendi all
   payments were to be suspended, without, however, in any way
   interfering with or changing the substantial rights of
   creditors. This modus vivendi went into effect on April
   1, 1905. Under the receivership created by this modus
   vivendi there has been collected, to August 31, 1907,
   $7,183,397.56. Of this amount 45 per cent was turned over to
   the Dominican Government, and $3,318,946.97, to bear interest
   while on deposit, has been remitted to New York. This is in
   striking contrast with the results of the customs operations
   of former years, when, having control of the entire revenues
   of the Republic, the Dominican Government had not only been
   unable to pay its current expenses, but found its apparent
   public debt increased at an average rate of almost $1,000,000
   a year for some thirty odd years. The convention between the
   United States and the Dominican Republic, signed at Santo
   Domingo City on February 8, 1907, was transmitted to the
   United States Senate on February 19, 1907, by the President,
   for ratification, and was ratified on the 25th of the same
   month. After formal ratification by the President of the
   United States and the Dominican Republic, ratifications were
   exchanged July 8, 1907, and formal proclamation made by the
   President on the 25th of the same month. Regulations have been
   drawn up for the application of its provisions. The treaty
   sets forth that the debts of the Dominican Republic amount to
   more than $30,000,000, nominal or face value, which have been
   scaled down by a conditional adjustment and agreement to some
   $17,000,000, including interest, in the payment of which the
   Government has requested the assistance of the United States.
{585}
   The latter agrees to give this assistance subject to certain
   conditions set out in the treaty, the principal among which
   are

   (a) the President of the United States shall appoint the
   general receiver of the Dominican customs and his assistants;
   and

   (b) that the Dominican Government shall provide by law for the
   payment to such general receiver of all the customs duties of
   the Republic.

   The money collected is to be applied as follows:

   (1) To paying the expenses of the receivership;

   (2) to the payment of interest on bonds issued by the
   Dominican Government in connection with the settlement of its
   debts;

   (3) to the payment of the annual sums provided for
   amortization of said bonds, including interest upon all bonds
   held in the sinking fund;

   (4) to the purchase and cancellation or the retirement and
   cancellation, pursuant to the terms thereof, of any of said
   bonds as may be directed by the Dominican Government, and

   (5) the remainder to be paid to the Dominican Government.

   On the 1st day of each calendar month the sum of $100,000 is
   to be paid over by the receiver to the fiscal agent of the
   loan, and the remaining collection of the last preceding month
   paid over to the Dominican Government, or applied to the
   sinking fund for the purchase or redemption of bonds, as the
   Dominican Government shall direct. Should the revenues thus
   collected exceed $3,000,000 for any one year, one-half of the
   surplus is to be applied to the sinking fund for the
   redemption of bonds."

      Report of the Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs,
      October 31, 1907
      (Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, page 797).

   ----------SAN DOMINGO: End--------

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1901-1909.
   Water Supply.
   The Hetch Hetchy Project.

   "Under this name is designated a plan for obtaining a water
   supply for the city of San Francisco from the head waters of
   the Tuolumne River in the Sierra Nevada mountains. The Hetch
   Hetchy Valley is one of the most widely known regions of the
   high Sierras, second only to Yosemite in scenic interest. It
   is formed by a widening of the gorge of the Tuolumne River,
   about 30 miles westerly from the crest of the Sierras. It is
   thus described in the United States Geological Survey, 21st
   Annual Report.

   "‘The valley proper is about three and one-half miles long and
   of a width varying from one-quarter to three-quarters of a
   mile. The rugged granite walls, crowned with spires and upon
   battlements, seem to rise almost perpendicular upon all sides
   to a height of 2500 feet above this beautiful emerald meadow.

   "‘The Tuolumne River leaves this valley in a very narrow
   granite gorge, the sides of which rise precipitously for 800
   or more feet, thus providing naturally a most favorable site
   for a masonry dam.’ As the result of exhaustive
   investigations, in 1901, having reference to the procuring of
   an adequate water supply for the City of San Francisco, that
   city, through its proper officers, selected, surveyed, filed
   upon and made application for the reservoir rights of way in
   the Hetch Hetchy Valley and Lake Eleanor, which lie within the
   reservation known as Yosemite National Park. These reservoir
   sites were recognized and surveyed as such by the United
   States Geological Survey, in 1891, and the survey filings and
   application were made in conformity with the act of Congress
   of February 15, 1901, relating to rights of way through
   certain parks, reservations and other public lands.

   "Lake Eleanor is situated 136 miles east of San Francisco on
   the west slope of the Sierra Nevada Mountains. It is about 300
   acres in extent and lies in a broad, flat valley enclosed by
   precipitous walls of granite, narrowing at the lower end of
   the valley. It is 4,700 feet above sea level and receives the
   direct drainage from 83 square miles, and by a diverting canal
   6 miles long from 103 square miles additional of uninhabitable
   mountain slopes which reach an altitude of 11,000 feet, and
   receive a mean annual precipitation of from 40 to 50 inches,
   most of which is snow. About a mile and a quarter below the
   lake, the valley closes into a granite walled gorge and offers
   an excellent site and material for a dam. …

   "Hetch Hetchy reservoir (site) is about 140 miles from San
   Francisco on the main fork of the Tuolumne River and is about
   3,700 feet above sea level. It receives the drainage from 452
   square miles of the uninhabitable slopes of the Sierra Nevada,
   reaching to elevations of over 13,000 feet. …

   "The Hetch Hetchy project proposes to conduct the water
   liberated from these reservoirs by way of the gorge of the
   Tuolumne River 16 miles and thence by canals, tunnels and
   pipes."

      Frederick H. Clark,
      Head of History Department, Lowell High School.

   The application of the City to the United States Government
   for the Lake Eleanor and Hetch Hetchy reservoir sites was
   denied, in the first instance (1903), by the Secretary of the
   Interior, the Honorable A. E. Hitchcock, but subsequently
   granted, on a reopening of the case and a rehearing, by
   Secretary James R. Garfield, in whose decision, rendered May
   11, 1908, the considerations for and against the proposed use
   of these famous seats of natural beauty and sublimity were
   discussed at length and concluded to have the greater weight
   in favor of the application.

   One stipulation made by Secretary Garfield was that within two
   years the City should submit the question of water supply to
   the vote of its citizens, as contemplated in its Charter. This
   was done on November 11, 1908, and the voters of San
   Francisco, notwithstanding the strenuous efforts of the
   private water company, recorded their approval of the Hetch
   Hetchy Project by the overwhelming vote of 34,950 for, to 5708
   against the proposition. At the same election a sale of
   municipal bonds to the amount of $600,000 was authorized in
   order to enable the City to proceed to perfect its titles.
   These bonds have been sold and at this date (June, 1909) the
   acquisition of the required land is under way.

   Almost passionate protests and pleadings against this use of
   the beautiful Hetch Hetchy Valley have been uttered by John
   Muir, the word-painter of "The Mountains of California," and
   many earnest voices from all parts of the country have been
   joined to his in the expostulation. Mr. Muir writes: "It is
   impossible to overestimate the value of wild mountains and
   mountain temples. They are the greatest of our natural
   resources, God's best gifts; but none, however high and holy,
   is beyond reach of the spoiler. These temple destroyers,
   devotees of ravaging commercialism, seem to have a perfect
   contempt for Nature, and instead of lifting their eyes to the
   mountains, lift them to dams and town skyscrapers. Dam Hetch
   Hetchy! As well dam for water-tanks the people’s cathedrals
   and churches, for no holier temple has ever been consecrated
   by the heart of man.

{586}

   "Excepting only Yosemite, Hetch Hetchy is the most attractive
   and wonderful valley within the bounds of the great Yosemite
   National Park and the best of all the campgrounds. People are
   now flocking to it in ever-increasing numbers for health and
   recreation of body and mind. Though the walls are less sublime
   in height than those of Yosemite, its groves, gardens, and
   broad spacious meadows are more beautiful and picturesque. It
   is many years since sheep and cattle were pastured in it, and
   the vegetation now shows scarce a trace of their ravages. Last
   year in October I visited the valley with Mr. William Keith,
   the artist. He wandered about from view to view, enchanted,
   made thirty-eight sketches, and enthusiastically declared that
   in varied picturesque beauty Hetch Hetchy greatly surpassed
   Yosemite. It is one of God’s best gifts, and ought to be
   faithfully guarded."

   When this work went to press, in May, 1910, Secretary
   Ballinger was giving hearings on the question of revoking the
   permit to San Francisco.

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1901 1909.
   The Struggle with Political Corruption.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1902.
   The Chinese Highbinder Associations.
   Report of the Industrial Commission on their Criminal
   and Dangerous Character.

   "Investigations made under the directions of the Industrial
   Commission reveal the dangerous importance to be attached to
   the existence of the so-called associations of ‘highbinders’
   among the Chinese population of San Francisco. It is variously
   estimated that of the total number of Chinese in that city,
   amounting to 25,000 or 30,000, there are about 1,000 members
   of the highbinder associations who represent the worst class
   of criminals. Many of them have been compelled to flee from
   their native country on account of crimes committed there.
   They are organized under the semblance of benefit societies,
   but for the purpose of blackmail and violation of the
   immigration laws. They impose fines arbitrarily upon the
   hard-working and prosperous Chinese, and enforce their decrees
   through criminal violence and even assassination. They nullify
   the judgment of American courts through their own secret
   tribunals and their paid assassins; they make a business of
   bringing to the United States slave girls and coolie laborers,
   and through their system of intimidation it is difficult, and
   often impossible, to secure witnesses who will testify to the
   truth. It is generally believed by those who have given
   attention to this matter, that if the country could be rid of
   this criminal class of Chinese, and the highbinders societies
   be permanently suppressed, one of the greatest factors in the
   commission of fraud in the administration of the Chinese
   exclusion laws would be eliminated. An eminent authority
   asserts that fully 75 per cent of all the frauds committed at
   the present time against the exclusion law can be traced
   directly to the highbinder associations. So perfect is the
   organization of these societies, and so thorough their reign
   of terrorism, that the efforts of the authorities to suppress
   them have never been successful. The only thing which they
   fear above all others, holding it in greater dread than our
   laws, our courts, and jails, is deportation to China. The only
   decisive remedy in that case is legislation through Congress,
   which should render aliens who are members of such societies,
   or any society having for its purpose the commission of crime
   or the violation of our laws, liable to deportation. What is
   true of the highbinders of San Francisco is probably true also
   of certain anarchistic societies which are recruited from
   Europe."

      Final Report (1902) of the Industrial Commission,
      page 1009.

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906.
   The Earthquake Shock of April 18, 1906.
   The Geological Explanation.
   Stupendous Destruction by Fire following the Earth Tremor.
   Conditions produced by the Fire.
   Relief Measures.

   "On the morning of April 18, 1906, the coastal region of
   Middle California was shaken by an earthquake of unusual
   severity. The time of the shock and its duration varied
   slightly in different localities, depending upon their
   position with reference to the seat of the disturbance in the
   earth’s crust; but in general the time of the occurrence may
   be stated to be 5h 12m A. M., Pacific standard time, or the
   time of the meridian of longitude 120° west of Greenwich;
   and the sensible duration of the shock was about one minute.

   "The shock was violent in the region about the Bay of San
   Francisco, and with few exceptions inspired all who felt it
   with alarm and consternation. In the cities many people were
   injured or killed, and in some cases persons became mentally
   deranged, as a result of the disasters which immediately
   ensued from the commotion of the earth. The manifestations of
   the earthquake were numerous and varied. … Springs were
   affected either temporarily or permanently, some being
   diminished, others increased in flow. Landslides were caused
   on steep slopes, and on the bottom lands of the streams the
   soft alluvium was in many places caused to crack and to lurch,
   producing often very considerable deformations of the surface.
   This deformation of the soil was an important cause of damage
   and wreckage of buildings situated in such tracts. Railway
   tracks were buckled and broken. In timbered areas in the zone
   of maximum disturbance many large trees were thrown to the
   ground and in some cases they were snapped off above the
   ground.

   "The most disastrous of the effects of the earthquake were the
   breaking out of fires and, at the same time, the destruction
   of the pipe systems which supplied the water necessary to
   combat them. Such fires caused the destruction of a large
   portion of San Francisco, as all the world knows; and they
   also intensified the calamity due to the earthquake at Santa
   Rosa and Fort Bragg. The degree of intensity with which the
   earthquake made itself felt by these various manifestations
   diminished with the distance from the seat of disturbance, and
   at the more remote points near the limits of its sensibility
   it was perceived only by a feeble vibration of buildings
   during a brief period.

{587}

   "The area over which the shock was perceptible to the senses
   extends from Coos Bay, Oregon, on the north, to Los Angeles on
   the south, a distance of about 730 miles; and easterly as far
   as Winnemucca, Nevada, a distance of about 300 miles from the
   coast. The territory thus affected has an extent, inland from
   the coast, of probably 175,000 square miles. If we assume that
   (he sea-bottom to the west of the coast was similarly
   affected, which is very probably true, the total area which
   was caused to vibrate to such an extent as to be perceptible
   to the senses was 372,700 square miles. Beyond the limits at
   which the vibrations were sufficiently sharp to appeal to the
   senses, earth waves were propagated entirely around the globe
   and were recorded instrumentally at all the more important
   seismological stations in civilized countries.

   "Various manifestations of the earthquake above cited,
   including the cracking and deformation of the soil and
   incoherent surface formations, were the results of the earth
   jar, or commotion of the earth’s crust. The cause of the
   earthquake, as will be more fully set forth in the body of
   this report, was the sudden rupture of the earth's crust along
   a line or lines extending from the vicinity of Point Delgada
   to a point in San Benito County near San Juan; a distance in a
   nearly straight course, of about 270 miles. For a distance of
   190 miles from Point Arena to San Juan, the fissure formed by
   this rupture is known to be practically continuous. Beyond
   Point Arena it passes out to sea, so that its continuity with
   the similar crack near Point Delgada is open to doubt; and the
   latter may possibly be an independent, tho associated, rupture
   parallel to the main one south of Point Arena. It is most
   probable, however, that there is but one continuous rupture.
   The course of the fissure for the 190 miles thru which it has
   been followed is nearly straight, with a bearing of from North
   30° to 40° West, but with a slight general curvature, the
   concavity being toward the. northeast, and minor local
   curvatures. The fissure for the extent indicated follows the
   old line of seismic disturbance which extends thru California
   from Humboldt County to San Benito County, and thence
   southerly obliquely across the Coast Ranges thru the Tejon
   Pass and the Cajon Pass into the Colorado Desert."

      Report of the California State Earthquake Investigation
      Commission, Volume 1, pages 1-2.

SAN FRANCISCO:
   The Great Conflagration.

   General Frederick Funston, commanding the United States troops
   at San Francisco, lost no time in ordering them out for
   service in the emergency, and his report gives many
   interesting particulars of the struggle with outbreaking and
   spreading fires, in which they took an heroic part.

   "By 9 A. M.," he wrote, "the various fires were merging into
   one great conflagration, and were approaching the Palace
   Hotel, Grand Hotel, Call Building, Emporium, and other large
   buildings from the south. … By the morning of the 19th the
   fire had destroyed the main portion of the wholesale and
   retail section of the city, and was actively burning on a line
   from about the corner of Montgomery avenue and Montgomery
   street southwest on an irregular line to Van Ness avenue at
   Golden Gate avenue. … The progress of the fire was very slow.
   It averaged not more than one block in two hours. … By the
   night of the 19th about 250,000 people or more must have been
   encamped or sleeping out in the open in the various military
   reservations, parks, and open spaces of the city.

   "On the night of the 19th, when the fire reached Van Ness
   avenue, Colonel Charles Morris, Artillery Corps, in command of
   the troops in that portion of the city, authorized Captain Le
   Vert Coleman to destroy a number of buildings far enough ahead
   of the fire to make a clearing along Broadway, Franklin and
   Gough streets, which space the fire was unable to bridge, and
   in this manner was stopped after it had crossed Van Ness
   avenue and the fire department seemed powerless. It is my
   opinion that if it had not been for the work done at this
   place the entire Western Addition of the city would have been
   destroyed.

   "By the morning of the 20th the Western Addition, as that part
   of the city lying west of Van Ness avenue is called, was
   considered safe, except from the danger arising from a very
   threatening conflagration working along the slopes of Russian
   Hill toward that part of Van Ness avenue lying north of
   Broadway. All day of the 20th an heroic fight was made by the
   soldiers, sailors, firemen, and citizens to stop this fire,
   which had a frontage of about half a mile, and was working its
   way slowly against the wind. A number of buildings were
   destroyed here by high explosives, and back firing was
   resorted to. The fight, at this place was greatly aided by
   water pumped from the bay at Fort Mason. …

   "By the most tremendous exertions the flames were prevented
   from crossing Van Ness avenue between that port (Fort Mason)
   and the point where they had once crossed and been fought out.
   By the morning of the 21st the Western Addition was considered
   safe, and the advancing flames south from the Mission district
   had been stayed; but a rising wind caused the fire to turn
   northeastward from Russian Hill and destroy a portion of the
   city along the bay shore that had hitherto been spared."

   Of the work of dynamiting that was done, mainly by the
   soldiers, Major General A. W. Greeley, in a special report,
   says: "The authority for demolitions was in every case derived
   from the Mayor or his representatives. During all of the 18th
   and until the afternoon of the 19th the city authorities
   withheld their permission to blow up any buildings, except
   those in immediate contact with others already ablaze.
   Consequently, although we were able to check the fire at
   certain points, it outflanked us time and again, and all our
   work had to be begun over in front of the fire. … By
   [afternoon of April 19th] the Mayor gave permission to take
   more drastic measures to stop the fire."

SAN FRANCISCO:
   After the Fire.

   Of conditions after the fire General Greeley gives a vivid
   description, partly as follows:

   "On April 18 this was a city of 500,000 inhabitants, the
   commercial emporium of the Pacific coast, a great industrial
   and manufacturing center, adorned with magnificent buildings,
   equipped with extensive local transportation, provided with
   the most sanitary appliances, and having an abundant water
   supply. On April 21 these triumphs of human effort, this
   center of civilization, had become a scene of indescribable
   desolation, more than 200,000 residents having fled from the
   burnt district alone, leaving several hundred dead under its
   smoldering ashes. …

{588}

   "The burnt area covered 3,400 acres, as against 2,100 in
   Chicago and 50 in Boston. … Even buildings spared by the fire
   were damaged as to chimneys, so that all food of the entire
   city was cooked over camp fires in the open streets.

   "Two hundred and twenty-five thousand people were not only
   homeless, losing homes and all personal property, but also
   were deprived of their means of present sustenance and future
   livelihood. Food, water, shelter, clothing, medicines, and
   sewerage were all lacking. Failing even for drinking purposes,
   water had to be brought long distances. Every large bakery was
   destroyed or interrupted. While milk and country produce were
   plentiful in the suburbs, local transportation was entirely
   interrupted so that even people of great wealth could obtain
   food only by charity or public relief."

SAN FRANCISCO:
   Loss of Life and Property.

   General Greeley "gives the loss of life in San Francisco,
   including some who subsequently died from injuries received,
   as 304 known and 194 unknown. In addition, 415 persons were
   seriously injured. Estimates of the value of property
   destroyed made up from the reports of settlements by the
   insurance companies are given as follows in Best’s Special
   Report on San Francisco Losses and Settlement, published in
   New York, February 25, 1907:

   ‘The total loss to insurance institutions throughout the world
   was from $220,000,000 to $225,000,000. It is probable that the
   sound value of the property represented by this loss was
   nearly or quite $100,000,000 greater than the last named
   figure, so that this conflagration takes rank as the largest
   in history in point of values destroyed. The loss fell on 243
   insurance institutions, plus those foreign companies (twenty
   or more in number) which have made no report to us.’"

SAN FRANCISCO:
   Maintenance of Order.

   "After the arrival of state troops ordered into service by the
   governor of California, five separate organizations were
   maintaining order in San Francisco—the municipal police, the
   national guard of California, the United States navy,
   citizens’ committees, and the United States army. Under this
   multiplied control it was inevitable that some clashes of
   authority should occur, and that citizens should at times feel
   hampered by excess of regulation. ‘It bears testimony,’ says
   General Greeley, ‘to the judgment and forbearance of the
   personnel enforcing order and to the sensible, law-abiding
   qualities of the people of San Francisco, that during such
   prolonged and desperate condition of affairs there should have
   been but nine deaths by violence. All killed were men, and
   four of the cases have been the subject of investigation under
   the civil law.’

SAN FRANCISCO:
   Relief Measures.

   "Invaluable service of relief was rendered by the railway
   companies, the Southern Pacific, under the personal direction
   of President E. T. Harriman, and the Atchison, Topeka and
   Santa Fe, giving free transportation over their lines from
   April 18th to the 26th, and affording every possible facility
   for the forwarding of relief supplies. The ferries and
   suburban lines did the same.

   "Food, clothing and tents furnished by Pacific coast cities
   began to pour in, followed quickly by similar supplies from
   more distant points and by the War Department of the United
   States under special appropriation promptly made by Congress.
   The proper handling and distribution of these vast quantities
   of material and the control of the refugee camps that filled
   the public parks devolved upon the military authorities.
   Relief service was promptly systematized by the army officers,
   ably assisted after the opening week by Dr. Edward T. Devine,
   special representative of the National Red Cross. After July 2
   the army was withdrawn from the refugee camps and the relief
   work passed under the control of the Red Cross and citizens’
   organizations. Mr. J. D. Phelan of San Francisco, chairman of
   the Finance Committee of the Relief and Red Cross Funds, thus
   commends the services of the army in its management of the
   relief operations: ‘As citizens we feel that the army in time
   of peace has demonstrated its efficiency and usefulness as it
   has in our days of trouble signalized its splendid qualities
   on the field of battle.’

SAN FRANCISCO:
   Behavior of the People.

   "General A. W. Greeley in his special report thus
   characterizes the behavior of the people of San Francisco.

   ‘It is safe to say that nearly 200,000 persons were brought to
   a state of complete destitution, beyond the clothing they wore
   or carried in their arms. The majority of the community was
   reduced from conditions of comfort to dependence upon public
   charity, yet in all my experiences I have never seen a woman
   in tears, nor heard a man whining over his losses. Besides
   this spirit of cheerful courage, they exhibited qualities of
   resourcefulness and self-respect which must command the
   admiration of the world. Within two months the bread line,
   which at first exceeded 300,000, was reduced to a comparative
   handful—less than 5 per cent. of the original number.’"

      Frederick H. Clark,
      Head of History Department, Lowell High School.

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906.
   Segregation of Oriental Children in Public Schools.
   Resentment of Japanese.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906 (April-October).
   During and after the Suppression of Saloons.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: CASUAL OCCURRENCES.

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906-1909.
   The Rebuilding of the Shattered and Burned City.
   Improvements in the Reconstruction.

   "The great fire of April, 1906, practically obliterated the
   business section of San Francisco. Vast heaps of brick and
   stone and iron beams, twisted and bent, filled the area where
   the great hotels, banks and mercantile establishments,
   wholesale and retail, had stood. The opportunity to correct
   original errors and to make improvements in the ground plan of
   this portion of the city was at once recognized. People said
   to one another: ‘ London, Chicago, and Baltimore have bitterly
   regretted, since their great fires, that they did not improve
   their streets. Are we to fail to take advantage of their
   mistakes?’ A Citizens’ Committee on Reconstruction was
   appointed; many valuable suggestions were brought together;
   and an expert engineer was directed to study the plans and
   make practical estimates of the cost of the more important
   improvements. A set of most commendable changes was thus
   brought to the point of authoritative adoption. These changes
   included, particularly, the widening of streets needed for
   main thoroughfares, extension of a few main streets so as to
   facilitate the distribution of traffic, the extension of
   shipping facilities along the water front, and improving the
   thoroughfares leading thereto. The opportunity of making these
   improvements while the whole area was destitute of buildings
   was, of course, never likely to recur.

{589}

   "At this point the whole matter came to a standstill. It was
   the misfortune of San Francisco at this critical moment to be
   under a municipal administration, wholly incompetent and
   corrupt. Private enterprise was strained to the utmost in the
   effort to recover from the great losses, and from the want of
   governmental initiative, all projects of municipal improvement
   failed for the time. Under a reformed city-government after
   1907, a great deal of municipal work was undertaken which will
   be indicated below.

   "Rebuilding of private structures is a wonderful record of
   courage, energy and resourcefulness. The first stage was the
   rushing up of temporary wooden structures,—any sort of a
   building that would afford shelter and permit the resumption
   of business. For the most part the lumber yards of San
   Francisco were untouched by the fire, and thus the city had a
   considerable stock of material for immediate operations. Van
   Ness Avenue and other former residence streets were soon lined
   with one-story wooden buildings over which appeared the
   well-known names of down-town firms.

   "The second stage in reconstruction was the removal of the
   ruins left by earthquake and fire. The business section of the
   former city was constructed mainly of brick. Whether from
   ignorance or prejudice the former building laws of San
   Francisco did not permit the use of concrete except for floors
   and foundations. Only a few of the more recently constructed
   buildings were of steel. Thus the first great problem was
   presented by the standing brick walls.

   "For a few days the use of dynamite for the overthrow of
   standing walls was permitted, and in this way much additional
   damage was done to buildings not wholly ruined by the
   earthquake and fire. Subsequently it was found to be far more
   systematic and advantageous as well as safer to pull down the
   standing walls by means of wire cables and stationary engines.
   Pulling down old walls became for a time a trade in itself.

   "Thousands of men found employment in cleaning the old bricks
   and stacking them up for use in rebuilding. For the removal of
   the vast quantities of debris,—twisted pipe and beams, broken
   brick and crumbled plaster, temporary railways were
   constructed over the level down-town district, and elaborate
   plans were made for a wholesale business by steam
   transportation. There was trouble over loading facilities,
   however, and the greater quantity was carried away by two
   horse dump-wagons, the material being used for filling in low
   lands along the water front and elsewhere. All California felt
   the demand for horses and wagons that this great work created.

   "Immediately after the fire the work of revising the building
   laws was taken up. Fortunately this task received the
   intelligent guidance of a citizens’ committee composed of
   local builders, architects and engineers. The building
   regulations were rescued from their contradictions and
   confusion, and a clear, systematic ordinance was secured. The
   most notable forward step was the authorization of reinforced
   concrete buildings.

   "Architects and engineers interested in the problems of
   reconstruction organized a ‘Structural Association’ as a
   clearing-house for improved building methods. The utmost pains
   were taken to study the effects of the earthquake and the
   conflagration in order to secure every possible advantage from
   the lessons inculcated. The results of this study may be
   summarized as follows.

   "Steel frame buildings (Class A) were perfectly able to resist
   the effects of earthquake shock of the severity of the
   disturbance of 1906, and when properly protected, to endure
   the test of conflagration as well. Concrete, both plain and
   reinforced, rose rapidly in favor as structural material.
   Opinion as to the continued use of brick in construction was
   divided, but on account of the need of brick in the cheaper
   buildings, there was no tendency toward its falling into
   disuse. Wired glass, that is, plate glass in which a mesh of
   fine wire netting is embedded has been brought into favor, the
   idea being that when this glass is subjected to great heat it
   may crack, but will not fall.

   "Along with the improved methods of construction, the
   rebuilding of office and business structures afforded an
   opportunity of modernizing them. Merchants went so far as to
   form a ‘Down-Town Association’ which held weekly meetings for
   the purpose of studying the problems of rehabilitation and of
   taking advantage of every suggestion for improvement. The new
   buildings have been perfected in lighting and sanitation and
   in exterior finish and interior arrangements have been brought
   up to the standard of the world’s best types. Thus the
   business district of the new city has been made immeasurably
   superior in durability, cleanliness and appearance, to what it
   was before the fire.

   "The amount of reconstruction that has been done is shown in
   the following table taken from the San Francisco
   Chronicle of April 18, 1909, which summarizes the work
   done in three years. The table was compiled from the municipal
   records.


   "Private building operations, April 18, 1906 to April 18, 1909:

                  Number.      Cost.

   Class A          82       $19,391,982

   Class B         109         8,042,831

   Class C       1,369        42,416,072

   Frame        12,352        50,962,813

   Alterations   6,334         9,528,310

   Total                    $130,344,008


   "Class A
   buildings having steel frames;
   stone, brick or concrete facing, fire-proof floors.
   Completely fire-proof.

   "Class B
   buildings of reinforced concrete,
   brick or stone, with steel beams entering into the main walls,
   fire-proof.

   "Class C
   brick, stone or concrete buildings
   with floors and floor-framework of wood.

   "As the actual cost usually exceeds the estimate that goes
   into the public record by about 15 per cent. it would be
   proper to estimate the cost of all this construction at
   $150,000,000. Of this amount it is estimated that less than
   $10,000,000 has been furnished from outside of San
   Francisco,—local capital having proven itself sufficient for
   this vast work. Within this same period the public service
   corporations have expended nearly $20,000,000 in
   reconstruction,—the greatest work being the practical
   rebuilding of the street-car lines. For municipal
   reconstruction the city has repaved nearly all of the business
   streets and has voted bonds for $18,200,000. From the funds
   thus provided permanent improvements of great importance are
   now (August, 1909) in progress.

{590}

   "The election authorizing the sale of bonds was held on May
   11, 1908. The purposes for which these bonds were issued are
   thus announced by the Public Utilities Committee of the Board
   of Supervisors:

   "‘Fire Protection Bonds, $5,200,000, for the installation of
   an extensive high pressure water system which will give
   superior fire protection to the greater part of the thickly
   built portion of the city, and designed to be the most
   serviceable of its kind in the world. With this installed it
   will be almost impossible for a conflagration to ever again
   visit the city.

   "‘Sewer Bonds, $4,000,000, for the construction of a complete
   sewer system which will discharge the sewage in a manner that
   will perfectly safeguard the health of the city.

   "‘School Bonds, $5,000,000, for the construction of
   school-houses to the number of more than thirty, replacing
   those destroyed by fire in April, 1906, and providing sites
   and additional structures in districts now inadequately
   supplied.

   "‘Hospital Bonds, $2,000,000, for the construction of modern
   hospitals.

   "‘Hall of Justice Bonds, $1,000,000, for the construction of
   buildings for the police and other departments of the city
   government.

   "‘Garbage System Bonds, $1,000,000, for the construction of
   modern works for the disposal of the city’s waste in a
   sanitary manner.

   "‘With these improvements the City of San Francisco will be
   equipped with public works that will insure it a prominent
   place in the cities of the world in respect to all things that
   go to make stability and give permanence to the community as a
   great trade and industrial center.’ The rapid recovery of San
   Francisco from the losses of the great fire is further shown
   by the following comparison of values from the Assessors
   Reports:


                    Value of Taxable Property.

                        1905.          1906.          1908.

   Real Estate       $304,136,185    $237,082,752    $258,642,215
   Buildings           97,830,165      50,250,480      90,996,500
   Personal Property  122,264,596      88,805,510     103,912,469
   Total             $524,230,946    $376,138,742    $453,551,184

      Frederick H. Clark,
      Head of History Department,
      Lowell High School.

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1908 (July).
   Visit of the Battleship Fleet.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

SANITARY UNDERTAKINGS.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

SANTOS-DUMONT, A.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

SARRIEN-CLEMENCEAU MINISTRY.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

SARTO, Giuseppe, Cardinal:
   Elected Pope.

      See (in this Volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1903 (JULY-AUGUST).

SASKATCHEWAN:
   Organized as a Province of the Dominion of Canada.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1905.

SAXONY: A. D. 1906.
   Political Reform.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

SCANDINAVIAN-AMERICAN SOLIDARITY.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

SCHMITZ, EUGENE E.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

SCHOOL CHILDREN, UNDERFED.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF.

SCHOOL PEACE LEAGUE,
   The American.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.

SCHOOLS.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION.

SCHOUVALOFF, COUNT, ASSASSINATION OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

SCHREINER, W. P.:
   Opposition to Disfranchisement of Colored Natives
   in South Africa.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

   ----------SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Start--------

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Aeronautics:
   The Development of the Aeroplane and the Dirigible Balloon.

   To be lifted from the earth by an inflated sack of gas lighter
   than air, and be drifted with it by the winds, was an
   interesting experience for a few adventurous people, after the
   Mongolfiers, in 1783, had found it could be done; but the
   practical advantages from it were slight, so long as the
   voyager of the air had no slightest control of his journeying.
   The possibility of such control only came within the range of
   inventors’ dreams when motor enginery had been carried far
   towards the promise of much power with little weight. The
   promise was half a century behind its fulfilment, however,
   when Henri Giffard, the notable French engineer, is said to
   have constructed a balloon which lacked nothing but the
   adequately light and vigorous motor in order to be as [much a]
   dirigible as any of the present day. But the needed motor
   began to take form, and success in the propulsion of balloons
   on steered courses, with some independence of the winds, began
   to be realized, in the experiments of Count Zeppelin, in
   Germany, and of M. Santos-Dumont in France, beginning about
   1898.

   Before that date, however, invention had been started on
   bolder lines, seeking independence of the clumsy gas-bag, and
   striving to mount the air as the bird does, by pushing against
   it the inclined planes of his wings. Otto Lilienthal, in
   Germany, began experiments to that end in 1893. He had no
   motor; but starting from a height, and "making judicious use
   of the movement of the wind," he accomplished gliding flights
   of about 1200 feet, and the machines he constructed were
   suggestive of ideas to the experimenters who followed him. He
   was killed by a fall in 1896. Many were then working at the
   problem of aerial flight without the lifting force of light
   gases.
{591}
   Some studied it scientifically and some attacked it in the
   rough manner of sheer empiricism. Of the former, in the United
   States, were Octave Chanute, the engineer, and Professor
   Samuel P. Langley, the astronomer and physicist of the
   Smithsonian Institution; in England there was Sir Hiram Maxim.
   These gentlemen arrived at no practical success in their own
   experimenting, but they furnished good guidance to the work of
   their more fortunate successors. A little later the scientific
   students of the problem were joined by the inventor of the
   telephone, Alexander Graham Bell. And then came the two
   workers who advanced from empiricism to science in their
   undertaking, and who won the first great successes by a happy
   combination of the two.

   The brothers Orville and Wilbur Wright have told, in an
   article contributed to The Century Magazine, how they
   were stirred to serious interest in the aviation problem in
   1896 and began to read what Langley, Chanute, Mouillard and
   others had written on it. Entering, purely as a sport, on
   experiments in gliding flight, on Lilienthal’s lines, they
   became fascinated by the pursuit. From the first they appear
   to have chosen what is known as the biplane structure for
   their machines, the invention of which they credit to a
   previous inventor, Wenham, whose design of it had been
   improved by Stringfellow and Chanute. To this construction, of
   two planes, one above the other, for supporting surfaces, they
   have steadfastly adhered.

   At the outset of their experimenting the Wrights found a
   difficulty in the balancing of "flyers" which previous workers
   did not seem to have treated seriously enough, and they
   settled themselves to the conquest of it at once. This and
   other problems soon carried them from empirical testing into
   scientific studies, which occupied several years. They found
   that the accepted measurements of wind pressure, on given
   plane surfaces exposed at different angles, were unreliable,
   and they applied themselves to the making and tabulating of
   measurements of their own. It was not until this work had
   given them "accurate data for making calculations, and a
   system of balance effective in winds as well as in calms," as
   well as the necessary data for designing an effective screw
   propeller, that they felt themselves prepared "to build a
   successful power-flyer."

   So far, these thorough-going workers at the problems of
   aviation had been experimenting with a machine designed, as
   they said, "to be flown as a kite, with a man on board," or
   without the man, "operating the levers through cords from the
   ground." Their active experimenting began in October, 1900, at
   Kitty Hawk, North Carolina. In 1901 they made the acquaintance
   of Mr. Chanute, and he spent some weeks with them, observing
   and encouraging their work. In September and October, they
   say, "nearly one thousand gliding flights were made, several
   of which covered distances of over 600 feet. Some, made
   against a wind of thirty-six miles an hour, gave proof of the
   effectiveness of the devices for control." Late in 1903 they
   had reached the point of testing a power-machine, and sailed
   into the air with it for the first time on the 17th of
   December in the presence of five lookers-on. "The first
   flight," they tell us, "lasted only twelve seconds: a flight
   very modest compared with that of birds; but it was,
   nevertheless, the first in the history of the world in which a
   machine carrying a man had raised itself by its own power into
   the air in free flight, had sailed forward on a level course,
   without reduction of speed, and had finally landed without
   being wrecked. The second and third flights were a little
   longer, and the fourth lasted fifty-nine seconds, covering a
   distance of 852 feet over the ground against a twenty-mile
   wind."

   In the spring of 1904 the experimenting of the Wright Brothers
   was transferred from Kitty Hawk, North Carolina, to a prairie
   not far from their home, at Dayton, Ohio. There they overcame
   final difficulties in the maintaining of equilibrium when
   turning their machine in circles of flight; and then, at the
   end of September, 1905, they suspended experiments for more
   than two years, which they spent in business negotiations and
   in the construction of new machines. Their experimenting was
   not resumed until May, 1908 (again at Kitty Hawk). At this
   time it was directed to the testing of the ability of their
   machine to meet the requirements of a contract with the United
   States Government to furnish a flyer capable of carrying two
   men and sufficient fuel supplies for a flight of 25 miles,
   with a speed of forty miles an hour.

   Meantime, during the two years of suspended experimenting by
   the Wrights, other workers in Europe and America had been
   approaching their successes, so far as to be competitors for
   the important prizes now offered very plainly for winning in
   the aviation field. M. Santos-Dumont, turning his attention
   from dirigible balloons to aeroplanes, had made, at Paris, the
   first public flight on that side of the ocean; and though he
   covered no more than 220 yards, it was a long stride in
   practical success. Henry Farman, Louis Bleriot, M. Delagrange,
   in France, Glenn H. Curtiss and A. M. Herring, in the United
   States, were making ready to dispute honors with the Dayton
   aviators, of whose actual achievements the public knew little,
   as yet.

   On all sides there was readiness for surprising and
   astonishing the public in 1908. Farman, at Paris, in March,
   exceeded a flight of two miles; Delagrange, at Milan, in June,
   covered ten miles, and more; Farman, in July, raised his
   record to eleven miles, and Delagrange carried his to fifteen
   and a half in September. The Wrights had made flights that
   ranged from eleven to twenty-four miles in the fall of 1905;
   and now, in their renewed trials of 1908, these distances were
   more than doubled. Wilbur Wright went abroad, to exhibit their
   machine in France and elsewhere, while Orville, in September,
   submitted it to official tests at Fort Myer, near Washington.
   There, on different days in that month, rounding circuits of
   the parade ground, he made time records of continuous flight
   that ran from 56 to 74 minutes, travelling estimated distances
   that stretched in one instance over fifty-one and a third
   miles. These trials at Fort Myer were interrupted sadly by an
   accident, from the breaking of a propeller-blade, which caused
   the machine to drop to the ground while in flight. Lieutenant
   T. E. Selfridge, U. S. A., who rode with Mr. Wright at the
   time, was killed, and Mr. Wright suffered a broken leg.

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   Wilbur Wright, meantime, was entering on great triumphs in
   France. At Le Mans, on the 21st of September, he traversed 68
   miles in a continuous flight of a little more than an hour and
   a half. This achievement was far surpassed by him on the 18th
   of December, when 95 miles were travelled in an hour and
   fifty-four minutes, and again, on the 31st of December, when
   the stay in the air was prolonged to two hours, nine minutes
   and some seconds, and the distance covered was 76½ miles.

   These records of the Wrights for time of continuous flight
   were beaten by a number of European competitors, as will be
   shown below. Otherwise, the records of 1909 show no very
   marked advance beyond those of 1908; but the year had
   excitements in aviation, connected especially with attempted
   flights over the English Channel. Hubert Latham, a recent
   French practitioner in aviation, was the first to venture this
   leap through the air from France to England. His machine was
   described as being an Antoinette monoplane, designed by M.
   Levevasseur. He launched it from Calais in the early morning
   of July 19, and traversed about six miles of the passage when
   his motor failed and he fell to the water, unhurt, and was
   rescued by an attendant steamer. Six days after Latham's
   failure, on the 25th of July, Louis Bleriot, using another
   monoplane machine, made the crossing with brilliant success,
   flying from Calais to Dover, 21 miles, in 23 minutes, and
   winning the prize of £1000 which the Daily Mail, of London,
   had offered for the performance of the feat. M. Latham then
   repeated his attempt and was unfortunate again, his motor
   giving out after it had carried him within two miles of the
   Dover shore.

   Orville Wright, at this time, July 27, was demonstrating at
   Fort Myer the ability of his aeroplane to carry two persons in
   a well-sustained flight. With Lieutenant Frank P. Lahm, of the
   Signal Corps, as a passenger, and having President Taft among
   his spectators, he made a flight of an hour, twelve minutes
   and forty seconds, accomplishing upwards of fifty miles at an
   average speed of forty miles an hour. A day or two afterwards
   he carried Lieutenant Benjamin D. Foulois over the ten mile
   course from Fort Myer to Alexandria at a speed of more than
   forty-two miles an hour.

   In the last week of August the first race meeting for
   heavier-than air flying machines occurred at Rheims, France,
   and a dozen aviators from France, England and America competed
   for large prizes in long distance and duration flights. A
   number of new records was made, and new names acquired note.
   Louis Paulhan kept the air for two hours and forty-three
   minutes with a Voisin biplane, covering 83 miles. Hubert
   Latham surpassed this in distance and speed, making 96 miles
   in two hours and eighteen minutes; and this again was beaten
   by Henri Farman, who travelled 118 miles, remaining in the air
   over three hours. M. Latham used the Antoinette monoplane, and
   M. Farman a biplane of his own design. Mr. Glenn H. Curtiss
   won the prize for speed, doing 18 miles in twenty-five minutes
   and forty-five seconds.

   Orville Wright had now gone abroad and his brother had
   returned to America. In August and September the former gave
   exhibitions at Berlin, breaking some of his own records,
   carrying a passenger in his machine for an hour and
   thirty-five minutes, on the 18th of September, and rising, on
   the 1st of October, to an unexampled height, believed to have
   exceeded 1000 feet. This, however, was greatly exceeded in
   January, 1910, by Hubert Latham, at Mourmelon, France, who
   rose to 3280 feet, and by Louis Paulhan, at Los Angeles,
   California, 4165 ft. On the 3d of October the Crown Prince of
   Germany was his companion in a short flight.

   Meantime Wilbur Wright, in America, had endeavored to supply
   one of the spectacles arranged for the Hudson-Fulton
   celebration at New York; but the intended programme of
   aviation was spoiled by forbidding winds. He did, however,
   make one astonishing flight, on the 4th of October, from
   Governor’s Island, up the Hudson to Grant’s tomb, and, on his
   return, passing over the British battle-ships then lying in
   the river. The distance travelled was about twenty miles and
   the time of the journey thirty-three minutes and a half.
   Unfortunately it was unexpected, and was seen by a small part
   only of the millions who had been watching several days for a
   flight. On the next day Mr. Wright made the statement that no
   more public exhibitions would be given by his brother or
   himself. "Hereafter," he said, "we shall devote all our
   efforts to the commercial exploitation of our machines, and
   fly only as a matter of experiment, to test the value of
   whatever changes we decide to make in the construction."

   Turning now back to the development of the motor-propelled and
   dirigible balloon, we find that field of aeronautics very
   nearly monopolized at the beginning of the twentieth century,
   so far as the public saw it, by the Brazilian millionaire, A.
   Santos-Dumont, who spent his time and his wealth at Paris in
   ballooning. The French Government had been authorizing army
   experiments in dirigible ballooning since 1884, and a
   motor-driven air-ship of that description, designed by Captain
   Renard, and named "La France," had made a trip from
   Chalais-Meudon to Paris and return in September, 1885, being
   the first balloon ever navigated back to its starting point;
   but not much in the same line to excite public interest
   appears to have been done in the next sixteen years. Then, on
   the 19th of October, 1901, a lively stir of interest
   everywhere was excited by the exploit of Santos-Dumont, in
   navigating his balloon from St. Cloud to and around the Eiffel
   Tower and back to the starting point. He had done the same
   privately three months before, at a very early morning hour of
   July 12, on which occasion he broke his rudder at an early
   stage of the journey, descended in the Trocadero Gardens, made
   repairs and then went on doing the whole round in an hour and
   six minutes, including the stop.

   Expectation, however, that controllable navigation of the air,
   in average conditions of wind, might really be an approaching
   and not very distant fact, cannot be said to have had much
   awakening in the world until the performances, in 1908, of
   Count Zeppelin’s huge airship, 440 feet in length, called
   Zeppelin No. IV., which enclosed numerous envelopes of gas in
   a rigid aluminum frame. On the 2d of July, 1908, he drove this
   great balloon from Friedrichshafen, on Lake Constance, to
   Luzerne, 248 miles, within twelve hours. Starting again from
   Friedrichshafen, August 4, intending a 500 mile trip, he made
   a lauding at Oppenheim, 260 miles distant, returned thence to
   Stuttgart, and finally to Echterdingen, where a hurricane
   storm wrecked his airship completely, causing its motor to
   explode. Public sympathy with the veteran aeronaut and public
   faith in his work were so strong that a fund was raised
   promptly by subscription for the building of another of his
   costly balloons.

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   With this he was ready for new voyages in the spring of 1909,
   and started from Friedrichshafen on the 30th of May, carrying
   two engineers and a crew of seven, travelled 456 miles to
   Bitterfield, where, without landing, he turned back; but
   landed later near Goeppingen, receiving a slight injury to the
   balloon in landing by contact with a tree. The whole distance
   travelled was about 850 miles, in 37 hours. Late in August the
   Count accomplished a long desired voyage from his headquarters
   on Lake Constance to Berlin; but was forced to land at
   Nuremberg for repairs, and again at Bitterfield, disappointing
   the great crowds which waited at Berlin, till late at night on
   the 29th, with the Emperor, to welcome his arrival. When he
   came, the next day, however, the public enthusiasm showed no
   cooling. "He was received," says a despatch from Berlin, "with
   all the honours which the Court and capital could pay him, and
   his triumphal entry into the city this afternoon as the
   honoured guest of the Emperor, was not merely a dramatic
   success but a national demonstration." And now, from this
   glancing survey of achievement thus far in the navigation of
   the air, with and without help from the levitation of gas,
   what expectations of further achievement can we reasonably
   indulge? Here is one answer, from a notably scientific
   mind,—that of the late Simon Newcomb, the astronomer:

   "It would seem that, at the present time, the public is more
   hopeful of the flying-machine than of the dirigible balloon.
   The idea that because such a machine has at last been
   constructed which will carry a man through the air, there is
   no limit to progress, is a natural one. But to judge of
   possibilities, we must advert to the distinction already
   pointed out between obstacles interposed by nature, which
   cannot be surmounted by any invention, and those which we may
   hope to overcome by possible mechanical appliances. The
   mathematical relations between speed, sustaining power,
   strength of material, efficiency of engine, and other elements
   of success are fixed and determinate, and cannot be changed
   except by new scientific discoveries, quite outside the power
   of the inventor to make. That the gravitation of matter can in
   any way be annulled seems out of the question. Should any
   combination of metals or other substances be discovered of
   many times the stiffness and tensile strength of the fabrics
   and alloys with which we are now acquainted, then might one
   element of success be at our command. But, with the metals
   that we actually have, there is a limit to the weight of an
   engine with a given driving power, and it may be fairly
   assumed that this limit is nearly reached in the motors now in
   use. … Owing to the levity of the air, the supporting surface
   must have a wide area. We cannot set any exact limit to the
   necessary spread of sail, because the higher the speed the
   less the spread required. But, as we increase the speed, we
   also increase the resistance, and therefore we must have a
   more powerful and necessarily heavier motor. … Bearing in mind
   that no limit is to be set to the possible discovery of new
   laws of nature or new combinations of the chemical elements,
   it must be understood that I disclaim any positive prediction
   that men will never fly from place to place at will. The claim
   I make is that they will not do this until some epoch-making
   discovery is made of which we have now no conception, and that
   mere invention has nearly reached its limit. It is very
   natural to reason that men have done hundreds of things which
   formerly seemed impossible, and therefore they may fly. But
   for every one thing seemingly impossible that they have
   succeeded in doing there are ten which they would like to do
   but which no one believes that they can do. No one thinks of
   controlling wind or weather, of making the sun shine when we
   please, of building a railroad across the Atlantic, of
   changing the ocean level to suit the purposes of commerce, of
   building bridges of greater extent than engineers tell us is
   possible with the strength of the material that we have at
   command, or of erecting buildings so high that they would be
   crushed by their own weight. Why are we hopeless as to all
   these achievements, and yet hopeful that the flying-machine
   may be the vehicle of the future, which shall transport us
   more rapidly than a railroad train now does? It is simply
   because we all have so clear a mental view of the obstacles in
   the way of reaching such ends as those just enumerated that we
   do not waste time in attempting to surmount them, and we are
   hopeful of the flying-machine only because we do not clearly
   see that the difficulties are of the same nature as those we
   should encounter in erecting a structure which would not be
   subject to the laws of mechanics.

   "I have said nothing of the possible success of the
   flying-machine for the purposes of military reconnaissance or
   any other operations requiring the observer to command a wide
   view of all that is on the landscape. This is a technical
   subject which, how great soever may be its national
   importance, does not affect our daily life."

      Simon Newcomb,
      The Prospect of Aerial Navigation
      (North American Review, March, 1908).

   Here is another, from Thomas A. Edison, the inventor:

   "In ten years flying machines will be used to carry mails.
   They will carry passengers, too, and they will go at a speed
   of 100 miles an hour. There is no doubt of this."

   These are the words of Mr. Edison in an interview published in
   the New York Times, August 1st, 1909. But while he is
   sure that the "flying machine has got to come," he is not at
   all sure that it will come along the lines pursued in the
   present experiments. "The flying problem now consists of 75
   per cent. machine and 25 per cent, man," he said, "while to be
   commercially successful the flying machine must leave little
   to the peculiar skill of the operator and must be able to go
   out in all weathers." He continued:

   "If I were to build a flying machine I would plan to sustain
   it by means of a number of rapidly revolving inclined planes,
   the effect of which would be to raise the machine by
   compressing the air between the planes and the earth. Such a
   machine would rise from the ground as a bird does. Then I
   would drive the machine ahead with a propeller."

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   Mr. Edison believes it is a question of power. "Is it not
   thinkable that a method will be discovered of wirelessly
   transmitting electrical energy from the earth to the motor of
   the machine in mid-air?" He asked and answered his own
   question, saying:—"There is no reason to disbelieve that it
   can and will be done." He added, however, that there was great
   room for improvement in explosive engines. "Any day we are
   likely to read that somebody has made picric acid or something
   else work—done some little thing that will transform the
   flying machine from a toy into a commercial success." And when
   it is perfected, he says, the flying machine may end war by
   becoming a means of attack that cannot be resisted.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   Agriculture: Dry Farming in the West.

   For twenty consecutive years, in scores of places from the
   James River to the Arkansas, Mr. H. W. Campbell, of Lincoln,
   Nebraska, the pioneer "dry farmer" of Arid America, "has been
   uniformly successful in producing without irrigation the same
   results that are expected with irrigation, with comparatively
   little additional expense, but not without a great deal more
   watchfulness and labor. What Western people have become
   accustomed to calling the ‘Campbell system of dry farming’
   consists simply in the exercise of intelligence, care,
   patience, and tireless industry. It differs in details from
   the ‘good-farming’ methods practised and taught at the various
   agricultural experiment stations; but the underlying
   principles are the same.

   "These principles are two in number. First to keep the surface
   of the land under cultivation loose and finely pulverized.
   This forms a soil mulch that permits the rains and melting
   snows to percolate readily through to the compacted soil
   beneath; and that at the same time prevents the moisture
   stored in the ground from being brought to the surface by
   capillary attraction, to be absorbed by the hot, dry air. The
   second is to keep the sub-soil finely pulverized and firmly
   compacted, increasing its water-holding capacity and its
   capillary attraction and placing it in the best possible
   physical condition for the germination of seed and the
   development of plant roots. The ‘dry farmer’ thus stores water
   not in dams and artificial reservoirs, but right where it can
   be reached by the roots of growing crops.

   "Through these principles, a rainfall of twelve inches can be
   conserved so effectively that it will produce better results
   than are usually expected of an annual precipitation of
   twenty-four inches in humid America. The discoverer and
   demonstrator of these principles deserves to rank among the
   greatest of national benefactors."

      John L. Cowan,
      Dry Farming the Hope of the West
      (Century Magazine, July, 1906).

   "It is difficult for one who is used to the commonplace
   methods of tilling the soil which obtained a quarter of a
   century ago to believe that a new method has been discovered
   which will triple and quadruple the results of the old system
   in those parts of the country in which the rainfall is
   somewhat restricted. The imagination cannot immediately grasp
   the statement that dry farming methods would lift the Kansas
   wheat crop from 75,000,000 to 216,000,000 bushels. Yet this is
   a fact.

   "If the mind of the eastern farmer can grasp this tremendous
   fact he will be ready to credit the statement that there are
   millions of acres in the western country which were until a
   few years ago regarded as utterly worthless, but which are now
   cheap at $25 an acre. To the wheat industry alone of the
   western country the proved fact of the value of dry farming
   means more than any other development fact in the agricultural
   history of this country. What is true of increased yields in
   dry farming is equally true, and in a larger degree, perhaps,
   with respect to irrigation. For years the government has been
   warning the country that the increased production of wheat is
   not keeping pace with the increased consumption.

   "Should this continue it would mean that ere long the United
   States would be compelled to draw a part of its wheat supply
   from the Canadian Northwest. It would also mean that the
   United States would lose the export wheat trade with the
   Orient, which is bound to increase rapidly. It is not
   generally known that the 400,000,000 people in China are being
   educated to the use of wheat and other cereals than rice, and
   that, therefore, the demand for wheat will continue to
   increase. …

   "One of the facts which Mr. Harriman realized far in advance
   of any one else and which was an important factor in his
   transportation plans was the possibilities of dry farming as
   well as irrigation. Before he began to talk much about these
   subjects he set about to prepare his system to reap the first
   and most substantial part of the results of dry farming and of
   irrigation. Other railroad builders are now beginning to
   realize that Mr. Harriman is prepared to transport the
   products of the West, of the Northwest and the Southwest
   between almost any parts of this country, as well as through
   many ports from San Francisco to the South Atlantic ports,
   including one or two on the western coast of Old Mexico.
   Although he and former President Roosevelt were at war in many
   respects, it was Mr. Harriman that gave the former President
   much of the information he acquired regarding the boundless
   resources of the West. By doing so he caused the government to
   work even more energetically than it had been working for the
   conservation of the nation’s resources."

      Chicago Record-Herald,
      July 11, 1909.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   Anniversary Celebrations.

   The eightieth birthday of Dr. Rudolph Virchow, founder of
   cellular pathology, was celebrated on the 13th of October,
   1901, by a remarkable assemblage of distinguished physicians
   and surgeons from many countries, who made pilgrimages to
   Berlin to do him honor.

   The centenary of the birth of Charles Darwin, and the
   semi-centennial year of the publication, in 1859, of his work
   on "The Origin of Species," were commemorated in every part of
   the world; but the great collective demonstration of honor to
   Darwin’s memory, organized by the University of Cambridge, his
   alma mater, was a tribute of surpassing impressiveness.
   As described by the London Times, on the opening day of
   this extraordinary celebration, June 22, 1909, "the whole
   learned world, from Chile to Japan," was joined in the homage
   paid. "Some of those who will be present," said The
   Times, "were his comrades, most of them have been in some
   measure his working contemporaries.
{595}
   Two hundred and thirty-five universities, academies, and
   learned bodies at home and abroad have nominated delegates to
   represent them; and of these 107 are situated in foreign
   countries and British dominions outside the United Kingdom.
   Thirty of the most famous institutions in Germany, thirty in
   the United States, fourteen in France, ten in Austria-Hungary,
   eight in Italy, as many in Sweden, seven in Russia, and lesser
   numbers in seven other foreign countries have honoured the
   occasion by naming some of their most distinguished members to
   take part in it. The distant seats of learning in the younger
   British countries have responded with not less cordiality;
   seven in Canada, seven in Australia, five in New Zealand, and
   the same number in South Africa have appointed delegates;
   India and Ceylon are represented by eight. Within the United
   Kingdom 68 universities and societies are lending their
   support; and, in addition to the appointed delegates, there
   are some 200 invited guests, who include men eminent in every
   walk of life. … No such academic tribute as the present
   festival has ever been paid to the memory of an individual
   within so short a time of his own life."

   The commemorative exercises of the occasion were continued
   through three days.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   Astronomy: The Astronomy of the Invisible.

   "The discovery of double and multiple stars from the effects
   of the gravitational attraction on their luminous components
   is known as the ‘Astronomy of the Invisible.’ It was first
   suggested by the illustrious Bessel about 1840. … The greatest
   extension of the Astronomy of the Invisible has been made by
   Professor Campbell, of the Lick Observatory. In the course of
   the regular work on the motion of stars in the line of sight,
   carried out with a powerful spectroscopic apparatus presented
   to the Observatory by Honorable D. O. Mills, of New York, he
   has investigated during the past five years the motion of
   several hundred of the brighter stars of the northern heavens.
   … With such unprecedented telescopic power and a degree of
   precision in the spectrograph which can be safely depended
   upon, it is not unnatural that some new and striking phenomena
   should be disclosed. These consisted of a large number of
   spectra with double lines, which undergo a periodic
   displacement, showing that the stars in question were in
   reality double, made up of two components, moving in opposite
   directions,—one approaching, the other receding from the
   Earth. There were thus disclosed spectroscopic binary stars,
   systems with components so close together that they could not
   be separated in any existing telescope, yet known to be real
   binary stars by the periodic behaviour of the lines of the
   spectra so faithfully registered on different days. …

   "Campbell’s work at the Lick Observatory derives increased
   importance from its systematic character, which enables us to
   draw some general conclusions of the greatest interest. He has
   thus far made known the results of his study of the spectra of
   two hundred and eighty of the brighter stars of the northern
   heavens. Out of this number he finds thirty-one spectroscopic
   binaries, or one ninth of the whole number of objects studied.
   … It seems certain that a more thorough study will materially
   increase the number of spectroscopic binaries; and Professor
   Campbell thinks one sixth, or even one fifth, of all the
   objects studied may eventually prove to be binary or multiple
   systems. Such an extraordinary generalization opens up to our
   contemplation an entirely new view of the sidereal universe. …

   "If we accept the conclusion that with our finest telescopes,
   in the best climates, on the average one star in twenty-five
   is visually double, it will follow from Campbell’s work on
   some three hundred stars that five times that number are
   spectroscopically double. Thus, although over a million stars
   have been examined visually, and some five thousand
   interesting systems disclosed by powerful telescopes, the
   concluded ratio would give us, at last analysis, four million
   visual systems among the hundred million objects assumed to
   compose the stellar universe. On the other hand, the large
   ratio of spectroscopic binaries to the total number of stars
   examined by Campbell would lead us to conclude that in the
   celestial spaces there exist in reality no less than twenty
   million spectroscopic binary stars! Could anything be more
   impressive than the view thus opened to the human mind? …

   "It may indeed well be that the dark and unseen portion of the
   universe is even greater than that which is indicated by our
   most powerful telescopes. Half a century ago Bessel remarked:

   ‘There is no reason to suppose luminosity an essential quality
   of cosmical bodies. The visibility of countless stars is no
   argument against the invisibility of countless others.’"

      T. J. J. See,
      Recent Progress in Astronomy
      (Atlantic Monthly, January, 1902).

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Biological:
   Mendel’s Law of Variation in Species.

   "Gregor Mendel was Abbot of Brünn in Moravia when Darwin was
   at work on the Origin. He does not appear to have had any
   unusual interest in the problem of evolution; indeed, his main
   concern was with an essentially pre-Darwinian question,—the
   nature of plant hybrids. With this problem as an avocation
   from his serious clerical duties, the abbot busied himself in
   the garden of his cloister; a leisurely, clear-headed,
   middle-aged churchman in whom a great scientist was spoiled.
   For eight years he experimented with varieties of the common
   pea, and in 1865 communicated to the Society of Naturalists in
   Brünn the substance of the discovery which is hereafter to be
   known as Mendel’s law, ‘the greatest discovery in biology
   since Darwin.’ Unfortunately, at that time, the Brünn Society,
   like the rest of the world, had other things on its mind. …
   Somehow or other, Mendel’s discovery escaped attention until
   four years ago [1900], when De Vries reached it independently.
   Two years later Mr. Bateson, who had been among the first to
   realize its significance, made a translation of the two
   original papers. … Since then, Mendel’s Law has been found to
   hold for a considerable number of cases, both among animals
   and plants, but most unaccountably not to work for a few
   others; so that, as yet, no one knows how nearly universal it
   may prove to be, nor how it is to be reconciled with the older
   Law of Ancestral Heredity of Galton. …

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   "One illustration will serve to make clear the practical
   workings of Mendel’s principle. If a single rough-coated
   guinea-pig of either sex be introduced into a colony of normal
   smooth-coated individuals, all its offspring of the first
   generation will be rough-coated like itself. In the next
   generation, if one of the parents is smooth and the other
   rough, the young will be half of one sort and half of the
   other, but if both parents are rough, three quarters will take
   the ‘dominant’ rough coat. In the next, and all subsequent
   generations, one half of these rough-coated individuals which
   had one smooth-coated grandparent, and one-third of those
   which had two smooth-coated grandparents, which were not
   mated, will drop out the 'recessive' smooth-coatedness, and
   become, in all respects, like their original rough-coated
   progenitor, even to having only rough-coated young, no matter
   what their mates may have. Thus Mendel’s law, though by no
   means simple, is very precise. The essential part of his great
   discovery is that in each generation of plants or animals of
   mixed ancestry, a definite proportion lose one half of their
   mingled heritage, and revert, in equal numbers, to one or
   other of the pure types."

      E. T. Brewster,
      Some Recent Aspects of Darwinism
      (Atlantic Monthly, April, 1904).

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   The Carnegie Institution of Washington.
   Promotion of Original Research.

   The following information relative to the founding, the plan
   and the work of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, is
   derived from the, authorities of the Institution:

   The Institution was founded by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, January
   28, 1902, when he gave to a board of trustees $10,000,000 in
   registered bonds, yielding 5 per cent annual interest. To this
   endowment fund an addition of $2,000,000 was made by Mr.
   Carnegie on December 10, 1907. The Institution was originally
   organized under the laws of the District of Columbia as the
   Carnegie Institution. Subsequently, however, it was
   incorporated by an act of Congress, approved April 28, 1904,
   under the title of the Carnegie Institution of Washington. The
   articles of incorporation declare, in general, "that the
   objects of the corporation shall be to encourage in the
   broadest and most liberal manner investigation, research, and
   discovery, and the application of knowledge to the improvement
   of mankind." By the act of incorporation the Institution was
   placed under the control of a board of twenty-four trustees,
   all of whom had been members of the original board referred to
   above.

   The President of the Institution is Dr. Robert S. Woodward,
   formerly of the faculty of Columbia University. The Chairman
   of its Board of Trustees is Dr. John S. Billings, Director of
   the New York Public Library. The Board includes such notable
   members as William H. Taft, Elihu Root, Seth Low, Andrew D.
   White, Dr. S. Weir Mitchell, Henry L. Higginson and President
   Henry S. Pritchett.

   Since the object of the Institution is the promotion of
   investigation "in the broadest and most liberal manner," many
   projects in widely different fields of inquiry have been
   considered, or are under consideration, by the Executive
   Committee. These projects are chiefly of three classes,
   namely:

   First, large projects or departments of work whose execution
   requires continuous research by a corps of investigators
   during a series of years. Ten such departments have been
   established by the Institution. …

   Secondly, minor projects which may be carried out by
   individual experts in a limited period of time. Many grants in
   aid of this class of projects have been made.

   Thirdly, research associates and assistants. Under this head
   aid has been given to a considerable number of investigators
   possessing exceptional abilities and opportunities for
   research work.

   An annual appropriation is made for the purpose of publishing
   the results of investigations made under the auspices of the
   Institution, and for certain works which would not otherwise
   be readily printed. Its publications are not distributed
   gratis, except to a limited list of the greater libraries of
   the world. Other copies are offered for sale at prices only
   sufficient to cover the cost of publication and transportation
   to purchasers. Lists are furnished on application.

   Since its organization in 1902, about one thousand individuals
   have been engaged in investigations under the auspices of the
   Institution and there are at present nearly five hundred so
   engaged. Ten independent departments of research, each with
   its staff of investigators and assistants, have been
   established. In addition to these larger departments of work,
   organized by the Institution itself, numerous special
   researches, carried on by individuals, have been subsidized.
   Seven laboratories and observatories, for as many different
   fields of investigation and in widely separated localities,
   have been constructed and equipped. A building in Washington,
   D. C., for administrative offices and for storage of records
   and publications, is now approaching completion. A specially
   designed ship for ocean magnetic work has just been completed
   and started on her first voyage.

   Mr. George Iles, in his "Inventors at Work," describes and
   characterizes the aims and guiding principles of the
   Institution as follows: "In its grants for widely varied
   purposes the policy of the Institution is clear: only those
   inquiries are aided which give promise of fruit, and in every
   case the grantee requires to be a man of proved ability, care
   being taken not to duplicate work already in hand elsewhere,
   or to essay tasks of an industrial character. Experience has
   already shown it better to confine research to a few large
   projects rather than to aid many minor investigations with
   grants comparatively small.

   "One branch of work reminds us of Mr. Carnegie’s method in
   establishing public libraries—the supplementing of local
   public spirit by a generous gift. In many cases a university
   or an observatory launches an inquiry which soon broadens out
   beyond the range of its own small funds; then it is that aid
   from the Carnegie Institution brings to port a ship that
   otherwise might remain at sea indefinitely. Let a few typical
   examples of this kind be mentioned;—Dudley Observatory,
   Albany, New York, and Lick Observatory, California, have
   received aid toward their observations and computations;
   Yerkes Observatory, Wisconsin, has been helped in measuring
   the distance of fixed stars. Among other investigations
   promoted have been the study of the rare earths and the
   heat-treatment of some high-carbon steels. The adjacent field
   of engineering has not been neglected: funds have been granted
   for experiments on ship resistance and propulsion, for
   determining the value of high pressure steam in locomotive
   service.
{597}
   In geology an investigation of fundamental principles has been
   furthered, as also the specific problem of the flow of rocks
   under severe pressure. In his remarkable inquiry into the
   economy of foods, Professor W. O. Atwater, of Wesleyan
   University, Middletown, Connecticut, has had liberal help. In
   the allied science of preventive medicine a grant is advancing
   the study of snake venoms and defeating inoculations.

   "At a later day the Institution may possibly adopt plans
   recommended by eminent advisers of the rank of Professor Simon
   Newcomb, who points out that analysis and generalization are
   to-day much more needed than further observations of a routine
   kind. He has also had a weighty word to say regarding the
   desirability of bringing together for mutual attrition and
   discussion men in contiguous fields of work, who take the
   bearings of a great problem from different, points of view."

      George Iles,
      Inventors at Work
      Chapter XIX, page 276
      Doubleday, Page & Co., New York
      https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/48454

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Electrical:
   A New Electric Phenomenon.

   Writing recently in the London Times, Professor
   Silvanus P. Thompson has described a discovery of effects
   which "appear to point to a true electric momentum." "To two
   men, Professor Nipher, of St. Louis, and Dr. Mathias Cantor,
   of Würzburg, the question seems to have occurred whether, if a
   flow of electricity is caused abruptly to turn its path round
   a sharp corner, anything is observable in the neighbourhood of
   the sharp corner, that would suggest a momentum of the
   electric corpuscles. Nipher employed as conductor a
   sharply-bent splinter of bamboo, carrying a high-tension
   discharge from a large influence machine. Cantor used a thin
   metallic film of gold or platinum formed by deposition on the
   faces of a glass plate bevelled to a sharp edge; the current
   being provided by a battery. Nipher, investigating by photographic
   plates, discovered that the current passing the sharp
   corner emitted radiations akin to the X-rays, and capable of
   giving shadow pictures, even through ebonite 3/16 of an inch
   thick. He has also used thin metal wires bent into a series of
   sharp corners, and finds that at every corner some of the
   electrons leave the wire, tending to persevere in their
   original direction of movement rather than undergo a sudden
   change of direction. Cantor, exploring electrically with a
   wire attached to a charged insulated electrometer, found the
   electrometer discharged by the emanations (or radiations) from
   the acute angle of his conducting film. Later, but without
   knowledge of what Nipher had accomplished, Cantor also exposed
   a photographic plate to the angle of the film, and found it
   marked with streaks as if charged particles had left the angle
   in a particular direction. Both experimenters had already made
   numerous observations under different circumstances before
   publishing their results. Nipher’s discovery was communicated
   to the American Philosophical Society in the early summer, and
   an account of his work appeared in Science of July 17
   last [1909] . Cantor’s observations were announced to the
   German ‘Naturforscher’ meeting at Cologne on September 23.

   "If," remarks Professor Thompson, "we accept the modern
   doctrine that all inertia in what we call matter is due to the
   magnetic field surrounding a moving charge of electricity,
   this newly-discovered effect takes its natural place beside
   the other known effects."

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TELEGRAPHY:
   The Printer System.

   The Electrical Review of January 2, 1909, gave the
   following account of the extent to which the "printer system"
   of telegraphy had then come into use in the United States:
   "Over fifty printer circuits are now in regular operation on
   the Western Union lines, between leading business centres of
   the United States, and additional wires are being equipped as
   fast as the printer apparatus can be installed. This is a
   system of rapid automatic telegraphy by which telegrams are
   transmitted at a high rate of speed and received at their
   destination printed on the regular message forms by a
   typewriter automatically operated by the electrical impulses
   transmitted over the wire. The appearance of the message as
   received is identical with a message turned out by the most
   expert typewriter operator on Morse circuits. The messages are
   ready for delivery as soon as they come off the wire, and the
   only attention required by the typewriter as it receives the
   messages from the wire is that of removing the blank when the
   message is completed and supplying a fresh, sheet to the
   machine for the next message."

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Wireless Telegraphy.
   Statement from Marconi.

   "Up to the commencement of 1902 the only receivers that could
   be practically employed for the purposes of wireless
   telegraphy were based on what may be called the coherer
   principle—that is, the detector, the principle of which is
   based on the discoveries and observations made by S. A.
   Varley, Professor Hughes, Calsecchi Onesti, and Professor
   Branly. Early in that year the author was fortunate enough to
   succeed in constructing a practical receiver of electric
   waves, based on a principle different from that of the
   coherer. … The action of this receiver is in the author’s
   opinion based upon the decrease of magnetic hysteresis, which
   takes place in iron when under certain conditions this metal
   is exposed to high frequency oscillations of Hertzian waves. …

   "This detector is and has been successfully employed for both
   long and short distance work. It is used on the ships of the
   Royal Navy and on all trans-Atlantic liners which are carrying
   on a long-distance news service. It has also been used to a
   large extent in the tests across the Atlantic Ocean. … The
   adoption of this magnetic receiver was the means of bringing
   about a great improvement in the practical working conditions
   of wireless telegraphy by making it possible to do away with
   the troublesome adjustments necessary when using coherers, and
   also by considerably increasing the speed at which it is
   possible to receive, the speed depending solely on the ability
   of the individual operators. Thus a speed of over 30 words a
   minute has been easily attained. …

   "In the spring of 1903 the transmission of news messages from
   America to the London Times was attempted, and the
   first messages were correctly received and published in that
   newspaper. A breakdown in the insulation of the apparatus at
   Cape Breton made it necessary, however, to suspend the
   service, and, unfortunately, further accidents made the
   transmission of messages unreliable, especially during the
   spring and summer.
{598}
   In consequence of this, the author’s company decided not to
   attempt the transmission of any more public messages until
   such time as a reliable and continuous service could be
   maintained and guaranteed under all ordinary conditions. … In
   October, 1903, it was found possible to supply the Cunard
   steamship Lucania during her entire crossing from New
   York to Liverpool with news transmitted direct to that ship
   from Poldhu and Cape Breton."

      G. Marconi,
      Recent Advances in Wireless Telegraphy
      (Annual Report Smithsonian Institution, 1905-1906,
      pages 137-142).

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   The Real Problem.

   "It is well to remember that the year 1903 is the earliest
   date at which radio-telegraphy could be regarded as really
   workable, and of material practical utility. Previous to then,
   ‘wireless ’ working was very uncertain, but in that year tuning
   devices were introduced, the principle of which was originally
   due to Sir Oliver Lodge; and it is these that have made so much
   difference in the application of Hertzian waves for the
   purposes of telegraphy. Practical success in radio-telegraphy
   should not, in fact, be judged from the point of view of the
   distance at which signals can be sent—or received—but rather
   from the standpoint of non-interference and secrecy. The
   essential element in wireless telegraphy—above all others—is,
   indeed, a discriminating or selective method. For the main
   purposes of radio-telegraphy, immunity from interference by
   syntony is essential. Thus a selective system in time of war
   would be invaluable; a non-selective system almost worse than
   useless. Syntonic wireless telegraphy entails in the first
   place, a similar rate of oscillation, or time—i. e., a similar
   wave length—at the sending and receiving ends. Indeed, the
   real problem in wireless telegraphy is to arrange the
   receiving apparatus so that it is alive to notes of one
   definite frequency, or pitch, but deaf to any other notes,
   even though of but slightly different pitch. This is effected
   by the proper adjustment of inductance and capacity, as first
   shown by Sir Oliver Lodge. … It is, however, at present,
   impossible to secure really complete secrecy from any method
   of open wave radiation. A radio-telegraphist, with the right
   apparatus and a knowledge of the tune, could upset any system
   of Hertzian wave telegraphy. It should, therefore, be clearly
   understood that there are, as yet, definite limits to the
   practical results of tuning for securing absolute selectivity
   and secrecy."

      Charles Bright,
      The Useful Sphere for Radio-Telegraphy
      (Westminster Review, April, 1908).

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   Singular Unexplained Phenomena.

   Speaking at Stockholm, Sweden, on the occasion of his
   receiving the Nobel Prize, in December, 1909, Mr. Marconi gave
   the following account of some unexplained phenomena that are
   experienced in the working of radio-telegraphy. He said that
   "a result of scientific interest which he first noticed during
   the tests on the steamship Philadelphia and which was a
   most important factor in long distance radio-telegraphy was
   the very marked and detrimental effect of daylight on the
   propagation of electric waves at great distances, the range by
   night being usually more than double that attainable during
   daytime. He did not think that this effect had yet been
   satisfactorily investigated or explained. … He was now
   inclined to believe that the absorption of electric waves
   during the daytime was due to the ionization of the gaseous
   molecules of the air effected by ultra-violet light, and as
   the ultra-violet rays which emanated from the sun were largely
   absorbed in the upper atmosphere of the earth, it was probable
   that the portion of the earth’s atmosphere which was facing
   the sun would contain more ions or electrons than that portion
   which was in darkness, and therefore, as Sir J. J. Thomson had
   shown, this illuminated and ionized air would absorb some of
   the energy of the electric waves. Apparently the length of
   wave and amplitude of the electrical oscillations had much to
   do with this interesting phenomenon, long waves and small
   amplitudes being subject to the effect of daylight to a much
   smaller degree than short waves and large amplitudes. …

   "For comparatively short waves, such as were used for ship
   communication, clear sunlight and blue skies, though
   transparent to light, acted as a kind of fog to these waves. …
   It often occurred that a ship failed to communicate with a
   near-by station, but could correspond with perfect ease with a
   distant one. … Although high power stations were now used for
   communicating across the Atlantic, and messages could be sent
   by day as well as by night, there still existed short periods
   of daily occurrence during which transmission from England to
   America, or vice versa, was difficult."

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   Transatlantic Service.

   "The Transatlantic wireless service was inaugurated in
   October, 1907, between Ireland and Canada, the charges being
   reduced from 1s. per word for business and private messages
   and 5d. per word for Press messages to 5d. and 2½d.
   respectively, these charges not including the land line
   charges on both sides of the Atlantic. …

   "The first wireless messages across the Atlantic were sent
   from the Canadian station at Table Head, in Cape Breton, in
   1902. This station was afterwards removed to its present site,
   five miles inland, and there greatly enlarged. Ever since 1902
   Mr. Marconi has been conducting experiments and making new
   discoveries and improvements until, at the present day,
   wireless telegraphy across the Atlantic, over a distance of
   2000 miles, is an assured success. … Press traffic … was
   started on October 17, 1907. On February 3, 1908, the service
   was extended to private and business telegrams between
   Montreal and London. The number of words transmitted during
   the past year is in the neighbourhood of 300,000."

      Correspondence of the London Times,
      June 25, 1909.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   Equipments at Sea.
   Extent of the Service.
   Compulsory Legislation Pending.

   "Although an installation was carried on the St. Paul for one
   trip in 1899, the credit of being the pioneers in the use of
   wireless telegraphy on the ocean belongs to the North-German
   Lloyd and Cunard Companies. The first vessel fitted was the
   Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse, and the lead of the Germans was
   immediately followed by the English company. Both vessels were
   fitted by the Marconi Company, which has the distinction of
   being the first company to equip vessels on a commercial
   basis. … The Marconi Company alone has up to the present
   fitted nearly 200 merchant ships, while the United Wireless
   Telegraph Company has fitted nearly 170 ships. …

{599}

   "A very large number of vessels engaged in the coasting trade
   of America and on the Great Lakes are fitted with wireless
   telegraphy; the American list shows that 133 vessels are
   equipped, while a statement issued by the United Wireless
   Telegraph Company shows 31 other vessels to have been fitted
   up to April 2, besides 15 Great Lake steamers either fitted or
   in course of equipment. …

   "Nearly 500 warships belonging to nine different countries
   have been fitted, or are in course of equipment, with
   radio-telegraphy. According to the American list the United
   States Navy has been foremost among the navies of the world in
   the use of ‘wireless.’ On October 1 last 173 United States
   warships were fitted with various systems. The Berne lists,
   issued up to May 1 last, show Great Britain to have 157
   vessels equipped, Germany 80, Netherlands 11, Denmark 9, and
   Spain 5.

   "In February last the United States House of Representatives
   passed a Bill providing that ‘every ocean passenger steamer
   certified to carry 50 passengers or more, before being granted
   a clearance for a foreign or domestic port 100 miles or more
   distant from the port of her departure from the United States,
   shall be equipped with an efficient radio-telegraph
   installation, and shall have in her employ and on board an
   efficient radio-telegrapher.’ … The Bill, it is understood,
   will be considered by the Senate in the autumn, and will it is
   thought be passed after it has undergone some slight
   modification. Following the example of the United States
   Congress a Bill has been introduced in the Canadian House of
   Commons. … An Italian Royal Decree dated March 14 last
   provides that all vessels of whatever nationality clearing
   from Italian ports with emigrants shall carry a wireless
   installation. So far as this country [Great Britain] is
   concerned no legislative action is likely to take place, at
   least for the present."

      Correspondence of the London Times,
      July 2, 1909.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   The Cry that brought Help to the Steamship "Republic."

   On the 23d of January, 1909, the service of the wireless
   telegraph to imperilled ships was illustrated by an incident
   which thrilled the world. In a dense fog, off the island of
   Nantucket, 26 miles distant, the steamship "Republic," of the
   White Star Line, was struck amidships by an Italian liner, the
   "Florida." Two passengers on the former were killed and two
   were seriously injured, while four sailors of the other were
   killed. Both steamers were shattered to the sinking point, but
   the state of the "Republic" was the worse. Fortunately she was
   equipped with the wireless apparatus for telegraphy, and its
   operator, "Jack" Binns, was a man equal to the emergency. His
   appealing signals, "C. Q. D." ("Come Quick! Danger"), were
   flashed out into all surrounding space, and brought many
   responses from sea and shore; but then came the difficulty of
   finding the sinking ships in the black fog. The first rescuing
   vessel to reach their vicinity was the "Baltic" of the "White
   Star Line," and she was helped in her groping to them, not
   only by the ceaseless exchange of wireless messages, but by
   the sounding of the submarine bell of the Nantucket lightship.
   The "Baltic" was fitted with receivers for taking guidance
   from these bells, as her Captain described afterwards in a
   published account of his search. "On my ship," he said, "there
   are two apertures on either side of the bow, which you might
   call submarine ears. They are connected by wires with a
   telephone receiver on the bridge. By listening at this
   telephone and switching the instrument from the starboard
   ‘ear’ to the port ‘ear’ and back again, you can hear the faint
   tones of the lightship’s submarine bell when you get in range
   of it. If the tone is louder through the starboard ‘ear’ than
   through the port ‘ear,’ you know the lightship is on your
   starboard side. If the tone is exactly the same through both
   ‘ears,’ you know the lightship is dead ahead. This apparatus
   helped me greatly."

   Nevertheless, the "Baltic’s" search for the "Republic" went on
   through twelve hours, like that of "a hound on the scent," as
   the Captain described it. Meantime, the passengers of the
   "Republic" had been transferred to the "Florida," which seemed
   well afloat, and the "Baltic" now took everybody from both,
   the total exceeding 1500. The "Republic" was then towed toward
   Martha’s Vineyard, but sank a few miles from land, her Captain
   remaining until the last minute on board. The conduct of all
   connected with the peril and the rescue was fine, and none
   more so than that of the sleepless and tireless operator of
   the wireless telegraph.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   Marconi Coast Stations in Great Britain taken over by
   the British Government.

   The following announcement was made by the British Postmaster
   General in the House of Commons on the 30th of September,
   1909:

   "I am glad to say that arrangements have been completed with
   the Marconi Company for the transfer to the Post Office of all
   their coast stations for communication with ships, including
   all plant, machinery, buildings, land, and leases, &c., and
   for the surrender of the rights which they enjoy under their
   agreement with the Post Office of August, 1904, for licences
   or facilities in respect of coast stations intended for such
   communication.

   "In addition, the Post Office secures the right of using, free
   of royalty, the existing Marconi patents and any future
   patents or improvements, for a term of 14 years, for the
   following purposes:—Communication for all purposes between
   stations in the United Kingdom and ships, and between stations
   on the mainland of Great Britain and Ireland on the one hand
   and outlying islands on the other hand, or between any two
   outlying islands; and (except for the transmission of public
   telegrams) between any two stations on the mainland; and on
   board Post Office cable ships. The inclusive consideration to
   be paid to the company is £15,000.

   "The arrangement is in no sense an exclusive one. All the
   stations will, under the International Radio-Telegraphic
   Convention, be open for communication equally to all ships,
   whatever system of wireless telegraphy they may carry; and the
   Post Office will be free to use or to experiment with any
   system of wireless telegraphy at its discretion. All inland
   communication of messages by wireless telegraphy will be
   entirely under the control of the Post Office. The company
   will retain the licence for their long-distance stations at
   Poldhu and Clifden, which are primarily intended for
   shore-to-shore communication with America. Arrangements have
   also been made with Lloyd’s for the transfer to the Post
   Office of their wireless stations for communication with
   ships, and for the surrender of all claims to licences for
   such communication."

{600}

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   Notes of Recent Progress.

   A despatch from Seattle, March 5, 1909, reported that "the
   steamship Aki Maru of the Nippon Yusen Kaisha fleet
   accomplished her recent passage from Yokohama, Japan, to Puget
   Sound, a distance of 4,240 miles, without losing communication
   with wireless stations on either the Japanese or American
   coasts. The accomplishment was made possible by relaying
   messages through other vessels of the company, which were
   picked up between the Aki Maru and the coast. The Aki Maru was
   able to communicate directly with the Japanese coast stations,
   when she was 1,400 miles away."

   According to Paris correspondence of the London Daily
   Telegraph, quoted in the New York Evening Post of
   August 21, "wireless messages from New York are now received
   or intercepted almost daily by the military station on the
   Eiffel Tower. Occasionally radio telegrams have also been
   received from Canada, which, it is believed, forms a record in
   wireless telegraphy. The communications are at present only of
   a desultory nature, but the officer, Commandant Ferie, who is
   in charge of the station, hopes to be able soon to organize a
   regular service for government, and, perhaps, also for
   commercial, purposes. The new apparatus which is now being set
   up in the underground office on the Champ de Mars will be more
   powerful than any preceding ones, and will be ready probably
   by the end of next month. Wireless messages will then be
   exchanged regularly between Paris and the eastern coast of the
   United States, and perhaps also with Canada."

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   Electro-Chemistry: The Study of the Infinitely Little.

   "A new branch of physical chemistry has lately been developed
   from the study of the infinitely little which promises to be
   the most important science of the future; for it deals most
   intimately with the problems of life. This subject is called
   electro-chemistry. It is based upon the effect of electricity
   in revealing the important reactions and motions of the
   smallest particles of matter. The literature of this subject
   in current periodicals already exceeds that of any other
   department of physical science. Until a comparatively late
   day, heat and light were considered the principal agents which
   chemists employed to study the reactions of matter. In the new
   subject of electro-chemistry, electricity occupies the first
   place, as a destroyer and a readjuster; and heat and light are
   merely subordinate parts of its manifestations, differing from
   it only in length of waves in the ether. The to-and-fro
   motion, which is our incontestable fact, is an electrical
   vibration. When we consider the investigations in
   electro-chemistry, we perceive that the most important actions
   of electricity are not those we are conscious of in their
   great practical applications; it is rather in subtle and
   silent effects that it works its greatest changes on life and
   matter."

      John Trowbridge,
      The Study of the Infinitely Small
      (Atlantic Monthly, May, 1902).

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   Entomological Study: What we Owe to it?
   Practical Affairs.

   "The insect friends and enemies of the farmer are getting
   attention. The enemy of the San José scale was found near the
   Great Wall of China, and is now cleaning up all our orchards.
   The fig-fertilizing insect imported from Turkey has helped to
   establish an industry in California that amounts to from fifty
   to one hundred tons of dried figs annually, and is extending
   over the Pacific coast. A parasitic fly from South Africa is
   keeping in subjection the black scale, the worst pest of the
   orange and lemon industry in California."

      Message of President Roosevelt to Congress, 1904.

   "The business man, always on the outlook for a dividend, has
   sometimes complained that some of our inquiries do not seem to
   him practical, but he must have patience and faith. A few
   years ago no knowledge could seem so useless to the practical
   man, no research more futile than that which sought to
   distinguish between one species of a gnat or tick and another;
   yet to-day we know that this knowledge has rendered it
   possible to open up Africa and to cut the Panama canal."

      A. E. Shipley,
      on Research in Zoology, at Meeting of
      British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1909.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   Esperanto.

   Dr. Zamenhof, a Russian physician, inventor of the proposed
   international language called Esperanto, published his first
   pamphlet on the subject in 1887; but it was not until ten
   years later that the prospect of its extensive use as such
   began to be realized. "It was well received, first in Russia,
   then in Norway and Sweden. Then it was taken up in France, by
   M. de Beaufront. The latter had himself invented an artificial
   language, but gave it up as soon as he became acquainted with
   the admirable work of his Russian competitor. He is the man
   who forced the world at large to stop and seriously consider
   Esperanto as the solution of the great problem proposed by men
   like Roger Bacon, Descartes, Pascal, Leibnitz, Locke,
   Condillac, Voltaire, Diderot, and so many others. From France
   it went to Germany, Austria, Switzerland, Italy, and finally
   to England, where thirty societies of Esperantists were
   created within a little over a year. …

   "The general principle upon which Dr. Zamenhof has worked is
   this: to eliminate all that is accidental in our national
   languages, and to keep what is common to all. In consequence,
   and strictly speaking, he invents nothing; he builds entirely
   with material that has been in existence for a long time.
   Here, then, is the way in which he proceeds regarding the
   various elements that are necessary to the formation of a
   language.

   "The Sounds.
   Sounds that are peculiar to one language are eliminated. The
   English th and w are not found in French or
   German, therefore they are dropped. On the other hand, the
   French u, the German ü, and the French nasals do
   not exist in English; they too are dropped. The Spanish
   ñ and j, and the German ch, have the same
   fate. Thus, only sounds which are found everywhere are kept,
   and no one will have any difficulty about pronunciation, no
   matter to what country he belongs. Spelling is of course
   phonetic: one and the same sound for one letter. There are no
   mute letters, as in French; neither are there double letters.
   …

{601}

   "The Accent is always on the penultimate syllable.
   Esperanto reminds one of Italian, when spoken, and has proved
   extremely melodious for singing.

   "The Vocabulary. The principle of internationalism is
   applied here in a most ingenious fashion. Dr. Zamenhof
   proceeded thus: he compared the dictionaries of the different
   languages, and picked out first those words which are common
   to them all. He spelled them according to the phonetic system,
   dropped the special endings in each idiom, and adopted them as
   root-words in his proposed language. … Then he picked out
   those which appear in most languages, although not in all. …
   For the remaining words,—and there are comparatively few
   left,—which are never the same in the different languages, Dr.
   Zamenhof selected them in such a manner as to make the task of
   acquiring Esperanto equally difficult or equally easy for all
   concerned."

      A. Schinz,
      Esperanto: the Proposed Universal Language
      (Atlantic Monthly, January, 1906).

   The sixth international Congress of teachers and promoters of
   Esperanto is appointed to be held at Washington in 1910. An
   influential Esperanto Association has been organized in the
   United States, under the presidency of Dr. D. O. S. Lowell, of
   the Boston Latin School.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   Eugenics: The Science and Art of being Well-born.

   "We know that the old rule, ‘Increase and multiply,’ meant a
   vast amount of infant mortality, of starvation, of chronic
   disease, of widespread misery. In abandoning that rule, as we
   have been forced to do, are we not now left free to seek that
   our children, though few, should be at all events fit, the
   finest, alike in physical and psychical constitution, that the
   world has seen?

   "Thus has come about the recent expansion of that conception
   of eugenics—or the science and art of being well-born,
   and of breeding the human race a step nearer towards
   perfection—which a few among us, and more especially Mr.
   Francis Galton, have been developing for some years past.
   Eugenics is beginning to be felt to possess a living actuality
   which it was not felt to possess before. Instead of being a
   benevolent scientific fad, it begins to present itself as the
   goal to which we are inevitably moving. … Human eugenics need
   not be, and is not likely to be, a cold-blooded selection of
   partners by some outside scientific authority. But it may be,
   and is very likely to be, a slowly growing conviction—first
   among the more intelligent members of the community, and then
   by imitation and fashion among the less intelligent
   members—that our children, the future race, the torch-bearers
   of civilisation for succeeding ages, are not the mere result
   of chance or Providence, but that, in a very real sense, it is
   within our grasp to mould them, that the salvation or
   damnation of many future generations lies in our hands, since
   it depends on our wise and sane choice of a mate. …

   "Eventually, it seems evident, a general system, whether
   private or public, whereby all personal facts, biological and
   mental, normal and morbid, are duly and systematically
   registered, must become inevitable if we are to have a real
   guide as to those persons who are most fit or least fit to
   carry on the race. Unless they are full and frank, such
   records are useless. But it is obvious that for a long time to
   come such a system of registration must be private. … Through
   the munificence of Mr. Galton and the co-operation of the
   University of London the beginning of the attainment of these
   eugenic ideals has at length been rendered possible. The
   senate of the University has this year appointed Mr. Edgar
   Schuster, of New College, Oxford, to the Francis Galton
   Research Scholarship in Natural Eugenics. It will be Mr.
   Schuster’s duty to carry out investigations into the history
   of classes and of families, and to deliver lectures and
   publish memoirs on the subject of his investigations. It is a
   beginning only, but the end no man can foresee."

      Havelock Ellis,
      Eugenics and St. Valentine
      (Nineteenth Century, May, 1906).

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   The Gasoline Engine.

   Writing in 1905, in an article entitled "The Age of Gasoline,"
   contributed to the American Review of Reviews, Mr. F.
   K. Grain, M. E., gave this brief account of the rapid
   development of its use as a producer of power, threatening to
   supersede coal: "About fifteen years ago we first began to
   hear much of the gasoline engine, which was then in a very
   crude state. Its possibilities, however, were so attractive,
   and the field for its use so large,—practically
   unlimited,—that inventors and manufacturers at once bent their
   energies to its development, with the result that the gasoline
   engine has reached a degree of perfection in the past few years
   that is surprising in view of the fact that the designers were
   working out a new problem in a practically unknown field, and
   consequently had no data, theoretical or practical, of any value
   to assist. … As a motive power, utilized by means of the
   internal-combustion engine, gasoline is at this time
   revolutionizing travel, through the automobile. The
   automobile, in turn, has been the means of adapting gasoline
   to propulsion of railway trains, as this form of power is
   found especially useful on short lines where the traffic is
   light. Several railroads are now building gasoline motor cars
   of considerable size. …

   "The gasoline engine as now made is an adaptation of the steam
   engine, employing the gas produced by gasoline as a means of
   energy. Contrary to the general understanding, the gas or
   gasoline engine is but a high-pressure caloric motor. The
   power in the gasoline motor is derived by igniting the gas
   produced in the cylinder, which in turn by its heat expands,
   the atmosphere imparting energy to the piston by its
   expansion. A common error is the supposition that the
   explosion of the gas produces the power, the same as a blow
   from a hammer, whereas it is the heat generated by the
   ignition of the compressed gases acting expansively."

   One of the speakers at a Congress of Applied Chemistry held in
   London in May, 1909, said that it seemed almost certain that
   for most purposes on land the internal combustion engine would
   before long replace the steam engine, at any rate for moderate
   powers; for whereas the best types of the latter furnish only
   about 12 per cent, of the energy of the fuel in the form of
   work, the former can ordinarily be made to yield 25 per cent.,
   and in the case of the Diesel engine the return is as much as
   37 per cent.

{602}

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Interferometer, The:
   Principle of the Invention of Professor Michelson for
   Infinitesimal Measurements.
   Suggestion of an Unvarying Unit of Measurement.

   "In the measurement of length or motion a most refined
   instrument is the interferometer, devised by Professor A. A.
   Michelson, of the University of Chicago. It enables an
   observer to detect a movement through one five-millionth of an
   inch. The principle involved is illustrated in a simple
   experiment. If by dropping a pebble at each of two centres,
   say a yard apart, in a still pond, we send out two systems of
   waves, each system will ripple out in a series of concentric
   circles. If, when the waves meet, the crests from one set of
   waves coincide with the depressions from the other set, the
   water in that particular spot becomes smooth because one set
   of waves destroys the other. In this case we may say that the
   waves interfere. If, on the other hand, the crests of waves
   from two sources should coincide, they would rise to twice
   their original height. Light-waves sent out in a similar mode
   from two points may in like manner either interfere, and
   produce darkness, or unite to produce light of double
   brilliancy. These alternate dark and bright bands are called
   interference fringes. When one of the two sources of light is
   moved through a very small space, the interference fringes at
   a distance move through a space so much larger as to be easily
   observed and measured, enabling an observer to compute the
   short path through which a light-source has moved. … Many
   diverse applications of the interferometer have been
   developed, as, for example, in thermometry. The warmth of a
   hand held near a pencil of light is enough to cause a wavering
   of the fringes. A lighted match shows contortions. … When the
   air is heated its density and refractive power diminish: it
   follows that if this experiment is tried under conditions
   which show a regular and measurable displacement of the
   fringes, their movement will indicate the temperature of the
   air. This method has been applied to ascertain very high
   temperatures, such as those of the blast furnace. Most metals
   expand one or two parts in 100,000 for a rise in temperature
   of one degree centigrade. When a small specimen is examined
   the whole change to be measured may be only about 1/10000
   inch, a space requiring a good microscope to perceive, but
   readily measured by an interferometer. It means a displacement
   amounting to several fringes, and this may be measured to
   within of a fringe or less; so that the whole displacement may
   be measured to within a fraction of one per cent. Of course,
   with long bars the accuracy attainable is much greater.

   "The interferometer has much refined the indications of the
   balance. In a noteworthy experiment Professor Michelson found
   the amount of attraction which a sphere of lead exerted on a
   small sphere hung on an arm of a delicate balance. The amount
   of this attraction when two such spheres touch is proportional
   to the diameter of the large sphere, which in this case was
   about eight inches. The attraction on the small ball on the
   end of the balance was thus the same fraction of its weight as
   the diameter of the large ball was of the diameter of the
   earth,—something like one twenty-millionth. So the force to be
   measured was one twenty-millionth of the weight of this small
   ball. In the interferometer the approach of the small ball to
   the large one produced a displacement of seven whole fringes."

      George Iles,
      Inventors at Work,
      pages 214-218 (Doubleday, Page & Co., New York).

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   International Congresses of Science.

   The most notable of the gatherings at St. Louis in 1904,
   connected with the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, was the
   Congress of Arts and Science.

      See (in this Volume)
      ST. LOUIS: A. D. 1904.

   Hardly less important from some points of view was the meeting
   of the First Pan-American Scientific Congress, at Santiago,
   Chile, beginning on the 25th of December, 1908. It had been
   preceded by three scientific congresses of the Latin-American
   states, at Buenos Aires in 1898, at Montevideo in 1901, and at
   Rio de Janeiro in 1905. The Pan-American comprehensiveness was
   given to a fourth one by an official invitation from the
   Chilean Government to the Government of the United States to
   send delegates to the meeting, and a further invitation from
   the Chilean Committee of Organization to fifteen of the
   prominent universities of the United States to do the same.
   The response to the invitation was cordial, and both of the
   American continents were well represented at the Congress. The
   programme of topics for discussion included a number of
   historically and politically scientific questions of specially
   American interest, such, for example, as the following:

   "An explanation of the reasons why the colonies of English
   America were able to unite into a single state after they had
   attained their independence, while those of Spanish America
   never succeeded in establishing a permanent union.

   "The extent to which America has come to possess a
   civilization, as well as interests and problems, different
   from those of Europe.

   "Given the special circumstances of the states of the New
   World, would it be feasible to create an American
   international law? and if so, upon what bases should it rest,
   and how should it be composed?"

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: The Moving Picture Show.
   The Millions entertained by it in the United States.

   In 1908, in the United States, "the moving-picture show drew
   an attendance of 4,000,000 daily, a total attendance of more
   than a billion; or an average of one visit a month to this
   form of amusement for every man, woman, and child in the whole
   country. Already this infant industry has developed to a point
   where $50,000,000 is invested in it, and 7,000 moving-picture
   houses are scattered over the country. Of the larger cities,
   Chicago has at present 313 moving-picture shows, and probably
   will have 500 before the end of the present year. New York has
   300, St. Louis 205, Philadelphia 186, San Francisco 131,
   Pittsburgh 90, and Boston 31. Hundreds of smaller cities and
   towns have from one to a dozen, and the craze has extended to
   Mexico, Central and South America, and the Panama Canal Zone.
   Nearly 1,000,000 feet, or 190 miles, of films are shown every
   day in the United States. … Making of these films is in itself
   an enormous business. The organization which controls them not
   only has agents photographing scenes in every part of the
   world, but maintains theatres and out-of-door establishments,
   where complete plays and all sorts of other activities are
   presented before the camera."

      New York Evening Post.

{603}

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Opsonins:
   A remarkable new Discovery in Biology.

   Discovery of the functions of the white corpuscles found in
   the blood of animals was begun, it is said, by Dr. Augustus
   Waller, in 1843, and continued in much later years by
   Professor Metchnikoff, who was associated with the work of
   Pasteur. The latter determined the surprising and extremely
   important fact that the white corpuscles or cells are
   essentially minute living creatures, which serve the larger
   creature they inhabit as a sanitary guard, defending it
   against the invasion of microbes that are hostile to its
   health. They pursue and devour these malignant invaders;
   whence the name that has been given to them, of "phagocytes,"
   or "eating cells."

   "When we study the process familiarly known as ‘inflammation,’
   we find the most perfect illustration at once of the duties of
   the white blood-cells and of the new phase and meaning of a
   common occurrence which are revealed by research.
   ‘Inflammation’ is a process which follows upon a large variety
   of injuries, and which marks the onset and course of many
   diseases, from a scratch on the finger to an inflammation of
   the lungs. … Given a simple scratch and the phagocytes
   stimulated by the injury to the tissues will come hurrying to
   the scene of the accident like ambulance men, eager to assist
   in the removal of any deleterious matter, and to give their
   aid in the healing process and in the formation of the new
   tissue, the production of which will complete the cure. But
   given a scratch that inoculates the finger with ‘dirt,’ which
   is only another name for microbes, and the nature of
   inflammation becomes clearer to us. In a few hours the finger
   will begin to feel painful; its temperature will rise; it will
   appear red and ‘inflamed,’ and it will exhibit swelling. Later
   on, if we puncture the swelling, we shall find a yellow fluid,
   which we name ‘pus,’ or ‘matter,’ escaping from the puncture.
   Now to what are the symptoms of inflammation due? The plain
   answer is, that they represent the results of a great
   migration of phagocytes from the blood-vessels, destined to
   attack, and if possible remove, the infective particles which
   threaten to do us injury. The inflammation, in this view, is
   the evidence of a battle being fought in our favour, and often
   with very long odds against us. If our phagocytes gain a
   complete victory, we escape the suppuration which we saw to
   result in the shape of the ‘festering’ finger. If, on the
   other hand, they sustain defeat, they will fight on, leaving
   their dead behind. It is the dead white blood-cells, which
   have fallen in the fray, which constitute the ‘pus’ or
   ‘matter’ we find in wounds. … These dead cells, like the
   corpses of soldiers who fall in battle, later become hurtful
   to the organism they in their lifetime were anxious to protect
   from harm, for they are fertile sources of septicaemia and
   pyaemia (blood-poisoning)—the pestilence and scourge so much
   dreaded by operative surgeons.

   "Such is the story which forms the natural prologue to the
   history of ‘Opsonins.’ For many a day after the publication of
   Metchnikoff’s discoveries regarding the germ-killing power of
   the phagocytes, it was held that these living cells alone
   accomplished the duty of disposing of troublesome invaders.
   Later on, other opinions were advanced to the effect that
   while the phagocytes did undoubtedly accomplish their work in
   the direction indicated, they demanded aid to that end from an
   outside source. This source was indicated and represented by
   the plasma or blood-fluid itself. The fluid part of the blood
   had long been known to possess germ-killing properties, but
   the extent of its powers in this direction had not been duly
   determined, nor had the important point been settled whether
   the plasma as a whole or only part thereof aided the white
   blood-cells in their forays on microbes. … Researches made
   prior to the year 1903 gave cause for the belief in the
   importance of the blood-plasma in whole or in part, but it was
   in the year just named that very important investigations were
   undertaken with the view to determining the exact status of
   the blood-fluid in work of bactericidal kind. Drs. Wright and
   Douglas of St. Mary’s Hospital, London, undertook a piece of
   research conducted on lines somewhat different from those on
   which previous work of this nature had been carried on. They
   proceeded first of all by the aid of delicate processes to
   separate the blood-corpuscles from the blood-fluid. The white
   blood-cells were thus kept in a medium or fluid of neutral
   kind, while the blood-fluid itself on the other hand was
   obtained free from its corpuscles. Next in order an emulsion
   of certain microbes capable of producing disease was made in a
   solution of salt. When the phagocytes, alive, of course, in
   their neutral fluid, were allowed access to the germs they did
   not attack them. It was as if two contending armies had been
   brought face to face, waiting to attack, but restrained by
   some negotiations proceeding between the commanders. The case
   was at once altered, and the battle began, when the
   experimenters brought the separated blood-fluid into the
   field. Added to the germs and to the phagocytes these
   elements, which had been ‘spoiling for a fight,’ joined issue,
   and the white blood-cells performed their normal work of
   microbe-baiting. There was but one inference to be drawn from
   these facts. Clearly, the addition of the blood-fluid supplied
   some condition or other, necessary for the development of the
   fighting powers of the cells. … Our investigators are of the
   opinion that the real source of the power possessed by the
   blood-fluid or ‘plasma’ is to be sought and found in
   substances contained therein and called ‘Opsonins.’ We can now
   appreciate the meaning of this term. It is derived from the
   classic verb for catering, for preparing food or for providing
   food. The view taken of opsonic action justifies the use of
   the word, for it is believed that these substances perform
   their share of the germ-destroying work, not by urging on or
   stimulating the phagocytes to the attack, but, on the
   contrary, by acting on the microbes, by weakening their powers
   of resistance and by rendering them the easy prey of the white
   blood-cells. The ‘Opsonins’ are carried by the blood-stream
   everywhere, and it is when they come in contact with any
   microbe-colonies in the body that they exert their specific
   action on the germs. … The idea that the more active our white
   blood-cells are, and the more extensive and complete their
   work, the greater the amount of ‘Opsonins’ present, is one
   which seems to be founded on a rational basis. This view
   regards these substances as the real cause of phagocytic
   activity. That ‘Opsonins’ furthermore appear to possess
   definite degrees of power seems proved by the observation that
   a person’s blood may contain sufficient to deal with one
   disease in the way of stimulating the phagocytes to work,
   while the same quantity would not equal half that required to
   effect a satisfactory attack on another and different disease.
   What has been called the ‘opsonic index ’ of a person is the
   standard, if so we may call it, or measure of his germ-killing
   power, in so far as the amount of ‘Opsonins’ contained in his
   blood is concerned. By a technical procedure and calculation
   the experimenter can compute the opsonic power of a given
   specimen of blood."

      Andrew Wilson,
      About Opsonins
      (Cornhill, January, 1907).

{604}

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Medical.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Physical:
   The New Conceptions of Electricity, Matter and Ether.
   Statement by Madame Curie.
   Sir Joseph Thomson’s Address to the British Association
   at Winnipeg.
   Sir Oliver Lodge on the Ether of Space.

   "One point which appears to-day to be definitely settled is a
   view of atomic structure of electricity, which goes to confirm
   and complete the idea that we have long held regarding the
   atomic structure of matter, which constitutes the basis of
   chemical theories. At the same time that the existence of
   electric atoms, indivisible by our present means of research,
   appears to be established with certainty, the important
   properties of these atoms are also shown. The atoms of
   negative electricity which we call electrons, are found to
   exist in a free state, independent of all material atoms, and
   not having any properties in common with them. In this state
   they possess certain dimensions in space, and are endowed with
   a certain inertia, which has suggested the idea of attributing
   to them a corresponding mass.

   "Experiments have shown that their dimensions are very small
   compared with those of material molecules, and that their mass
   is only a small fraction, not exceeding one one-thousandth of
   the mass of an atom of hydrogen. They show also that if these
   atoms can exist isolated, they may also exist in all ordinary
   matter, and may be in certain cases emitted by a substance
   such as a metal without its properties being changed in a
   manner appreciable by us.

   "If, then, we consider the electrons as a form of matter, we
   are led to put the division of them beyond atoms and to admit
   the existence of a kind of extremely small particles able to
   enter into the composition of atoms, but not necessarily by
   their departure involving atomatic destruction. Looking at it
   in this light, we are led to consider every atom as a
   complicated structure, and this supposition is rendered
   probable by the complexity of the emission spectra which
   characterize the different atoms. We have thus a conception
   sufficiently exact of the atoms of negative electricity.

   "It is not the same for positive electricity, for a great
   dissimilarity appears to exist between the two electricities.
   Positive electricity appears always to be found in connection
   with material atoms, and we have no reason, thus far, to
   believe that they can be separated. Our knowledge relative to
   matter is also increased by an important fact. A new property
   of matter has been discovered which has received the name of
   radioactivity. Radioactivity is the property which the atoms
   of certain substances possess of shooting off particles, some
   of which have a mass comparable to that of the atoms
   themselves, while the others are the electrons. This property,
   which uranium and thorium possess in a slight degree, has led
   to the discovery of a new chemical element, radium, whose
   radioactivity is very great. Among the particles expelled by
   radium are some which are ejected with great velocity, and
   their expulsion is accompanied with a considerable evolution
   of heat. A radioactive body constitutes, then, a source of
   energy.

   "According to the theory which best accounts for the phenomena
   of radioactivity, a certain proportion of the atoms of a
   radioactive body is transformed in a given time, with the
   production of atoms of less atomic weight, and in some cases
   with the expulsion of electrons. This is a theory of the
   transmutation of elements, but differs from the dreams of the
   alchemists in that we declare ourselves, for the present at
   least, unable to induce or influence the transmutation.
   Certain facts go to show that radioactivity appertains in a
   slight degree to all kinds of matter. It may be, therefore,
   that matter is far from being as unchangeable or inert as it
   was formerly thought; and is, on the contrary, in continual
   transformation, although this transformation escapes our
   notice by its relative slowness."

      Madame Curie,
      Modern Theories of Electricity and Matter
      (Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution, 1905-1906,
      pages 103-104).

   A remarkable summary of recent advances in physical science,
   by Sir Joseph Thomson, in his presidential address at the
   opening (August 25, 1909) of the seventy-ninth annual meeting
   of the British Association for the Advancement of Science,
   held at Winnipeg, Canada, contains what is, without doubt, the
   most successful of endeavors to give some understanding of the
   new conceptions of matter, ether and electricity, with which
   scientists are now working, to minds that have not been
   scientifically trained. Sir Joseph treats the subject at more
   length than can be given to it here, but abridgment seems
   possible without robbing it of the more important parts of its
   rich content of information:

   "The period which has elapsed since the Association last met
   in Canada [1897] has been," said the President, "one of almost
   unparalleled activity in many branches of physics, and many
   new and unsuspected properties of matter and electricity have
   been discovered. The history of this period affords a
   remarkable illustration of the effect which may be produced by
   a single discovery; for it is, I think, to the discovery of
   the Röntgen rays that we owe the rapidity of the progress
   which has recently been made in physics. A striking discovery
   like that of the Röntgen rays acts much like the discovery of
   gold in a sparsely populated country; it attracts workers who
   come in the first place for the gold, but who may find that
   the country has other products, other charms, perhaps even
   more valuable than the gold itself. The country in which the
   gold was discovered in the case of the Röntgen rays was the
   department of physics dealing with the discharge of
   electricity through gases, a subject which, almost from the
   beginning of electrical science, had attracted a few
   enthusiastic workers, who felt convinced that the key to
   unlock the secret of electricity was to be found in a vacuum
   tube.
{605}
   Röntgen, in 1895, showed that when electricity passed through
   such a tube the tube emitted rays which could pass through
   bodies opaque to ordinary light; which could, for example,
   pass through the flesh of the body and throw a shadow of the
   bones on a suitable screen. … It is not, however, to the power
   of probing dark places, important though this is, that the
   influence of Röntgen rays on the progress of science has
   mainly been due; it is rather because these rays make gases,
   and, indeed, solids and liquids, through which they pass,
   conductors of electricity. … The study of gases exposed to
   Röntgen rays has revealed in such gases the presence of
   particles charged with electricity; some of these particles
   are charged with positive, others with negative, electricity.
   The properties of these particles have been investigated; we
   know the charge they carry, the speed with which they move
   under an electric force, the rate at which the oppositely
   charged ones recombine, and these investigations have thrown a
   new light, not only on electricity, but also on the structure
   of matter. We know from these investigations that electricity,
   like matter, is molecular in structure, that just as a
   quantity of hydrogen is a collection of an immense number of
   small particles called molecules, so a charge of electricity
   is made up of a great number of small charges, each of a
   perfectly definite and known amount. … Nay, further, the
   molecular theory of matter is indebted to the molecular theory
   of electricity for the most accurate determination of its
   fundamental quantity, the number of molecules in any given
   quantity of an elementary substance.

   "The great advantage of the electrical methods for the study
   of the properties of matter is due to the fact that whenever a
   particle is electrified it is very easily identified, whereas
   an uncharged molecule is most elusive; and it is only when
   these are present in immense numbers that we are able to
   detect them. …

   "We have already made considerable progress in the task of
   discovering what the structure of electricity is. We have
   known for some time that of one kind of electricity—the
   negative—and a very interesting one it is. We know that
   negative electricity is made up of units all of which are of
   the same kind; that these units are exceedingly small compared
   with even the smallest atom. … The size of these corpuscles is
   on an altogether different scale from that of atoms; the
   Volume of a corpuscle bears to that of the atom about the same
   relation as that of a speck of dust to the Volume of this
   room. Under suitable conditions they move at enormous speeds,
   which approach in some instances the velocity of light. The
   discovery of these corpuscles is an interesting example of the
   way Nature responds to the demands made upon her by
   mathematicians. Some years before the discovery of corpuscles
   it had been shown by a mathematical investigation that the
   mass of a body must be increased by a charge of electricity.
   This increase, however, is greater for small bodies than for
   large ones, and even bodies as small as atoms are hopelessly
   too large to show any appreciable effect; thus the result
   seemed entirely academic. After a time corpuscles were
   discovered, and these are so much smaller than the atom that
   the increase in mass due to the charge becomes not merely
   appreciable, but so great that, as the experiments of Kaufmann
   and Bucherer have shown, the whole of the mass of the
   corpuscle arises from its charge.

   "We know a great deal about negative electricity; what do we
   know about positive electricity? Is positive electricity
   molecular in structure? Is it made up into units, each unit
   carrying a charge equal in magnitude though opposite in sign
   to that carried by a corpuscle? … The investigations made on
   the unit of positive electricity show that it is of quite a
   different kind from the unit of negative; the mass of the
   negative unit is exceedingly small compared with any atom; the
   only positive units that up to the present have been detected
   are quite comparable in mass with the mass of an atom of
   hydrogen; in fact they seem equal to it. This makes it more
   difficult to be certain that the unit of positive electricity
   has been isolated, for we have to be on our guard against its
   being a much smaller body attached to the hydrogen atoms which
   happen to be present in the vessel. … At present the smallest
   positive electrified particles of which we have direct
   experimental evidence have masses comparable with that of an
   atom of hydrogen.

   "A knowledge of the mass and size of the two units of
   electricity, the positive and the negative, would give us the
   material for constructing what may be called a molecular
   theory of electricity, and would be a starting point for a
   theory of the structure of matter; for the most natural view
   to take, as a provisional hypothesis, is that matter is just a
   collection of positive and negative units of electricity, and
   that the forces which hold atoms and molecules together, the
   properties which differentiate one kind of matter from
   another, all have their origin in the electrical forces
   exerted by positive and negative units of electricity, grouped
   together in different ways in the atoms of the different
   elements. As it would seem that the units of positive and
   negative electricity are of very different sizes, we must
   regard matter as a mixture containing systems of very
   different types, one type corresponding to the small
   corpuscle, the other to the large positive unit. Since the
   energy associated with a given charge is greater the smaller
   the body on which the charge is concentrated, the energy
   stored up in the negative corpuscles will be far greater than
   that stored up by the positive. The amount of energy which is
   stored up in ordinary matter in the form of the electrostatic
   potential energy of its corpuscles is, I think, not generally
   realized. … This energy is fortunately kept fast bound by the
   corpuscles; if at any time an appreciable fraction were to get
   free the earth would explode and become a gaseous nebula. The
   matter of which I have been speaking so far is the material
   which builds up the earth, the sun, and the stars, the matter
   studied by the chemist, and which he can represent by a
   formula; this matter occupies, however, but an insignificant
   fraction of the universe; it forms but minute islands in the
   great ocean of the ether, the substance with which the whole
   universe is filled.

{606}

   "The ether is not a fantastic creation of the speculative
   philosopher; it is as essential to us as the air we breathe.
   For we must remember that we on this earth are not living on
   our own resources; we are dependent from minute to minute upon
   what we are getting from the sun, and the gifts of the sun are
   conveyed to us by the ether. It is to the sun that we owe not
   merely night and day, springtime and harvest, but it is the
   energy of the sun, stored up in coal, in waterfalls, in food,
   that practically does all the work of the world. … On the
   electro-magnetic theory of light, now universally accepted,
   the energy streaming to the earth travels through the ether in
   electric waves; thus practically the whole of the energy at
   our disposal has at one time or another been electrical
   energy. The ether must, then, be the seat of electrical and
   magnetic forces. We know, thanks to the genius of Clerk
   Maxwell, the founder and inspirer of modern electrical theory,
   the equations which express the relation between these forces,
   and although for some purposes these are all we require, yet
   they do not tell us very much about the nature of the ether.

   "Let us consider some of the facts known about the ether. When
   light falls on a body and is absorbed by it, the body is
   pushed forward in the direction in which the light is
   travelling, and if the body is free to move it is set in
   motion by the light. Now it is a fundamental principle of
   dynamics that when a body is set moving in a certain
   direction, or, to use the language of dynamics, acquires
   momentum in that direction, some other mass must lose the same
   amount of momentum; in other words, the amount of momentum in
   the universe is constant. Thus, when the body is pushed
   forward by the light, some other system must have lost the
   momentum the body acquires, and the only other system
   available is the wave of light falling on the body; hence we
   conclude that there must have been momentum in the wave in the
   direction in which it is travelling. Momentum, however,
   implies mass in motion. We conclude, then, that in the ether
   through which the wave is moving there is mass moving with the
   velocity of light. The experiments made on the pressure due to
   light enable us to calculate this mass. …

   "The place where the density of the ether carried along by an
   electric field rises to its highest value is close to a
   corpuscle, for round the corpuscles are by far the strongest
   electric fields of which we have any knowledge. We know the
   mass of the corpuscle, we know from Kaufmann’s experiments
   that this arises entirely from the electric charge, and is
   therefore due to the ether carried along with the corpuscle by
   the lines of force attached to it. … Around the corpuscle
   ether must have an extravagant density; whether the density is
   as great as this in other places depends upon whether the
   ether is compressible or not. If it is compressible, then it
   may be condensed round the corpuscles, and there have an
   abnormally great density; if it is not compressible, then the
   density in free space cannot be less than the number I have
   just mentioned. With respect to this point we must remember
   that the forces acting on the ether close to the corpuscle are
   prodigious. … I do not know at present of any effect which
   would enable us to determine whether ether is compressible or
   not. And although at first sight the idea that we are immersed
   in a medium almost infinitely denser than lead might seem
   inconceivable, it is not so if we remember that in all
   probability matter is composed mainly of holes. We may, in
   fact, regard matter as possessing a bird-cage kind of
   structure in which the Volume of the ether disturbed by the
   wires when the structure is moved is infinitesimal in
   comparison with the Volume enclosed by them. If we do this, no
   difficulty arises from the great density of the ether; all we
   have to do is to increase the distance between the wires in
   proportion as we increase the density of the ether."

   Some English journals, in discussing Sir Joseph Thomson’s
   address at Winnipeg, spoke doubtingly of its scientific
   soundness, regarding it as too speculative, representing
   conclusions in advance of what physical science had obtained a
   real warrant to draw. These newspaper critics were called
   sharply to account by Sir Oliver Lodge, and told that they
   were suspicious of Sir Joseph’s statements only because they
   knew nothing of the data on which he founded them.

   In a magazine article of the previous year, Sir Oliver Lodge
   had already traversed part of the ground covered by the
   impressive review of Sir Joseph Thomson. In that article he
   said of the present conception of the ether of space, as
   accepted among the leaders of physical science:

   "When a steel spring is bent or distorted, what is it that is
   really strained? Not the atoms—the atoms are only displaced;
   it is the connecting links that are strained—the connecting
   medium—the ether. Distortion of a spring is really distortion
   of the ether. All strain exists in the ether. Matter can only
   be moved. Contact does not exist between the atoms of matter
   as we know them; it is doubtful if a piece of matter ever
   touches another piece, any more than a comet touches the sun
   when it appears to rebound from it; but the atoms are
   connected, as the planets, the comets and the sun are
   connected, by a continuous plenum without break or
   discontinuity of any kind. Matter acts on matter solely
   through the ether. But whether matter is a thing utterly
   distinct and separate from the ether, or whether it is a
   specifically modified portion of it—modified in such a way as
   to be susceptible of locomotion, and yet continuous with all
   the rest of the ether,—which can be said to extend everywhere,
   far beyond the bounds of the modified and tangible portion
   called matter—are questions demanding, and I may say in
   process of receiving, answers.

   "Every such answer involves some view of the universal, and
   possibly infinite, uniform, omnipresent connecting medium, the
   ether of space."

      Oliver Lodge,
      The Ether of Space
      (North American Review, May, 1908).

      [Transcriber's Note: The Michelson-Morley experiment 21
      years earlier had cast doubt on the ether concept.
      https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/70888]

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Radium and Radio-activity:
   The Discovery by Professor and Madame Curie.
   The Light it throws on many Scientific Problems.
   Faraday’s Prophetic Anticipation.
   The Dissolution of Atoms.

   "In his first treatise on the X-rays, Röntgen [see in Volume
   VI.] drew attention to the fact that they proceeded from those
   parts of the Röntgen tubes where the glass, under the
   influence of the impinging cathode rays, showed the most
   fluorescence. It therefore seemed possible that the existence
   of these mysterious rays was in some way dependent on
   previously acquired fluorescence, and many physicists tried to
   ascertain with the well-known Balmain dyes, which become
   luminous after exposure to the light, if results could be
   obtained resembling those with a Röntgen tube.

{607}

   "Similar attempts by the French physicist, Henri Becquerel,
   were crowned with success in an unexpected direction. He
   exposed a uranium salt to the light, and then placing it in a
   dark room on a photographic plate covered with opaque paper he
   demonstrated the action of these rays on the plate through the
   paper, thin sheets of metal, etc. But the supposed and
   sought-for relation of the rays to the previous fluorescence
   was not evident, for Becquerel obtained precisely the same
   results with preparations of uranium which had not only not
   been previously exposed directly to the light, but had
   purposely been kept some time in darkness and could therefore
   display no stored-up luminescence. He had, however, discovered
   the uranium or Becquerel rays. …

   "At Becquerel’s suggestion Madame Curie undertook a systematic
   investigation of all the chemical elements and established the
   fact that with none of them, excepting uranium and thorium,
   could an appreciable effect indicating rays be obtained with
   her apparatus. On the other hand, she found that many of the
   minerals investigated showed noticeable action in this
   direction. The fact that a few of them, the uranium
   pitchblende, for example, from Joachimsthal, Bohemia, emitted
   rays three or four times stronger than those of pure uranium,
   and which could not therefore be announced as uranium rays,
   led her to suppose that in the pitchblende itself, apart from
   the uranium, there must exist a still more powerful
   radioactive substance. It is a matter of record how, in this
   research, which might serve as a model for such work, she and
   her husband, so soon afterwards to lose his life by a
   deplorable accident, succeeded in tracing this supposed
   substance more and more accurately, and finally in obtaining
   it pure. Madame Curie thus became the discoverer of radium, a
   new element possessed of wonderful, of fabulous qualities.

   "Besides Madame Curie no other investigator but Professor
   Braunschweig, so far as I know, has yet succeeded in obtaining
   pure radium."

      Franz Himstedt,
      Radioactivity (Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution,
      1905-1906, pages 117-118).

   "The phenomena of radio-activity revive interest in the
   prophetic views of Michael Faraday. In 1816, when he was but
   twenty-four years of age, he delivered a lecture at the Royal
   Institution in London on Radiant Matter. In the course of his
   remarks there occurs this passage:—‘If we now conceive a
   change as far beyond vaporization as that is above fluidity,
   and then take into account the proportional increased extent
   of alteration as the changes arise, we shall perhaps, if we
   can form any conception at all, not fall short of radiant
   matter; and as in the last conversion many qualities were
   lost, so here also many more would disappear. It was the
   opinion of Newton, and of many other distinguished
   philosophers, that this conversion was possible, and
   continually going on in the processes of nature, and they
   found that the idea would bear without injury the applications
   of mathematical reasoning—as regards heat, for instance. If
   assumed, we must also assume the simplicity of matter; for it
   would follow that all the variety of substances with which we
   are acquainted could be converted into one of three kinds of
   radiant matter; which again may differ from each other only in
   the size of their particles or their form. The properties of
   known bodies would then be supposed to arise from the varied
   arrangements of their ultimate atoms, and belong to substances
   only as long as their compound nature existed; and thus
   variety of matter and variety of properties would be found
   co-essential.’"

      George Iles,
      Inventors at Work,
      pages 204-205 (Doubleday, Page & Co., New York).

   "An ascertained commercial value of £4 per milligramme
   (equivalent to £114,000 per ounce) has been placed upon radium
   by a contract just entered into between the British
   Metalliferous Mines (Limited) and Lord Iveagh and Sir Ernest
   Cassel for the supply of 7½ grammes (rather more than a
   quarter of an ounce) of pure radium bromide. This very large
   order for radium will be supplied from the above named
   company’s mine near Grampound Road in Cornwall."

      London Times, June 21, 1909.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   The Mono-Rail Gyroscopic System.

   A mechanical invention not yet developed, but which seems more
   than likely to count among the most important of the next few
   years, is that known as the Brennan mono-rail system, which
   balances cars and trains of cars on a single rail by use of
   the principle of the gyroscope. It was first exhibited by its
   English inventor, Mr. Louis Brennan, in model form, before the
   Royal Society, in 1907, and won so much confidence in its
   possibilities that the British War Office and the India Office
   gave financial assistance to meet the cost of the long
   experiments that were necessary for adapting the system to
   service on a large practical scale. The result of these
   experiments was exhibited in public trials at New Brompton,
   England, and, subsequently, at New York, in the later part of
   1909. The following account of the exhibition at New Brompton
   was given by The Times:

   "The car with which the test runs were carried out is 40 ft.
   in length and 10 ft. in width; its weight is 22 tons, and it
   is designed for a load of 10 to 15 tons. The weight of the
   gyroscopes, of which there are two, is 1½ tons, each having a
   diameter of 3 ft. 6 in. The speed of rotation is 3,000 r. p.
   m., or considerably less than it was in the 6 ft. model
   exhibited before the Royal Society. It would be possible for
   the car to obtain the necessary power by collecting current
   from an overhead wire with a consequent saving of weight, but
   in the present example the motive power is provided by two
   Wolseley petrol engines, one of 80 h. p., and the other of 20
   h. p., driving two direct-current shunt-wound motors of the
   Siemens type. It is not necessary that the car should be
   propelled electrically, and steam or other motive power could
   be employed; but in any case it would be necessary to spin the
   gyroscopes electrically, this method being ideal for the
   purpose. The air is exhausted from the gyroscope cases, the
   pressure in them being equivalent to from ½ in. to 5/8 in. of
   mercury. It is hoped in future installations to design the
   gyroscopes for higher speeds, and in that case it would be
   possible to reduce the size and weight of the equipment. In
   this first car the gyroscopes run in the vertical plane, but
   that is merely for convenience, the essential feature being
   that the trunnions should be at right angles to the track. …

{608}

   "Several experimental trips were made on the factory circular
   track as well as on the straight, and the car travelled with
   remarkable steadiness throughout. It is not likely that the
   Brennan mono-rail will find any wide field of application in
   this country, but there would appear to be great advantages in
   the system for mountain railways in India and elsewhere, and,
   indeed, it seems suitable for adoption in any country where
   new railways are being planned. The inventor lays stress on
   the absolute safety of the system at speeds ranging up to
   about 150 miles per hour."

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   Sanitary.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   Submarine Signal Bells.

   In May, 1909, it was announced from Washington that "the
   Government, recognizing the substantial service rendered to
   shipping by submarine bells, has decided to extend their
   installation from time to time to light vessels and stations
   on both coasts and upon the great lakes. At present forty-six
   of the light vessels are thus equipped, and the signals which
   they send out are of undoubted aid to deep-water navigation.
   Canada, England, Germany, Holland, France, Sweden, and Denmark
   are following suit. The bells operate during fogs and at night
   and the sound waves emitted by the bell under water have been
   known to travel as far as twenty-seven miles. These sound
   waves are picked up by the receiving microphones on board
   ships, and by the code signal of each station the vessel’s
   navigator is able to tell where he is."

      See (in this Volume) above,
      ELECTRICAL: WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY:
      THE CRY THAT BROUGHT HELP.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   The Turbine Steam Engine.
   Its Successful Development.
   First Use on Ocean Steamers.
   The "Lusitania" and "Mauretania."

   "For a long time and well into the nineteenth century, water
   was lifted by pistons moving in cylindrical pumps. Meantime
   the turbine grew steadily in favor as a water motor, arriving
   at last at high efficiency. This gave designers a hint to
   reverse the turbine and use it as a water lifter or pump: this
   machine, duly built, with a continuous instead of an
   intermittent motion, showed much better results than the
   old-fashioned pump. The turbine-pump is accordingly adopted
   for many large waterworks, deep mines and similar
   installations. This advance from to-and-fro to rotary action
   extended irresistibly to steam as a motive power. It was clear
   that if steam could be employed in a turbine somewhat as water
   is, much of the complexity and loss inherent in reciprocating
   engines would be brushed aside. A pioneer inventor in this
   field was Gustave Patrich De Laval, of Stockholm, who
   constructed his first steam turbine along the familiar lines
   of the Barker mill. Steam is so light that for its utmost
   utilization as a jet a velocity of about 2,000 feet a second
   is required, a rate which no material is strong enough to
   allow. De Laval by using the most tenacious metal for his
   turbines is able to give their swiftest parts a speed of as
   much as 1400 feet a second. His apparatus is cheap, simple and
   efficient; it is limited to about 300 horse-power. Its chief
   feature is its divergent nozzle, which permits the outflowing
   steam to expand fully with all the effect realized in a steam
   cylinder provided with expansion valve gear. Another device of
   De Laval which makes his turbine a safe and desirable prime
   mover is the flexible shaft which has a little, self-righting
   play under the extreme pace of its rotation.

   "Of direct action turbines the De Laval is the chief; of
   compound turbines, in which the steam is expanded in
   successive stages, the first and most widely adopted was
   invented by the Honourable Charles A. Parsons of
   Newcastle-on-Tyne. … In 1894 Mr. Parsons launched his
   Turbinia, the first steamer to be driven by a turbine. Her
   record was so gratifying that a succession of vessels,
   similarly equipped, were year by year built for excursion
   lines, for transit across the British Channel, for the British
   Royal Navy, and for mercantile marine service. The
   thirty-fifth of these ships, the Victorian of the Allan
   Line, was the first to cross the Atlantic Ocean, arriving at
   Halifax, Nova Scotia, April 18, 1905. She was followed by the
   Virginian of the same line which arrived at Quebec, May
   8, 1905. Not long afterward the Cunard Company sent from
   Liverpool to New York the Carmania equipped with steam
   turbines, and in every other respect like the Caronia of the
   same owners, which is driven by reciprocating engines of the
   best model. Thus far the comparison between these two ships is
   in favor of the Carmania. The new monster Cunarders, the
   Lusitania and the Mauretania, each of 70,000
   horse power, are to be propelled by steam turbines. The
   principal reasons for this preference are thus given by
   Professor Carl C. Thomas:—Decreased cost of operation as
   regards fuel, labor, oil, and repairs. Vibration due to
   machinery is avoided. Less weight of machinery and coal to be
   carried, resulting in greater speed. Greater simplicity of
   machinery in construction and operation, causing less
   liability to accident and breakdown. Smaller and more deeply
   immersed propellers, decreasing the tendency of the machinery
   to race in rough weather. Lower centre of gravity of the
   machinery as a whole, and increased headroom above the
   machinery. According to recent reports, decreased first cost
   of machinery."

      George Iles,
      Inventors at Work,
      pages 452-456
      (Doubleday, Page & Co., New York).

   In August, 1908, the Lusitania made the voyage from
   Queenstown to New York in 4 days and 15 hours; again in
   February, 1909, in 4 days, 17 hours and 6 minutes. In
   September, 1909, the Mauretania crossed from New York
   to Queenstown in 4 days, 13 hours and 41 minutes.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   The Washington Memorial Institution.
   Extension of the Usefulness of Scientific Work in Departments
   of the Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
   The Nobel Prizes.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.
      See also
      EARTHQUAKES.

   ----------SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:  End--------

   ----------SCOTLAND: Start--------

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901 (March).
   Census.

   According to the returns of the decennial enumeration made on
   the night of the 31st of March, 1901, the population of
   Scotland that day, "including those in the Royal Navy, and
   belonging to the Mercantile shipping in Scottish Ports or on
   Scottish waters, number 4,472,000 persons, of whom 2,173,151
   are males, and 2,298,849 females.

   "When compared with the corresponding population as enumerated
   at the Census of 1891, a total increase of 446,353 is found to
   have occurred; the male increase being 230,434, and the female
   215,919.
{609}
   The percentage rate of increase of both sexes during the
   decennial period is 11.09—that of the males being 11.86, and
   of the females 10.37. The corresponding total rate of increase
   during the preceding decennium, 1881-1891, was 7.77 per cent.
   … The rate at the present Census for Scotland is, with the
   exception of that at 1881, the highest since the decennial
   period 1821-1831. …

   "In 19 Counties an increase in the population has taken place,
   in 14 a decrease. The highest rate of increase—both sexes
   combined—is in Linlithgow, 24.4 per cent.; followed by Lanark
   with an increase of 21.1 per cent.; Stirling with one of 20.6
   per cent.; Renfrew with one of 16.5 per cent.; Dumbarton with
   one of 16.2 per cent.; Kincardine with one of 15.3 per cent.;
   Fife with one of 15.0 per cent. The greatest falling off
   occurs in Berwick, 4.6 per cent.; in Orkney, 5.7 per cent.; in
   Roxburgh, 8.8 per cent.; in Caithness 8.9 per cent.; in
   Wigtown, 9.4 per cent.; and in Selkirk 15.8 percent. Inverness
   stands almost as it was, having increased but 0.1 per cent.,
   and the minimum rate of falling off as to population is in
   Banff, 0.3 per cent., and Argyll, 0.6 per cent. …

   "Among the larger Burghs the increase of population varies not
   a little. Thus, in Motherwell, which heads the list, the
   increase during the decennial period 1891-1901, is at the rate
   of 62.5 per cent. Partick follows with a rate of increase of
   48.6 per cent.; Wishaw with one of 36.8 percent.; Hamilton
   with one of 31.8 per cent.; Kirkcaldy with one of 25.5
   percent.; Falkirk with one of 24.3 per cent.; Govan with one
   of 24.2 per cent.; Coatbridge with one of 21.3 per cent.;
   Aberdeen with one of 22.9 per cent.; Kilmarnock with one of
   20.1 per cent.; Paisley with one of 19.5 per cent.; Airdrie
   with one of 16.5 per cent.; Glasgow with one of 15.5 per
   cent.; Ayr with one of 15.1 per cent.; Edinburgh with one of
   14.8 per cent.; Dunfermline with one of 14.1 percent.; Leith
   with one of 12.6 per cent.; Inverness with one of 10.3 per
   cent.; Perth with one of 9.9 per cent.; Greenock with one of
   7.4 per cent.; and Dundee with one of 4.5 percent.; while
   Arbroath indicates a decrease at the rate of 1.9 per cent."

      Preliminary Report to Parliament.

   The division of population between town districts and rural
   districts is shown in the following table:


   Groups of Districts.          Males.     Females.    Total.

   Town Districts             1,404,382    1,520,698   2,925,080
   (Pop. 2,000 and upwards)

   Mainland-Rural Districts     479,009      495,172     974,841

   Insular-Rural Districts       58,666       67,060     125,726

   Total                      1,942,717    2,082,930   4,025,647


SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.
   Mr. Carnegie’s great Gift to Universities and Students.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.
   Decision of the House of Lords against the Union, in 1900,
   of the Free Church with the United Presbyterian.
   All Property given to the Opposing Remnant.

   "In 1900, the United Free Church was formed by the union of
   the majority of the Free Church with the entire body of the
   United Presbyterians, …

      See, in Volume VI. of this work,
      SCOTLAND: A. D. 1900)

   A new organisation placed in the field of Church politics in
   Scotland almost equals in respect of numbers and resources to
   the Established Church. The small minority opposed to this
   union inside the Free Church seceded, held some of the
   churches and manses by force, defying authority to the extent,
   in one instance, of a month’s imprisonment, and retained the
   denomination of ‘The Free Church of Scotland.’ As their
   fathers left a ‘vitiated’ Establishment on purpose to preserve
   the freedom and purity of the National Church, so they refused to
   enter the new union, in order, by standing out, to save the
   principles, doctrines, and purposes identified with the
   Disruption of 1843. This minority of not more than
   twenty-seven ministers and as many congregations, mostly
   located in fastnesses beyond the Grampians, is now the Free
   Church of Scotland, with Presbytery, Assembly, Moderator—in
   short, with the offices and institutions, on a condensed
   scale, which are essential in Presbyterian polity. These few
   determined people claim to be the faithful remnant of the
   Disruptionists. Like Milton’s Abdiel, ‘unshaken, unseduced,
   unterrified,’ nor moved to ‘swerve from truth’ or ‘change
   their constant mind,’ they claim to have kept their loyalty,
   their love, their zeal in the cause of the Disruption through
   all the temptations of an age in thought Pyrrhonist, in
   morality lax, and in religion Latitudinarian. On the
   assumption that they alone were the Free Church, they invoked
   the aid of the Civil Courts in their defence. The Court of
   Session—both the Ordinary and the Inner Courts—decided in
   favour of the United Free Church. Home-made law could not
   satisfy the minority, and, on appeal, the House of Lords
   reversed the judgment of the Court of Session, declaring the
   remnant to be the Free Church of Scotland, and finding that
   the United Free Church was a modern composite body which, on
   the evidence of its ambidextrous and Latitudinarian
   constitution, had abandoned the fundamental doctrines and
   principles held by the Disruptionists. In consequence of this
   decision, the property of the Free Church, as it existed prior
   to the union of 1900, now belongs to the remnant of the
   Disruptionists.

   "From the side of the losing United Free Church a bitter cry
   has arisen against this finality in law. The decision is
   formally accepted, yet denounced as unjust and incompetent, as
   denying toleration and the right to change its creed to an
   autonomous body; and there are murmurs about of the necessity
   of an appeal to Parliament. … It seems the rankest injustice
   to transfer more than one million in invested funds, nearly a
   thousand church buildings, three superior colleges devoted to
   the training of Divinity students (one in Edinburgh, another
   in Glasgow, and a third in Aberdeen), the magnificent Assembly
   Hall in Edinburgh, with the offices attached, probably also
   much property in foreign missions, from the United Free Church
   to this remnant of Disruptionists, the custodians of the dying
   embers of Obscurantism in Scotland."

      J. M. Sloan,
      The Scottish Free Church
      (Fortnightly Review, September, 1904).

{610}

   To consider the situation created by the decision of the House
   of Lords, a Royal Commission was appointed, which investigated
   all the questions involved and reported its findings in April,
   1905. In the judgment of the Commission, the Free Church (the
   "Wee Frees," as that body was now commonly dubbed) had neither
   the numbers nor the resources for putting to their proper use
   the enormous endowment which it claimed. At the same time
   there would be no justice in delivering those endowments
   unconditionally to the United Free Church. It was recommended,
   accordingly, that a Commission be constituted by Act of
   Parliament to take charge of the whole property and funds
   involved, and to arrange for the allocation of the same, to
   the end of securing "adequate provision for the due
   performance of the purposes for which the funds were raised
   and the trusts on which they are held." A Bill in accordance
   with this recommendation was passed during the next session of
   Parliament.

   On the request of the General Assembly of the Church of
   Scotland, the same Act enabled the Church to change the
   formula of subscription required from its ministers, under the
   Act of 1693, so that, on being ordained, a minister shall only
   make a "declaration of his faith in the sum and substance of
   the doctrine of the Reformed Churches therein contained,
   according to such formula as may from time to time be
   prescribed by the General Assembly."

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1909.
   Peace followed by Threatened Conflict in
   the Coal Mining Industry.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: SCOTLAND.

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1909.
   Working of the Old Age Pensions Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.

   ----------SCOTLAND: End--------

SCOTT, James Brown:
   Technical Delegate to the Second Peace Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

SCOTT, Captain K. T.:
   Commander of Antarctic Expedition.

      See (in this Volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION.

SEAL FISHERY NEGOTIATIONS.

   "Negotiations for an international conference to consider and
   reach an arrangement providing for the preservation and
   protection of the fur seals in the North Pacific are in
   progress with the governments of Great Britain, Japan, and
   Russia. The attitude of the governments interested leads me to
   hope for a satisfactory settlement of this question as the
   ultimate outcome of the negotiations."

      Message of the President of the United States to Congress,
      December 6, 1909.

SEATTLE: A. D. 1909.
   The Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition.

   "The fair at Seattle," said The World's Work of August,
   1909, "is beautiful; that goes without saying, for the best of
   man’s art is fitted to the best of Nature’s workmanship to
   make a balanced and blended picture never excelled in the long
   list of great exhibitions. But better than that, the fair at
   Seattle is a definite commercial lesson—and lessons in
   commerce last forever. Primarily, the fair is teaching the
   people of the United States to know the Pacific coast;
   secondarily, it is teaching them a little of Alaska, a little
   of Japan, and a little of the Philippines. And the distinctive
   feature of this particular fair is the determined effort to
   make those lessons true." This seems to describe the
   impression which the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition made
   generally on the visitors who went to it with an intelligent
   purpose in going. It gave them what they went to see, with
   fidelity, with fulness, and in most attractive forms of
   display. Like its Northwestern predecessor, at Portland, four
   years before, it was an almost startling revelation of the
   possibilities of planting and ripening in cities, states, and
   their social institutions, that lie within trivial spaces of
   time in this wonderful present age.

   The Exposition was on the grounds of Washington University,
   and seven of the principal buildings erected for it were of
   permanent construction and remain for the use of the
   University. Again, as at Portland, the most interesting of
   these buildings architecturally was that for the forestry
   exhibit, built of logs and other timber in a state as nearly
   natural as it could be kept.

   The Exposition was open from June 1st until October 16, and
   registered about 3,740,000 visitors.

SEBAHEDDIN.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

SECTARIAN SCHOOL QUESTION.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1903;
      also
      CANADA: A. D. 1905.

SEDDON, Richard J.: Prime Minister of New Zealand.
   His Death.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1906-1909.

SEGNATURA, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1908.

SEIYU-KAI.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1902 (August); 1903 (June), and 1909.

SELFRIDGE, Lieutenant T. E.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

SENATORS, United States:
   Proposed Election by Direct Popular Vote.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES SENATORS.

SENEGAMBIA: A. D. 1904.
   Cession of a portion of territory by England to France.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

SENUSSIA,
SENOUSSI:
   The Pan-Islamic Movement in Africa.
   Sidi Mahomed bin Ali es Senussia and his Sect.
   His Doctrine and its Aim.

   "We have recently heard, principally apropos of the
   disturbances in Egypt, a considerable amount concerning
   Pan-Islamism. Taking into consideration how much has been
   written on this subject, it is surprising to find how little
   has been said concerning one of the principal organisations
   for the propagation of Pan-Islamism. I refer to the sect known
   as Senussia. … At this present moment there is throughout
   Africa very general discontent among the native population,
   not only in Mohammedan countries, but universally over the
   length and breadth of the entire continent. …

   "It is a comparatively easy matter to so influence any warlike
   Moslem people to religious enthusiasm that they are instantly
   ready in arms to strike a blow for the faith. But the most
   significant and sinister symptom of this anti-Christian
   crusade is that the message carried by the Senussia agents is,
   ‘Wait, for the time is not yet ripe. Rest now, but when the
   hour arrives, rise, slay, and spare not.’ Taking into
   consideration the fact that the Senussia sect was founded in
   1835, that its rise has been enormously rapid, and that its
   propaganda has been actively and diligently preached in
   British possessions for many years past, with scarcely one
   definite item of intelligence concerning it being known, it
   shows clearly that the motive power and organising
   intelligence must be something considerably above the average.
   …

{611}

   "The sect was founded in 1835 by Sidi Mahomed bin Ali es
   Senussia, otherwise known as Sheikh Senussi, an Algerian Arab
   born near Mostaganem towards the end of the Turkish dominion.
   A lineal descendant of the prophet Mahomed, he first gained a
   reputation for sanctity at Fez. He then proceeded to Mecca,
   where he commenced preaching. However his success, which was
   remarkably rapid, caused great local jealousy and he had
   perforce to fly to Egypt. He started a zawia or monastery at
   Alexandria, but being excommunicated by the Sheikh el Islam at
   Cairo, he was again compelled to seek safety in flight. This
   time he fled across the Lybian desert to Jebel el Akhdar near
   Benghazi on the north coast, where he again established a
   zawia, and in a short time had obtained a considerable
   following. There he lived and preached, and died in 1859 or
   1860, having firmly established the Senussia sect. He was
   succeeded by his son Mahomed.

   "The doctrine preached by the Sheikh Senussi, and which still
   comprises the doctrines and aims of his disciples, was as
   follows: To free the Mahommedan religion from the many abuses
   which have crept into it. To restore, under one universal
   leader, the former purity of faith. Finally, and most
   especially, to free all Moslem countries, more particularly
   those in Africa, from the dominion of the infidel."

      H. A. Wilson,
      The Moslem Menace
      (Nineteenth Century, September, 1907).

   "The growth of the Senoussi has been one of the most striking
   developments of modern Islam. They have adopted an active
   missionary policy and have spread southwards through heathen
   Africa, while their organization has been framed with the idea
   of including and coordinating all existing brotherhoods. The
   Senoussi have established in all countries where the Moslem is
   governed by an alien race a system of occult government side
   by side, and coinciding in its boundaries, with the state
   administration. This occult government exists in Algeria,
   Egypt, and India, and its emissaries are at work in Nigeria.
   The Senoussi now include within their brotherhood practically
   all the Sunnis, that is the majority of Moslems in Arabia,
   Turkey, North Africa, Turkestan, Afghanistan and East Asia.
   The Shiites, who predominate in Persia, are alone prevented by
   their conception of orthodoxy from being Senoussi.

   "The Senoussi had their headquarters at Djarboub, but some
   twenty years ago it was decided to send their official
   representative to Constantinople, and the venerable Mokkadem
   who occupies this position is even more powerful in councils
   than the Sheik ul Islam, who, nominated by the Sultan,
   occupies in the hierarchy the place of Expounder of the Law,
   second only to that of the Caliph, the ‘Shadow of God on
   Earth.’"

      A. R. Colquhoun,
      Pan-Islam
      (North American Review, June, 1906).

      See, also, in Volume VI., page 835.

SERGIUS, Grand Duke,
   Assassination of.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

SERVIA.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.


SEVASTOPOL:
   Riot and Naval Mutiny.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

SHACKLETON, LIEUTENANT ERNEST H.:
   Antarctic Explorations.

      See (in this Volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION.

SHA-HO, BATTLE OF THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

SHANGHAI: A. D. 1902.
   Withdrawal of Foreign Troops.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1902.

SHANGHAI: A. D. 1905.
   Boycott of Americans and American Goods.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

SHANGHAI: A. D. 1909.
   International Opium Commission.

      See (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

SHAW, LESLIE M.:
   Secretary of the Treasury.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

SHEIKH-UL-ISLAM, The:
   His Authority and Function at Constantinople.

      See (in this Volume)
      SENUSSIA.

SHEIKH-UL-ISLAM, The:
   His Part in the Turkish Constitutional Revolution.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY; A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

SHEMSI PASHA,
   Assassination of.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

SHERIAT, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

SHERMAN ANTI-TRUST ACT, of 1890.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

SHERMAN ANTI-TRUST ACT, of 1890.
   Action of National Civic Federation on its Amendment.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

SHERMAN, James S.:
   Elected Vice-President of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

SHEVKET PASHA, Mahmud:
   Commander of the Turkish Constitutional Forces.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

SHIPBUILDING AGREEMENT (BRITISH) OF 1908, THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

SHIPPING COMBINATION, North Atlantic.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: INTERNATIONAL.

SHIRÉ HIGHLANDS:
   Their Suitability for European Colonization.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA.

SHIRTWAIST-MAKERS’ STRIKE, THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.

SHONTS, Theodore P.:
   Chairman of the Panama Canal Commission.

      See (in this Volume)
      PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905-1909.

SHOOA-ES-SULTANEH.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

SHORT BALLOT REFORM.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

SIA-GU-SHAN HILL, CAPTURE OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (May-January).

SIAM: A. D. 1902.
   Treaty with France.

   By a fresh treaty with Siam, secured in October, 1902, France
   won from that kingdom another piece of territory to add to her
   Indo-China domain. The new acquisition is between the Rolnos
   and Piek Kompong Tiam rivers, on the Great Lake. In return
   France restores the port of Chantabun, which she has held for
   a long time without right, and which she agreed to restore in
   1899.

      See (in Volume VI.)
      SIAM.

{612}

SIAM: A. D. 1904.
   Declaration of England and France touching Influence in Siam.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

SIAM: A. D. 1905.
   Suppression of Gambling and Edict for
   the Extinction of Slavery.

   An official notification of the suppression of gambling and a
   royal edict decreeing the abolition of the last remnants of
   slavery in the Kingdom of Siam were communicated to the
   American Government, through its Minister at Bangkok, in March
   and April, 1905. In part, the former stated:

   "His Majesty has long been impressed by the fact that although
   the revenue derived from gambling is an important factor in
   the finances of the Kingdom the evils resulting therefrom are
   much greater than the benefits. People expend in gambling not
   only their own wealth but the wealth of others. They devote to
   gambling time during which they should be attending to their
   work. Under present conditions large sums of money which come
   into the hands of the gambling farmers are sent out of the
   kingdom. Gambling is also responsible for much of the crime
   that is committed. The abolition of gambling would, therefore,
   not only result in an improvement in the morals of the people
   and in increased industry, but money now expended therein
   would remain in circulation within the country, thereby adding
   to the wealth of the community. In order, however, to replace
   the loss of the revenue derived from gambling, some taxes must
   be increased and new taxes devised. In the increase of certain
   of these taxes it will be necessary to enter upon negotiations
   with foreign powers. Gambling cannot, therefore, be suppressed
   at once, but must be gradually abolished. His Majesty,
   therefore, has been pleased to order the abolition of gambling
   within the period of three years."

   The decree concerning slavery opens thus:

   "Although slavery in our realm is very different from slavery
   as it has existed in many other countries—most slaves being
   persons who have become so voluntarily and not by force and
   the powers of the master over the slaves being strictly
   limited—yet we have always considered that the institution,
   even in this modified form, is an impediment to the progress
   of our country. We have, therefore, from the commencement of
   our reign, taken steps, by the enactment of laws and
   otherwise, for the abolition of slavery. … We now deem it time
   to take more sweeping measures which will gradually result in
   the entire disappearance of slavery from Siam." Accordingly, a
   law is decreed as follows: "All children born of parents who
   are slaves shall be free without the execution of the
   condition stated in the law of Pee Chau. No person now free
   can be made a slave. If any person now a slave shall hereafter
   become free he cannot thereafter again become a slave.
   Wherever any person is now held a debt slave, the master shall
   credit upon the principal of the debt for which he is held a
   slave the sum of four (4) tieals for each month after the 1st
   of April, 124, provided that no credit shall be allowed for
   any time during which the slave may desert his master. If a
   slave changes his master, no increase shall be made in the
   debt for which he is actually held."

SIAM: A. D. 1909.
   Treaty with Great Britain, Ceding three States
   in the Malay Peninsula.

   By a treaty with Siam, signed on the 10th of March, 1909,
   Great Britain added 15,000 square miles to her dominion in the
   Malay Peninsula. Siam renounced, in favour of Great Britain,
   her suzerain rights over the native States of Kelantan,
   Trengganu, and Kedah, and perhaps other districts, in the
   Peninsula. In return the British Government consented to
   certain modifications in the extra-territorial rights enjoyed
   by British subjects in Siam. The Government of the Federated
   Malay States will advance to Siam the capital, about
   £4,000,000, required for the construction of railways in
   Southern Siam, by which it is hoped that direct railway
   communication will soon be established between Bangkok and
   Singapore. Kelantan lies 374 miles distant from Singapore and
   about 500 from Bangkok, on the shore of the China Sea. It is a
   purely Malay State under the rule of a Rajah, who has not,
   like his predecessors, adopted the higher title of Sultan, but
   who claims to be an independent Sovereign, though he has been
   compelled to acknowledge the King of Siam as his suzerain.
   This condition of affairs has led to the transfer of his
   allegiance, very much, it is said, against his wish.

SIENKIEWICZ, HENRY K.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

SIFTON, CLIFFORD: CANADIAN MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR.
   How he started the "American Invasion"
   of the Canadian Northwest.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.

SIGANANDA.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: NATAL: A. D. 1906-1907.

SILVER:
   Suspension of Free Coinage in Mexico.

      See (in this Volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.

SILVER EXCHANGE, WITH THE ORIENT.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: ASIA: A. D. 1909.

SIMON, GENERAL ANTOINE:
   President of Haiti.

      See (in this Volume)
      HAITI: A. D. 1908.

SIMPLON TUNNEL.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1903.

SINHA, Satyendra Prasanna:
   Appointment as a Member of the Executive Council
   of the Viceroy of India.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

SINN FEIN, THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      IRELAND: A. D. 1905.

SIOUX INDIANS:
   Colony in Nicaragua.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA: NICARAGUA.

SIPAHDAR, The.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

SIPIAGIN, M.:
   Assassination of.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

SLAVERY:
   In Portuguese Africa.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: PORTUGUESE: A. D. 1905-1908.

SLAVERY:
   Abolition in Siam.

      See (in this Volume)
      SIAM: A. D. 1909.

SLAVERY:
   Legal, but not Practical Ending in Zanzibar.

      See (in this Volume)
      ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1905.

SLEEPING SICKNESS.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

SLOCUM, CONSUL-GENERAL C. R.:
   Report on Affairs in the Congo State.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

"SLOCUM," BURNING OF THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      "GENERAL SLOCUM."

SMALL HOLDINGS ACT.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.

{613}

SMIRNOFF, GENERAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

SMITH, CHARLES E.:
   Postmaster-General.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

SMITH, GOLDWIN:
   On Discontent in India.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

SMITH, CONSUL-GENERAL JAMES A.:
   Report on Affairs in the Congo State.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

SMITH, JAMES F.:
   Governor-General of the Philippine Islands.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1906-1907.

SYNDER, R. M.:
   Municipal "Boodler" of St. Louis.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: ST. LOUIS.

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
   The Housing and Town-Planning Act.

   A Housing and Town Planning Bill, brought over from the
   previous session of Parliament, was introduced anew in April,
   1909, by Mr. John Burns, President of the Local Government
   Board. It passed the Commons and went in November to the
   Lords, who gave it amendments which were thought to have
   brought it to wreck. The House of Commons would not accept
   them; but many in both Houses were keenly anxious for
   legislation on the subject, and private negotiation brought
   about a compromise of their differences, securing the
   enactment in a fairly satisfactory form.

   The first part of the Act aims at improving the dwelling
   accommodation of the working classes, both by making it
   obligatory on all local authorities to provide new housing
   where required, and also by elaborate provisions for sanitary
   inspection. Every county council is required to appoint a
   public health and housing committee and also a medical officer
   of health, who shall devote his whole time to the supervision
   of the county area. Almost all working class dwellings in the
   country are covered by provisions ensuring that they shall be
   kept fit for human habitation throughout their tenancy.
   Enlarged powers of compulsory purchase, of closing and of
   demolition are also conferred upon local authorities or their
   authorized agents.

   The provisions of the Act relating to town-planning are
   commended by The Times as marking "a new departure in
   legislation in this country. Hitherto new centres of
   population have been allowed to grow up, and existing urban
   areas have been allowed to expand, without control or
   prevision. The result has too often been that the haphazard
   development of land in the vicinity of urban centres has
   produced slums, prevented the orderly growth of towns, and
   involved enormous expenditure in clearing sites, widening
   streets, and providing necessary open spaces. The Bill aims at
   securing in the future sanitary conditions, amenity, and
   convenience by enabling schemes to be made under which
   building land will be developed with due regard to future
   requirements. With this end in view the Local Government Board
   are empowered to authorize local authorities to prepare town
   planning schemes in connexion with land likely to be used for
   building purposes, or to adopt any such schemes proposed by
   owners of land. The schemes are to have effect, however, only
   if approved by the Local Government Board. The Bill provides
   for the payment of compensation to any person whose property
   is injuriously affected by the making of a town planning
   scheme, and, on the other hand, the local authority is
   empowered to recover from any person whose land is increased
   in value by the making of the scheme a proportion of the
   amount of that increase."

   In anticipation of the passage of this important Act, a party
   of eighty representatives of municipalities and other bodies
   in Great Britain who would be concerned in its administration
   passed the Easter holidays of 1909 in some of the German
   cities which are most famous for the manner in which they have
   dealt with the problems of town-growth. The four cities
   selected were Cologne, Dusseldorf, Frankfurt, and Wiesbaden,
   each of which has formulated its own way of dealing with the
   problem and offers a different point of view.

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1905.
   A Government Bureau of Charities.

   In 1905 a law passed by the Prussian Diet created a national
   Charity Bureau, the duties of which are stated as follows:

   (1) To follow the development of charity work and keep the
   government informed of this development;

   (2) to advise the state of conditions which justify change in
   existing laws or the passing of new laws, or which suggest
   change in government methods;

   (3) to draw up opinions and make proposals which will help in
   framing laws for the benefit of the people;

   (4) to take general control of relief stations in case of
   great calamities.

   It will also be the duty of the department

   (1) to establish relations between different charity
   organizations, suggest improvements in the methods of these
   organizations, and economize the forces of the various bodies;


   (2) to follow the progress of charitable work and make an
   index and collection of all literature relating to the
   subject;

   (3) to give information and advice in reference to
   philanthropic endeavor when requested to do so;

   (4) to make reports to the state at short intervals in
   reference to the development and progress of the work in the
   nation at large;

   (5) to draw up opinions and make proposals for the improvement
   or better organization of the charity propaganda in part or as
   a whole;

   (6) to take charge of the development of the work in any
   section;

   (7) to assist in putting in operation any suggestions or plans
   which may be made or worked out for the improvement of social
   conditions.

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1900-1909.
   The National Civic Federation.
   Its Origin.
   Its Purposes.
   Its Organization.
   Its Work.

   The Federation was organized in 1900, in Chicago, after a
   succession of national conferences had been held upon such
   subjects as Primary Election Reform, Foreign Policy and Trusts
   and Combinations. It consisted of an advisory council of five
   hundred members and an Executive Committee. On the Executive
   Committee were several of the members of the present National
   Executive Committee, including Franklin MacVeagh, Archbishop
   Ireland, Samuel Gompers, John Mitchell, D. J. Keefe, John W.
   Stahl, and Benjamin Ide Wheeler. The prospectus, published at
   the time, stated the purpose of the organization to be as
   follows:

{614}

   "… To organize the best brains of the nation in an educational
   movement toward the solution of some of the great problems
   related to social and industrial progress; to provide for
   study and discussion of questions of national import; to aid
   thus in the crystallization of the most enlightened public
   opinion; and, when desirable, to promote legislation in
   accordance therewith."

   "Fifteen national subjects were named, and it was expected
   that from time to time the formation of committees would
   result having as their special province the consideration of
   the subjects suggested.

   "By vote, it was decided to take up for discussion, through
   national conferences, the three subjects of industrial
   arbitration, taxation and municipal ownership. The first
   conference, that on industrial arbitration, was held at
   Chicago, in December, 1900, and resulted in the organization
   of the Industrial Department, with A. C. Bartlett, of Chicago,
   chairman. In the following June a national conference on
   taxation was held in Buffalo, resulting in the formation of
   the Department on Taxation, with Edwin R. A. Seligman as
   chairman. It was the intention to hold the Conference on
   Municipal Ownership in New York the following December, but in
   the meantime a number of large strikes, especially the Steel
   Strike, the National Machinists’ strike and a threatened
   Anthracite Coal Strike absorbed so much of the energy and
   attention of the active members of the Federation at that time
   that the Public Ownership Conference was postponed for the
   time being.

   "Through the work done by the committee in connection with the
   coal and steel strikes, Senator Hanna became interested in the
   organization, and in December of that year was made President
   of the organization. His selection for that office, together
   with the appointment of other men of national reputation on
   the committee, attracted the attention of the country to the
   organization. For two years following that department was the
   only one prominent before the public, and its work in the
   prevention of strikes and lockouts was naturally regarded as
   the only purpose of the organization. The conferences held
   during this period were naturally confined to the subject of
   conciliation and collateral phases of the work. As national
   labor disturbances then became less frequent after two years
   of this special work the organization was able to resume its
   original programme, holding itself, however, in readiness to
   concentrate its energies on the industrial work at any time
   the need might arise.

   "It was at this time that the national conference on
   immigration was called, and the Department of Immigration
   organized. After that a national commission on Municipal
   Ownership was formed, and by that time the public began to
   take interest in the broader aspects of the organization.
   Later came the establishment of the Industrial Economics
   Department, which has taken up some of the most important
   problems of the day, including Socialism and Trusts and
   Combinations. The holding of a national conference on
   Political Reform resulted in the organization of a department
   especially devoted to these subjects.

   "While the subjects to be taken up by the organization are
   determined by the Executive Committee, the fact is here
   emphasized that in devoting itself to other matters than
   questions relating to strikes and lockouts, the organization
   has not deviated from, but has returned to, its original
   lines."

      The National Civic Federation Review,
      March, 1909.

   The following additional particulars of the organization and
   operations of the Federation are drawn from a pamphlet
   statement of 1909:

   "The membership of the Federation is drawn from practical men
   of affairs, whose acknowledged leadership in thought and
   action makes them typical representatives of the various
   elements that voluntarily work together for the general good.
   Its National Executive Committee is constituted of three
   factors: the general public, represented by the church, the
   bar, the press, statesmanship and finance; employers,
   represented by large manufacturers and the heads of great
   corporations, and employers’ organizations; and labor,
   represented by the principal officials of national and
   international organizations of wage-earners in every important
   industry.

   "There are useful organizations of farmers, manufacturers,
   wage-earners, bankers, merchants, lawyers, economists and
   other distinct but interacting elements of society, which hold
   meetings for discussion of affairs peculiar to their own
   pursuits and callings. The Federation, in addition to its
   Departments for the accomplishment of specific purposes,
   provides a forum where representatives of all these elements
   of society may meet to discuss national problems in which they
   have a common interest.

   "Twelve national conferences have thus been held upon such
   subjects as Primary Election and Ballot Reforms, Foreign
   Policy, Trusts, Conciliation and Arbitration, Taxation, and
   Immigration. These conferences have usually been attended by
   delegates appointed by Governors of States and by
   representatives selected by various commercial, industrial,
   and educational bodies.

   "The present activities of the Federation are exercised
   through the following agencies:

   "Trade Agreement Department,
   "Industrial Conciliation Department,
   "Industrial Economics Department,
   "Industrial Welfare Department,
   "Public Employés’ Welfare Department,
   "The Woman’s Department,
   "Public Ownership Commission,
   "Immigration Department,
   "Political Reform Department.

   "The Trade Agreement Department [John Mitchell, Chairman]
   consists of employers and representatives of workingmen, who
   make agreements as to hours, wages and conditions of
   employment. The membership of the department is equally
   divided between employers and labor leaders, the employers
   being officers of steam and street railway companies, coal
   operators, the publishers of large daily papers, building
   contractors, brewers, stove manufacturers, shippers’
   associations, while labor is represented by officials in
   corresponding crafts. …

   "The Conciliation Department [Seth Low, Chairman] deals
   entirely with strikes, lock-outs and arbitration. The services
   of this department have been enlisted in about five hundred
   cases, involving every conceivable phase of a problem
   interwoven with or underlying an industrial controversy. Its
   membership extends to every industrial centre, and includes
   representatives of leading organizations of employers and of
   wage-earners. Through this membership information of any
   threatened trouble between capital and labor usually reaches
   the headquarters, from one side or the other, in advance of
   any public rupture. …

{615}

   "The Department of Industrial Economics [Nicholas Murray
   Butler, Chairman] was formed to promote discussion of
   practical economic problems. Its membership is composed of
   leading economists, including the heads of the departments of
   political economy in universities, lecturers and economic and
   legal authors; editors of the daily press, of politico-social
   magazines, of trade papers and of labor journals;
   representatives of the pulpit; large employers and
   representatives of labor. This department has arranged a
   programme for the discussion, by the ablest experts to be
   procured, of each of the vital and frequently irritating
   questions that arise in the Conciliation Department in
   connection with the prevention or settlement of controversies.
   …

   "The Industrial Welfare Department [the work of which is
   conducted by a number of sub-committees, at the head of one of
   which is the President of the United States, William H. Taft,
   as Chairman of the committee which studies the welfare of the
   Public Employés of the country, and the general Chairman of
   which is William H. Willcox] is composed of employers of labor
   in stores, factories, mines and on railroads. It is devoted to
   interesting employers in improving the conditions under which
   employés in all industries work and live. In extending the
   practice of Welfare Work the department has found of especial
   value conferences of employers, held under its auspices in
   different parts of the country, for the interchange of
   experiences. Illustrated literature is widely distributed, and
   stereopticon lectures are given. A bureau of exchange is
   maintained at headquarters, where descriptive matter, plans
   and photographs relating to betterments in different
   industries may be obtained by employers.

   "Some of the subjects involved are;

   "Sanitary Work Places:
   Systems for providing pure drinking water;
   for ventilation, including the cooling of super heated
   places, and devices for exhausting dust and removing gases;
   for lighting work places;
   and for guarding machinery;
   wash rooms with hot and cold water, towels and soap;
   shower baths for molders and stationary firemen;
   emergency hospitals;
   locker rooms;
   seats for women;
   laundries for men’s overalls or women’s uniforms;
   the use of elevators for women, and luncheon rooms.

   "Recreation:
   The social hall for dancing parties, concerts, theatricals,
   billiards, pool or bowling;
   the gymnasium, athletic field, roof garden, vacations and
   summer excursions for employés, and rest rooms or
   trainmen’s rest houses.

   "Educational:
   Classes for apprentices;
   in cooking, dressmaking, millinery;
   first aid to the injured;
   night classes for technical training;
   kindergartens and libraries.

   "Housing:
   Homes rented or sold to employés, and boarding houses.

   "Provident Funds:
   For insurance, pensions, savings or lending money in
   times of stress.

   "The Woman’s Department [of which Mrs. William H. Taft is
   Honorary Chairman, Mrs. Horace Brock, Chairman, and which has
   a strong corps of other officers] "is composed largely of
   women who are themselves stockholders or who are financially
   interested in industrial organizations (including railroads,
   mills, factories, mines, stores and other work places) through
   family relationships, and who therefore naturally should be
   interested in the welfare of workers in enterprises from which
   they draw their incomes; there are also, among other
   influential members, the wives of public officials.

   "The object of this department is: ‘To use its influence in
   securing needed improvements in the working and living
   conditions of women and men wage-earners in the various
   industries and governmental institutions, and to co-operate,
   when practicable, in the general work of the Federation.’ …

   "The Public Ownership Commission [Melville E. Ingalls,
   Chairman], appointed by the Executive Council of the
   Federation, is composed of one hundred prominent men
   representing practically every shade of opinion on the
   subject. …

   "The Department of Immigration [Franklin MacVeagh, Chairman]
   is composed of men selected to represent every locality in the
   Union affected by the admission of aliens.

   "This Department was organized at the request of the National
   Immigration Conference, held in New York City, December 6-8,
   1905, this conference being attended by more than five hundred
   delegates appointed by Governors of States, leading
   commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, labor and economic
   organizations, and by prominent ecclesiastical and educational
   institutions. It undertook an investigation of all important
   phases of the immigration problem, the Department being
   organized into seven distinct committees. …

   "Largely through the work of the Immigration Department,
   Congress was induced to appoint a Commission on Immigration,
   which commission has, with unlimited funds at its disposal,
   undertaken a large part of the work that had been planned by
   the Federation’s department. In fact, two members of that
   department are on the commission and have utilized all the
   material gathered by the Federation’s experts, relating to
   both white and Oriental immigration. …

   "The organization of a Political Reform Department was the
   practical outcome of a National Conference on that subject
   held in New York City, March 6 and 7, 1906, under the auspices
   of The National Civic Federation. The Conference was attended
   by delegates from all parts of the country, appointed by
   congressmen, governors, mayors, municipal and political reform
   bodies, and representing all shades of political opinion.

   "It is the purpose of the Political Reform Department to teach
   practical politics, and especially to organize the young men
   of the country and induce them to participate actively,
   through their respective party organizations, in governmental
   affairs--Federal, State and municipal."

{616}

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: A. D. 1904-1909.
   The American Civic Association.

   "Organized effort for the systematic making of a beautiful
   America did not manifest itself until within comparatively
   recent years. Prior to 1904 there had been various short-lived
   state associations, a few interstate societies and two
   national organizations, working with the same general objects
   in view. But at St. Louis, in 1904, the year of the great
   exposition, a merger of the two national organizations brought
   forth the American Civic Association which, since that time,
   has carried on with increasing success and popular support the
   greatly needed work for a 'More Beautiful America’; and since
   that time it has been recognized as the one great national
   agency for the furtherance of that work. With its purpose as
   stated in its constitution clearly before it, it has
   constantly widened the circle of its usefulness until recently
   they were grouped under fifteen general departments, each
   department headed by an expert in his or her particular
   specialty.

   "In classifying its varied activities, the Association
   announces that it aims ‘to make American living conditions
   clean, healthful, attractive; to extend the making of public
   parks; to promote the opening of gardens and playgrounds for
   children and recreation centers for adults; to abate public
   nuisances—including objectionable signs, unnecessary poles and
   wires, unpleasant and wasteful smoking factory chimneys; to
   make the buildings and the surroundings of railway stations
   and factories attractive; to extend the practical influence of
   schools; to protect existing trees and to encourage
   intelligent tree planting; to preserve great scenic wonders
   (such as Niagara Falls and the White Mountains) from
   commercial spoliation.’

   "So vigorously has it pursued these activities that it has
   seen some of them develop to such proportions that they were
   ready to swing off from the parent circle into spheres of
   their own. Such was the case with the playground movement,
   which for years was fostered most energetically by the
   American Civic Association until it grew into an independent
   organization known as the National Playground Association, and
   which is now an agency of splendid achievements in its one
   specialized function."

      Richard B. Watrous,
      The American Civic Association
      (The American City, October, 1909).

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: A. D. 1907.
   The Sage Foundation for the Improvement of Social
   and Living Conditions.

   One of the most notable of gifts from private wealth for the
   endowment of undertakings to promote the general welfare of
   mankind was made by Mrs. Russell Sage, in 1907, when she
   placed a fund of $10,000,000 in the hands of trustees, to be
   administered under the name of The Russell Sage Foundation. On
   the announcement of this endowment, Mrs. Sage, through her
   counsel, Mr. Henry W. de Forest, authorized the following
   statement, which explains clearly and fully the purposes
   contemplated:

   "I have set aside $10,000,000 for the endowment of this
   foundation. Its object is ‘the improvement of social and
   living conditions in the United States.’ The means to that end
   will include research, publication, education, the
   establishment and maintenance of charitable and beneficial
   activities, agencies, and institutions, and the aid of any
   such activities, agencies and institutions already
   established.

   "It will be within the scope of such a foundation to
   investigate and study the causes of adverse social conditions,
   including ignorance, poverty and vice, to suggest how these
   conditions can be remedied or ameliorated, and to put in
   operation any appropriate means to that end. It will also be
   within the scope of such a foundation to establish any new
   agency necessary to carry out any of its conclusions, and
   equally to contribute to the resources of any existing
   agencies which are doing efficient and satisfactory work, just
   as the present General Education Board, organized to promote
   higher education, is aiding existing colleges and
   universities. While its scope is broad, it should preferably
   not undertake to do within that scope what is now being done
   or is likely to be effectively done by other individuals or by
   other agencies with less resources. It will be its aim to take
   up the larger and more difficult problems, and to take them up
   so far as possible in such a manner as to secure co-operation
   and aid in their solution. In some instances it may wisely
   initiate movements with the expectation of having them
   maintain themselves unaided after once being started. In other
   instances it may start movements with the expectation of
   carrying them on itself. Income only will be used for its
   charitable purposes, because the foundation is to be permanent
   and its action continuous. It may, however, make investments
   for social betterment, which themselves produce income.

   "While having headquarters in New York city, where I and my
   husband have lived and where social problems are most pressing
   and complicated, partly by reason of its extent and partly
   because it is the port of entry for about a million immigrants
   a year, the foundation will be national in its scope and in
   its activities. I have sought to select as my trustees men and
   women who are familiar with social problems and who can bring
   to their solution not only zeal and interest, but experience
   and judgment.

   "The bill for incorporation of the endowment further provides:
   The corporation hereby formed shall have power to take and
   hold, both by bequest, devise, gift, purchase, or lease,
   either absolutely or in trust, for any of its purposes, any
   property, real or personal, without limitation as to amount or
   value, except such limitation, if any, as the legislature
   shall hereinafter impose, to convey such property and to
   invest and reinvest any principal, and deal with, and expend
   the income of the corporation in such manner as in the
   judgment of the trustees will best promote its objects."

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: A. D. 1907-1908.
   The Pittsburg Survey.
   A remarkable Investigation of Living Conditions in
   a great Industrial Center.

   "Under the name of the Pittsburgh Survey, Charities
   Publication Committee has carried on a group of social
   investigations in this great steel district. In a sense we
   have been blue-printing Pittsburgh. Our findings will be
   published in a series of special numbers … covering in order:

   "I.—The People;
   "II.—The Place;
   "III.—The Work.

   "Full reports are to be published later in a series of Volumes
   by the Russell Sage Foundation, and, throughout, the text will
   be reinforced with such photographs, pastel, maps, charts,
   diagrams and tables as will help give substance and reality to
   our presentations of fact. …

{617}

   "The Pittsburgh Survey has been a rapid, close range
   investigation of living conditions in the Pennsylvania steel
   district. It has been carried on by a special staff organized
   under the national publication committee which prints this
   magazine. It has been financed chiefly by three grants, of
   moderate amount, from the Russell Sage Foundation for the
   Improvement of Living Conditions. It has been made practicable
   by co-operation from two quarters,—from a remarkable group of
   leaders and organizations in social and sanitary movements in
   different parts of the United States, who entered upon the
   field work as a piece of national good citizenship; and from
   men, women and organizations in Pittsburgh who were
   large-minded enough to regard their local situation as not
   private and peculiar, but a part of the American problem of
   city building.

   "The outcome has been a spirited piece of interstate
   co-operation in getting at the urban fact in a new way. …

   "The main work was set under way in September, 1807, when a
   company of men and women of established reputation as students
   of social and industrial problems spent the month in
   Pittsburgh. On the basis of their diagnosis, a series of
   specialized investigations was projected along a few of the
   lines which promised significant results. The staff has
   included not only trained investigators but also
   representatives of the different races who make up so large a
   share of the working population dealt with. Limitations of
   time and money set definite bounds to the work, which will
   become clear as the findings are presented. The experimental
   nature of the undertaking, and the unfavorable trade
   conditions which during the past year have reacted upon
   economic life in all its phases, have set other limits. Our
   inquiries have dealt with the wage-earners of Pittsburgh (a)
   in their relations to the community as a whole, and (b) in
   their relation to industry. Under the former we have studied
   the genesis and racial make-up of the population; its physical
   setting and its social institutions; under the latter we have
   studied the general labor situation; hours, wages, and labor
   control in the steel industry; child labor, industrial
   education, women in industry, the cost of living, and
   industrial accidents.

   "From the first, the work of the investigations has been
   directed to the service of local movements for improvement.
   For, as stated in a mid-year announcement of the Survey, we
   have been studying the community at a time when nascent social
   forces are asserting themselves. Witness the election of an
   independent mayor three years ago, and Mr. Guthrie’s present
   fight to clear councils of graft. Within the field of the
   Survey and within one year, the Pittsburgh Associated
   Charities has been organized; the force of tenement inspectors
   has been doubled and has carried out a first general housing
   census, and a scientific inquiry, under the name of the
   Pittsburgh Typhoid Commission, has been instituted into the
   disease which has been endemic in the district for over a
   quarter of a century. A civic improvement commission,
   representative in membership and perhaps broader in scope than
   any similar body in the country, is now in process of
   formation.

   "A display of wall maps, enlarged photographs, housing plans,
   and other graphic material was the chief feature of a civic
   exhibit held in Carnegie Institute in November and December,
   following the joint conventions in Pittsburgh of the American
   Civic Association and the National Municipal League. The local
   civic bearings of the Survey were the subject of the opening
   session of these conventions. Its economic aspects were
   brought forward at a joint session of the American Economic
   Association and the American Sociological Society at Atlantic
   City in December."

      P. U. Kellogg,
      The Pittsburgh Survey
      (Charities and the Commons, January 2, 1909).

      See (in this Volume),
      CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY;
      CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW;
      LABOR PROTECTION, ETC.;
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT;
      PUBLIC HEALTH;
      POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF;
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.

SOCIAL DEMOCRATS.

   See (in this Volume)
   SOCIALISM: ENGLAND, AND FRANCE;
   also GERMANY: A. D. 1903;
   RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907;
   DENMARK: A. D. 1906.

SOCIAL REVOLUTIONISTS.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907, and 1906-1907.

SOCIALISM: AT LARGE: A. D. 1909.
   The Socialist Press in all Countries.

   According to a list of the Socialist Press, in the world at
   large, published in November, 1909, by the International
   Bureau of Socialists, at Brussels, fifty-seven Socialist daily
   newspapers are published in Germany. English Socialists have
   three weekly publications, and one that appears monthly. There
   is a daily Socialist journal in the Argentine Republic, a
   weekly review in Australia, and in Austria two daily
   publications and a bi-weekly review. The Socialists in Belgium
   publish four daily organs; those of Bulgaria support two
   bi-weekly reviews; and those of Canada one weekly review. One
   daily Socialist newspaper circulates in Denmark, and four
   weekly publications in Spain. In the United States there are
   four daily and eight weekly publications and a monthly
   magazine. France has two daily Socialist newspapers and ten
   weekly Socialist periodicals. In Greece the Socialists support
   a weekly publication, in Holland a daily one, and in Hungary
   both a daily and a weekly one. In Italy there are four daily
   Socialist newspapers; and a single one in Norway, Poland, and
   Sweden respectively. Socialists living in Switzerland have
   three daily and three weekly organs; while those in Russia
   have 20 monthly or bi-monthly ones, most of which are
   published secretly. In Rumania and Sweden there are also
   Socialist publications.

SOCIALISM: AUSTRALIA:
   Government Ownership of Railways.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: AUSTRALIA.

SOCIALISM: AUSTRIA: A. D. 1903.
   Adoption of a Resolution against Alcoholic Drinking by
   the National Convention of the Social Democracy.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: AUSTRIA.

SOCIALISM: BELGIUM: A. D. 1904.
   Socialist Losses in the Belgium Elections.

      See (in this volume)
      BELGIUM: A.D. 1904.

SOCIALISM: DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.
   Socialists Contending for Disarmament.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.

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SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
   The Principal Socialist Organizations of the Present Day. --

   "There are four principal organizations actively engaged in
   gaining adherents to the cause of Collectivism as a practical
   policy, all over the kingdom. They are:
   (1) The Social Democratic Party, formerly Social Democratic
   Federation, and familiarly known as S. D. F.;
   (2) the Fabian Society;
   (3) the Independent Labour Party or I. L. P.;
   (4) the Clarion Fellowship and Scouts.

   There are several others of minor importance, though not to be
   ignored, for they all represent the spread of the central idea
   of Socialism. Among them is the Church Socialist League, which
   is significant as being a society of convinced Socialists
   within the Church of England holding that the ‘community
   should own the land and capital collectively and use them
   co-operatively for the good of all.’"

   The oldest organization "began as the Democratic Federation in
   1881, became the Social Democratic Federation in 1883, and has
   recently changed its name to the Social Democratic Party. Its
   object, according to the programme as revised in 1906, is:

   "‘The socialization of the means of production, distribution,
   and exchange, to be controlled by a democratic State in the
   interests of the entire community, and the complete
   emancipation of labour from the domination of capitalism and
   landlordism, with the establishment of social and economic
   equality between the sexes.’

   "It demands a large number of ‘immediate reforms,’ including
   the following:

   "Abolition of the Monarchy.
   Abolition of the House of Lords.
   Payment of members of Parliament and administrative
   bodies.
   Adult suffrage.
   Referendum.
   Legislative and administrative independence for all
   parts of the Empire.
   Repudiation of the National Debt.
   Abolition of indirect taxation and a cumulative tax on
   all incomes exceeding £300.
   Elementary education to be free, secular, industrial,
   and compulsory for all classes.
   Age for school attendance to be raised to 16.
   State maintenance of all school children.
   Abolition of school rates.
   Nationalization of land, of trusts, railways, docks,
   and canals.
   Public ownership of gas, electric light, water supply,
   tramways, omnibuses, &c., food and coal supply;
   State and municipal banks, pawnshops, restaurants,
   public ownership of hospitals, cemeteries, and the
   drink traffic.
   A legal eight-hours day;
   no employment under 16 years;
   public provision of work for unemployed at trade union rates;
   free State insurance against sickness, accident, old age,
   and disability;
   a minimum wage of 30s. a week;
   equal rates of pay for both sexes.
   Compulsory construction of healthy dwellings by public bodies.
   Free administration of justice and legal advice.
   Judges to be ‘chosen by the people.’
   Abolition of capital punishment.
   Disestablishment and disendowment of all State Churches.
   Abolition of standing armies and establishment of
   national citizen forces. …

   "The Social Democratic Party is the most downright and
   straightforward of the larger Socialist organizations. It is
   more outspoken and consistent, less hazy and opportunist, than
   the Independent Labour Party or the Fabian Society. It derives
   its inspiration from the Social Democrats of Germany and
   boldly upholds the ideal of revolutionary Socialism."

   The Fabian Society, which comes next "in point of age, is at
   the opposite end of the scale in regard to policy. It was
   founded in 1884, on American inspiration, as a sort of mutual
   elevation society, but adopted Socialistic principles from
   Germany. Its ‘basis’ is thus stated:

   "‘The Fabian Society consists of Socialists. It therefore aims
   at the reorganization of society by the emancipation of land
   and industrial capital from individual and class ownership and
   the vesting of them in the community for the general benefit.
   In this way only can the natural and acquired advantages of
   the country be equitably shared by the whole people.

   "‘The society accordingly works for the extinction of private
   property in land and of the consequent individual
   appropriation, in the form of rent, of the price paid for
   permission to use the earth, as well as for the advantages of
   superior soils and sites.

   "‘The society further works for the transfer to the community
   of the administration of such industrial capital as can
   conveniently be managed socially.’

   "It is not surprising that thorough-going Socialists denounce
   the Fabians as make believe, Socialism-and-water ‘comrades,’
   and hardly worthy to be called ‘comrades’ at all, an honour
   which the Fabians, for their part, show no desire to claim.
   Nevertheless, the Fabians are a very influential element in
   the Socialist movement. … The Fabian Society is numerically
   small, but growing rapidly, and that largely by the formation
   of provincial branches. The headquarters are in London, where
   it had in March last [1908] 1085 members out of a total of
   2015. … Eleven Fabians are members of Parliament, and the
   society supports the Labour party; but its real work lies
   outside of politics, and is carried on chiefly by the
   distribution of literature and by lectures. It contains
   several well-known writers, and may almost be called a
   literary society. The output of tracts and leaflets sold and
   distributed last year was over 250,000. … Among the best-known
   Fabians are Mr. Granville Barker, the Reverend R. J. Campbell,
   the Reverend Stewart D. Headlam, Mr. Chiozza-Money, M. P., Mr.
   Bernard Shaw, Mr. Sidney Webb, and Mr. H. G. Wells, who has,
   however, recently seceded. Many members belong also to other
   Socialist organizations. …

   "The third large organization on the list is the Independent
   Labour Party. It is considerably younger than the Social
   Democratic Party and the Fabian Society, but much larger and
   politically far more powerful than either or both together. In
   character it comes between them, being more opportunist and
   supple than the former, less nebulous and elusive than the
   latter. It was formally inaugurated at Bradford in 1893, under
   the leadership of Mr. Keir Hardie. The following are the
   principal [demands] in the official prospectus, revised for
   1908-1909:

   "‘1. A maximum of 48 hours working week, with the
   retention of all existing holidays and Labour Day, May 1,
   secured by law.

   "‘2. The provision of work to all capable adult applicants at
   recognized trade union rates, with a statutory minimum,
   of sixpence per hour.

{619}

   "‘In order to remuneratively employ the applicants, parish,
   district, borough, and county councils to be invested with
   powers to

   (a) Organize and undertake such industries as they may
   consider desirable.

   (b) Compulsorily acquire land; purchase, erect, or
   manufacture buildings, stock, or other articles for carrying
   on such industries,

   (c) Levy rates on the rental values of the district and
   borrow money on the security of such rates for any of the
   above purposes.

   "‘3. State pensions for every person over 50 years of age, and
   adequate provision for all widows, orphans, sick, and disabled
   workers.

   "‘4. Free secular, moral, primary, secondary, and University
   education, with free maintenance while at school or
   University.

   "‘5. The raising of the age of child labour, with a view to
   its ultimate extinction.

   "‘6. Municipalization and public control of the drink traffic.

   "‘7. Municipalization and public control of all hospitals and
   infirmaries.

   "‘8. Abolition of indirect taxation and gradual transference
   of all public burdens on to unearned incomes with a view to
   their ultimate extinction.

   "‘The Independent Labour Party is in favour of adult suffrage,
   with full political rights and privileges for women, and the
   immediate extension of the franchise to women on the same
   terms as granted to men; also triennial Parliaments and second
   ballot.’ …

   "The most prominent individuals in the Independent Labour
   Party are Mr. Keir Hardie, M. P., its father and guide; Mr.
   Ramsay Macdonald, M. P., who pulls the political strings; Mr.
   Philip Snowdon, M. P., who is an active pamphleteer; and Mr.
   Bruce Glasier, who edits the Labour Leader. This
   organization, by far the most important in Great Britain,
   takes much less part in international Socialism than the
   Social Democratic Federation, with which it has never agreed
   very well. …

   "The ‘Clarion’ organizations, - which make the fourth of the
   more important Socialist organizations, need only a brief
   mention here. They are not regular societies, like the others,
   but merely propagandist agencies organized by the
   Clarion newspaper and manned by Socialists who belong
   to other bodies or to none. … The agencies include the
   Clarion vans, which travel round the country and
   proselytize; the Clarion fellowship societies, which
   are social bodies, and the Clarion scouts, who are
   young recruits, organized for special purposes."

      From a series of Articles on
      "The Socialist Movement in Great Britain,"
      in the London Times, January, 1909.

SOCIALISM:
   Work of the Anti-Socialist Union.

   An Anti-Socialist Union in Great Britain is conducting a
   training school for speakers and workers whom the union sends
   into the constituencies to controvert the arguments of
   Socialist orators. Of the 175 students who entered the
   training school soon after the inauguration of the union in
   1908 about 50 were reported the next year as qualified to take
   an active part in the anti-Socialist campaign. In reply to an
   appeal for volunteers, nearly 2,000 applications were received
   from men and women who were anxious to enter the training
   school.

SOCIALISM: FRANCE:
   The Trade Union Version of Socialism.

   See (in this Volume)
   LABOR ORGANIZATION; FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.

SOCIALISM: A. D. 1909.
   The Classes to which the Socialist Principle appeals.
   Strength of Socialist Political Parties.
   Their Leadership.

   "The agriculturist loves the land which he usually owns, and
   would scout the idea of becoming a farmer under the State,
   which would be his position under a Socialistic regime; he is
   frugal, hard-working, and thrifty to the point of avarice, but
   intolerably narrow, suspicious and bigoted. Among this class
   Socialism can hardly make proselytes, nor can it do so to any
   great extent among tradesmen and commercial men, who are
   either their own masters or who hope to set up for themselves
   when they have amassed a small capital. We therefore find
   ourselves reduced to two classes, the artisans and the
   professions, and it is among these that we must seek the
   Socialist voters of France. … In France, thanks to the fact
   that members of Parliament are paid, the professional classes
   are available for the recruiting of labour leaders; indeed the
   younger section is naturally attracted to the Socialist
   standard. As regards this particular class, we can find in
   Great Britain no parallel. … Young Britons appear to be too
   busy with their sports or social pleasures to study political
   questions, so that we can hardly compare them with the
   continental ‘Intellectuals.’ The ‘Intellectual’ is essentially
   a product of modern Europe and is principally to be found in
   France, Germany and Russia. He is almost invariably highly
   educated, in sympathy with foreign progress, a humanitarian
   and imbued with ideas either somewhat or very much ahead of
   his time. The French ‘Intellectual’ is at his best in the
   twenties; he may then be quixotic, but he generally knows his
   subject and is fired with generous enthusiasms. … This curious
   factor must never be lost sight of when the Socialist movement
   in any European country is examined. In Great Britain members of
   the educated classes almost invariably belong to one of the
   two great political parties; but in France they are willing to
   join hands with the masses, not only as leaders, but with a
   view to the true enthronement of the people. It is probably
   for this reason that the Socialist party has made so much
   headway in France. Such being the soldiers and officers who
   march under the Red Flag, it is not surprising that their
   political organisation should have grown so powerful. The
   Socialist party has hardly suffered from the ups and downs of
   political life; every election has sent it back to power with
   a greater number of seats to its credit; at the present time
   the party has 74 representatives in the Chamber of Deputies,
   to whom we must add, in certain cases, 135 Radical Socialists.
   … The ‘Unified Socialists’ of the uncompromising type hold 53
   seats, and the Independent Socialists 21; if we add these two
   figures to the 135 Radical Socialists, we find that they form
   a considerable portion of the 591 members. Though they have
   not an absolute majority, the weight of these 209 advanced
   votes is such as to colour very strongly modern legislation,
   and there is no reason to doubt that their progress will
   continue up to a certain point."

      W. L. George,
      France in the Twentieth Century,
      chapter 8 (John Lane Co., New York, 1909).

SOCIALISM: Germany: A. D. 1902.
   The Socialist Congress on Alcoholic Drinks.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: GERMANY.

SOCIALISM: A. D. 1903.
   Gains of the Socialists in Elections to the Reichstag.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1903, and 1906-1907.

{620}

SOCIALISM: A. D. 1903.
   Opposition among Workmen.

   A great Congress of 200 delegates from bodies of German
   workingmen opposed to Socialism, said to represent a total of
   620,000, was held in October, 1903, at Frankfort-on-the Main.
   Its object was to promote effective organization of workmen,
   to which end it appealed to "all unorganized German workmen to
   join those industrial organizations which do not make enmity
   between the classes their principle."

SOCIALISM: A. D. 1908.
   Socialists win Seats in the Prussian Diet for the First Time.

      See (in this Volume)
      PRUSSIA: A. D. 1908.

SOCIALISM: A. D. 1909.
   Statistics reported to the Socialist Congress.

   The annual report to the Socialist Congress at Leipzig stated
   that the German Social Democratic party has a membership of
   571,050 men and 62,259 women—total 633,309. The number of men
   had increased during the past year by 13,172, and the number
   of women by 32,801. There are said to be now only 20 Reichstag
   constituencies in which there is no Socialist organization.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

SOCIALISM: Italy: A. D. 1904.
   Gains in the Election claimed by the Socialists.

      See (in this Volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1904 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

SOCIALISM: A. D. 1909.
   Gains in Italian Elections.

      See (in this Volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

SOCIALISM: NEW ZEALAND.
   Government Ownership of Land.
   Graduated Taxation.
   Public Loans to Farmers.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1905.

SOCIALISM: SPAIN: A. D. 1909.
   Socialist-Republican Alliance.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

SOCIALISM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.
   Socialist Platform adopted by the Western Federation
   of Miners.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D). 1899-1907.

SOCIALISTIC POLITICAL PARTIES.

   See (in this Volume)
   PARTIES, POLITICAL.

SOKOTO:
   British, Capture and Occupation.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (NIGERIA).

SOMALILAND.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: SOMALILAND.

SONE, Viscount:
   Japanese Resident-General in Korea.

      See (in this Volume)
      KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.

SONNINO, BARON: PRIME MINISTER OF ITALY.

      See (in this Volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1906-1909.

SOUDAN.

      See (in this Volume)
      SUDAN.

SOUFFRIÈRE, LA: VOLCANIC ERUPTION OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.

   ----------SOUTH AFRICA: Start--------

SOUTH AFRICA:
   Suitable and Unsuitable Parts of South
   Africa for European Settlement.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
   The Last Year of the Boer-British War.
   The Concentration Camps.
   Kitchener’s Block-house System and Protected Areas.
   The Opening of Negotiations for Peace.
   Text of the Treaty concluded.

   When Volume VI. of this work went to press, in April, 1901,
   and its record of events was closed, the dreadful Boer-British
   War had still a little more than another year to be prolonged
   through; but it was to be, as it had been throughout the past
   year, a sheerly destructive prosecution of guerrilla warfare
   by separate bands of the indomitable Boers. The operations of
   such warfare,—its raids, its counter "drives," its little
   battles and skirmishes, its captures and recaptures, its
   breaking of railway lines, and the like,—cannot be detailed in
   a work like this. Nothing of any decisive effect was done at
   any time, on either side, to constitute an important event in
   the war. There was simply a wearing process in operation which
   went on, in an inexorable and horrible slow way, till the
   country on which it worked was a desert, and the endurance of
   its surviving people was worn out.

   In November, 1900, Lord Kitchener had succeeded Lord Roberts
   in the British command. He decided to empty the contested
   regions of their non-combatant population, by gathering it
   into "concentration camps," thus resorting to a measure which
   the Spaniards had employed in Cuba, and which the Americans
   had copied from them in the Philippines. Accordingly, on the
   21st of December, 1900, he had issued to general officers a
   "Memorandum" in which he said:

   "Lord Kitchener desires that General Officers will, according
   to the means at their disposal, follow this system in the
   Districts which they occupy or may traverse. The women and
   children brought in should be camped near the railway for
   supply purposes, and should be divided in two categories,
   viz.: 1st. Refugees, and the families of Neutrals,
   non-combatants, and surrendered Burghers. 2nd. Those whose
   husbands, fathers, and sons are on Commands. The preference in
   accommodation, &c., should of course, be given to the first
   class. The Ordnance will supply the necessary tents and the
   District Commissioner will look after the food on the scale
   now in use.

   "It should be clearly explained to Burghers in the field,
   that, if they voluntarily surrender, they will be allowed to
   live with their families in the camps until it is safe for
   them to return to their homes."

   In "The Times History of the War in South Africa" it is
   remarked on this order: "The policy was inspired by two
   motives. In the first place, it was supposed that the removal
   of the families would induce fighting Boers to surrender, and
   would thus shorten the War. In the second place, it was a
   measure of humanity towards the unprotected occupants of
   lonely farms. The decision was taken somewhat lightly. In its
   primary object it failed absolutely. Far from providing an
   inducement to surrender, it lifted from the fighting burghers
   a load of embarrassment. To the British, military consequences
   were disastrous. To the Boers the gain was twofold. On the
   shoulders of their enemy lay the heavy tasks of removal and
   maintenance, involving enormous expense and a grave hindrance
   to military operations, while they themselves, relieved of all
   responsibility for their women and children, were free to
   devote their energies with a clear conscience to the single
   aim of fighting.
{621}
   While one of the British aims was signally defeated, the
   other, that of humanity, was at first only partially attained.
   The scheme for the concentration camps was lacking in
   foresight. Adequate provision was not made for the hosts of
   refugees requiring shelter. The regular medical and sanitary
   staff were already fully occupied with the needs of the army,
   and men were lacking for the organisation and supervision of
   the camps. Sites chosen on purely military grounds often
   proved wholly unsuitable. Too much reliance was placed on the
   capacity for self-help to be shown by the Boers themselves,
   and the Boers proved to be helpless, utterly averse to
   cleanliness and ignorant of the simplest elements of medicine
   and sanitation. The result was that for a certain period there
   was a very high rate of mortality among these unfortunate
   people."

      The Times History of the War in South Africa,
      Volume v., chapter 3
      (Low, Marston & Co., London).

   With better success Kitchener adopted and steadily perfected a
   block-house system, by which lines of barrier were drawn
   across the country in different directions, and protected
   areas were formed. The system and its working are thus
   described in the history quoted above:

   "One of the first reforms undertaken by Kitchener when he
   assumed command in South Africa was the strengthening of the
   railways. At that time the defences of the lines were of the
   simplest description, consisting almost wholly of open
   trenches at stations, bridges and culverts, while the line
   itself was patrolled by small parties of mounted men. In
   laying out these trench defences, the principal object kept in
   view was to render them inconspicuous and thus immune from
   artillery fire. The system required enormous numbers of men
   both for patrol work and for manning the long lines of
   trenches. … It was clear that some form of permanent or
   semi-permanent defence must be adopted, if security was to be
   gained and the railway guards reduced. Early in January,
   accordingly, the first blockhouses were constructed. …

   "Planted at first only at stations, bridges, culverts,
   important cuttings and curves—at the points, in fact, which
   experience had proved to be most vulnerable—blockhouses came
   to be established at regular intervals of about a mile and a
   half down the whole extent of a line. This interval was
   steadily lessened. Ultimately it became as small as 400 yards
   on the Delagoa line and was reduced even to 200 yards on some
   portions of the Cape railways. A continuous fencing of barbed
   wire ran along the line; elaborate entanglements surrounded
   each blockhouse, and the telephone linked up the whole system.
   A somewhat later development was a deep trench bordering the
   line of barbed wire and running to within 100 yards of each
   blockhouse. …

   "Until July the system was confined to the railways; but in
   July the idea first took definite shape of throwing blockhouse
   lines across country, and thus creating fenced areas of
   manageable size within which the Boers could be dealt with
   piece-meal. It is important to note that these lines almost
   invariably followed roads, which thus became to all intents
   and purposes as safe as railways. In other words, a great
   number of additional lines of communication were opened up and
   secured, and the striking power of the army proportionately
   increased. …

   "While a thousand yards, or thereabouts, was the usual
   interval between cross-country blockhouses, the rule was
   invariably followed that each must be in sight of its
   neighbour on either side. The wire fence spanning this
   interval always ran in the form of an obtuse angle, so that
   fire could be directed along it from both ends without risk to
   either blockhouse. In order to secure accurate fire in the
   dark, rests were provided for the correct alignment of rifles.
   Ordinary barbed wire was used at first, but the Boers became
   such adepts at cutting it that a quarter-inch unannealed steel
   wire, specially manufactured in England, had to be
   substituted. In Cape Colony, an eight-strand cable,
   manufactured in special 'rope walks' established at
   Naauwpoort, was largely used. Not to be daunted, the Boers
   took to uprooting the stays and levelling the fence bodily.
   The stays, accordingly, had to be anchored securely to heavy
   rocks sunk deep in the ground. As on the railways, alarms of
   all sorts were devised to give the garrisons notice of an
   attempt to tamper with the fence. A spring-gun would fire,
   dangling biscuit tins would rattle, a weight would drop in the
   blockhouse, and on any such signal the garrison would fire
   down the line of the fence. But, when all precautions were
   taken, it was impossible, on dark nights, to prevent
   determined bodies of Boers from passing the barrier. The
   passage could be made dangerous and difficult; that was all. …
   Exaggerated hopes were built on the efficacy of the lines as
   barriers to determined men. … The Boers, for a long time to
   come, viewed with disdain the eruption of tiny forts. It was
   only by degrees that they awoke to the realization that they
   were taken like flies in a spider’s web. … Communication
   between commanders became more and more difficult;
   concentrations on a large scale impossible.

   "The ramifications of the blockhouse system and the slow
   formation of protected areas were not the only signs that the
   day of conquest was approaching. Within these areas, under the
   able and energetic administrations of Lord Milner, who
   returned to South Africa in August, and, in the Orange River
   Colony, of the Deputy Administrator, Sir H. Goold-Adams,
   marked progress was beginning to be made in the establishment
   of civil industry and in administrative reconstruction. …

   "With regard to the Boer non-combatant population, an
   important modification of policy was initiated in December.
   Orders were issued to all columns that no more families, save
   those in actual danger of starvation and those belonging to a
   privileged class, … were to be brought into the concentration
   camps. Since most of the accessible farms had already been
   emptied, the order applied mainly to the women and children
   who had preferred, in defiance of hardship, to accompany the
   commandos and who lived in nomadic laagers. The Boers, however
   much they had railed in the past against the inhumanity of the
   camps, were soon to realise and admit the essential humanity
   of the concentration system. The embarrassment and anxiety
   caused by the helpless non-combatants in their midst was to
   grow day by day.
{622}
   Finally, at the Vereeniging Conference, the truth received
   frank and undisguised expression. ‘To-day,’ said Botha, ‘we
   are only too glad to know that our women and children are
   under British protection.’ The wretchedness of those who
   remained on the veld became, indeed, a powerful argument for
   submission."

      The Times History of the War in South Africa,
      chapters 10, 11, 14
      (London, Low, Marston & Co.).

   It was not until March, 1902, that the men of authority on
   both sides of the war began to give tokens of a mutual
   disposition to discuss terms of peace. In the previous
   January, the government of the Netherlands had offered to act
   as intermediary between Great Britain and the Boers, and the
   proffer had been declined, the British government repeating
   its determination to accept no foreign intervention. At the
   same time it was suggested that, inasmuch as Mr. Steyn and Mr.
   Schalk Burger, the chiefs of the Orange Free State and of the
   Transvaal burghers, respectively, were understood to be
   invested with full powers of government, including the power
   of negotiation, those gentlemen could open, if they wished,
   direct communication with Lord Kitchener, who had already been
   instructed to forward to his government any offers that he
   might receive. On the 7th of March this correspondence was
   sent by Lord Kitchener, without comment, to the Transvaal
   government, then established at Stroomwater. The suggestion in
   it was rightly taken as an invitation, and acting President
   Schalk Burger at once asked for a safe-conduct for himself and
   the other members of his government into the British lines,
   with intimations of a wish for opportunity to meet the members
   of the Free State government, in order that they might concert
   proposals for peace. His wishes were readily complied with. On
   the 22d he entered the British lines, and all possible aid was
   given him in getting together the men whom he wished to
   consult. Some were brought away from active fighting, which
   went on without them, no pause on the military side being
   permitted for a single day, while the parleying of a month
   went on.

   The Transvaal and Free State governments met on the 9th of
   April, at Klerksdorp, under British safe-conduct, and, after
   debate among themselves on that day and the next, sent a
   telegram to Lord Kitchener, requesting him to meet them and
   receive from them a proposal of peace. He replied promptly,
   inviting them to his headquarters at Pretoria, and there they
   were received on April 12th. Their proposal was on the basis
   of political independence for the two Boer states, under "an
   enduring treaty of friendship and peace" with the British
   government, as well as a customs, postal and railway union
   with the adjoining British colonies, and with concessions of
   the franchise to Uitlanders in the Transvaal. Kitchener could
   give no consideration to a proposal of this nature; but
   consented, after much discussion to cable it to London. At, a
   second meeting on the 14th (when Lord Kitchener was joined by
   Lord Milner, the British High Commissioner in South Africa) he
   had the answer of the British government to produce. It
   declared with emphasis that the government could not
   "entertain any proposals based on the continued independence
   of the former republics, which have been formally annexed to
   the British Crown." To this the Boer officials replied that
   they had no power to negotiate on any other basis than that of
   independence, and they asked for an armistice, to enable them
   to consult their people. This was refused, but, after some
   parleying, it was arranged that they should have free use of
   the railway and telegraph, and that military operations should
   be so conducted as to allow opportunities for meetings in all
   parts of the country, at which thirty burghers from each re-
   public should be elected, with authority to act for the
   people. These representatives were to meet on the 15th of May,
   at Vereeniging, to determine the answer they would give.
   Between the 11th and the 15th of May immunity was promised to
   all commandos whose leaders should be chosen as
   representatives, and this practically operated as an armistice
   during those days.

   "History records no precedent," says The Times History of the
   War, "for the state of affairs which existed in South Africa
   between April 18 and May 15, 1902. War went on, but, to borrow
   a metaphor from football, the ball of war was continually
   rolling into ‘touch.’ Kitchener loyally carried out his
   undertaking to the Boer leaders. Commandos were allowed to
   assemble and confer unmolested; officers and messengers
   scoured the country by road and railway with free passes,
   passing through British outpost lines, receiving the unstinted
   hospitality of their foes, and occasionally, to the chagrin of
   a junior British officer, undergoing accidental capture,
   followed by immediate release on the production of the magic
   pass. Steyn, indeed, was too ill to take part in all this
   activity and had retired to a farm near Wolmaransstad. But De
   Wet, with amazing energy, travelled over the whole of the Free
   State, inspiring the burghers with his leader’s fiery spirit.
   At eight successive meetings he personally addressed
   practically the whole of the commandos and secured unanimous
   resolutions against any surrender of independence. The
   Transvaal leaders were scarcely less active, though the
   purport of their activity was by no means the same." These
   chiefs of the Transvaal, Louis Botha and others, were disposed
   to end the struggle for independence; those of the Free State,
   inspired by their unconquerable President, were not.

   On the 15th of May the officials of the two Boer governments
   met the sixty delegates from the burghers at Vereeniging, and
   the question between surrender and a hopeless continuation of
   war was threshed out. The Free State delegates and a few of
   the Transvaalers had been bound by pledges to vote against any
   surrender of independence; but in the end they were persuaded
   by their own legal advisers that such a restriction on the
   free action of a delegate was contrary to the principles of
   law; and gradually the question of independence gave place to
   other matters of consideration in the discussion of terms. On
   the 19th a sub-committee was appointed to consider those
   details, and several days of bargaining with Kitchener and
   Milner, at Pretoria, ensued. There was much use of the cable
   meantime, to secure assent in London to what might be done.
   The result was a draft treaty which Lord Milner assured the
   Boer Commissioners was absolutely final, and must be accepted
   or rejected without any change, on or before the 31st of May.
{623}
   They took it to the convention at Vereeniging on the 29th, and
   there, in two days of stormy debate, the no-surrender party,
   led by Steyn and De Wet, made their last stand. When the
   decisive vote was taken, their ranks were reduced to six,
   against fifty-four. The Boer commissioners returned at once to
   Pretoria, with the accepted draft-treaty, and it was signed on
   the night of the 31st, a little less than an hour before the
   expiration of the fixed term of grace. The following is the
   text of this treaty, which ended one of the worst of modern
   wars:

   "General Lord Kitchener of Khartoum, Commander-in-Chief, and
   His Excellency Lord Milner, High Commissioner, on behalf of
   the British Government;

   "Messrs. S. W. Burger, F. W. Reitz, Louis Botha, J. H. De la
   Rey, L. J. Meyer, and J. Krogh on behalf of the Government of
   the South African Republic and its burghers;

   "Messrs. M. T. Steyn, W. J. C. Brebner, C. R. de Wet, J. B. M.
   Hertzog, and C. H. Olivier, on behalf of the Government of the
   Orange Free State and its burghers, being anxious to put an
   end to the existing hostilities, agree on the following
   points:

   "Firstly, the burgher forces now in the Veldt shall at once
   lay down their arms, and surrender all the guns, small arms,
   and war stores in their actual possession, or of which they
   shall have cognizance, and shall abstain from any further
   opposition to the authority of his Majesty King Edward VII.,
   whom they shall acknowledge as their lawful sovereign.

   "The manner and details of this surrender shall be arranged by
   Lord Kitchener, Commandant-General Botha, Assistant
   Commandant-General J. H. De la Rey, and Commander-in-Chief de
   Wet.

   "Secondly, burghers in the Veldt beyond the frontiers of the
   Transvaal and of the Orange River Colony, and all prisoners of
   war who are out of South Africa, who are burghers, shall, on
   their declaration that they accept the status of subjects of
   His Majesty King Edward VII., be brought back to their homes,
   as soon as transport and means of existence can be assured.

   "Thirdly, the burghers who thus surrender, or who thus return,
   shall lose neither their personal freedom nor their property.

   "Fourthly, no judicial proceedings, civil or criminal, shall
   be taken against any of the burghers who thus return for any
   action in connexion with the carrying on of the war. The
   benefit of this clause shall, however, not extend to certain
   deeds antagonistic to the usages of warfare, which have been
   communicated by the Commander-in-Chief to the Boer generals,
   and which shall be heard before a court-martial immediately
   after the cessation of hostilities.

   "Fifthly, the Dutch language shall be taught in the public
   schools of the Transvaal and of the Orange River Colony when
   the parents of the children demand it; and shall be admitted
   in the Courts of justice, whenever this is required for the
   better and more effective administration of justice.

   "Sixthly, the possession of rifles shall, on taking out a
   licence in accordance with the law, be permitted in the
   Transvaal and the Orange River Colony to persons who require
   them for their protection.

   "Seventhly, military administration in the Transvaal and in
   the Orange River Colony shall, as soon as it is possible, be
   followed by civil government; and, as soon as circumstances
   permit it, a representative system lending towards autonomy
   shall be introduced.

   "Eighthly, the question of granting a franchise to the natives
   shall not be decided until a representative constitution has
   been granted.

   "Ninthly, no special tax shall be laid on landed property in
   the Transvaal and Orange River Colony to meet the expenses of
   the war.

   "Tenthly, as soon as circumstances permit there shall be
   appointed in each district in the Transvaal and the Orange
   River Colony a Commission, in which the inhabitants of that
   district shall be represented, under the chairmanship of a
   magistrate or other official, with a view to assist in the
   bringing back of the people to their farms, and in procuring
   for those who, on account of losses in the war, are unable to
   provide for themselves food, shelter, and such quantities of
   seed, cattle, implements, etc., as are necessary for the
   resuming of their previous callings.

   "His Majesty’s Government shall place at the disposal of these
   Commissions the sum of £3,000,000 for the above-mentioned
   purposes, and shall allow that all notes issued in conformity
   with Law No. 1, 1900, of the Government of the South African
   Republic, and all receipts given by the officers in the Veldt
   of the late Republics, or by their order, may be presented to
   a judicial Commission by the Government, and in case such
   notes and receipts are found by this Commission to have been
   duly issued for consideration in value, then they shall be
   accepted by the said Commission as proof of war losses
   suffered by the persons to whom they had originally been
   given. In addition to the above-named free gift of £3,000,000,
   His Majesty’s Government will be prepared to grant advances,
   in the shape of loans, for the same ends, free of interest for
   two years, and afterwards repayable over a period of years
   with three per cent. interest. No foreigner or rebel shall be
   entitled to benefit by this clause."

   The following military statistics of the War, as conducted on
   the British side, were published in a Parliamentary paper soon
   after its close:

   The garrison in South Africa on August 1st, 1899, consisted of
   318 officers and 9,622 men; reinforcements sent between then
   and the outbreak of hostilities, October 11th, 1899, totaled
   12,546. Thereafter the troops sent up to May 31st, 1902,
   reached the great total of 386,081, besides 52,414 men raised
   in South Africa. The final casualty figures are: Killed,
   5,774; wounded, 23,029; died of wounds or disease, 16,168.

   A return made to Parliament in April, 1902, of the estimated
   amount of war charges in South Africa that had been and would
   be incurred up to the 31st of March, 1903, gave the following
   figures:

   For the first year of the war (1899-1900), £23,217,000; for
   the second year, £65,120,000; for the third year, £71,037,000;
   for the year in which it ended, £63,600,000. Total,
   £222,974,000.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902.
   Cape Colony and Natal at the Colonial Conference, London.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE.

{624}

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.
   Repatriation and Resettlement of the Boers in
   the Transvaal and Orange River Colony.
   Work of the first Eight Months of Restored Peace.

   The following passages from a report dated March 14, 1903,
   made by Governor Viscount Milner to Mr. Chamberlain, British
   Secretary for the Colonies, will give some intimation of the
   task of reconstruction and restoration which the war had
   imposed on the victors, and the vigor with which it was
   performed:

   "The Terms of Surrender were signed at Pretoria on the 31st
   May, 1902, but the Civil Government could not really begin to
   take over the administration of the new Colonies, and
   especially the country districts, for nearly a month after
   that date. At Lord Kitchener’s request no attempt was made to
   enter into possession of those districts until after the
   surrender of the Commandos, and though that surrender was
   accomplished with extraordinary celerity and smoothness,
   something like three weeks elapsed before any Civil officer
   could even set out for the house or tent, generally a tent,
   allotted to him in the wilderness which we were about to take
   over, devoid, as it was, of crops, of stock, of population,
   and, to a large extent, of habitable dwellings. The period
   over which this review extends is, therefore, one of about
   eight months—from the end of June, when the work of
   restoration commenced, till the end of February. …

   "To begin with the Prisoners of War. The Vereeniging Terms
   entitled something over 33,000 people to be restored to
   liberty, and if they happened to be burghers imprisoned out
   side South Africa, to be brought back to their homes as soon
   as transports could be provided and their means of subsistence
   assured. Of this large number upwards of 24,000 were in
   prisoners’ camps in St. Helena, Bermuda, India and Ceylon;
   upwards of 1,000 were in a prisoners’ camp, at Simons Town,
   and about 1,200 were prisoners elsewhere in South Africa. Of
   the rest the great majority had been allowed to live in
   Concentration Camps, while the balance were on parole in
   different parts of South Africa and a few in Europe. The
   principal difficulty in connection with the prisoners was, of
   course, the bringing back and distribution of the 24,000 odd,
   who were at prisoners’ camps oversea. …

   "The prisoners of war, on their return to South Africa, were,
   in the first place, with few exceptions, sent to the
   Concentration Camps of their respective districts, there to
   rejoin their families, if they had them, and to return
   together with them to their homes. They thus, in the majority
   of cases, helped to swell the enormous number of people for
   whom the Repatriation Departments of the two colonies had to
   provide the means of transport to their homes, and, as a
   general rule, the means of subsistence for months after such
   return, as well as the seeds, instruments and animals
   necessary to enable them to raise a crop. … In the eight and a
   half months that we have been at work, we have restored about
   200,000 of the old Burgher population in the two Colonies to
   their homes, including all the inhabitants in the
   Concentration Camps in the Transvaal, the Orange River Colony,
   the Cape Colony and Natal, and the Prisoners of War. …

   "By hook or by crook we had succeeded by the end of 1902, in
   enabling the people to sow a fairly large mealie crop, besides
   a considerable amount of forage, potatoes and other
   vegetables. The change in the attitude of the farming
   population, about that time, was very noticeable. The extreme
   depression which characterised them two or three months
   earlier had almost completely passed away, and they were
   looking forward to the future with much more hopefulness. I
   may say that almost the whole time, even when the outlook was
   blackest, their attitude towards the Government was not
   otherwise than a friendly one. They showed, with few
   exceptions, great patience under hardships, and much energy
   and resourcefulness in making the best of the small means at
   their disposal."

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.
   Death of Cecil Rhodes.
   Survival of his Influence and his Policy.
   Dr. Jameson, as his representative, made Premier
   of Cape Colony.

   On the 26th of March, 1902, two months before the end of the
   British-Boer war, Cecil J. Rhodes died at Cape Town, and his
   death removed the most powerful of the personal influences
   that would have been reckoned on for determining the results
   of the war. He had been the master-spirit in South Africa for
   nearly thirty years. Indications of the part he had taken in
   the expansion of the British dominion in that part of the
   world, and in the conflict of British with Dutch ambitions
   which produced the war, will be found in Volume VI. of this
   work (see, especially, pages 460-466, 470-471, and 475-477, in
   that Volume).

   Had he lived and been in health there can be no doubt that he
   would have been a leading actor in the political
   reconstruction of British South Africa since the war. He had
   been the Premier of Cape Colony from 1890 to the end of 1895;
   then his career was clouded by the "Jameson raid" into the
   Transvaal, and he was forced to resign. But the cloud would
   have cleared, as it has cleared from Jameson. Indeed, the new
   career of Dr. Jameson, since 1904, when a general election in
   Cape Colony brought the party of the Progressives into power,
   and put the former chief lieutenant of Cecil Rhodes in the
   place of Sir J. Gordon Sprigg as Prime Minister of the
   colonial Government, is indicative of the new career that
   would have opened to Rhodes. It is the Rhodes policy and the
   Rhodes influence that has prevailed, as was said by Mr. Edward
   Dicey in an article written at the time:

   "When Rhodes’ life came to a sudden and melancholy end,
   Jameson felt the best way he could show his respect for his
   dead friend was to carry on the work of his lifetime. Amongst
   the Progressives there were several public men who, in normal
   circumstances, might have been selected as leaders of the
   party, but there was a well-grounded conviction that the man
   who could best carry on Rhodes’ policy, with the least breach
   of continuity, was Jameson. Even the few British colonists who
   had not altogether condoned the Raid, felt that there was no
   one so qualified to lead the Progressive Party as the author
   of the Raid. The result was that Jameson was appointed, by
   acclamation, the political successor of Rhodes. It was under
   the new leader that the battle of the general election in the
   Cape Colony has been fought and won.
{625}
   The Progressive majority in the Cape Parliament is small; but,
   in spite of all disintegrating influences, it may be trusted
   to hold together till a Redistribution Bill has been passed.
   When the influence of the Bond was supreme in the Cape
   Parliament, the electoral divisions were manipulated in such a
   manner as to give thinly populated, rural constituencies equal
   representation with that enjoyed by the comparatively densely
   populated urban constituencies. This arose from the fact that
   in the country the Dutch settlers outnumbered the British,
   while in the town the British composed the vast majority of
   the electorate. The simplest way to rectify this abuse was to
   remodel the existing electoral system, by making population
   the basis of representation. This reform, however, was open to
   the objection that it practically disfranchised a large number
   of rural constituencies in which the Boers were in a majority.
   On Jameson being appointed Prime Minister, after Sir Gordon
   Sprigg’s compulsory retirement, his first step was to
   introduce a new Redistribution Bill based on a less invidious
   principle than its predecessor."

      Edward Dicey,
      The New Cape Premier
      (Fortnightly Review, April, 1904).

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.
   The Labor Question.
   Investigation and opposing Reports by a Commission.
   Adoption of Ordinance to admit Unskilled Non-European Laborers.
   Beginning of Importation of Chinese Coolies.
   The Political Side of the Question.
   Debate in the British Parliament.

   Early in 1903 Lord Milner appointed a Commission to
   investigate and report on the labor question in South Africa,
   which is a question between the mining people, who maintain
   that the needful supply of labor for profitable mine-working
   is not procurable, at rates which mine-owners can afford, from
   any other than an Asiatic source, and their opponents who deny
   the need of bringing either Chinese or East Indian coolies
   into the mining fields. In November the Labor Commission
   produced a majority and a minority report, the former agreeing
   substantially with the mine-owners, the latter in contention
   with them. The signatures to the majority report were ten in
   number, the latter were but two. In the discussion of the
   reports which took place in the Legislative Council of the
   Transvaal late in the year, one speaker made the statement
   that he was authorized by General Louis Botha to say that he
   and all the Dutch he represented were opposed to the
   introduction of Asiatics. A resolution favoring the
   introduction of Chinese was adopted in the Council by a vote
   of 22 to 4.

   Ultimately, against the protests of a great majority of the
   Boer population, an ordinance to regulate the introduction
   into the Transvaal of unskilled non-European laborers was
   adopted by the Legislative Council. It applied to males of
   other races than those indigenous to Africa south of 12
   degrees north of the Equator. The ordinance was to be
   administered by an official superintendent; the laborers were
   to be brought in by licensed persons only; they were to be
   employed only in the Witwatersrand district, and only in
   unskilled labor connected with the production of minerals, and
   they were to be sent back to the country of their origin, at
   the expense of their importer, at once on the termination of
   their contract, which should not be for a longer term than
   three years, renewable for two more. Provisions as to their
   treatment, their passport identification, their restricted
   residence, etc., were very precise and minute. The importation
   of Chinese coolies under the provisions of this ordinance began
   in June, 1904. At the end of the year over 20,000 had been
   brought in.

   That the question has its political as well as its industrial
   side, and is one which concerns democracy no less than labor,
   is shown in the following: "The political and industrial
   position of the Rand, and, in some degree of the Transvaal as
   a whole, is almost unique. The only parallel that comes to
   mind is that of the town and district of Kimberly. A
   considerable European community is dependent—on the Rand
   entirely, throughout the Transvaal very largely—on a single
   industry for the maintenance of its prosperity. This
   dependence necessarily places great power in the hands of the
   small group of men who are the owners, or represent the
   owners, of the capital by which the industry has been created
   and is now worked. Their influence is supreme. No law which
   threatened their interests could be placed on the Statute
   Book. Men who offer any effective opposition to their
   wishes—like Mr. Wybergh, the Commissioner of Mines, Mr.
   Creswell, the manager of the Village Main Reef Mine, Mr.
   Moneypenny, the editor of the chief Johannesburg
   newspaper—find it impossible to retain their positions. Two
   dangers, and two only, threaten the permanency of this
   supremacy—the Trade Union and the ballot, the combination of
   the men employed and the possibility of an unsympathetic
   majority in the legislature when a system of self government
   is restored. Both these dangers would be increased in degree,
   and brought nearer in time, by a large and rapid growth of the
   white population.

   "‘If 200,000 native workers were to be replaced by 100,000
   whites,’ said Mr. Rudd, one of the directors of the
   Consolidated Goldfields Company, ‘they would simply hold the
   Government of the country in the hollow of their hand, and,
   without any disparagement to the British labourer, I prefer to
   see the more intellectual section of the community at the
   helm!’ ‘ With reference to your trial of white labour for
   surface work on the mines,’ wrote Mr. Tarbutt, another
   director of the same important company and the chairman of the
   Village Main Reef Company, in an often-quoted letter to Mr.
   Creswell, 'I have consulted the Consolidated Goldfields
   people, and one of the members of the board of the Village
   Main Reef has consulted Messrs. Wernher, Beit and Co., and the
   feeling seems to be one of fear that if a large number of
   white men are employed on the Rand in the position of
   labourers, the same troubles will arise as are now prevalent
   in the Australian Colonies, i. e., that the combination of the
   labouring classes will become so strong as to be able to more
   or less dictate, not only on questions of wages, but also on
   political questions, by the power of the votes when a
   Representative Government is established.’
{626}
   There have been other declarations of the same tenour; and,
   indeed, no one who is acquainted with the views that prevail
   among the circles of South African finance would seek to deny
   that this dread of a second Australian democracy influencing
   the political and economic future of the Rand is one of the
   chief motives that direct the policy of the more far-sighted
   men among those groups. …

   "White labour, coupled with improved mechanical appliances,
   stands established as the feasible remedy for the admitted
   shortage in the number of Kaffir workers. To reject it in
   favour of the introduction of Chinese is a policy which has
   natural attractions for the owners of the mines. It is a
   policy which should not have won the support of the
   representatives of the British people."

      Herbert Samuel,
      The Chinese Labour Question
      (Contemporary Review, April, 1904).

   The bringing of Asiatic laborers into the mines was resisted
   as strenuously in Cape Colony as by the Boer burghers and the
   non-mining interests in general of the Transvaal. The leading
   colony addressed a petition on the subject personally to King
   Edward, saying: "Such an immigration, hampered and restricted
   as it is proposed to be by stringent regulations, would, even
   if it were possible to enforce such regulations, which is
   doubtful, introduce a servile element, alien to the country,
   destitute of rights, or interests, either in the present or
   future of South Africa, and worked for the benefit of masters,
   in many cases non-resident, thus constituting what would
   practically be a slave state, in close contact with the other
   free communities of South Africa. Your petitioners feel that
   the introduction of such a class of labour would place an
   obstacle in the way of the natural growth alike of European
   and native elements in the population. …

   "Such an importation would decide whether South Africa is in
   future to constitute one of those great free communities under
   the British flag, the growth of which shed so much lustre on
   the reign of your august predecessor, or whether it is to be
   ranked as a mere plantation worked in the interest and for the
   benefit of foreign holders. Your petitioners therefore most
   earnestly pray that your Majesty may be pleased to withhold
   your sanction from any measure having for its object the
   importation of Asiatics into South Africa, and by so doing
   save them and those who may come after them from consequences
   that will be fatal to their peace and prosperity."

      Parliamentary Papers, 1904
      (Cd. 1895), page 133.

   Mr. Chamberlain, Secretary of State for the Colonies, returned
   to England in March, 1903, from a visit to South Africa, and
   made an extended statement in Parliament soon afterwards of
   his observations and his conclusions from what he had seen. On
   the labor question, then the subject of greatest agitation in
   South Africa, he stoutly supported the mine-owners in their
   contention that native labor, and supplies from beyond the
   Zambesi, to supplement the Kaffir supply, is a necessity of
   the mining industry; that white labor is impossibly expensive,
   and that the feeling against the introduction of Asiatic labor
   seemed invincibly strong. There was not, he maintained, the
   slightest foundation for the charge that the mine-owners
   wanted forced labor or slavery in any shape or form, but that
   they must have cheap labor if the mines were to be worked.

   A few days later Lord Lansdowne, the Foreign Secretary,
   received a deputation from various missionary societies to
   protest against a proposed exportation of native labor from
   Central to South Africa. In reply to them he said that the
   Government had no more in view at present than an experiment
   with 1000 laborers, who would be taken from British Central
   Africa to the Rand District of the Transvaal and employed
   there under regulations very carefully framed. If
   objectionable results were found the experiment would be
   carried no farther. This was followed by warm debate on the
   subject in the House of Commons, where Sir William Harcourt
   and others denounced the greed of the mining companies,
   insisting that the mines could not pay fair wages simply
   because the rich mines were over-capitalized and the low-grade
   mines had been developed only for sale. Mr. Chamberlain again
   championed the mine-owners, and defended the policy of the
   Government, which sought, he said, to promote the general
   prosperity of the country by getting as many of the mines as
   possible into working order. The debate had no practical
   result.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1908.
   Hostility to British Indian Immigration.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: A. D. 1903-1908.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904.
   Census of all British South Africa.
   Whites and Natives.

   A general census taken in 1904 showed a total white population
   in all British South Africa--south of Zambesi—of 1,135,655,
   and a colored population of 5,169,338. The distribution of
   this in the several colonies was as follows; Cape Colony,
   580,380 white, 1,825,172 colored; the Transvaal and Swaziland,
   300,225 white, 1,030,029 colored; Natal, 97,109 white,
   1,011,645 colored; Rhodesia, 12,623, white, 593,141 colored;
   Orange River Colony, 143,419 white, 241,626 colored;
   Basutoland, 895 white, 347,953 colored; Bechuanaland, 1,004
   white, 119,772 colored.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905.
   Importation of Chinese Coolies Suspended
   by orders from London.

   The Liberal Ministry in Great Britain, under Sir Henry
   Campbell-Bannerman, which succeeded the Conservative-Unionist
   Ministry of Mr. Balfour on the 10th of December, 1905, had
   been seated but twelve days when a despatch was cabled by Lord
   Elgin, Secretary for the Colonies, to Lord Selborne, the High
   Commissioner in South Africa, that "the experiment of the
   introduction of Chinese laborers should not be extended
   farther until they could learn the opinion of the colony
   through an elected and really representative Legislature, and
   they had accordingly decided that the recruiting, embarking
   and importation of Chinese coolies should be arrested pending
   a decision as to the grant of responsible government to the
   Colony"—that is, the Transvaal.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905-1907.
   Fulfillment by the British Government of the Promises
   of the Treaty of the Vereeniging Treaty.
   Representative Government restored to the Boer States.

   The seventh stipulation in the Vereeniging Treaty of May 81,
   1902, which ended the Boer-British War (see above, A. D.
   1901-1902), contained the promise, on the part of the British
   Government, that "military administration in the Transvaal and
   in the Orange River Colony shall, as soon as possible, be
   followed by civil government; and, as soon as circumstances
   permit it, a representative system tending towards autonomy
   shall be introduced."
{627}
   On the 31st of March, 1905, the first step toward the
   fulfillment of this pledge was taken, by the issue of letters
   patent from the crown (without action of Parliament, inasmuch
   as the Boer States, in the eye of the law, had been under the
   suzerainty of the British sovereign, had been in revolt, had
   been subjugated, and were directly subject to the crown, as
   conquered territory), conferring a Constitution of Civil
   Government on the Transvaal. It gave popular representation in
   a legislature of a single chamber, styled the Legislative
   Assembly. Not exceeding thirty-five of the members of this
   body were to be elected, and from six to nine others were to
   be appointed by the High Commissioner of South Africa,—in
   which office Lord Milner had been succeeded of late by Lord
   Selborne. Every burgher of the former Transvaal Republic not
   disqualified by conviction for treason since May 31, 1902, was
   to be entitled to vote in the election of representatives; and
   so were all white males of British birth occupying premises at
   an annual rental of not less than $50, or possessed of capital
   to the value of $500. The debates in the Assembly were to be
   in English—not in English or Dutch, like the English or French
   of the Parliament of Canada; but there is a provision that the
   Speaker may permit a member to use the Dutch language. No bill
   passed by the Legislative Assembly which should subject the
   natives to disabilities or restrictions could become law until
   it had received the sanction of the Colonial Office in London.

   This organization of a partially representative colonial
   government extended only to the Transvaal. The Orange River
   Colony remained still under the Crown Colony system, which had
   been the status hitherto of both the Boer states since the
   close of the war.

   This limited realization of the promise of representative
   government to the Boers was undoubtedly all that could be
   expected from the Conservative Ministry in England, which went
   out of power soon after it had conferred the Transvaal
   Constitution. Its successors, of the British Liberal party,
   soon broadened the basis of self-government in the Transvaal,
   by a new constitutional instrument, which was outlined to
   Parliament on the 1st of August, and issued December 6th,
   1906. This made the legislature a bicameral body, having, for
   the time being, an upper Council of 15 appointed members,
   which, however, it was said to be the intention of the
   Government to extinguish at no distant day. The elective
   Assembly was to be composed of sixty-nine members, elected by
   secret ballot for terms of five years. Every adult male of
   twenty-one years of age who had been a resident for six
   months, except members of the British garrison, was entitled
   to vote. The general lines of the old Boer magisterial
   districts were followed, and, on the basis of the census
   figures of 1904 the Rand would have 32 members, Pretoria 6,
   Krugersdorp 1, and the rest of the country 30. The
   constitution prohibited Chinese contract labor, and no more
   coolies could be imported into the country after November 15.
   Either the English or the Dutch language could be used for
   public business, and naturalization was made easy, but the
   Boers’ request for woman suffrage was denied.

   A Constitution framed on similar lines was given to the Orange
   River Colony within the same year.

   In the first elections for the Transvaal Assembly there were,
   besides Socialists and labor organizations, three parties
   engaged in a somewhat embittered contest. "The Progressives
   are the party of the great mining houses on the Rand; the
   Nationalist party is composed of British electors opposed to
   the enormous political influence which the mining houses have
   hitherto exercised; while the Boers at Johannesburg and
   Pretoria and in the rural constituencies are organized in Het
   Volk. There was a coalition between the Nationalists and Het
   Volk. These two parties united against the Progressives, and
   adopted as the chief plank in their platform a declaration
   that the one question on which the election must turn was,
   ‘Who shall control the Transvaal—the people or the mining
   houses?’ The Progressives on their part insisted that the
   question was, ‘Shall the Transvaal be governed by the people
   of the Transvaal, or from Downing Street?’ They were aggrieved
   by the action of the British Government in making legislation
   concerning non-European labor subject to review in London, and
   in the campaign they made no attempt to conceal their
   hostility to the Campbell-Bannerman Government. In this way
   the question of Chinese labor was forced to the front. The
   Nationalists and Het Volk coalition was successful," and
   General Lotus Botha, who has been the leading spirit and
   guiding mind among the Boers since the war ended, became the
   Prime Minister of the Transvaal Government then organized.

   It has been fortunate for the Transvaal, and no less for South
   Africa at large, that so large-minded and strong a leader of
   the subjugated race was found for the trying period in which
   victors and vanquished were to have peace and friendship
   established between them.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1906-1907.
   Revolt of the Zulus in Natal.
   Their Grievances.

   An extensive and determined revolt of the Zulus living within
   the Colony of Natal broke out late in January, 1906, as the
   consequence of an attempt to collect a poll-tax levied on them
   by the colonial Parliament. A police sergeant and two or three
   native policemen were killed in the first melée, and from that
   time until near the end of the following summer there was war.
   That it was prosecuted with fierceness, if not actual
   ferocity, by the whites of the Colony, is made manifest by the
   fact that about 3500 Zulus are said to have been slain and
   2000 taken prisoners. The principal Zulu leader, a chief named
   Bambaata, was killed in a battle fought in June, and the
   revolt declined from that time. Sigananda, another chief, was
   condemned to death, and twelve prisoners, convicted by
   court-martial of complicity in the original murder of police
   officers, were executed; while thirty-eight others were
   sentenced to imprisonment for two years.

   A serious question between the colony and the
   Imperial-Government arose in connection with these military
   trials. The sentences to death, confirmed by the governor and
   the Natal ministry, were about to be carried out, when Mr.
   Winston Churchill, with the approval of Lord Elgin, Colonial
   Secretary, cabled to the Natal premier ordering the suspension
   of the execution pending an investigation by the Liberal
   government, on the contention that the natives should have
   been tried in a civil court.
{628}
   Premier Smyth refused to obey, but the governor postponed the
   executions, whereupon the Natal ministry resigned. Much
   indignation was evident in England, as well as in the colony,
   against what was regarded as an unwarrantable interference in
   colonial affairs by the Imperial government. The matter was
   concluded by Lord Elgin cabling to the governor of Natal that
   the home government had no intention of interfering in
   colonial matters, and that, upon the receipt of full
   information, it recognized the right and competency of the
   Natal ministry to decide the question at issue.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1907 (April-May).
   Imperial Conference at London.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Formation of the Legislative Union of South Africa.
   The Framing of the Constitution.
   Compromise on the Race Question of Franchise.
   British Imperial Assent.
   The Royal Proclamation of Union.

   Very quickly after the placing of the Boer colonies on a
   footing of political equality with their English neighbors a
   fresh desire for South African Union, in which they, who had
   fought to the death for its prevention only six years before,
   now shared, began to be earnestly voiced. Its genesis was
   explained clearly by a correspondent of the London
   Times of May 24, 1909, who wrote "Economic causes of a
   special character assisted the process. A great wave of
   commercial depression, following hard upon the golden
   expectations of the peace, passed over the whole country, but
   made itself specially felt in the coast colonies. Here the
   situation was painful in the extreme. It was a tale of
   deficit, of retrenchment, of heroic Budgets. But far beyond
   the rolling hills of the Karoo and the flat tableland of the
   Orange River there was a wealthy State, a State with a
   surplus. The Transvaal, possessing in Johannesburg the
   principal centre of opulence and the chief market for produce,
   was in a position to exert economic pressure upon colonies
   whose principal source of revenue was derived from the profits
   upon their railways and from the sale of their goods to the
   great city on the high veld. The poorer colonies lived, so to
   speak, upon the custom of the Transvaal, and were unable to
   ignore, however much they might dislike, their position of
   dependence. A rate war or a tariff war between the Transvaal
   and the coast colonies could hardly end with a victory for
   Cape Town or Durban, and so by a process of reasoning which
   was not always pleasantly illustrated the coast colonies came
   to accommodate themselves to the view that some form of
   arrangement as to railways and Customs was desirable in their
   own interests. Other causes contributed to illumine and
   enlarge the horizon. A Zulu rebellion in Natal brought home
   the common danger to the white community from native unrest or
   from mistakes made by a weak colonial Government in its native
   policy; the grant of responsible government to the two
   conquered Colonies tended, not only to bring the English and
   Dutch leaders into habitual communion, but to give to the
   progressive section of the community a pressing interest in
   the construction of a Government which should be strong enough
   to resist the influences of the back veld."

   The first action taken to transform the desire for Union into
   a movement to that end was early in May, 1908, by a convention
   of officials from the several colonies, assembled at Pretoria
   to negotiate a new customs agreement and to arrange
   intercolonial railway rates. The railway situation was nearly,
   if not quite, the most serious one that brought pressure to
   bear on some of the colonies, forcing them to seek a union in
   which conflicts of interest would be overcome. It was a
   situation which the High Commissioner, Lord Selborne,
   described briefly, in a review of the many reasons for Union
   which he addressed to the Governors and Lieutenant-Governors
   of the several colonies, on the 7th of January, 1907:

   "Of all the questions fruitful in divergence of opinion or of
   interest to the Colonies of South Africa, there is none so
   pregnant with danger," he wrote, "as the railway question. It
   is not an exaggeration to say that a field more thickly sown
   with the seed of future quarrel and strife than the
   [State-owned] railway systems of South Africa does not exist.
   As long as the Governments of the five British Colonies in
   South Africa are wholly separated from, and independent of,
   each other, their railway interests are not only distinct but
   absolutely incompatible. There is a competitive struggle
   between the ports of Cape Colony and of Natal to snatch from
   each other every ton of goods which can be snatched. The
   Orange River Colony desires as many tons of goods as possible
   to be passed to the Transvaal through its territory, but it is
   to the interest of Cape Colony that no such tons of goods
   should pass into the Transvaal through the Orange River
   Colony. … In the same way it is to the interest of Natal to
   pass the goods consigned to the Transvaal from Durban into the
   Transvaal at Volksrust, and not at Vereeniging through the
   Orange River Colony. Thus the interests of Cape Colony, of
   Natal, and of the Orange River Colony conflict the one with
   the other. But when it comes to considering the railway
   interests of the Transvaal, then it will be found that the
   interest of the Transvaal is diametrically opposed to the
   interests of Cape Colony, of Natal, and of the Orange River
   Colony. The Transvaal loses revenue on every ton of goods
   which enters the Transvaal by any other route than that from
   Delagoa Bay [on the Portuguese coast]. … If the [Transvaal
   Government] were as indifferent to the welfare of the three
   sister Colonies as every State in Europe is to the welfare of
   every other State, the Transvaal would see that all the trade
   to the Transvaal came exclusively through Delagoa Bay. And
   what then would be the position of the railways and the
   finances of the three sister Colonies and of the ports of Cape
   Colony and of Natal? This divergence, this conflict of railway
   interests, this cloud of future strife, would vanish like a
   foul mist before the sun of South African Federation, but no
   other force can dissipate it."

   That a railway and customs convention should start the action
   which united the colonies of South Africa happened as
   logically, therefore, as the happenings which derived the
   American Federal Constitutional Convention of 1787 from a
   River and Harbor Convention at Annapolis in 1786.

{629}

   The South African Railway convention, before adjourning,
   adopted a resolution recommending the appointment of delegates
   from each colony to a convention for the framing of a
   Constitution of United Government. Cape Colony led off in
   approving the proposal, followed within a day or two by the
   Transvaal and Orange River Colony, and a week later by Natal,
   where the strongest opposition was developed. The
   apportionment of delegates to the Convention was, for Cape
   Colony 12, for the Transvaal 8, for Orange River and Natal 5
   each. On the 12th of October these delegates assembled at
   Durban, in Natal, under the presidency of Sir Henry de
   Villiers and were in session there until the 5th of November,
   when they adjourned to meet again at Cape Town, November 23.
   Their labors were not concluded until the 3d of February,
   1909, when all differences had been harmonized or compromised
   and a draft Constitution approved, which every delegate signed
   that day.

   The Constitution was officially published on the 9th of
   February, with a recommendation that the several Parliaments
   should meet on March 30 to consider the draft, and that the
   Convention should meet again in May on a day to be fixed by
   the president of the Convention and the Premiers in
   consultation. The final draft to be submitted to the
   Parliaments in June. Then a committee of delegates appointed
   by the Governments to proceed to England to facilitate the
   passing of the Act.

   This programme was successfully carried through. Cape Colony
   and Natal contended for certain amendments to the draft
   Constitution, but the Transvaal and Orange River colonies
   approved the instrument and instructed their delegates to
   support it as a whole. The General Convention was reassembled
   at Bloemfontein, capital of the Orange River Colony, on the 3d
   of May, when it discussed the proposed amendments and agreed
   to eight of them. As thus amended the draft was adopted in
   June by the parliaments of each of the four colonies, and sent
   with that endorsement to the Imperial Government for the seal
   of Sovereign Law. It was followed by an official mission,
   composed of nineteen members, who represented, as a London
   journal remarked, "almost the whole of the driving power in
   South African politics," including, of course, such former
   antagonists as General Botha and Dr. Jameson, now shoulder to
   shoulder in powerful leadership of the movement for South
   African Union.

   One feature of the Constitution, as framed by the four
   colonies and presented for the imperial approval, was
   profoundly repugnant to English feeling. It was the product of
   a compromise in the colonial convention, which ran a curious
   parallel to that in the American constitutional convention of
   1787, which gave the Southern States a representation in
   Congress for their slaves. The question of elective franchises
   and legislative representation for the colored natives had
   troubled the South African union-making, just as the slavery
   question had troubled the American. Cape Colony had conferred
   the suffrage on its qualified colored citizens, and refused to
   disfranchise them; the other colonies had disfranchised all
   races but the white, and refused to allow a possible election
   from the Cape Colony to the Union Parliament of any other than
   members of European descent. The necessary compromise which
   secured the Union left the Cape franchise undisturbed for the
   present, but exposed to a future chance of being overruled;
   and it barred all but European humanity from both houses of
   the general Parliament.

   This compromise was opposed with unyielding resolution by a
   strong party in Cape Colony, led by two former premiers, Mr.
   W. P. Schreiner and Sir J. Gordon Sprigg. Mr. Schreiner went
   to England to appeal there to the Imperial Parliament against
   the sanctioning of these provisions of the proposed
   Constitution.

   Mr. Schreiner found in Great Britain almost universal sympathy
   with the feeling that he represented. In Parliament and out,
   it was expressed by all parties; but there went with it a
   prevailing opinion that the matter in question and the
   attending circumstances were such that the Imperial Parliament
   ought not to refuse assent to the action of the colonies. The
   Prime Minister, Mr. Asquith, set forth the reasoning to this
   conclusion very clearly and concisely, when, on the 19th of
   August, he moved, in the House of Commons, the third reading
   of the South Africa Bill. "I wish," he said, "in submitting
   this motion to the House, to take the opportunity of putting
   on record the fact that this Bill, consisting of over 150
   clauses and a very complicated schedule, has, after the most
   careful consideration by this House, been passed without
   amendment. It would, however, be a totally false impression
   were it suggested that as regards all provisions of this Bill
   there is unanimity of opinion in the House. In particular as
   regards some of the clauses which deal with the treatment of
   natives—the access of native members to the Legislature—as
   everybody who has followed the debate can see, there is not
   only no difference of opinion, but absolute unanimity in the
   way of regret that those particular provisions should have
   been inserted in the Bill. I wish before the Bill leaves the
   Imperial Parliament to make it perfectly clear that we here
   have exercised, and I think wisely and legitimately exercised,
   not only restraint of expression, but reserve of judgment in
   regard to matters of this kind, simply because we desire that
   this great experiment of establishing free self-government in
   South Africa should start on the lines and in accordance with
   the ideas of our fellow-citizens there which they have
   deliberately and after long consideration come to.

   "It is perfectly true that the Imperial Government cannot
   divest itself of responsibility in this matter. We do not do
   so. I think that if we have yielded, as we have, on points of
   detail—on some points on which many of us feel very
   strongly—to the considered and deliberate judgment of South
   Africa, it has been because we thought it undesirable at this,
   the last, stage in the completion of an almost unprecedentedly
   difficult task to put forward anything that could be an
   obstacle to the successful working of the Bill. Speaking for
   myself and the Government, I venture to express not only the
   hope, but the expectation, that in some of these matters that
   have been discussed in this House, both on the second reading
   and in the Committee stage, the views which have been so
   strongly expressed, and practically without any dissent, will
   be sympathetically considered by our fellow-citizens in South
   Africa.
{630}
   For my part I think, as I have said throughout, that it would
   be far better that any relaxations of what almost all of us
   regard as unnecessary restrictions upon the electoral rights
   and eligibility of our native fellow-subjects there should be
   carried out spontaneously and on the initiative of the South
   African Parliament rather than that it should appear to be
   forced on them by the Imperial Parliament here."

   The Bill had already passed the House of Lords. It received
   the royal approval on the 20th of September; and, on the 2d of
   December, the Union of South Africa was proclaimed, to be of
   effect on and after the 31st of May, 1910.

   Soon after the passage of the Bill, announcement was made that
   the Prince of Wales would visit South Africa to open the Union
   Parliament, as he had done on the opening of the Parliament of
   the Australian Commonwealth, in 1901.

   In December it was made known that the Right Honourable
   Herbert Gladstone would be the first Governor-General of
   United South Africa.

   For the text of the South African Constitution:

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSTITUTION OF THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.
   The Native Protectorates.
   Their Condition and Circumstances on the Eve of
   the Inauguration of the Union of South Africa.

   "It should not be forgotten that the protectorates are in
   being to-day not because this particular arrangement of
   protection was economically necessary or inevitable, nor even
   because the general relationship of the native tribes of South
   Africa made it the best that could be devised. The fact is
   that they came into existence at different times and as
   definite and probably expedient results of various fortuitous
   crises in a chaotic native political history, which is at
   least characteristic of South Africa. …

   "To-day the protectorates are to a considerable degree
   isolated native communities, so far at any rate as they are
   concerned with any possible united feeling among the other
   native tribes of South Africa. They are carefully guarded by
   their responsible officials from interference and possible
   harm from outside their own territories—that is from taking
   any considerable interest or partnership in the real or
   fancied troubles of neighbouring states. They are in a
   sense—and more than a political sense—inside a ring fence.

   "As regards the relationship between the native inhabitants
   and the white settlers of the several protectorates, there are
   no striking points of difference. In Basutoland no land is
   held under white ownership. Such white residents as there are,
   apart from officials and missionaries, are there as traders
   and storekeepers. No land rights have been alienated to white
   men. In the Bechuanaland Protectorate certain areas are held
   by white men, but at the same time very large areas are
   reserved entirely for native uses. In Swaziland the
   relationship was, until a few months ago, upon a very
   different basis—a position surely unique in the history of the
   British colonial possessions. I have not space to describe
   even briefly the extraordinary intricacy of the concessions
   troubles or the heroic measures found necessary to effect a
   settlement at once just to the concessionaire and the native.
   It must be sufficient to say that today about half the area of
   the country is held in white ownership, while rather more than
   one-third is reserved for the exclusive use and benefit of the
   natives. In Zululand certain areas of land are held by whites,
   but the bulk of land is held in native possession. In each
   case, however, it is not probable that any more land will be
   alienated for purposes of sale or settlement by whites. It may
   be accepted without doubt, I think, that the natives will
   retain in perpetuity the land they hold at present. It will be
   seen that the material interests of the natives, at any rate
   as regards land, have been well guarded in the three
   protectorates."

      R. T. Coryndon,
      The Position of the Native Protectorates
      (The State, South Africa, September, 1909).

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.
   Introduction of Proportional Representation.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: SOUTH AFRICA.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.
   Native Labor Supplanting the Chinese.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: SOUTH AFRICA. A. D. 1909.

   ----------SOUTH AFRICA: End--------

SOUTH AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

      See (in this Volume)
      American Republics.

SOUTH CAROLINA, and Interstate and West Indian Exposition.

   See (in this Volume)
   CHARLESTON: A. D. 1901.

SPAIN: A. D. 1870-1905.
   Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

SPAIN: A. D. 1898-1906.
   Gains from the Loss of Cuba and the Philippines.
   Growth of Close Relations with the Spanish-American States.

   "In many a war it has been the vanquished, not the victor, who
   has carried off the finest spoils. Cuba and the Philippines
   have been like a tumor in the side of Spain, dragging her down
   in the race of civilization. They have drained her life-blood
   and disturbed all her national activities. Only a serious
   surgical operation could remove this exhausting excrescence;
   and Spaniards themselves have been the first to recognize that
   the operation, though painful, was in the highest degree
   beneficial. Not even the most Quixotic of Spaniards dreams of
   regaining these lost possessions. The war has been beneficial
   in at least two different ways. It has had a healthy economic
   influence, because, besides directing the manhood of Spain
   into sober industrial channels, it has led to the removal of
   artificial restrictions in the path of commercial activity. It
   has been advantageous morally, because it has forced even the
   most narrow and ignorant Spaniard to face the actual facts of
   the modern world.

   "The war has had a further result in leading to a movement,
   for a closer sympathy between Spain and the Spanish states of
   South America. The attitude of these states towards the mother
   country has hitherto been somewhat unsympathetic; they have
   regarded her as hopelessly opposed to all reform; the
   hostility of Spain to the aspirations of Cuba and their own
   earlier struggles for freedom amply accounted for such an
   attitude. Now there is nothing to stand in the way of a
   movement towards approximation which has already begun to
   manifest itself, and may ultimately possess a serious
   significance."

   Havelock Ellis,
   The Spirit of Present-Day Spain
   (Atlantic Monthly, December, 1900).

{631}

   "Thoughtful Spaniards will tell you that a change has come
   over their country with the close of last century, and that
   this change has been developing since the accession of their
   young King. The starting-point of this evolution in national
   life was the close of the short struggle with the United
   States and the loss of what remained of their colonial empire.
   That turning-point in the modern annals of Spain caused a deep
   impression in the minds, not only of the governing classes of
   the country, but of the hard-working middle classes and of the
   masses themselves. … Almost immediately after conclusion of
   the peace treaty, first a few and then more and more Spaniards
   dared to speak out what at heart they felt, however sore and
   resentful—namely, that foreign and colonial foes had rendered
   Spain a service by ridding her of the colonies that hampered
   her revival in Europe and in fields of action and enterprise
   nearer home. This feeling spread widely among the masses and
   middle classes when they perceived the first-fruits of the
   concentration of the resources and energies of the nation in
   Spain between 1899 and 1905. Much capital had flowed back from
   the former colonies, especially from Cuba and the Philippines,
   and promoted a rapid increase in enterprises of every
   kind—banks, financial establishments, mines, industries,
   syndicates, trusts, shipping-interests that, developing,
   perhaps, too rapidly, were led to overproduction, and thus
   gave rise to local crises at Bilbao, Barcelona, Santander,
   Cadiz, Malaga. The rebound of the last year of the nineteenth
   century and of the first few years of the twentieth was a
   consequence also of the recovery of Spanish credit, effected
   by a vigorous reorganization of Spanish finance and budgets by
   the late Señor Villaverde, and by the gallant resolution with
   which Governments and Parliaments, backed by the press and
   public opinion, undertook to honor both the domestic
   engagements of Spain herself, and the engagements that
   resulted from saddling her treasury and budget with the debts
   of Cuba and the Philippines, and with the cost of the last and
   previous civil wars in the lost colonies. The restoration of
   Spain’s credit abroad and at home, the successful levelling of
   her budgets with a surplus revenue annually of several
   millions of dollars since 1900, dispelled the fears of her
   native capitalists; and they too, large and small, came
   forward to invest in mines, banks, companies and railways."

      World-Politics
      (North American Review, November, 1905).

SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904.
   Four Years of Political Shuffling in the Government.
   End of the Queen Dowager Regency.
   Coronation of the Young King, Alfonso XIII.
   Death of Sagasta.

   A New Ministry, of Liberals, was formed in March, 1901, with
   the veteran leader, Praxedes Mateo Sagasta, at its head; but
   the military party was represented in the Government by
   General Weyler, as Secretary for War. Measures undertaken by
   the Government against unauthorized religious orders, to bring
   them under surveillance, gave rise to anti-clerical
   disturbances in some parts of the Kingdom, and were defiantly
   opposed by the Church. Legislative elections held in June gave
   the Government 280 seats, leaving but 70 to the Opposition;
   but any party controlling the conduct of elections in Spain
   was said to be able to secure whatever majority it desired.

   The general condition of confusion and disturbance was
   continued in 1902, and constant recourse was had, in one
   region or another, to declarations of a "state of siege,"
   involving martial law. General Weyler fought a battle of a
   week’s duration in February at Barcelona, with rioting
   consequent on a general strike.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: SPAIN.

   On the 17th of May, his sixteenth birthday, Alfonso XIII.,
   whose father, Alfonso XII., died before he was born, and who,
   consequently, had been, nominally and constitutionally, King
   of Spain since his birth, entered on the actual exercise of
   royal functions. He was crowned that day, and the regency of
   his mother came to an end. The coronation ceremonies were
   splendid; the oath taken by the young King was very simple: "I
   swear by God upon the Holy Bible to maintain the constitution
   and laws. If so I do, may God regard me; if I do not, may he
   call me to account." There is reason to believe that he took
   this oath with a serious sense of the responsibilities he
   assumed; but influences at Court, military, clerical, and
   otherwise reactionary, were stronger than the influence of his
   constitutional advisers for a few years, and the political
   distractions of the time were increased. The attempted action
   of Government against unauthorized religious orders ended in a
   compromise which gave authorization to every order demanding
   it.

   On the 3d of December, 1902, Sagasta and his Cabinet resigned,
   and a Conservative Ministry, under Señor Silvela, was formed.
   On the 5th of January following Sagasta died. The liberalism
   he represented had no substantial unity left, nor were the
   opposing groups in a condition to give more consistency or
   strength to the Government. A new Ministry under Senor
   Villaverde succeeded that of Silvela in May, and was succeeded
   in turn by another in December, with Señor Maura at its head.
   Premier Maura, formerly of Sagasta’s party, but latterly more
   Conservative, held the reins for a full year, escaping two
   attempted assassinations in 1904, and giving place to General
   Azcarraga on the 14th of December in that year. The General
   was less fortunate, for he enjoyed the honors of the prime
   ministry but six weeks.

SPAIN: A. D. 1903.
   Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

SPAIN: A. D. 1904 (April).
   Declarations of England and France touching Spanish
   interests in Morocco.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

SPAIN: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Unsatisfactory State of the Kingdom.
   Rapid Succession of Changes in the Government.
   Disorders in Catalonia.
   The King’s Marriage.
   Attempted Assassination of the King.
   Proposed Anti-Clerical Law, which came to naught.

   In the character of its political parties, in the condition of
   its finances and in the general circumstances of the country,
   Spain appeared to be in an increasingly unsatisfactory state.
   Four changes of Ministry occurred within the year 1905, and no
   Government was found able to project any policy that promised
   permanency and definiteness of line.
{632}
   Don Ramon Villaverde succeeded General Azcarraga as Premier in
   January, and was succeeded in the following June by Don E.
   Montero Rios, who had Don Jose Echegaray, the eminent poet,
   dramatist, novelist, and banker, for his Minister of Finance.
   In turn, Señor Montero Rios, after a reconstruction of his
   Cabinet in October with the help of the King, gave way at the
   end of November to Señor Moret. The Azcarraga and Villaverde
   Ministries had been Conservative; those of Montero Rios and
   Moret were of the Liberal type. The Parliament, which should
   have been convened early in the year, but was not called
   together until the middle of June, contained no majority which
   any Ministry could trust, and all the leaders in Spanish
   politics were afraid of it. Fresh elections in September gave
   the Montero Rios Ministry a decided majority; but it had
   quarrels within itself, and threatening disorders had arisen
   in many parts of the country, especially in half-rebellious
   Catalonia, which it seems to have lacked courage to face. An
   arrogant, insubordinate temper had been developed among the
   officers of the army, who disputed the supremacy of civil over
   military authority; and in many ways the conditions in the
   kingdom gave cause for grave anxiety to thoughtful minds.

   Not much, if any, quieting of the disturbed conditions in
   Spain came during the next year. The Government stooped to a
   compromise with the insolent military faction, so far as to
   allow press offenses against officers of the army to be dealt
   with by courts-martial. On the 31st of May, 1906, King Alfonso
   was married to the English Princess Ena of Battenberg, who
   previously entered the Roman Catholic Church, much to the
   disturbance of Protestant feeling in England. The wedding
   festivities at Madrid were nearly made tragical by an
   anarchist attempt to kill the royal pair. As they returned
   from the marriage ceremony to the palace a wretch named Matteo
   Morales threw a bomb into the midst of the procession of
   carriages, killing a number of attendant people, but missing
   those for whom it was intended. The coolness and readiness of
   mind shown by the young king, and by his bride, excited
   general admiration, and indicated a strength of character that
   augured well for Spain.

   In July the Moret Ministry found it expedient to resign, and
   the administration of Government passed to a new Cabinet,
   under Captain-General Lopez Dominguez. Then a strange change
   of attitude toward the Church of Rome was given for a brief
   time to the Spanish Government, as though it had caught the
   temper of France. There had been signs of a disposition toward
   some independence of secular policy a few years before, when
   the strenuous opposition of the Church failed to prevent the
   passage of a Spanish law which authorized civil marriage
   between persons legally qualified, whatever their creed might
   be. The Church continued its hostility to this law until it
   succeeded, in 1900, in securing an amendment which restricted
   the right of civil marriage to parties one of whom should not
   be a Catholic. Public opinion does not seem to have approved
   that concession, and the original provisions of the law were
   now restored. This drew on the Government a fierce clerical
   attack; in the face of which it brought forward, in October, a
   project of law which seems to have been modelled very closely
   on that French Associations Law, of 1901, by which all
   religious orders, along with other associations, were brought
   under surveillance and regulation by the State.

      See in Volume VI. of this work,
      FRANCE: A. D. 1901,
      and, in this Volume,
      FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

   This Spanish measure proposed to allow no religious order to
   be established in the kingdom without parliamentary
   authorization. It would empower the Government to withdraw the
   authorization of any order or association that it found
   dangerous to public tranquility or morals; it would permit any
   member of an order to renounce his or her vows; it would
   dissolve any order whose members were foreigners or whose
   directors lived abroad; it would command monasteries and
   convents to open their doors to representatives of the proper
   civil authority at any time; it would limit the property held
   by religious orders to the need of the objects for which they
   were instituted and put a limit on the gifts and bequests they
   could receive.

   This seemed an extraordinary measure to come even under
   discussion in Spain. Some of the Liberal leaders were prompt
   in declaring opposition to it, and its passage through the
   Cortes was probably impossible; but it came to no vote. Debate
   on it, opened on the 27th of November, was brought soon to an
   abrupt and not well-explained end. The Prime Minister resigned
   suddenly, in consequence of alleged intrigues; Señor Moret,
   recalled to office, was forced to retire again almost at once;
   a new Ministry was formed by the Marquis Vega de Armijo, and
   nothing more appears to have been heard of the proposed
   Associations Law.

SPAIN: A. D. 1906.
   At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

SPAIN: A. D. 1907.
   Franco-Spanish Bombardment of Casablanca.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.
   The Maura Conservative Ministry.
   Unpopularity of the War in Morocco.
   Insurgency in Barcelona.
   The Ferrer Case.
   The Moret Ministry.
   Municipal Reform.
   Present Parties.

   The Ministry of Marquis Armijo de la Vega held the Government
   little more than a month, giving way to Señor Maura and his
   party, who returned to power in January, 1907. Five changes of
   administration had occurred within a year and a half.
   Elections in April yielded the Government a majority, and the
   birth of an heir to the throne on the 10th of May gave much
   satisfaction to the country. The Liberals, however, were so
   indignant at the manipulation of the elections to the lower
   chamber that, on the advice of their leader, Señor Moret, they
   took no part in the senatorial elections which followed, later
   in May; and this proved singularly embarrassing to the
   Government. Bomb explosions and other anarchist outrages,
   centering in Barcelona, but not confined to that turbulent
   city, were being dreadfully increased, and a ministerial Bill
   was brought before the Cortes in January, 1908, providing
   measures of suppression so drastic, especially in its dealing
   with the Press, that a most formidable opposition was stirred
   up. The Government stood stoutly by the Bill for months, until
   its control of the Cortes was shaken by the coalition that
   took form against it.
{633}
   In the end it withdrew the Anarchist Bill, but raised another
   obstinate and threatening storm by the proposal of a Local
   Administration Bill, quite startlingly revolutionary in its
   plans for giving more independence to municipalities and
   provincial councils. Contest over this Bill went on till early
   in February, 1909, when Premier Maura came to an understanding
   with Señor Moret, leader of one of the Liberal groups, which
   enabled a part of the extensive measure, relating to
   municipalities, to be passed. Among other things, this new
   enactment made voting in the municipalities compulsory, and
   elections held since are reported to have shown a heavy
   increase of vote, proving effectiveness in the law. The other
   section of the Bill, dealing with provincial councils, was
   held over for subsequent action in the Cortes, and had not
   been disposed of when Premier Maura and his Cabinet were
   driven to resign, in October, 1909.

   The causes of the overthrow of the Maura Ministry came
   primarily from the serious war with the tribesmen of the Riff,
   Morocco, into which Spain had been drawn in the midsummer of
   1909.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1909).

   The war was exceedingly unpopular from the beginning, and made
   more so by early reverses in its prosecution. Riotous
   outbreaks and labor strikes occurred in several parts of the
   Kingdom, but most fiercely at the turbulent city of Barcelona,
   where they were suppressed with a severity which embittered
   feeling against the Government. This feeling was excited to a
   climax in October by the military trial and execution, at
   Barcelona, of Professor Francisco Ferrer. Professor Ferrer was
   a teacher of high standing and wide acquaintance in Europe,
   extremely radical in his political opinions, and accused of
   disseminating seditious doctrines in the school which he
   conducted at Barcelona. The military authorities there put him
   under arrest on the charge of having been a principal
   instigator of the revolutionary rising in July. He was tried
   by court-martial, without just opportunity for defence,
   according to common belief, and summarily shot, the Government
   disregarding many appeals from all parts of Europe for its
   intervention in the case. An extraordinary excitement
   throughout the world was produced by this tragedy, and it was
   felt in Spain with reverberant effect. After violent speeches
   in the Chamber of Deputies, October 20, Señor Maura felt it
   necessary to resign, and the Liberal leader, Señor Moret y
   Prendergast, was called by the King to take the Government in
   hand.

   The Moret Ministry made a speedy good beginning in domestic
   policy, by reviving, in some degree, the further undertaking
   of reform in local administration which Señor Maura had
   attempted two years before. This was now done by a decree,
   designed to clear away the mass of ordinances and special
   decrees by which the existing municipal law has been gradually
   choked since it was enacted in 1877, and to restore to
   municipal bodies the liberty and initiative that they were
   originally supposed to possess. Señor Moret and his party had
   supported Premier Maura’s Local Administration Bill in 1907;
   but it had been opposed and defeated by the class of
   politicians who are trained to a distaste for any sort of
   political reform. According to all accounts, the Moret
   Ministry, with a much mixed and uncertain support in the
   Cortes, has thus far done well.

   Municipal elections were held throughout Spain December 12,
   and the introduction of compulsory voting brought out an
   unprecedented vote, from which the Republicans and Liberals
   drew most. Altogether, there are said to have been chosen 481
   Republicans, Liberals, and Democrats, 253 Conservatives, and
   over a hundred Radicals of various shades. Madrid elected 12
   Republican councillors, 2 Liberals, 1 Democrat, and 7
   Conservatives, thus giving the Republicans an absolute
   majority. Valencia chose 15 Republicans, against 10 of all
   other parties. In Valladolid, 12 Liberals, 6 Republicans, and
   3 Conservatives were elected; in La Coruña, 7 Republicans, 3
   Liberals, and 3 others; in Córdoba, 10 Republicans, 6
   Liberals, and 6 Conservatives.

   In present politics the Republicans are said to have gone into
   alliance with the Socialist or Labor party; the alliance
   having its leader in a Señor Lerroux, of Barcelona, who
   returned lately from a long political exile, and who has had
   warm receptions in a number of the chief cities, where he made
   stirring speeches. "Señor Lerroux," says a correspondent,
   writing from Madrid in December, "preaches neither anarchism
   nor atheism nor anti-militarism. But he asks for the abolition
   of the Monarchy and of the religious orders. He would make the
   army the humble servant of the State, promote lay education
   and local autonomy, and do away with indirect taxation. And he
   looks for the realization of this programme to a well-timed
   revolution. Such are the ideas with which the bulk of the
   Republican-Socialist coalition will go to the polls at the
   next general election. Between these two extremes—the
   Conservatives, representing the Monarchy, the aristocracy, and
   the Church, and the Republican-Socialist alliance,
   representing revolution—we see the present Government
   balancing itself uneasily, with a foot in each camp, amenable
   to pressure from both, and without any independent means of
   support, save that which it enjoys in virtue of its temporary
   control of the political machine."

   ----------SPAIN: End--------

SPALDING, Bishop John L.:
   On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

SPANISH AMERICA: A. D. 1906.
   Growth of Close Relations with Spain.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1898-1906.

SPERRY, Rear-Admiral Charles S.:
   Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

SPERRY, Rear-Admiral Charles S.:
   Commanding the American Battleship Fleet.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

SPHAKIANAKIS, Dr.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.

SPIERS, Bishop:
   Murder of.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1905.

{634}

SPITZBERGEN CONFERENCE.

   "The Norwegian government, by a note addressed on January 26,
   1909, to the Department of State, conveyed an invitation to
   the government of the United States to take part in a
   conference which, it is understood, will be held in February
   or March, 1910, for the purpose of devising means to remedy
   existing conditions in the Spitzbergen Islands. This
   invitation was conveyed under the reservation that the
   question of altering the status of the islands as countries
   belonging to no particular State, and as equally open to the
   citizens and subjects of all States, should not be raised.

   "The European Powers invited to this conference by the
   government of Norway were Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany,
   Great Britain, Russia, Sweden, and the Netherlands.

   "The Department of State, in view of proofs filed with it in
   1906, showing the American possession, occupation, and working
   of certain coal-bearing lands in Spitzbergen, accepted the
   invitation under the reservation above stated, and under the
   further reservation that all interests in those islands
   already vested should be protected, and that there should be
   equality of opportunity for the future. It was further pointed
   out that membership in the conference on the part of the
   United States was qualified by the consideration that this
   government would not become a signatory to any conventional
   arrangement concluded by the European members of the
   Conference which would imply contributory participation by the
   United States in any obligation or responsibility for the
   enforcement of any scheme of administration which might be
   devised by the conference for the islands."

      Message of the President of the United States
      to Congress, December 6, 1909.

SPOILS SYSTEM:
   Cause of Corruption in the United States Customs Service.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

      See (in this Volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM.

SPRECKELS, Rudolph.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

SPRIGGS, SIR J. GORDON.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.

SPRIGGS, SIR J. GORDON.
   Opposition to the Disfranchisement of Blacks
   in South Africa.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

SPRING-RICE, SIR C.:
   British Minister to Persia.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

STACKELBERG, General.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

STANDARD OIL COMPANY:
   Suit by the Government for its Dissolution.
   Decree of the U. S. Circuit Court.
   Appeal to the Supreme Court.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

STATE LEGISLATION, Need of Unity in.

      See (in this Volume)
      LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

"STATE RIGHTS":
   The question in Australia.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.

STEUNENBERG, EX-GOVERNOR FRANK, OF IDAHO:
   His assassination.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899-1907.

STEVENS, DURHAM WHITE:
   Adviser to the Korean Foreign Office, by Japanese Selection.
   His assassination.

      See (in this Volume)
      KOREA; A. D. 1905-1909.

STEVENS, JOHN L.:
   Chief Engineer of the Panama Canal.

      See (in this Volume)
      PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905 and 1905-1909.

STEYN, PRESIDENT M. T.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

STOCK EXCHANGE, NEW YORK:
   Report on its Operations.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

STOCKHOLM: A. D. 1909.
   Lockout and attempted General Strike.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: SWEDEN.

STOLYPIN, P. A.:
   Premier of the Russian Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1906, 1907, and after.

STONE, ELLEN M.:
   Capture by Brigands in Turkey and Ransom paid for Release.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1901-1902.

STÖSSEL, GENERAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY); (FEBRUARY-AUGUST),
      and A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

STRAUS, OSCAR S.:
   Secretary of Commerce and Labor.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

STRAUS, OSCAR S.:
   On the Chinese Exclusion Laws and their Administration.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

STRIKE, A GENERAL: THE IDEA OF IT.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.

STRIKES.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION.

STUNDISTS, POLITICAL IDEAS OF THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1902.

SUBMARINE SIGNAL BELLS.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: SUBMARINE SIGNAL BELLS.

SUBWAYS, NEW YORK.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1909.

SUCCESSION DUTIES:
   Treaty concerning, between England and France.

      See (in this Volume)
      DEATH DUTIES.

SUGAR TRUST, THE FRAUDS OF THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      Combinations, Industrial, &c.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

SUDAN, THE WESTERN: A. D. 1903.
   English Ascendancy established in Nigeria.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (NIGERIA).

SUDAN, THE WESTERN: A. D. 1907.
   Great Changes wrought in Ten Years.
   The new Khartoum.

   "After Khartoum had fallen the palace was looted and
   demolished, but on its ruins another stately pile has arisen
   wherein Gordon’s memory is kept green by a tablet marking the
   fatal spot where on the 26th of January, 1885, he was done to
   death. And even as a new palace sprang up on the ashes of the
   old, so likewise after a thorough clearing away of the ruins
   of Gordon’s city, a new Khartoum has been planned and built on
   the ancient site. This new city lies at an altitude of 1263
   feet above sea level, has a moderate yearly rainfall of but
   some forty inches, and a mean annual temperature of 84°
   Fahrenheit; by water it is 1560 miles from the source of the
   Nile at Ripon Falls, and 1920 miles from the Rosetta mouth of
   that fertilising river. Slowly but surely vaccination is
   reducing the small-pox mortality among the Soudanese; the old
   mosquito-breeding pools have been filled up, and the mosquito
   brigade is still doing good work. Thus the new Khartoum may be
   said to enjoy a fairly salubrious climate, which, moreover,
   should yearly become more and more healthy. …

{635}

   "South of Khartoum proper, across the desert race-course and
   golf-links, and hard by what remains of Gordon’s
   fortifications, dwell, each in their own settlement with its
   distinctive huts, the divers native tribes who make up the
   city’s indigenous population. Probably the new Khartoum of
   to-day, with Omdurman and the near villages, totals nearly one
   hundred thousand souls, and, considering that its geographical
   situation so admirably adapts itself to fostering the
   expansion of trade, I venture to predict that in another fifty
   years Khartoum will contain half a million inhabitants. …

   "The material condition of the people is improving; indeed, it
   is already prosperous. For the first time in their history the
   Soudanese are an absolutely free people, living under a
   Government anxious to protect them from injustice and to
   promote their welfare; it is hard for stay-at-home Britishers
   to realise adequately how far-reaching is this change in a
   land ‘where slavery in one form or another has been for
   thousands of years a permanent and universal institution.’ …

   "To Lord Cromer’s wise counsel and untiring efforts the new
   Soudan owes much, and in 1901 the Shillook and Dinka
   representatives fully recognised this, when, using for the
   simple ceremony a sort of dark green fez, they crowned him
   their king. In the name of his own great Sovereign, whose
   ensign holds sway on every continent and on all known seas,
   his Lordship promised that the sacred law of Islam shall be
   respected; and the very remarkable agreement of the 19th of
   January, 1899, gave to this hitherto down trodden people their
   Magna Charta, for Article II. stipulates that ‘the British and
   Egyptian flags shall be used together, both on land and water,
   throughout the Soudan.’"

      W. F. Miéville,
      The New Khartoum
      (Nineteenth Century, January, 1908).

SUEZ CANAL:
   Renewed Agreements between England and France.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

SUFFRAGE, Political.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.

SUFFRAGETTES.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

SUGAR-BOUNTY CONFERENCE, AND CONVENTION.

   As the result of a Conference, at Brussels, in which Germany,
   Austria-Hungary, Belgium, France, Spain, Great Britain, Italy,
   the Netherlands, Sweden and Norway were represented, a Convention
   was framed and signed March 5, 1902, the occasion for which is
   set forth in these words:

   "Desiring, on one hand, to equalize the conditions of
   competition between beet and cane sugars from different
   sources, and, on the other hand, to promote the development of
   the consumption of sugar; considering that this double result
   can only be attained by the suppression of bounties as well as
   by limiting the surtax"—the high contracting parties concluded
   a convention, the first article of which binds them as
   follows:

   "to suppress the direct and indirect bounties by which the
   production or export of sugar may benefit, and they agree not
   to establish bounties of this kind during the whole duration
   of the said convention. In view of the execution of this
   provision, sweetmeats, chocolates, biscuits, condensed milk,
   and all other analogous products which contain in a notable
   proportion sugar artificially incorporated, are to be classed
   as sugar. The above paragraph applies to all advantages
   resulting directly or indirectly, for the different categories
   of producers, from the fiscal legislation of the States,
   notably:

   (a) The direct bounties granted to exports.

   (b) The direct bounties granted to production,

   (c) The total or partial exemptions from taxation
   granted for a part of the manufactured output.

   (d) The profits derived from surplusages of output,

   (e) The profits derived from the exaggeration of the
   drawback.

   (f) The advantages derived from any surtax in excess of
   the rate fixed" in a subsequent article.

   Further articles elaborate the programme of measures for
   carrying out this agreement. It was to come into force from
   September 1, 1903; to remain in force during five years from
   that date, and if none of the high contracting parties should
   have notified the Belgium Government, twelve months after the
   expiration of the said period of five years, of its intention
   to have its effects cease, it should continue for one year,
   and so on from year to year.

      Papers relating to the Foreign Relations
      of the United States, page 80.

   Under this Convention, a Permanent Commission was established
   at Brussels. In July, 1907, this Commission gave attention to
   a suggestion from the Government of Great Britain, "to the
   effect that if Great Britain could be relieved from the
   obligation to enforce the penal provisions of the Convention
   they would be prepared not to give notice on the first of
   September next of their intention to withdraw on the 1st of
   September, 1908, a notice which they would otherwise feel
   bound to give at the appointed time." The ensuing discussion
   and correspondence resulted in the signing, on the 28th of
   August, 1907, of "An Additional Act to the Sugar Convention of
   March 5, 1902," renewing it for a fresh period of five years
   from September 1, 1908, with the privilege to any one of the
   contracting parties to withdraw after September 1, 1911, on
   one year’s notice, "if the Permanent Commission, at the last
   meeting held before the 1st September, 1910, have decided by a
   majority of votes that circumstances warrant such power being
   granted to the contracting States. The request of Great
   Britain was granted in the following article of the Additional
   Act:

   "Notwithstanding Article I, Great Britain will be relieved,
   after the 1st September, 1908. from the obligation contained
   in Article IV of the Convention. After the same date the
   Contracting States may demand that, in order to enjoy the
   benefit of the Convention, sugar refined in the United Kingdom
   and thence exported to their territories shall be accompanied
   by a certificate stating that none of this sugar comes from a
   country recognized by the Permanent Commission as granting
   bounties for the production or exportation of sugar."

      Parliamentary Papers, 1907,
      Commercial, Number 10 (Cd. 3780).

SULLY-PRUDHOMME, RENÉ FRANÇOIS ARMAND.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

SULTAN AHMED MIRZA,
   The young Shah of Persia.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

SUMATRA: A. D. 1909 (June).
   Earthquake in Upper Padang.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES: SUMATRA.

{636}

SUNDAY OBSERVANCE:
   Legal institution of a weekly Rest Day.
   Recent Legislation in Europe.
   The Canadian Lord’s Day.

   A British Parliamentary Paper, published in the spring of
   1909, gave information, gathered by the diplomatic
   representatives of the Government, relative to legislation in
   many foreign countries bearing on the observance of Sunday, or
   otherwise prescribing a weekly Day of Rest. The facts
   presented in these reports were discussed editorially by the
   London Times in an article from which the following is
   quoted.

   "Within quite recent years the principle of the weekly
   rest-day has been enforced, with various practical
   modifications, in most of the chief Continental countries. It
   forms, indeed, a striking vindication of the claim for the
   observance of one day’s rest in seven—which was recognized
   among Eastern races long before the days of Moses—that while
   Sunday work has shown a regrettable, if in some ways scarcely
   avoidable, tendency to increase in this country, steps to
   restrict it have been widely taken elsewhere. While the
   English Sunday has been becoming in some respects more
   ‘Continental,’ the actual Continental Sunday has shown a
   distinct tendency to approximate to our own. … The review
   provided by the present report of the legislation already in
   force in France, Germany, Austria, Belgium, Holland, and other
   leading industrial States gives plenty of examples of the way
   in which the general principle of making Sunday a day of rest
   has been accommodated to the necessities of a modern
   community. The case of France is particularly interesting,
   since the French method of observing Sunday has traditionally
   provided the English public with the most familiar contrast
   with its own. In France the law establishing a statutory
   weekly day of rest, and making that day Sunday, was passed so
   recently as in 1906. In common with the similar legislation
   passed in other countries, it allows partial and carefully
   regulated exceptions, to provide for the necessary sale of
   food, and for such uninterrupted attention as is required, for
   example, by foundries. But the application of the law is both
   thorough and extensive, while supplementary legislation is to
   be introduced, with the support of the Government, to extend
   its benefits to all servants of the State and to all other
   workers on railways, tramlines, and steamboat services who do
   not already enjoy it. On the other hand, while the report
   bears decided witness to the efficiency and success with which
   the law has been enforced, it notes certain points on which
   concession is being made by the Government in deference to the
   strong demands of certain interests which claimed that they
   were being unjustly sacrificed. …

   "The law seems at first to have aroused opposition among many
   shopkeepers, especially those who were handicapped by
   competition with rivals whose business was carried on by
   members of the family, and therefore was not affected by it. …
   The difficulty is now said to be settling itself, as the
   public is gradually learning to restrict its shopping to
   week-days, when there is a wider field of choice. The
   encouraging evidence provided by the operation of the law of
   1906 in France is supported more or less explicitly by the
   reports forwarded by His Majesty’s representatives in other
   parts of Europe. The aim and method of the various enactments
   show a prevailing similarity, and where they have already been
   sufficiently long in operation for a fair estimate to be made,
   their success seems to be recognized with but few exceptions.
   Material is not available in every case for forming a full
   opinion of the completeness with which the law of rest has
   been enforced. In Vienna, however, it is expressly reported
   that its administration is effective; and although no such
   statement is expressly made in the case of Germany, it appears
   improbable that the regulations, though less stringent than
   those of some other States, are lightly disregarded."

   The Canadian "Lord’s Day Act" of 1906 is a measure of much
   stringency. Making numerous well-defined and carefully guarded
   exceptions for "works of necessity and mercy," and for such
   railway service as is subject to provincial regulation, the
   prohibitions of the Act include the following:

   "To sell or offer for sale or purchase any goods, chattels, or
   other personal property, or any real estate, or to carry on or
   transact any business of his ordinary calling, or in
   connection with such calling, or for gain to do, or employ any
   other person to do, on that day, any work, business, or
   labour." "To require any employee engaged in any work of
   receiving, transmitting, or delivering telegraph or telephone
   messages, or in the work of any industrial process, or in
   connection with transportation, to do on the Lord’s Day the
   usual work of his ordinary calling, unless such employee is
   allowed during the next six days of such week twenty-four
   consecutive hours without labour." "To engage in any public
   game or contest for gain, or for any prize or reward, or to be
   present thereat, or to provide, engage in, or be present at
   any performance or public meeting, elsewhere than in a church,
   at which any fee is charged, directly or indirectly." "To run,
   conduct, or convey by any mode of conveyance any excursion on
   which passengers are conveyed for hire, and having for its
   principal or only object the carriage on that day of such
   passengers for amusement or pleasure." "To shoot with or use
   any gun, rifle or other similar engine, either for gain, or in
   such a manner or in such places as to disturb other persons in
   attendance at public worship or in the observance of that
   day." "To bring into Canada for sale or distribution, or to
   sell or distribute within Canada, on the Lord’s Day, any
   foreign newspaper or publication classified as a newspaper."

   ----------SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES: Start--------

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
   Summary of Decisions (1901-1906) touching
   the Governmental Regulation of Corporations.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
   Decision in the Case of the
   Trans-Missouri Freight Association.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
   On Constitutionality of Utah Law restricting Hours of
   Adult Labor in Mines.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
   In the Northern Securities Case.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D). 1901-1905.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
   In the "Beef Trust" Cases, so-called.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
   On Interstate Commerce Act of 1887.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
   Limiting Police Power to regulate Hours of Labor.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

{637}

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
   In the Tobacco Trust Case of Hale vs. Henkel.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1906.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
   Concerning the Isle of Pines.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1907 (APRIL).

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
   In Case of Virginia Railroads vs. the State
   Corporation Commission of Virginia.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
   On the Constitutionality of the "Commodities Clause"
   of the Hepburn Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
   On the Right of a State to Specially Limit the Hours
   of Labor for Women.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
   Limiting State Authority in matters touching
   Interstate Commerce.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1908.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
   On Law against Rebating in Armour Packing Company Case.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
   Invalidating Debts to an Illegal Combination.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
   Affirming Fines on the New York Central Railroad Company.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

   ----------SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES: End--------

SUTTNER, BARONESS BERTHA VON.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

SWADESHI MOVEMENT.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

SWALLOW, SILAS E.:
   Nomination for President of the United States.

   See (in this Volume)
   UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

SWARAJ.
   The Hindu term for self government.

SWAZILAND.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.

"SWEATING," ENGLISH ACT TO SUPPRESS.
   The Trade Boards Bill.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES REGULATION.

   ----------SWEDEN: Start--------

SWEDEN: A. D. 1901.
   Unveiling of Monument to John Ericsson.
   The Nobel Prizes.
   The First Awarding of them.

   A monument to the memory of John Ericsson, the
   Swedish-American inventor, was unveiled at Stockholm with
   impressive ceremonies on the 14th of September, 1901, that
   being the date of the reception of his remains at Stockholm
   eleven years before.

   The first award of the munificent prizes for beneficial
   services to mankind, instituted by the will of Alfred Bernard
   Nobel, the eminent Swedish engineer and inventor, was made on
   the 10th of December, 1901.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

SWEDEN: A. D. 1903.
   Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

SWEDEN: A. D. 1905.
   Secession of Norway from the Union of Crowns.
   Acceptance by King Oscar of his Practical Deposition.

      See (in this Volume)
      NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.

SWEDEN: A. D. 1906.
   At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco Question.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

SWEDEN: A. D. 1908.
   Municipal Office opened to Women.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

SWEDEN: A. D. 1908 (April).
   Treaty with Denmark, England, France, Germany,
   and the Netherlands, for maintenance of the Status
   Quo on the North Sea.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

SWEDEN: A. D. 1909.
   Franchise Reform Legislation.

   During many successive years, earnest attempts by the Swedish
   Government, strongly backed by liberal majorities in the
   Second or popular Chamber of the Riksdag, to answer the public
   demand for a broadening of the suffrage, were defeated in the
   First Chamber, whose members are elected by the provincial
   Landstings and by municipal corporations. Success was not
   attained until 1909, when a Franchise Reform Bill,
   establishing universal suffrage and proportional
   representation, was passed by the Riksdag on the 10th of
   February, by larger majorities. According to a Press report
   from Stockholm, "the leader of the Liberals declared in the
   Lower House that, though his party had originally opposed it,
   they would now vote for the Bill, as the country demanded a
   solution of this long pending question. The Social Democrats
   and a few extremists of the Liberal party voted against it,
   considering it unacceptable in principle and inadequate
   because it excluded female suffrage. In the Upper House the
   Bill was opposed by a few uncompromising Conservatives, to
   whom it seemed too democratic."

SWEDEN: A. D. 1909.
   Lockout and Attempted General Strike.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: SWEDEN.

SWEDEN: A. D. 1909 (October).
   Arbitration of Frontier Dispute with Norway.

      See (in this Volume)
      NORWAY: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

   ----------SWEDEN: End--------

SWIFT & COMPANY et al.,
THE CASE OF THE UNITED STATES AGAINST.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

SWITZERLAND:
   Backwardness of Woman Suffrage.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1870-1905.
   Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1902.
   General Election.

   The general election, in October, of representatives in the
   Federal Assembly, returned 97 Radicals, 35 Catholic
   Conservatives, 25 Moderate Liberals, 9 Socialists, and 1
   Independent, being a total of 167. The previous Chamber had
   contained but 147, the increase of population having raised
   the number of representatives.

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1902.
   Use of the Referendum and Initiative down to that time.

   See (in this Volume)
   REFERENDUM.

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1905.
   Rupture between Radicals and Socialists.
   Completion of the Simplon Tunnel.

   The coalition hitherto maintained between Radical and
   Socialist parties was broken entirely in the elections of
   October, 1905, because of the anti-military attitude of the
   latter, who sought to have all national feeling and policy
   sunk in international sentiments and principles. The
   Socialists elected but two representatives in the National
   Council. In April the completion of the Simplon Railway
   Tunnel, furnishing a second passage through the Alps, was
   celebrated with much rejoicing. The work of boring this
   twelve-mile length of tunnel had been begun in 1898.

      See, also, (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: SWITZERLAND.

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1909.
   Acquisition of the St. Gothard Tunnel and Railway
   by the Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: SWITZERLAND.

{638}

SYDOW, REINHOLD.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

SYNDICATES, German.

   See (in this Volume)
   COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (in Germany).


SYNDICATS AND SYNDICALISM, French.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.

SZELL MINISTRY.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903.

T.

TABAH INCIDENT, THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1905-1906.

TABRIZ, SIEGE OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

TACNA AND ARICA QUESTIONS.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILE: A. D. 1907.

TAFF-VALE DECISION.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1900-1906.

   ----------TAFT, WILLIAM H.: Start--------

TAFT, WILLIAM H.
   President of the Second Philippine Commission.
   Civil Governor of the Philippines.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

TAFT, WILLIAM H.
   Secretary of War.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

TAFT, WILLIAM H.
   Report on the Purchase of the Friars’ Lands.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902-1903.

TAFT, WILLIAM H.
   Organization of Provisional Government in Cuba.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

TAFT, WILLIAM H.
   Special Report on the Philippine Islands.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

TAFT, WILLIAM H.
   Elected President of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

TAFT, WILLIAM H.
   Inauguration and Inaugural Address.
   Cabinet Appointments.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

TAFT, WILLIAM H.
   On the Tariff.

      See (in this Volume)
      TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

TAFT, WILLIAM H.
   Statement, as President, relative to the
   Tariff Maximum and Minimum Clause.

      See (in this Volume)
      TARIFFS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

TAFT, WILLIAM H.
   Tour of the United States.
   Meeting with President Diaz, of Mexico.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

TAFT, WILLIAM H.
   Legislation Recommended for the Conservation
   of Natural Resources.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION, &c.: UNITED STATES.

TAFT, WILLIAM H.
   On Injunctions in Labor Disputes and on the Expediting
   of Civil and Criminal Procedure.

      See (in this Volume)
      LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

TAFT, WILLIAM H.
   Special Message on "Trusts" and on Interstate Commerce.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910,
      and RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910.

   ----------TAFT, WILLIAM H.: End--------

TAI HUNG CHI.

   See (in this Volume)
   CHINA: A. D. 1906.

TAI HUNG-TZE: GRAND COUNCILLOR OF CHINA.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).

TAIREN.

      See (in this Volume)
      DALNY.

TAI-TZE-HO, BATTLES AT THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

TAKAHIRA KOGORO:
   Japanese Minister at Washington and Plenipotentiary
   for negotiating Treaty of Peace with Russia.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

TAKUSHAN HILL, CAPTURE OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

TALIENWAN,
   Re-named Dalny.
   Later named Tairen, by the Japanese.

TAMMANY HALL:
   Struggles with it.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK CITY.

TANG SHAO YI.

      See (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM: CHINA.

TANGIER: A. D. 1905.
   The German Emperor’s Speech.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

   ----------TARIFFS: Start--------

TARIFFS: Australia:
   The question in the First Parliament.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901-1902.

TARIFFS: Tariff Excise Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: THE NEW PROTECTION.

TARIFFS: Austria-Hungary: A. D. 1907.
   Settlement of the Austro-Hungarian Tariff Question.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1907.

TARIFFS: Balkan States: A. D. 1905.
   Serbo-Bulgarian Customs Union.

      See (in this Volume)
      BALKAN STATES: BULGARIA AND SERVIA.

TARIFFS: British Empire: A. D. 1909.
   Resolutions of Empire Congress of Chambers of Commerce.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

TARIFFS: Canada:
   Attitude of Canadian Manufacturers’ Association toward Great
   Britain and the United States on Tariff Questions.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1903-1905.

TARIFFS: Canada and Germany:
   German retaliation for Discriminating Duties in Favor
   of British Goods.

   Consequent on the discrimination in favor of British goods
   which was granted in the Canadian tariff of 1897, Germany took
   action which is explained in the following, from the Canadian
   side of the official correspondence that ensued:

   "Prior to July 31, 1898, Canada, as a portion of the British
   Empire, received the most favourable tariff treatment in
   Germany, under the terms of the treaty which had long existed
   between that country and Great Britain. On the date named,
   that treaty, having been denounced by the British Government,
   ceased to have effect. Provisional agreements have since been
   entered into from time to time between Great Britain and
   Germany. Canada, however, has been excluded from the benefit
   of such agreements. The products of Canada are no longer
   admitted into Germany on the favoured terms known in the
   German tariff as 'conventional duties,' but are specially
   excluded therefrom and made subject to the higher duties of
   the general tariff. The reason assigned by the German
   Government for this discrimination against Canada is the
   enactment by the Dominion of legislation granting preferential
   tariff rates to the products of Great Britain.
{639}
   The undersigned desires to point out that the policy of the
   Canadian Government was not designed to give to any foreign
   nation more favoured treatment than was to be allowed to
   Germany. The Canadian policy has been confined to a
   readjustment of the commercial relations of the Dominion with
   the British Empire of which it is a part, a domestic affair
   which could hardly be open to reasonable objection by any
   foreign government. It would therefore seem that the action of
   Canada afforded no just ground for complaint by Germany. The
   undersigned is of opinion that there has been some
   misconception of the Canadian policy in this respect, and
   hopes that upon further consideration the German Government
   will see that Canada, in taking the step referred to, did not
   forfeit her claim to the advantages accorded by Germany to the
   most-favoured nations."

   The German Government, however, maintained with firmness the
   ground it had taken; but eleven years later, in 1909, a German
   Canadian Economic Association at Berlin sent delegates to
   Canada to confer with chambers of commerce and solicit efforts
   for bettering commercial relations between them. The Montreal
   Board of Trade declined to take any action, saying,
   substantially: "the reprisals against Canada were commenced by
   Germany on account of the granting of preference by the
   Dominion to Great Britain. If Germany now finds that she has
   made a mistake the Montreal Board holds that she should
   restore Canadian products to the conventional tariff, when the
   Canadian surtax on German goods will be automatically
   removed."

   Finally, an agreement was reached which ended this tariff war
   between Germany and Canada. Announcement of it was made in the
   Canadian Parliament on the 15th of February, 1910, and it went
   into effect on the 1st of March.

TARIFFS: FRANCE: A. D. 1910.

   A revision of the tariff, on which the French Parliament had
   long been engaged, was completed and became law on March 29,
   1910, going into effect April 1.

TARIFFS: France-Canada:
   Commercial Convention with Great Britain concerning Canada.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1907-1909.

TARIFFS: Germany: A. D. 1902-1906.
   The New Tariff Law and seven Special Tariff Treaties
   with European Countries.
   A changed Commercial Policy.

   In the Diet of the Empire the committee which had been
   laboring long and arduously on a tariff bill reported the
   measure in October, and its increase of duties, which the
   government did not favour, was stoutly opposed by Socialists,
   Radicals, and Liberals; but the Conservatives, representing
   the protected interests, constrained the government to
   withdraw its opposition and the bill was carried through as a
   whole, without change.

   "How deliberately the Germans go about their tariff policy;
   how thoroughly they study all the strong and weak points in
   their adversaries’ positions; with what scientific care they
   measure their own manifold interests; how carefully they
   guard, in their work of tariff legislation, against disturbing
   the stability of existing business conditions may best be seen
   from the way in which the new tariff has been adopted. As
   early as 1898—i. e., more than five years before the
   expiration of the old tariff treaties—a Commission of
   government experts and leading representatives of the
   industrial and commercial interests was organized to make a
   detailed study of the needs of every industry whose products
   were in any way affected by the tariff. After five years of
   incessant work of that character, in which more than 2,000
   experts took part, the new general or so-called ‘autonomous’
   tariff was enacted into law (but not put into effect) by the
   German Reichstag.

   "The new tariff law adopted on December 25, 1902, with rates
   considerably raised, formed the basis of diplomatic
   bargaining, of which it took more than two years to conclude
   commercial treaties with the following seven countries:
   Austria-Hungary, Russia, Italy, Switzerland, Belgium, Roumania
   and Servia. These treaties, which considerably reduce some of
   the rates provided for in the tariff of 1902, were enacted
   into law on February 22d of this year, [1905], and together
   form the new so-called ‘conventional’ tariff, which will be
   applied to all countries enjoying ‘most favored nation’
   privileges. Deliberate and cautious as these steps have been,
   the new tariff is not to be thrust upon the business community
   of the Empire on short notice, but the country is given one
   full year in which to adjust itself to the new rates. Hence
   the date for giving effect to the new tariff law has been set
   for March 1, 1906."

      N. I. Stone,
      The New German Customs Tariff
      (North American Review, September, 1905).

   The chief point of interest for the United States in this law
   is to be found, not so much in the high rates adopted, as in
   the statement made in the Reichstag foreshadowing a changed
   policy on the part of Germany in making new commercial
   treaties. On the final day of the tariff debate Dr. Paasche,
   one of the leaders of the majority, asserted that the
   government had promised that it would no longer extend treaty
   advantages to other countries than those that reciprocate with
   corresponding concessions. ‘We expect,’ said Dr. Paasche,
   ‘that the government will undertake a thorough revision of all
   the treaties containing the most favored-nation clause.
   Promises of this kind were made to us in committee. We have
   absolutely no occasion to concede anything to such nations as
   are glad to take what we give by treaty to other countries
   without making us any concessions in return. The United States
   has introduced a limitation of the most-favored-nation clause;
   we have every reason to act in precisely the same manner."

      W. C. Dreher,
      A Letter from Germany
      (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1903).

   In March, 1905, a few weeks after the conclusion of the last
   of the seven special tariff treaties referred to above, which
   modify the general German tariff of 1902-1906, in favor of the
   nations which became parties to them, the Consul-General of
   the United States at Berlin sent to the State Department at
   Washington the following table, showing, with reference to
   forty-six of the principal articles of German import from
   America (1) the then maximum or autonomous duty as paid under
   the tariff of 1879; (2) the same duties as modified and
   reduced by then existing treaty concessions; (3) the new
   autonomous duties that were to go into effect in 1906, and (4)
   the amounts to which each of these rates of duty would be
   reduced on merchandise coming from certain of the seven
   European countries which had just concluded treaties of
   commerce with Germany.

{640}

   The figures show in all cases, unless otherwise specified, the
   amount in American currency of duty per double centner (100
   kilograms or 220.4 pounds):


Merchandise.
            Tariff                New tariff law of     Difference.
                                  1902 (to go into
           (adopted in 1879).     effect in 1906).

            Maximum.  Reduced     Autonomous.  Reduced
                      by treaty.               by treaty.

Wheat        $1.19    $0.83         $1.78       $1.30      $0.58

Rye           1.19      .83          1.66        1.19        .47

Oats          .95       .67          1.66        1.19        .47

Barley        .53       .47          1.66         .95        .71

Corn          .47       .38          1.19         .71        .48

Wheat Flour  2.50      1.74          4.36        2.42       1.94

Malt           .95      .85          2.44        1.37       1.07

Potatoes     Free.     Free.          .59        1.24        (a)

Hops         4.76      3.38         16.66        4.76      11.90

Dried apples,
pears,
apricots,
peaches      .96       .95           2.38         .95       1.43

Dried Prunes                         2.38        1.19       1.19

Fresh apples
in barrels   Free.    Free.          2.38        1.19       1.19

Sausages    4.76      4.04          16.66        9.52       7.14


Lard        2.38      2.38           2.97        2.38        .59

Salted
Meats       4.76      4.04          10.71      8.33-9.25    2.38-1.46

Butter      4.76      3.80           7.14      4.76         2.38

Cheese      4.76      4.76           7.14      3.57-4.76    3.57-2.38

Eggs         .71       .47           1.42       .71          .71

Margarine   4.76      3.80           7.14      4.76         2.38

Wood Alcohol  Free    Free           4.76      Free.        4.76

Cows and
oxen,
per head    2.14      2.14           4.28      1.90         2.38

Horses,
per head    4.76      4.76        21.42-85.68  7.14-28.56  14.28-57.12

Hogs,
per head    1.42      1.19           4.28      2.14         2.14

Shoes,
coarse     11.90     11.90          20.23      20.23         …

Shoes,
medium     16.66     15.47          28.86      23.80        5.06

Shoes,
 fine      16.66     15.47          42.84      30.70        7.14

Lumber,
rough       …         …              1.42         .47        .95

Lumber,
dressed      2.38    2.38            2.38        2.38         …

Sewing
machines     5.71    5.71            8.33        2.85       5.48

Sewing
machines,
power       5.71     5.71            4.76        1.90       2.86



Electrical machinery

a. Under 500 kilograms (
   1,102 pounds) per 100 kilograms   2.14        2.14         …

b. 500 to 3,000 kilograms
   (1,102 to 6,614 pounds)           1.66        1.42        .24

c. More than 3,000 kilograms         1.42         .95        .47

Machine tools:

a. 250 kilograms
   (551 pounds or less),
   per 100 kilograms.                4.76        2.85       1.91

b. 250 to 1,000 kilograms
   (551 to 2,205 pounds)             2.85        1.90        .95

c. 1,000 to 3,000 kilograms
   (2,205 to 6,614 pounds)           1.90        1.42        .48

d. 3,000 to 10,000 kilograms
   (6,614 to 22,046 pounds)          1.42        1.19        .23

   Over 10,000 kilograms              .97         .97         …

Telegraph instruments,
telephones, electric
lighting and power
apparatus.                          14.28    (b).95-9.52     (b)

Railway and
street cars                          2.38        .71        1.67

Motor cars and motor
bicycles, each:

a. 50 kilograms
   (110 pounds) or less, each        35.70       …           …

b. 50 to 100 kilograms
   (110 to 220 pounds), each         28.56       …           …

c. 100 to 250 kilograms
   (220 to 550 pounds), each         21.42       …           …

d. 250 to 500 kilograms
   (550 to 1,110 pounds)             14.28      9.52        4.76

e. 500 to 1,000 kilograms
   (1,110 to 2,220 pounds)            9.52      5.95        3.57

f. 1,000 kilograms and over           4.76      3.57        1.19

   (a) Free from August 1 to February 14.

   (b) According to weight.


   "It needs but a glance at this list," said Consul-General
   Mason, "to show how important will be the concessions granted
   to one or more of the seven treaty nations, and how formidable
   will be their competition in the German market against similar
   goods coming from countries which, for want of a reciprocal
   treaty or other convention, will be subject to the autonomous
   or unmodified tariff in exporting goods into Germany."

   On the 1st day of March, 1906, this tariff came into effect,
   and the tariff arrangements of Germany with the United States,
   under which the latter had enjoyed important concessions,
   secured by the "most favored nation" agreement in its
   commercial treaty with Germany, came to an end.

TARIFFS: A. D. 1909.
   Economic Results of the Protective System.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1009 (APRIL).

TARIFFS: Great Britain: A. D. 1909.
   List of articles on which Import Duties are collected.

   The following is a complete list of the articles enumerated in
   the British tariff as subject to import duties:

   Beer; Cards, Playing; Chicory; Cocoa; Coffee;
   Fruit, dried or otherwise preserved without sugar;
   Spirits and Strong Waters (including all alcoholic
   liquors, cordials and other alcoholic preparations);
   Sugar (including all confectionery, sugar-preserved
   fruits, and other sugared preparations);
   Tea; Tobacco, in all forms; Wine.

TARIFFS: A. D. 1909.
   Question of Preferential Trade raised by Mr. Chamberlain.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

TARIFFS: The United States: A. D. 1908-1909.
   The Demand for Tariff Revision.
   Its Expression in the Presidential Election.
   The Action of Congress and the President.
   The Payne-Aldrich Tariff Act.

   For more than a decade prior to the presidential election of
   1908 the popular demand for a revision of the exorbitantly
   protective duties imposed by the so-called Dingley Tariff of
   1897 had been steadily rising in the United States, and making
   itself heard by men in public life. It had penetrated the mind
   of the great captain-general of the protectionist forces.
{641}
   President McKinley, as early as 1901, and his last public
   utterance, addressed to a multitude at the Pan American
   Exposition, in Buffalo, on the 5th of September, the day
   before he was struck down by a murderous anarchist, contained
   this wise admonition on the subject:

   "We have a vast and intricate business, built up through years
   of toil and struggle, in which every part of the country has
   its stake, which will not permit of either neglect or of undue
   selfishness. No narrow, sordid policy will subserve it. The
   greatest skill and wisdom on the part of manufacturers and
   producers will be required to hold and increase it. … Our
   capacity to produce has developed so enormously, and our
   products have so multiplied, that the problem of more markets
   requires our urgent and immediate attention. Only a broad and
   enlightened policy will keep what we have. No other policy
   will get more. … We must not repose in fancied security that
   we can forever sell everything and buy little or nothing. If
   such a thing were possible, it would not be best for us or for
   those with whom we deal. We should take from our customers
   such of their products as we can use without harm to our
   industries and labor. Reciprocity is the natural outgrowth of
   our wonderful industrial development under the domestic policy
   now firmly established. What we produce beyond our domestic
   consumption must have a vent abroad. … If perchance some of
   our tariffs are no longer needed for revenue or to encourage
   and protect our industries at home, why should they not be
   employed to extend and promote our markets abroad?"

TARIFFS: The Party-Platform Promises of 1908.

   But President McKinley’s words fell on deaf ears, among those
   to whom he had been leader and guide in this department of
   economic policy hitherto. They gave no heed to his new
   counsels of moderation for seven years. Even treaties of
   commercial reciprocity, which he had learned to appreciate
   since his own tariff-making was done, were negotiated in vain
   by the executive department of Government, to be scorned and
   rejected by the Senate. By 1908, however, the claim of the
   many-millioned consumers of the nation, for some relief from
   the intolerable cost to which almost every necessary of living
   had been worked up by the protective tariff lever, had risen
   to a pitch which compelled some attention from the managers of
   political parties and drew from them promises in the
   "platforms"  prepared for the presidential and congressional
   canvassing of that year.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908, APRIL-NOVEMBER)

   The National Republican Convention at Chicago, which nominated
   Mr. Taft for the presidency, made this distinct and emphatic
   pledge:

   "The Republican party declares unequivocally for a revision of
   the tariff by a special session of Congress, immediately
   following the inauguration of the next President, and commends
   the steps already taken to this end, in the work assigned to
   the appropriate committees of Congress, which are now
   investigating the operation and effect of existing schedules.
   In all tariff legislation the true principle of protection is
   best maintained by the imposition of such duties as will equal
   the difference between the cost of production at home and
   abroad, together with a reasonable profit to American
   industries. We favor the establishment of maximum and minimum
   rates to be administered by the President under limitations to
   be fixed in the law, the maximum to be available to meet
   discriminations by foreign countries against American goods
   entering their markets, and the minimum to represent the
   normal measure of protection at home."

   The National Convention, at Denver, of the Democratic party,
   supposedly confirmed in opposition to the whole theory of
   tariff protection by all its doctrinal history, made this
   declaration:

   "We favor immediate revision of the tariff by the reduction of
   import duties. Articles entering into competition with
   trust-controlled products should be placed upon the free list,
   and material reductions should be made in the tariff upon the
   necessaries of life, especially upon articles competing with
   such American manufactures as are sold abroad more cheaply
   than at home, and graduated reductions should be made in such
   other schedules as may be necessary to restore the tariff to a
   revenue basis."

   The Republican Party elected its candidate for the presidency,
   with a majority in Congress, and was given the greater
   opportunity to redeem its pledge, while the Democratic Party
   obtained sufficient representation in both branches of
   Congress to aid and influence the promised revision with
   important effect. President Taft, in his inaugural address,
   spoke impressively of the urgent duty thus laid on Congress,
   saying:

   "A matter of most pressing importance is the revision of the
   tariff. In accordance with the promises of the platform upon
   which I was elected, I shall call Congress into extra session,
   to meet on the fifteenth day of March, in order that
   consideration may be at once given to a bill revising the
   Dingley act."

TARIFFS:
   The Making of the Payne-Aldrich Tariff.

   The new Congress, as called by the President, was convened on
   the 15th of March, 1909, and a provisional tariff bill was
   introduced in the House of Representatives on the 18th by
   Chairman Payne of its Ways and Means Committee. This Bill was
   a product of the work of the House Committee of the preceding
   Congress, which had been giving hearings on successive tariff
   schedules since November. Naturally the protected interests
   swarmed to Washington, with attorneys and technical experts,
   and their side of every argument for and against existing
   duties was heard in its most persuasive form. Naturally, too,
   the unprotected consumers, less able to combine, were
   represented at the hearings in no such potent way, and their
   side of most arguments, according to all accounts, was but
   feebly pressed. Mr. Charles Francis Adams, who has the habit
   of plain speech, wrote a letter to Congressman McCall, of
   Massachusetts, while these hearings were in progress, in which
   he characterized a conspicuously greedy part of the clamorers
   for high duties in terms that were savagely rough, but not
   entirely undeserved. "Speaking after the fashion of men," he
   said, "they are either thieves or hogs. I myself belong to the
   former class. I am a tariff thief, and I have a license to
   steal. It bears the broad seal of the United States and is
   what is known as the ‘Dingley Tariff.’ I stole under it
   yesterday; I am stealing under it today; I propose to steal
   under it to-morrow.
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   The Government has forced me into this position, and I both do
   and shall take full advantage of it. I am therefore a tariff
   thief with a license to steal. And—what are you going to do
   about it? The other class come under the hog category; that
   is, they rush, squealing and struggling, to the great
   Washington protection trough, and with all four feet in it
   they proceed to gobble the swill. … To this class I do not
   belong. I am simply a tariff thief. … But, on the other hand,
   I am also a tariff reformer. I would like to see every
   protective schedule swept out of existence, my own included.
   Meanwhile, what inducement have I to go to Washington on a
   public mission of this sort? A mere citizen, I represent no
   one. … Meanwhile, have it well understood that my position is
   exactly the position of tens of thousands of others scattered
   throughout the country; to ask us to put aside our business
   affairs and at our own expense to go to Washington on a
   desperate mission is asking a little too much."

   The Bill introduced by Mr. Payne was under debate in the House
   for three weeks, and passed on the 10th of April. In the
   Senate it was then nominally taken into consideration by the
   Finance Committee of that body, but that Committee, in fact,
   under the dominating lead of its chairman, Senator Aldrich,
   framed a new and protectively stiffened Bill, changed in 847
   particulars from that of the House. A little more than twelve
   weeks were required for this more arduous labor of Mr.
   Aldrich, which the Senate approved by the passage of the Bill
   on the 8th of July. On the 9th it went to a conference
   committee of the two Houses; and there the President’s
   influence, not much exerted, apparently, until now, wrung a
   few important concessions to the great public of consumers,
   which the special interests guarded by a majority in Congress
   had been determined not to yield. The American people owe it
   to President Taft’s insistence that their shoes may be
   cheapened by a free importation of hides, and that lumber for
   their houses and coal for warming them may come from Canada at
   a slightly lower rate of duty than before; but he failed to
   loosen the grip of the woolen and cotton interests on the
   protected prices at which they are clothed.

   After twenty days of battle the conferees reached agreement,
   July 29; the House adopted their report on the 31st, the
   Senate on the 5th of August. It was signed at once by the
   President, and went into effect the next day.

   In the House the Bill was adopted by a vote of 195 to 183,
   twenty Republicans voting against it and two Democrats in its
   favor. In the Senate the vote stood 47 to 31, the negative
   including seven Republicans, and one Democratic senator
   recording himself on the side of the Bill. The opposing
   Republicans in both Houses were stigmatized as "insurgents,"
   and the autocratic Speaker of the House, Cannon, of Illinois,
   presumed, so far as the powers of his office would stretch, to
   "read them out" of their party. In their struggle to secure a
   more honest fulfilment of the election promises of both
   parties, and more loyalty to the welfare of the people at
   large, the Republican "insurgents" had no such compact and
   earnest support from the Democrats of Congress as even party
   considerations gave reason to expect.

   After signing the Bill, the President gave out a statement for
   publication, in part as follows:

   "I have signed the Payne tariff bill because I believe it to
   be the result of a sincere effort on the part of the
   Republican party to make a downward revision, and to comply
   with the promises of the platform as they have been generally
   understood, and as I interpreted them in the campaign before
   election.

   "The bill is not a perfect tariff bill or a complete
   compliance with the promises made, strictly interpreted, but a
   fulfilment free from criticism in respect to a subject matter
   involving many schedules and thousands of articles could not
   be expected. It suffices to say that, except with regard to
   whiskey, liquors, and wines, and in regard to silks and as to
   some high classes of cottons—all of which may be treated as
   luxuries and proper subjects of a revenue tariff—there have
   been very few increases in rates.

   "There have been a great number of real decreases in rates,
   and they constitute a sufficient amount to justify the
   statement that this bill is a substantial downward revision,
   and a reduction of excessive rates.

   "This is not a free trade bill. It was not intended to be. The
   Republican party did not promise to make a free trade bill.

   "It promised to make the rates protective, but to reduce them
   when they exceeded the difference between the cost of
   production abroad and here, making allowance for the greater
   normal profit on active investments here. I believe that while
   this excess has not been reduced in a number of cases, in a
   great majority, the rates are such as are necessary to protect
   American industries, but are low enough, in case of abnormal
   increase of demand, and raising of prices, to permit the
   possibility of the importation of the foreign article, and
   thus to prevent excessive prices."

   "The administrative clauses of the bill and the customs court
   are admirably adapted to secure a more uniform and a more
   speedy final construction of the meaning of the law. The
   authority to the President to use agents to assist him in the
   application of the maximum and minimum section of the statute,
   and to enable officials to administer the law, gives a wide
   latitude for the acquisition, under circumstances favorable to
   its truth, of information in respect to the price and cost of
   production of goods at home and abroad, which will throw much
   light on the operation of the present tariff and be of primary
   importance as officially collected data upon which future
   executive action and executive recommendations may be based.

   "The corporation tax is a just and equitable excise measure,
   which it is hoped will produce a sufficient amount to prevent
   a deficit, and which, incidentally, will secure valuable
   statistics and information concerning the many corporations of
   the country, and will constitute an important step toward that
   degree of publicity and regulation which the tendency in
   corporate enterprises in the last twenty years has shown to be
   necessary."

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TARIFFS:
   New Apparatus of Tariff Administration.

   The President’s remarks in the next to the last paragraph of
   the above statement have reference to an important section of
   the Tariff Act, which authorized the creation of a Board of
   General Appraisers, a Customs Court of Appeals, and an agency
   for the collection of information. The Board is to consist of
   nine general appraisers of merchandise, the salary of each to
   be $9,000 per annum, who shall possess all the powers of a
   Circuit Court of the United States. To these general
   appraisers all cases of dissatisfaction with the amount and
   rates of duties levied by the appraisers and assistant
   appraisers at the various ports would be referred; the board
   to exercise both judicial and inquisitorial functions. The
   Customs Court was to be composed of a presiding Judge and four
   associate Judges appointed by the President, each to receive a
   salary of $10,000 per annum; to be a Court of Record, with
   jurisdiction limited to Customs cases, and to have several
   judicial circuits, including Boston, New York, Philadelphia
   and Baltimore, New Orleans and Galveston, Chicago, Seattle,
   Portland and San Francisco, and such other places as may be
   found necessary.

   More important, however, than either of these creations was
   the third one, embodied in a brief clause of the Act, which
   reads:

   "To secure information to assist the President in the
   discharge of the duties imposed upon him by this section, and
   the officers of the Government in the administration of the
   customs laws, the President is hereby authorized to employ
   such persons as may be required."

   The President availed himself promptly of this permission to
   have assistance from a commission or bureau of tariff
   information, and on the 11th of September it was announced
   that he had chosen for the service three well-qualified
   gentlemen, namely: Professor Henry C. Emery, of Yale,
   chairman; James B. Reynolds, of Massachusetts, assistant
   secretary of the treasury, and Alvin H. Sanders, of Chicago,
   editor and proprietor of the Breeders’ Gazette. In announcing
   the selection of the board, the following statement was made
   at the Executive Offices: "The President and the secretary of
   the treasury have agreed upon the plan that these three
   gentlemen are to constitute the board and are to be given
   authority to employ such special experts as may be needed in
   the investigation of the foreign and domestic tariff."

   The important direction that was given at once by President
   Taft to this Tariff Board, as he has named it, was explained
   in his Message to Congress, December 6, 1909, as follows:

   "An examination of the law and an understanding of the nature
   of the facts which should be considered in discharging the
   functions imposed upon the Executive show that I have the
   power to direct the tariff board to make a comprehensive
   glossary and encylopædia of the terms used and articles
   embraced in the tariff law, and to secure information as to
   the cost of production of such goods in this country and the
   cost of their production in foreign countries. I have
   therefore appointed a tariff board consisting of three
   members, and have directed them to perform all the duties
   above described. This work will perhaps take two or three
   years, and I ask from Congress a continuing annual
   appropriation equal to that already made for its prosecution.
   I believe that the work of this board will be of prime utility
   and importance whenever Congress shall deem it wise again to
   readjust the customs duties. If the facts secured by the
   tariff board are of such a character as to show generally that
   the rates of duties imposed by the present tariff law are
   excessive under the principles of protection as described in
   the platform of the successful party at the late election, I
   shall not hesitate to invite the attention of Congress to this
   fact, and to the necessity for action predicated thereon.
   Nothing, however, halts business and interferes with the
   course of prosperity so much as the threatened revision of the
   tariff, and until the facts are at hand, after careful and
   deliberate investigation, upon which such revision can
   properly be undertaken, it seems to me unwise to attempt it.
   The amount of misinformation that creeps into arguments pro
   and con in respect to tariff rates is such as to require the
   kind of investigation that I have directed the tariff board to
   make, an investigation undertaken by it wholly without respect
   to the effect which the facts may have in calling for a
   readjustment of the rates of duty."

TARIFFS:
   The Corporation Tax.

   The Corporation Tax mentioned in the final paragraph of the
   President’s statement is one imposed by an incongruous section
   of the Tariff Act, designed for revenue additional to the
   expected yield of import duties. It exacts one per cent. of
   the net earnings in excess of $5000 of all corporations, joint
   stock companies, and associations organized for profit and
   having a capital stock represented by shares, and all
   insurance companies. Foreign corporations are liable for the
   tax to the extent of their business in the United States. The
   net income upon which the tax is paid is to be ascertained by
   deducting from the gross income of the corporation all
   ordinary and necessary expenses of operation and maintenance;
   all uncompensated losses actually paid within the year on its
   bonded or other indebtedness not exceeding the paid-up capital
   stock; all Federal and State taxes already paid and all
   amounts received by it as dividends upon stock of other
   corporations subject to the tax hereby imposed.

   Holding corporations were exempted in the original Bill. That
   exemption was struck out, but the Conference Committee adopted
   the original clause. Corporations exempted from the tax
   are:—Labour organizations, fraternal beneficiary societies,
   orders or associations operating under the lodge system, and
   providing for the payment of life, sick, accident, and other
   benefits to their members and dependents; domestic building
   and loan associations organized and operated exclusively for
   the mutual benefit of their members, and any corporation or
   association organized and operated exclusively for religious,
   charitable, or educational purposes, no part of the profits of
   which inures to the benefit of any private stockholder, or
   individual, but all the profit of which is in good faith
   devoted to these purposes.

TARIFFS:
   Two Opposite Views of the new Tariff.

   The Payne-Aldrich Tariff has been and will long be a subject
   of bitterly contentious discussion, from opposite standpoints
   of disgusted disappointment and happy satisfaction, before a
   large indifferent audience, which takes such legislation as
   belonging to an established order of conditions in the United
   States. For a fair presentation of the conflicting judgments,
   two carefully chosen reviews of the Act, from the two points
   of view, by unquestionably representative writers, are quoted
   below. The first is from President Woodrow Wilson, of
   Princeton University, as follows:

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   "The methods by which tariff bills are constructed have now
   become all too familiar and throw a significant light on the
   character of the legislation involved. Debate in the Houses
   has little or nothing to do with it. The process by which such
   a bill is made is private, not public; because the reasons
   which underlie many of the rates imposed are private. The
   stronger faction of the Ways and Means Committee of the House
   makes up the preliminary bill, with the assistance of
   ‘experts’ whom it permits the industries most concerned to
   supply for its guidance. The controlling members of the
   Committee also determine what amendments, if any, shall be
   accepted, either from the minority faction of the Committee or
   from the House itself. It permits itself to be dictated to, if
   at all, only by the imperative action of a party caucus. The
   stronger faction of the Finance Committee of the Senate, in
   like fashion, frames the bill which it intends to substitute
   for the one sent up from the House. It is often to be found at
   work on it before any bill reaches it from the popular
   chamber. The compromise between the two measures is arranged
   in private conference by conferees drawn from the two
   committees. What takes place in the committees and in the
   conference is confidential. It is considered impertinent for
   reporters to inquire. It is admitted to be the business of the
   manufacturers concerned, but not the business of the public,
   who are to pay the rates. The debates which the country is
   invited to hear in the open sessions of the Houses are merely
   formal. They determine nothing and disclose very little. …

   "One extraordinary circumstance of the debates in the Senate
   should receive more than a passing allusion. The Republican
   party platform had promised that the tariff rates should be
   revised and that the standard of revision should be the
   differences between the cost of producing the various articles
   affected in this country and in the countries with which our
   manufacturers compete. One of our chief industrial competitors
   is now Germany, with its extraordinary skill in manufacture
   and the handicrafts and its formidable sagacity in foreign
   trade; and the Department of State, in order to enable
   Congress the more intelligently to fulfil the promises of the
   party, had, at the suggestion of the President, requested the
   German Government to furnish it with as full information as
   possible about the rates of wages paid in the leading
   industries of that country,—wages being known, of course, to
   be one of the largest items in the cost of production. The
   German Government of course complied, with its usual courtesy
   and thoroughness, transmitting an interesting report, each
   portion of which was properly authenticated and vouched for.
   The Department of State placed it at the disposal of the
   Finance Committee of the Senate. But Senators tried in vain to
   ascertain what it contained. Mr. Aldrich spoke of it
   contemptuously as ‘anonymous,’ which of course it was not, as
   ‘unofficial,’ and even as an impertinent attempt, on the part
   of the German Government, to influence our tariff legislation.
   It was only too plain that the contents of the report made the
   members of the controlling faction of the Finance Committee
   very uncomfortable indeed. … It would have proved that the
   leaders of the party were deliberately breaking its promise to
   the country. It was, therefore, thrown into a pigeonhole and
   disregarded. It was a private document.

   "In pursuance of the same policy of secrecy and private
   management, the bill was filled with what those who discovered
   them were good-natured or cynical enough to call ‘jokers,’
   —clauses whose meaning did not lie upon the surface, whose
   language was meant not to disclose its meaning to the members
   of the Houses who were to be asked to enact them into law, but
   only to those by whom the law was to be administered after its
   enactment. This was one of the uses to which the ‘experts’
   were put whom the committees encouraged to advise them. They
   knew the technical words under which meanings could be hidden,
   or the apparently harmless words which had a chance to go
   unnoted or unchallenged. Electric carbons had been taxed at
   ninety cents per hundred; the new bill taxed them at seventy
   cents per hundred feet;—an apparent reduction if the
   word feet went unchallenged. It came very near escaping the
   attention of the Senate, and did quite escape the attention of
   the general public, who paid no attention at all to the
   debates, that the addition of the word feet almost doubled the
   existing duty.

   "The hugest practical joke of the whole bill lay in the
   so-called maximum and minimum clause. The schedules as they
   were detailed in the bill and presented to the country,
   through the committees and the newspapers,—the schedules by
   which it was made believe that the promise to the country of a
   ‘downward’ revision was being kept by those responsible for
   the bill, were only the minimum schedules. There lay at the
   back of the measure a maximum provision about which very
   little was said, but the weight of which the country may come
   to feel as a very serious and vexatious burden in the months
   to come. In the case of articles imported from countries whose
   tariff arrangements discriminate against the United States,
   the duties are to be put at a maximum which is virtually
   prohibitive. The clause is a huge threat. Self-respecting
   countries do not yield to threats or to ‘ impertinent efforts
   on the part of other Governments, to affect their tariff
   legislation.’ Where the threat is not heeded we shall pay
   heavier duties than ever, heavier duties than any previous
   Congress ever dared impose.

   "When it is added that not the least attempt was made to alter
   the duties on sugar by which every table in the country is
   taxed for the benefit of the Sugar Trust, but just now
   convicted of criminal practices in defrauding the Government
   in this very matter; that increased rates were laid on certain
   classes of cotton goods for the benefit, chiefly, of the
   manufacturers of New England, from which the dominant party
   always counts upon getting votes, and that the demand of the
   South, from which it does not expect to get them, for free
   cotton bagging was ignored; that the rates on wool and woollen
   goods, a tax which falls directly upon the clothing of the
   whole population of the country, were maintained unaltered;
   and that relief was granted at only one or two points,—by
   conceding free hides and almost free iron ore, for
   example,—upon which public opinion had been long and anxiously
   concentrated; and granted only at the last moment upon the
   earnest solicitation of the President,—nothing more need be
   said to demonstrate the insincerity, the uncandid, designing,
   unpatriotic character of the whole process. It was not
   intended for the public good. It was intended for the benefit
   of the interests most directly and selfishly concerned."

      Woodrow Wilson,
      The Tariff Make-Believe
      (North American Review, October, 1909).

{645}

   The second quotation is from an article in The Atlantic
   Monthly, by Honorable Samuel W. McCall, Congressman from
   Massachusetts, setting forth reasons for a moderate
   satisfaction with the Act:

   "The certain method of determining just what the Payne Act
   does, is, as I have said, to take its paragraphs in detail and
   scrutinize the new duties in comparison with those which they
   have supplanted. Such a course will show the exact character
   and number of the increases and decreases. Those who have no
   other means of comparison at hand may safely take the table
   prepared by the Honorable Champ Clark of Missouri, Democratic
   leader in the House of Representatives, and produced by him
   July 31 last, in his speech in the House of Representatives
   against the Conference Report on the bill. It is true that in
   commenting upon it he showed that he was a trifle rusty on his
   Cobden, and made the amount of actual revenue the test,—a
   method only less weird than that based upon the average ad
   valorem, for it is demonstrable that a purely free-trade
   tariff after the British model would provide us a greater
   revenue than does the Payne Act. While the table given by Mr.
   Clark exaggerates in some cases the extent of the increases,
   it will clearly appear from it that on the whole the decreases
   so vastly outnumber the increases as to make the new law seem
   almost revolutionary in character. If one takes the schedules
   in their order, he will find in the first schedule, which
   relates to chemicals, that the increases are a bare half-dozen
   in number, and include fancy soaps and alkaloids of opium and
   cocaine, while the decreases are more than fifty, and include
   many of the articles which are in general consumption, such as
   sulphur, various forms of soda, potash, lead, and sulphate of
   ammonia, the last of which is put on the free list.

   "The second schedule shows a slight increase upon the smaller
   sizes of plate glass, and this increase is many times offset
   by decreases upon fire and other brick, gypsum, various kinds
   of window-glass, nearly all the grades of marble, and other
   important articles.

   "In the metal schedule there is an increase in fabricated
   structural steel, zinc ore, and a very few other items, some
   of which relate to articles not manufactured when the Dingley
   law was passed; but, on the other hand, the basic article of
   iron ore is reduced from forty to fifteen cents per ton, the
   lowest ad valorem that it has had in the history of the
   country; pig iron is reduced from four dollars to two dollars
   and a half per ton, scrap iron and steel from four dollars to
   one dollar per ton, bar iron from six-tenths to three-tenths
   of a cent a pound, cotton ties from five-tenths to
   three-tenths of a cent per pound, steel rails from seven
   dollars and eighty-four cents to three dollars and ninety-two
   cents per ton. There are nearly a hundred other reductions in
   the metal schedule: in fact, the reductions in this schedule
   are so general, and in some cases so drastic, that it may be
   said, practically, that these duties have been cut in two.

   "The lumber schedule shows but two unimportant increases,
   while the schedule generally is cut nearly forty per cent. One
   grade of sawed boards is reduced from one dollar to fifty
   cents per thousand feet, and all other sawed lumber from two
   dollars to a dollar and a quarter per thousand. Fence posts
   are put on the free list. Dressed lumber, telephone poles,
   railroad ties, and other important products of wood, are very
   much reduced.

   "Notwithstanding the attempt that is being made to create a
   sectional feeling in the West, the only schedule covering
   necessary articles in which increases predominate is the
   agricultural schedule. The duties are also increased upon
   champagnes and other wines, brandy, ale, beer, tobacco, silks,
   high-priced laces, and various other articles, which for want
   of a better term, are called luxuries.

   "Bituminous coal is reduced from sixty-seven cents to
   forty-seven cents per ton, which with the exception of a very
   brief period, is in value the lowest duty we have ever imposed
   upon it.

   "Agricultural implements are reduced, and a provision added
   admitting them free of duty from any country which admits our
   agricultural machinery free.

   "Works of art more than twenty years old are put on the free
   list.

   "Hides of cattle are put on the free list, and an enormous
   reduction made, not merely on all the products of these hides,
   but on nearly all articles of leather. Sole leather is cut
   from twenty to five per cent ad valorem, upper leather from
   twenty to seven and a half per cent, and boots and shoes from
   twenty-five to fifteen per cent, and, on important kinds, to
   ten per cent. … The two great textile schedules are
   practically unchanged. The wool duty is politically the most
   powerful of any in the tariff. The farmers of the country have
   been pretty thoroughly educated to the belief, whether rightly
   or wrongly, that the free-wool agitation, culminating in the
   tariff of 1894, was responsible for the slaughter of their
   flocks. Their representatives formed the strongest single
   element behind the passage of the Dingley law; and, in the
   session just ended, their strength was so great as to
   discourage any assault upon the wool duties. These duties
   range from forty to more than one hundred per cent of the
   value, and so long as they are maintained at such a high point
   it is idle to talk of any very material reduction on woolens
   or worsteds. The centre of the entire schedule is the duty
   upon wool. … Every duty in this schedule from top to bottom
   might have been cut ten per cent without trenching upon the
   necessary amount of protection.

   "The Dingley duties upon cottons were greatly less than those
   in the woolen schedule. This was doubtless due to the fact
   that we are the great cotton-producing nation, and our
   manufacturers are at no disadvantage in raw material with any
   of their foreign competitors. … These duties are so
   complicated that it is difficult for one who is not an expert
   to understand them; but according to the best experts, they
   are, at least, no higher in the Payne Act than the Dingley
   duties were intended to be, and were interpreted to be for
   four years after the passage of the act."

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   The following is from an article in the American Review of
   Reviews, September, 1909:

   "Summing up the changes made in the tariff as shown in the
   various Senate documents, the new act has increased the
   Dingley rates in 300 instances, while reducing them in 584
   cases. The increases affect commodities imported in 1907 to
   the value of at least $105,844,201, while the reductions
   affect not more than $132,141,074 worth of imports. Four
   hundred and forty-seven million dollars’ worth of imports (on
   the basis of 1907) remain subject to the same duties as under
   the Dingley tariff. That is to say, 65 per cent of the total
   imports remain subject to the old rates, more than fifteen per
   cent of the total will be subject to higher duties, the
   average increase amounting to 31 per cent. over the Dingley
   rates; and less than 20 per cent. of the imports are to be
   subject to lower duties, the reduction being estimated about
   23 per cent. below the Dingley rates. All of these figures
   greatly underestimate the increases of duty for the following
   reasons: First they do not take into account the numerous
   changes (nearly all increases of duty) due to classification,
   similar to the instances cited in the case of sawn wood,
   structural iron, and cotton cloth; second a large part of the
   imports subject to ad valorem duties will now be assessed on
   the basis of domestic prices instead of the prices in foreign
   markets (with due allowance for freight and duty), as has
   hitherto been the case; and, finally, the possibility, even if
   remote, of the application of maximum rates to imports from
   some of the foreign countries, which will amount on the
   average to an increase of more than 50 per cent. over the new
   rates. The real increase of duty will not be accurately known
   for a year, until we have full returns of the imports and
   duties actually levied under the new law under the decisions
   of the Board of General Appraisers and the new Customs Court."

TARIFFS:
   Certain Outside Effects.

   As between the United States and France, the situation
   produced by the new Tariff Act, which caused existing
   commercial agreements between the two countries to be
   abrogated on the 31st of October, 1909, was explained as
   follows in a Press despatch of September 22 from Washington:

   "The State Department has received from Consul-General Mason
   at Paris the text of the announcement by the French government
   of the abrogation of the several commercial agreements with
   the United States by the action of President Taft in
   conformity with the provisions of our new tariff act.

   "‘Under and in consequence of these conditions,’ the French
   announcement says, ‘there is reason to decide that the decrees
   dated July 7, 1893, May 28, 1898, and February 21, 1903, which
   constitute the measure of the application of the
   Franco-American agreement for merchandise produced in the
   United States and the Island of Porto Rico shall cease to be
   enforced on October 31, 1909.’

   "On that date the articles produced in the United States and
   exported to France will pay what is known in France as its
   general tariff, but which in effect is its maximum rates of
   duty. The principal articles of export from the United States
   under this agreement are mineral oils and coffee from Porto
   Rico. At the same time articles imported from France into the
   United States under these agreements will pay our regular or
   highest rate. These include canned meats, fresh and dried
   fruits, manufactured and prepared pork meats, lard, and a few
   other articles of less importance."

   The effect of the Payne-Aldrich Tariff Act on trade between
   the United States and Canada was left an open question,
   dependent on a decision which President Taft must make on or
   before April 1, 1910. Section 2 of the Law expressly provides
   the President with power to treat "any dependency, colony, or
   other political subdivision having authority to adopt and
   enforce tariff legislation" as a separate fiscal entity. The
   question for the President to decide is whether Canada, by
   reason of her preferential treatment of the Mother Country or
   by reason of the commercial treaty which she is about to
   conclude with France, will be judged guilty of "undue
   discrimination" and unworthy of the minimum rates.

   Looked at from the English standpoint, it is thought that he
   "can hardly declare so natural a relationship as the existing
   British preference to be ‘unduly’ discriminatory when a
   similar relationship exists between Cuba and the United
   States, and when Porto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philippines
   actually enjoy reciprocal free trade with America and with
   America alone."

   A more practical consideration in the matter, however, is that
   suggested in the following, from a Boston newspaper, which
   remarks:

   "According to the Department of Commerce and Labor, there are
   now 147 branch factories in Canada, representing a capital of
   $125,000,000, established by United States concerns which
   formerly supplied their Canadian trade with the product of
   industry on this side the national border. This is the result
   of retaliatory legislation in Canada invited by our own tariff
   against Canadian imports. If further tariff war is invited by
   the imposition of the maximum schedules against Canada, still
   more United States capital will go over the line to provide
   employment and wages for Canadian workmen."

   The Monetary Times, of Toronto, made an exhaustive
   inquiry on this subject late in 1909, and found 168 American
   manufacturing concerns in Canada, representing an estimated
   investment of $226,000,000.

   The spirit in which President Taft will interpret the maximum
   and minimum clause of the Act, and exercise his discretion in
   applying it, was indicated by him in his Message to Congress,
   December 6, 1909, when he said: "By virtue of the clause known
   as the ‘Maximum and Minimum’ clause, it is the duty of the
   Executive to consider the laws and practices of other
   countries with reference to the importation into those
   countries of the products and merchandise of the United
   States, and if the Executive finds such laws and practices not
   to be unduly discriminatory against the United States,
   the minimum duties provided in the bill are to go into force.
   Unless the President makes such a finding, then the maximum
   duties provided in the bill, that is, an increase of 25 per
   cent. ad valorem over the minimum duties, are to be in force.
   Fear has been expressed that this power conferred and duty
   imposed on the Executive is likely to lead to a tariff war. I
   beg to express the hope and belief that no such result need be
   anticipated.

{647}

   "The discretion granted to the Executive by the terms ‘unduly
   discriminatory’ is wide. In order that the maximum duty shall
   be charged against the imports from a country, it is necessary
   that he shall find on the part of that country not only
   discrimination in its laws or the practice under them against
   the trade of the United States, but that the discriminations
   found shall be undue; that is, without good and fair reason. I
   conceive that this power was reposed in the President with the
   hope that the maximum duties might never be applied in any
   case, but that the power to apply them would enable the
   President and the State Department through friendly
   negotiation to secure the elimination from the laws and the
   practice under them of any foreign country of that which is
   unduly discriminatory. No one is seeking a tariff war or a
   condition in which the spirit of retaliation shall be
   aroused."

   On the 19th of January, 1910, the President issued the first
   of his proclamations relative to the operation of the maximum
   and minimum rates of duty. Six countries, namely Great
   Britain, Russia, Italy, Spain, Switzerland, and Turkey, were
   designated as entitled to the minimum rates. Negotiations with
   Germany and France were understood to be still in progress,
   which might, it was hoped, clear away the differences that
   obstructed a similar concession to those countries. In the
   case of Germany, the difficulty related to the exclusion of
   American meats.

   A second proclamation, February 7, announced the conclusion of
   an agreement with Germany which gave to each country the
   minimum rates of the other. This agreement had been ratified
   by the Reichstag on the 5th.

   Negotiations with France and with Canada occupied more time,
   being protracted in the latter case almost to the limit of the
   period prescribed in the Act. Terms of agreement were arrived
   at in both instances, and, in the end, the President was not
   called on to apply the maximum rates to any country.

   ----------TARIFFS: End--------

TARSUS:
   Moslem attack on Armenians.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

TARTARS:
   Holy War against Armenians in the Caucasus.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

TASHINCHIAO, Battle of.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN; A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

TAVERA, DR. T. H. PARDO DE.

      See (in this Volume)
      PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

TAXATION:
   Graduated Taxation of Land.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1905.

TAXATION:
   Progressive Taxation of Fortunes.

      See (in this Volume)
      WEALTH, THE PROBLEMS OF.

TAYLOR, EDWARD R.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

TEACHERS:
   English and American Interchange of Visits.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

TEAMSTERS’ UNION:
   Strike at Chicago.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-JULY).

TECHNICAL EDUCATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION.

TEHERAN:
TEHRAN:
   Revolutionary events in.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA.

TELEGRAPHERS’ STRIKE:
   In France.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH-MAY).

TELEGRAPHERS’ STRIKE:
   In Russia.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

TELEGRAPHERS’ STRIKE:
   In the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

TELEGRAPHY.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRICAL.

TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH MERGER, United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

TELISSU, Battle of.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

TELLES, Sebastião.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.


TEMPERANCE.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

TENEMENT HOUSE REFORM.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW YORK: A. D. 1900-1903.

TERRITORIAL FORCE, THE BRITISH.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

TEWFIK PASHA.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

TEXAS: A. D. 1906-1909.
   Successful Prosecution of the Waters-Pierce Oil Company.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

THEOTOKIS MINISTRY.

      See (in this Volume)
      GREECE: A. D. 1906, and 1909.

THIBET.

      See TIBET.

THOMSON, Sir Joseph:
   Presidential Address to British Association for the
   Advancement of Science, at Winnipeg.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: RECENT: PHYSICAL.

THOMSON, J. J.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

TIBET: A. D. 1902.
   Russo-Chinese Treaty for Control of the Country.

   "A Russo-Chinese treaty concerning Tibet was negotiated [in
   the later months of 1902] … by Yung-lu. And as it had to be
   notified to the Chief-Lamas of the different Buddhist
   countries, it became possible to obtain the confidential
   communication of its text immediately on its conclusion. This
   text, which I published a month ago in the Frankfurter
   Zeitung, and which has since been admitted as correct by
   Russian semi-official papers, runs as follows:

   "Article 1st.
   Tibet being a territory situated between Central China and
   Western Siberia, Russia and China are mutually obliged to care
   for the maintenance of peace in that country. In case troubles
   should arise in Tibet, China, in order to preserve this
   district, and Russia, in order to protect her frontiers, shall
   despatch thither military forces on mutual notification.

{648}

   "Article 2nd.
   In case of apprehension of a third Power’s contriving,
   directly or indirectly, troubles in Tibet, Russia and China
   oblige themselves to concur in taking such measures as may
   seem advisable for repressing such troubles.

   "Article 3d.
   Entire liberty in what concerns Russian orthodox as well as
   Lamaist worship will be introduced in Tibet; but all other
   religious doctrines will be absolutely prohibited. For this
   purpose, the Grand-Lama and the Superintendent of the Orthodox
   Peking Mission are bound to proceed amicably and by mutual
   assent, so as to guarantee the free propagation of both
   religions and take all necessary measures for avoiding
   religious disputes.

   "Article 4th.
   Tibet shall be made, gradually, a country with an independent
   inner administration. In order to accomplish this task, Russia
   and China are to share the work. Russia takes upon herself the
   reorganisation of the Tibetan military forces on the European
   model, and obliges herself to carry into effect this reform in
   a good spirit and without incurring blame from the native
   population. China, for her part, is to take care of the
   development of the economic situation of Tibet, and especially
   of her progress abroad."

      Alexander Ular,
      England, Russia, and Tibet
      (Contemporary Review, December, 1902).

TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.
   British Enforcement of Unfulfilled Promises.
   The Peaceful Mission of Colonel Younghusband which forced
   its way to Lhasa.

   For a dozen years prior to 1902 there had been unfulfilled
   promises from China to India of a settlement of trade
   relations between Tibet and the latter, so far as the nominal
   suzerain at Peking had power to settle them. In that year the
   Chinese Government proposed to send a Commissioner to the
   Tibetan frontier to discuss matters there, and the Viceroy of
   India, assenting promptly to the proposal, commissioned
   Colonel Younghusband, in June, 1903, to proceed, with the
   British Political Officer in Sikkim, to Khamba Jong, for a
   meeting with Chinese and Tibetan representatives. The mission
   was escorted by 200 native troops, and reached the meeting
   place in July, but found no Chinese or Tibetan envoys on the
   spot. It remained encamped at the appointed place for six
   months or more, Colonel Younghusband returning personally
   meantime to Simla to report the situation and receive
   instructions. A reserve force was stationed in Sikkim to
   protect the mission in case of need.

   Early in 1904 the mission moved forward, over the Tang Pass,
   to Tuna, where it halted again until the end of March, no
   envoys appearing, but many marks of hostility shown. Then,
   after being reinforced,—as the intention of Tibetans to oppose
   its further advance had become plain,—its march was resumed.
   Thrice attacked within the next few days and forced to severe
   fighting, it reached Gyangtse on the 11th of April, where it
   was halted again until near the end of June, in a camp
   established on the plain. There Colonel Younghusband received
   a communication from the Chinese Resident or Amban at Lhasa,
   promising to meet him in three weeks. This was followed
   immediately however by a fierce attack of the Tibetans on the
   British camp. The assault was repelled, but bombardment of the
   camp was opened from a neighboring fort. The Mission now
   abandoned attempts to maintain its peaceful character, and
   with approval of the governments behind it, both in India and
   Great Britain, prepared to force its way to Lhasa and extort
   fulfilment of the promises on the strength of which it had
   been sent. General Macdonald, who held the military command,
   brought up further reinforcements, and the expedition, now
   numbering about 1000 British and 2000 native troops, after
   capturing the fort at Gyangtse which had harassed it, set
   forth on its march to Lhasa July 14th. It met with slight
   resistance in the Karola Pass, across which a wall had been
   built; but otherwise it found little but the natural obstacles
   of the mountain country to overcome. Lhasa was reached, but
   not entered in force, on August 3d. The Dalai Lama had left
   the city, but had appointed an intelligent monk to act as
   regent in his place. With him and with the Chinese Amban
   Colonel Younghusband succeeded in negotiating the treaty
   desired, which was signed September 7th. As soon as possible
   thereafter the expedition started on its return, but suffered
   severely from the cold and snows of the mountains before India
   was reached. Its total death roll was 411, of which only 37
   officers and men had died from battle-wounds.

   By the treaty secured, the Tibetan Government was pledged to
   carry out former agreements concerning the marking of
   boundaries and the opening of trade at three marts; to arrange
   a fixed tariff; to maintain certain roads from the frontier;
   and to make no territorial, political, or commercial
   concession to any foreign Power without granting similar or
   equivalent concessions to Great Britain. It also undertook to
   pay an indemnity for the cost of the British expedition,
   pending the payment of which the Chumbi Valley should be held
   by a British force.

TIBET: A. D. 1907.
   Convention between Great Britain and Russia relative to Tibet.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

TIBET: A. D. 1910.
   Chinese Authority strengthened in Tibet.
   Flight of the Dalai Lama.
   His formal Deposition.

   The Dalai Lama, who had fled from Lhasa in 1904, on the
   approach of the British expeditionary force under Colonel
   Younghusband, did not return to Tibet until more than five
   years later. Meantime he had visited Peking, where he was
   coldly received, and seems to have wandered widely through the
   Empire. During his absence the Chinese authority in Tibet had
   been strengthened, and his return was followed by a
   considerable reinforcement of troops to support the Ambans who
   represent the Chinese Government at Lhasa. Exactly what
   friction arose then has not yet been made clear; but, in
   February, 1910, the Lama fled again from his capital, into
   India, and on the 25th he was solemnly deposed from his sacred
   office by an imperial decree.

TIEN-TSIN:
   Delivered to the Chinese Viceroy.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1902.

TIGER HILL.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

TILAK, BAL GANGADHAR:
   His Trial and Imprisonment.

      See (in this Volume)
      INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

TIRPITZ, Admiral:
   On German Navy-building.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

TISZA MINISTRY.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903; 1905-1906.

{649}

TITTONI MINISTRY.

      See (in this Volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1905-1906.

TOBACCO FARMERS’ UNION, IN KENTUCKY:
   Its Night-Riders.

      See (in this Volume)
      KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.

TOBACCO TRUST:
   Suit of the Government against it.
   Report of Commissioner of Corporations.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES:
      A. D. 1901-1906; 1905-1906; 1907-1909; and 1909.

TOGO, Admiral:
   In the Russo-Japanese War.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

TOLSTOI, COUNT LYOFF:
   His Challenge to the Russian Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.

TOMUCHENG.

   See (in this Volume)
   JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

TORONTO: A. D. 1909.
   Meeting of International Council of Women.

      See (in this Volume)
      WOMEN, INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF.

TOWN-PLANNING LEGISLATION.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOCIAL BETTERMENT: ENGLAND; A. D. 1909.

TRADE BOARDS BILL, THE ENGLISH.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES REGULATION.

TRADE UNIONS.
   Disputes.
   Agreements:

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION.

TRANSANDINE RAILWAY TUNNEL.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: ARGENTINE-CHILE.

      en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transandine_Railway

TRANS-MISSOURI FREIGHT ASSOCIATION, The Case of the.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

TRANSVAAL, THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA.

TREPOFF.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

TRIPLE ALLIANCE, THE: A. D. 1902.
   Renewal.

   The Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy,
   originally negotiated in 1879, was renewed in June, 1902, for
   twelve years from May, 1903.

TRIPLE ALLIANCE, THE: A. D. 1905.
   Effect of the Defeat of Russia in the War with Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

TROUBETZKOI, PRINCE S. N.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

TRUSTS.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.

TSAI-TSE, PRINCE: HIS MISSION ABROAD.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.

TSONTSHEFF, GENERAL:
   Operations in Macedonia.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.

TSUSHIMA, NAVAL BATTLE OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

TUBERCULOSIS, THE CRUSADE AGAINST.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

TUNG FANG.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1906.

TURBINE ENGINE.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

   ----------TURKEY: Start--------

TURKEY: A. D. 1901.
   The Bulgarian Committee which directs Revolutionary
   Operations in Macedonia.
   Its Instructions to the Bands and Control of their Murders.

   "The Committee which was originally formed at Sofia for the
   purpose of conducting the nationalist campaign among the
   Macedonians has been the dominant factor in the later
   developments of the Macedonian problem, and is directly
   responsible for all the periodical outbreaks which students of
   Eastern politics have been accustomed to look for at the
   approach of spring during the last few years. The nature of
   this Society will be clearly appreciated from the following
   document, which sets forth in unequivocal terms both the
   Committee’s mission and the means resorted to for its
   fulfilment. This document was seized on the Bulgarian
   conspirators who in the spring of 1901 were arrested at
   Salonica, tried, sentenced to fifteen years’ incarceration at
   Rhodes, and permitted to escape a few months after. I obtained
   a literal translation of it from an official source at the
   time …:

   "‘Each armed band to consist of Bulgarians belonging to each
   particular district. Their duty is to carry out secretly the
   orders given by the president of the committee. The bands are
   armed with weapons furnished by the Committee. These bands are
   formed by the revolutionary committees of each district or
   village, and receive the military training necessary for their
   purpose. These bands depend on the committees, and in their
   turn distribute arms among those whom they enrol or gain over
   to the cause. … The armed bands are placed under the command
   of the local committees in accordance with the following
   rules:

   "‘To obey received instructions. By means of persuasion or
   intimidation to place new recruits at the committees’
   disposal. To put to death the persons indicated by the
   committees. … Each band, under the command of the
   revolutionary committee established in the district, to be
   ready to raise the standard of revolt on being so ordered by
   the local committee, which cannot act except by the order of
   the president of the Sofia committee. … The bands shall also
   commit political crimes: that is to say, they shall kill and
   put out of the way any person who will attempt to hinder them
   from attaining their ends, and shall immediately inform the
   Sofia committee of the crimes committed. The instructions of
   the bands must be kept quite secret, as the least indiscretion
   may lead to great disaster. … "Acts of personal vengeance,
   attacks on villages, and generally all kinds of unauthorised
   attempts to raise a revolution are strictly forbidden, and
   those who are guilty of such acts will be sentenced to death.
   No murder shall be committed by the bands without a previous
   decision taken by the committee, except those which are
   inevitable in an accidental encounter.’

   "The reports of the action of the Committee in Macedonia
   during the last twelve months alone form a dossier
   which leaves little doubt to the reader of average candour
   that the regulations printed above are not allowed to remain a
   dead letter, but that practice goes hand in hand with, or
   rather outstrips, precept. The exploits of the Committee and
   its brigands in the country may be classed under three heads:
   extortion, intimidation, provocation. …

{650}

   "Cases of wanton massacre, though not so numerous as the
   atrocities committed with a material object in view, are not
   uncommon. The victims in these cases are generally
   Mohammedans. … The motive of these outrages is purely to
   provoke reprisals—that is, a general massacre—and then pose as
   the victims of Turkish cruelty and fanaticism, a cry which
   never fails to move the nations of Europe to sympathy and
   their Governments to intervention."

      G. F. Abbott,
      The Macedonian Question
      (Nineteenth Century, March, 1903).

TURKEY: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Abduction of Miss Ellen M. Stone, by Brigands.
   The Ransom paid for her Release.

   In a communication to the President of the United States,
   March 24, 1908, the Secretary of State, Mr. Root, recited the
   circumstances which attended the abduction by brigands, in
   1901, of Miss Ellen M. Stone, an American missionary to
   Turkey, as she travelled the highway from Raslog to Djumabala
   in the Turkish Empire, and the necessary payment of a ransom
   to her captors, to secure her release. In the judgment of Mr.
   Root the Government should refund the ransom money to the
   citizens from whom it was obtained by subscription at the
   time, and his communication, as follows, was to that end:

   "Our diplomatic and consular representatives in Turkey, in
   correspondence with the Department of State, shortly after the
   capture, indicated their belief that the motive therefor was
   to obtain a ransom, and stated that they had requested the
   Turkish officials to abstain from too close pursuit of the
   brigands, lest the death of the captured might result. From
   later correspondence with our representatives it appeared that
   the brigands had retired to the mountains with the captive,
   probably over the border into Bulgaria. The exact location of
   the party during the captivity, however, is not established by
   any evidence in the possession of the Department of State, nor
   does it appear clearly of what government the bandits were
   subjects.

   "About October 1, 1901, the bandits opened negotiations for a
   ransom, demanding £25,000, and transmitting a letter from Miss
   Stone, asking that the sum demanded be paid and that pursuit of
   the brigands by the Turkish troops be stopped. Our diplomatic
   representatives were of the opinion that Miss Stone’s release
   could only be obtained by the payment of the ransom, and the
   State Department shared this view. Miss Stone’s friends, of
   course, entered into correspondence with the Department
   regarding the payment of the ransom, and were told that it
   must be raised by private means.

   "On October 3, 1901, the State Department wrote to the
   Reverend Judson Smith, of the American Board of Commissioners
   for Foreign Missions, Boston, Massachusetts, as follows: ‘It
   seems imperative that the amount (of the ransom) should be
   raised or pledged, so as to be available by your treasurer at
   Constantinople in season to save Miss Stone. Statutory
   prohibitions make it impossible for this Government to advance
   the money or guarantee its payment. If paid by Miss Stone’s
   friends, every effort will be made to obtain reimbursement
   from whichever government may be found responsible under
   international law and precedent. In the event of its proving
   impossible to hold any foreign government responsible for the
   capture and to secure the repayment of the money, this
   Government is willing in the last resort to urge upon Congress
   as strongly as possible to appropriate money to repay the
   missionaries.’

   "It is claimed that this assurance given by the Department in
   its letter to Mr. Smith, to the effect that, as a last resort,
   a recommendation would be made to Congress looking toward the
   appropriation of a sum sufficient to pay the donors, was
   largely instrumental in enabling Miss Stone’s friends to
   secure the sum of $66,000, which was raised through public
   subscription in this country by October 23, 1901, for the
   purpose of effecting Miss Stone’s release. After negotiations
   of considerable length, the brigands finally consented to
   accept the amount raised and arrangements were made by United
   States Minister Leishman for the payment of the money at a
   point near Bansko, Macedonia, the Turkish authorities
   consenting to withhold their troops from the vicinity of the
   place in order that the negotiations might have a successful
   issue. The release of the captive was not obtained so soon as
   expected, but was finally reported by Minister Leishman on
   February 23, 1902.

   "After careful consideration of all the facts my predecessor,
   Mr. Hay, decided on January 19, 1905, that it was not
   advisable to attempt to hold the Turkish Government
   responsible for the capture and to secure the repayment of the
   money. Upon the subsequent application for reconsideration of
   this decision Mr. Hay again, on April 11, 1905, reaffirmed the
   judgment which he had originally expressed. Upon a further
   review of the same subject I have come to the conclusion that
   it is not advisable to reverse or change the conclusion which
   Mr. Hay reached.

   "It would seem, therefore, that the Executive Department is
   bound to make good its promise to recommend to Congress that
   money be appropriated to repay the ransom money, a promise
   which was probably relied upon by many of those who
   contributed of their private means to save the life of an
   American citizen believed to be in the gravest peril.
   Accordingly I have the honor to advise that Congress be
   recommended to appropriate an amount sufficient to repay the
   contributors."

      60th Congress 1st Session, Senate Document No. 408.

TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.
   Conventions for Building the Bagdad Railway.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.
   Insurgent operations in Macedonia.
   Horrible Retaliatory Atrocities.
   Misery of the Macedonian Peasants.
   Contradictory Reports and Views of the Situation.

   Insurgent operations in Macedonia were opened in the fall of
   1902 and continued the following year, and into 1904. Besides
   an activity of insurgent bands and collisions with Turkish
   soldiery, there were many dynamite explosions, wrecking a bank
   at Salonica, blowing up a railway train, a passenger steamer,
   and other outrages of that kind. Then came confused and
   revolting accounts of a terrible retaliation by the Turks.
   According to Dr. Dillon, the monthly reviewer of "Foreign
   Politics" for The Contemporary Review, the substantial
   facts of what occurred were these:

{651}

   "The insurrection in Macedonia planned by outsiders and fixed
   for last autumn [1902] proved abortive. The first shot should
   have been fired in August, but the members of the
   revolutionary agencies which organised the scheme quarrelled
   among themselves at the Congress held during that month in
   Sofia, and then split up into hostile factions. In the
   committee of one of these sections, General Tsontsheff
   occupied the foremost position, and he resolved on his own
   initiative to stir up the Macedonians to rebellion. Now it
   should be borne in mind that all these committees are composed
   of so-called outsiders—that is to say, mainly Macedonian
   refugees in Bulgaria, and that whether their aim be to get the
   provinces annexed to Bulgaria or Servia, or to demand simple
   autonomy, they meet with but little sympathy and less active
   support in Macedonia itself, where there is a very intelligent
   native organisation in favour of self-government. Tsontsheff
   was therefore left largely to his own resources. On the 23rd
   of September his adjutant, Nikoloff, crossed the frontier, but
   owing to the Shipka festivities, it was not until the 15th of
   October that Tsontsheff himself, who had meanwhile escaped
   from prison, took the field. The scene of action was the
   valley of the Struma, which a week later was wholly occupied
   by the Turks, and the insurrection, which had hardly even
   flashed, suddenly fizzled and went out. The natives warned by
   their own committee had generally held aloof. But there were
   people among them who, not content with holding back, resolved
   to act in the spirit of the admonitions vouchsafed to them by
   the Great Powers, and ordered the revolutionary bands to quit
   the country, and when the latter refused, actually drove them
   off with arms in their hands. …

   "When the people had gone home the Turks came to search for
   arms. The peasants denied that they possessed any, and then
   the work of torture began. All who could, ran away, and, owing
   to the height of the mountain passes and the enormous
   snowdrifts, had to leave their wives and children behind.
   Before this calamity overtook the place, the district of
   Razlog had twelve hamlets and 3,665 Bulgarian houses
   containing about 25,000 inmates. Of these Madame Bakhmetieff,
   the American wife of the Russian minister in Sofia, counted
   961 fugitives, besides some hundreds who found a refuge in the
   Peshtshersky district. The entire number of able-bodied men
   driven away from Razlog alone is about 1,500!

   "In that loyal and well-conducted district there were fourteen
   churches with twenty-two priests; of the latter eight escaped
   to Bulgaria, one was killed, one arrested, and the fate of the
   remainder is unknown. According to the statement of the priest
   who, having made good his escape, found an asylum in the
   Principality, their churches were defiled and destroyed by the
   Turks. A considerable number of the remaining peasants are
   said to have perished on the way over the mountains. Over
   one-third, therefore, of the male population of the best
   behaved district of Macedonia has been thus forced to flee the
   country. …

   "We have the authority of Madame Bakhmetieff—who travelled
   about in the deep snow with the thermometer at 22 Celsius
   below freezing point, to bring succour to the fugitives—for
   saying that two priests of the villages of Oranoff and Padesh
   were tortured in a manner which suggests the story of St.
   Lawrence’s death. They were not exactly laid on gridirons, but
   they were hung over a fire and burned with red hot irons. In
   the Djumaisk District six churches were destroyed, and the
   Church of St. Elias was turned into a stable, while the shrine
   dedicated to the same saint in Shelesnitza was converted into
   a water closet. The churches of Padesh, Troskoff and Serbinoff
   were razed to the ground; the school buildings in the Djumaisk
   District were used as barracks, and the teachers put in prison
   or obliged to flee. The horror of the situation is
   intensified, Madame Bakhmetieff says, by the fact that large
   numbers of fugitives have been driven back by the Turks into
   the interior southwards towards Seres, where their horrible
   sufferings and their miserable end will be hidden from all who
   might give them help or pity."

      E. J. Dillon,
      The Reign of Terror in Macedonia
      (Contemporary Review, March, 1903).

   Another view of the Macedonian situation is presented in the
   following, from another of the English reviews:

   "The Macedonian problem is desperate mainly because it has
   been overlaid with abstractions. We talk of trouble in the
   Balkans, of insurgent excesses, and Turkish atrocities,
   without realising that these occasional and startling
   phenomena are the product of a misery that is as constant as
   it is uninteresting—and unbearable. We think of Turkish
   misrule as an isolated and irrational fact, without
   comprehending that it is a highly organised and quite
   intelligent system, designed to promote the profit of a small
   minority of officials, tax farmers, and landlords. It rests on
   a substantial basis of corrupt and anti-social interest. The
   political mismanagement is the least of all the evils it
   produces. The reality behind the whole muddle of racial
   conflicts, beyond the Chauvinism of the Balkan peoples and the
   calculations of the greater Powers, is the unregarded figure
   of the Macedonian peasant, harried, exploited, enslaved,
   careless of national programmes, and anxious only for a day
   when he may keep his warm sheepskin coat upon his back, marry
   his daughter without dishonour, and eat in peace the bread of
   his own unceasing labour. All our efforts might fail to bestow
   upon him an ideal government—there are not the makings of a
   harmonious nation in Macedonia. But politics are, after all, a
   mere fraction of life. While Servia earns the contempt of the
   civilised world, the Servian peasant sows in hope and reaps in
   peace, keeping for winter evenings the tale of murdered
   forbears and ravished ancestors. The Macedonian villager is
   ignorant. But his leaders have heard of a far-off England
   which twenty-five years ago flung them back under the heels of
   the Turk, after Russia had won their freedom at San Stefano.
   The tale runs that this same England then guaranteed them, at
   Berlin, the amplest of reforms. And thereupon these simple men
   will talk about their rights. It is for these they are
   fighting."

      H. N. Brailsford,
      The Macedonian Revolt
      (Fortnightly Review, September, 1903).

{652}

   And still a third view in this which follows:

   "The Turks are honestly doing their best to administer justice
   indifferently. Again and again during my travels in Macedonia
   I have admired the energy of Valis and Kaimakams, who hold
   thankless posts with courage and determination. If the
   Albanians could be kept in order and Bulgarian anarchism could
   be suppressed, there would be no grievances in Macedonia
   to-day. The Albanians are turbulent sportsmen, engaging as
   individuals, but intolerable as neighbours. They must be made
   to understand that no further nonsense will be permitted. The
   Porte would be quite capable of reducing them to order if they
   had not a powerful protector at hand. The Porte could also
   reduce the Bulgarian conspirators if she did not fear to
   arouse prejudice in Europe. The echo of former Bulgarian
   ‘atrocities’ (as resolute government was dubbed), paralyses
   effective action. The Turks cannot punish Christian criminals
   so long as Exeter Hall is on the qui vive to defend
   them. Give the Sultan a free hand, and the Macedonian
   conspiracy may be ended in a few weeks."

      Herbert Vivian,
      The Macedonian Conspiracy
      (Fortnightly Review, May, 1903).

   The British Government received the following representation
   of facts from its Minister to Bulgaria, Mr. Elliott, in a
   despatch dated May 19, 1903.

   "There are some points which appear to me to be too frequently
   lost sight of in apportioning responsibilities for occurrences
   in Macedonia. In the first place, the term ‘Bulgarian’ is
   applied indiscriminately to subjects of the Principality and
   to Macedonians of Bulgarian race, and the former are made to
   bear the blame for the actions of the latter. In the same way,
   it appears to be believed that the ‘Bulgarian bands’ which
   make incursions into Macedonia from the territory of the
   Principality are composed of Bulgarian subjects, whereas the
   latter probably do not contribute more than 10 per cent, of
   the number of incursionists, the remainder being all
   Macedonians, of whom there are some 200,000 in the
   Principality."

   The same Minister wrote from Sophia on the 1st of July: "All
   the reports received concur in stating that every Turkish
   official, civil and military, from Hilmi Pasha downwards, look
   to war as the only means of escape from a situation which is
   becoming intolerable. It is obvious that in such a war both
   sides would have much to lose and little material advantage to
   gain; but the Turks argue that if they could administer a
   crushing defeat to Bulgaria, of which they have no doubt, they
   would, even if they were afterwards obliged to withdraw,
   obtain some years’ peace in Macedonia, by the destruction of
   what they have been taught to believe, with some justification
   in the past, is the centre of disaffection, though the real
   cause of it is to be sought in their own maladministration.
   The Bulgarians, although believing that the conquest of
   Bulgaria would not prove the easy matter that the Turks seem
   to imagine, are, for the most part, under no illusions as to
   their ability to hold out single-handed against the Ottoman
   Empire; they are unprepared, and they have apparently been
   deserted by their protectors. They are, therefore, sincere in
   their desire to do everything to avoid a conflict. But it does
   not rest with them to avoid it. The Macedonian agitators will
   naturally do all they can to provoke a war. It is therefore of
   the most urgent importance that an attempt should be made by
   the Turkish Government to restore the conditions of life in
   Macedonia to something like their normal state. If the
   persecutions of the last few weeks continue, it will be
   impossible for the Government to restrain the Macedonians
   established in this country."

      Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 1875.

   The condition of suffering in the region of country tormented
   by this inhuman strife is indicated by such despatches as the
   following, from the British Vice-Consul at Monastir, writing
   September 23, 1903:

   "According to the best data actually available, the number of
   persons now wandering on the mountains homeless and destitute
   cannot be estimated at less than 40,000, while the number of
   Christians massacred may be safely put down at 3,000. Some of
   my colleagues, notably the Austrian, French, and Italian
   Consuls, have sent even higher figures to their embassies."

      Parliamentary Papers
      (Turkey, No. 2, 1904), Cd. 1879.

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.
   The Mürzsteg Programme of Reforms in the Administration of
   Macedonia.

   During a meeting of the Emperors of Austria-Hungary and
   Russia, in 1903, at Mürzsteg, in the Austrian Alps, a plan of
   supervised administration in Macedonia (known since as the
   Mürzsteg Programme), to be pressed on the Turkish Government,
   was agreed upon by the two sovereigns and their advisers. With
   the assent and support of the other Powers in Europe this was
   submitted to the Porte, and was accepted in principle on the
   25th of November; but it was not until the following May that
   it could be said to have been brought at all into action.
   Turkey "agreed

   (1) to the appointment, for two years only, of Austrian and
   Russian civil agents, with a limited staff of dragomans and
   secretaries, to reside in the same place as the
   Inspector-General, and to make tours in the interior,
   accompanied by a Turkish official, to question the inhabitants
   as to their grievances;

   (2) to the appointment of an Italian general to reorganize the
   gendarmerie;

   (3) to consider the question of altering the administrative
   districts so as to establish a more regular grouping of the
   various nationalities;

   (4) that neither race nor religion shall be a hindrance to
   official employment;

   (5) that an amnesty shall be granted to all persons implicated
   in the insurrection, except those guilty of dynamite outrages;
   and

   (6) to exempt the inhabitants of destroyed villages from all
   taxation for one year."

      Annual Register, 1904, page 318.

   General De Giorgis, of Italy, was appointed to the command of
   the gendarmerie. Hostility to the arrangements of the Mürzsteg
   programme in Albania was carried to the extent of open
   warfare, and a number of serious engagements between Turkish
   and Albanian forces occurred. Other collisions between the
   various quarreling races—Greek, Bulgarian and Servian—were not
   stopped by the reorganized gendarmerie. Turkish action
   and inaction afforded about equal occasion for Bulgarian
   complaints; but in April the Bulgarian and Turkish governments
   came to mutual agreements, that the former would stop the work
   of revolutionary committees within her territory, and that the
   latter would carry out the reforms of the Mürzsteg programme
   in good faith. No effective performance of either engagement
   appears to have been secured.

{653}

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.
   Incursions of Armenian
   Revolutionists from Russia and Persia into Asiatic Turkey.
   Exaggerated accounts of retaliatory Massacre.

   Many bands of revolutionary Armenians who crossed the
   frontiers from Russia and Persia during 1903 and 1904, making
   incursions into Armenian Turkey, and bringing upon the
   inhabitants there the tender mercies of Turkish troops, appear
   to have been acting generally in cooperation with the
   Bulgarian revolutionists in Macedonia. The consequent
   barbarities were dreadful enough, no doubt, but were found to
   be greatly exaggerated in the reports current at the time.
   This was the conclusion of the British Ambassador to Turkey,
   derived from investigations made on the ground by a consular
   officer who traversed it with care. In a despatch dated August
   16, 1904, the Ambassador, Sir N. O’Conor, related a
   conversation on the subject that he had had with the Armenian
   Patriarch, Mgr. Ormanian, as follows:

   "In the course of conversation I told his Beatitude that I had
   heard with deep concern the statements he had made to several
   newspaper correspondents, to the effect that he believed that
   between 6,000 and 9,000 persons had been massacred in the
   Sasun and Talori districts during the late troubles, and that
   I deeply regretted that upon my applying for precise
   information which would enable me to make earnest
   representations to the Grand Vizier, his Beatitude has sent me
   word that he was unable to indicate the places at which these
   massacres had taken place or to affirm that his reports were
   based on really trustworthy information. His Beatitude replied
   that he had had no means of controlling these reports, and
   that he had communicated them to others as he had received
   them. I said that, judging from the reports of His Majesty’s
   Consul at Van, who had visited many of the districts in
   question, the numbers of victims mentioned by his Beatitude
   was grossly exaggerated. Captain Tyrrell was more inclined to
   estimate the number at 900 than 9,000, and he had, moreover,
   been unable to confirm the statements in the public press that
   there had been any massacre of Armenians in the ordinary sense
   of these words, although, no doubt, many innocent persons had
   been killed both by the insurgents and the troops. … I did not
   despair of following to the end the investigations which had
   been set on foot by the Grand Vizier. If, however, his
   Beatitude could now furnish me with more definite information,
   I would do all in my power, in conjunction with my French and
   Russian colleagues, to bring about a searching investigation
   on the spot. Mgr. Ormanian replied that he was not in a
   position to give me this information."

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.
   A "Holy War" in Arabia.
   The Sheik Hamid Eddin contesting the Caliphate
   with the Sultan.

   "Under the obscure heading of ‘Rebellion in the Yemen,’ a
   series of brief telegrams has recently appeared in the British
   and American press, describing in skeleton language the
   exploits of Sheik Hamid Eddin, the Sovereign of Hadramaut,
   against the troops of the Turkish Sultan. Absorbed in the
   contemplation of the Far-Eastern struggle, neither the writers
   nor readers of the newspapers have yet found leisure to
   reflect upon the meaning of the movement, which the Lord of
   the Land of Frankincense is leading. … But the Government in
   Constantinople, though it would fain throw dust in the eyes of
   Europe, is itself painfully conscious of the menacing
   character of the challenge which has gone forth from Arabia.
   It is, indeed, impossible for it any longer to doubt that
   Hamid Eddin, the namesake of Abdul Hamid, is contesting not
   only the possession of Yemen, but also the spiritual supremacy
   of Islam. A Holy War, in fact, has started in Arabia, and upon
   its issue depend the fate of Mecca and the title of Caliph. …

   "For several years, the propaganda proceeded on comparatively
   peaceful lines. Only occasionally it was marked by collisions
   with the Turkish troops. But, towards the end of 1903, the
   Sheik entered the northern district of the Yemen and laid
   siege to the Turkish garrison of Assyr. The engagement ended
   disastrously for the Turks. … For a whole year the Turks
   refrained from attempting any serious resistance to the
   Arabian movement. In February of this year, however, they
   succeeded in inflicting on Hamid Eddin a slight reverse, which
   the authorities in Constantinople, for political reasons, at
   once magnified into a disaster."

      W. F. Bullock,
      The Fight for the Caliphate
      (North American Review, August, 1905).

TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Demand in Crete for Union with Greece.
   Resignation of Prince George as High Commissioner.
   Appointment of M. Zaimis.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.

TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Anti-British agitation in Egypt.
   Encroachments on the Sinai Frontier.
   The Tabah Incident.

      See (in this Volume)
      EGYPT: A. D. 1905-1906.

TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.
   Continued Reign of Terror in Macedonia.
   Financial Reform forced on Turkey by a Naval Demonstration.
   Barbaric Warfare of Greek and Bulgarian Bands.
   Efforts of Great Britain to secure further action by the Powers.

   On the 17th of January, 1905, the Austro-Hungarian and Russian
   Governments proposed to supplement the Mürzsteg Programme by a
   measure of financial reform, which would empower the agencies
   of the Imperial Ottoman Bank to "act as Treasurer and
   Paymaster-General in the three vilayets of Salonika, Kossovo
   and Monastir," to receive the net revenues of those vilayets,
   and to "be intrusted with the issue of payments of whatever
   nature and in whatever form." The Turkish Government submitted
   a counter proposition, somewhat to the same purpose, on the
   5th of March; and, after much discussion between the six great
   Powers, of Austria-Hungary, Russia, Germany, Great Britain,
   France, and Italy, they joined in a note to the Sublime Porte,
   on the 8th of May, accepting the Turkish project of financial
   reform, provided the Porte would consent to complete it by
   adding the following:

   "To supervise the execution of the financial reforms and the
   application of the preceding Regulation, and to insure its
   observation, the Governments will each nominate a financial
   Delegate. These Delegates of the four Powers will act in
   concert with the Inspector-General and the Austro-Hungarian
   and Russian Civil Agents, whose functions were defined in the
   Mürzsteg programme. The Commission thus formed will have all
   the powers necessary for the accomplishment of its task, and
   particularly for the supervision of the regular collection of
   taxes, including also the tithe.
{654}
   Before being finally settled, the budgets must be submitted to
   the Commission, which will have the right to amend, under the
   head of receipts and expenditure, any provision which may be
   inconsistent with the existing laws or unsuited to the
   economic and financial requirements of the country. With a
   view to facilitating its task, the Commission will have the
   power of nominating for each vilayet an inspector charged with
   the supervision of the agents employed in the different
   services of the Treasury."

   The Porte declined to acquiesce in a proposal which it
   declared to be "contrary to the essential principles of the
   maintenance of the rights and independence of the Imperial
   Government." The demand was persisted in by the six Powers,
   inflexibly, and resisted as determinedly by the Sultan and his
   Ministers, during more than six months of parley. By that time
   the Powers had arranged for a joint naval demonstration, and
   landed forces at Mytilene on the 26th of November. This
   brought the Turkish Government to terms; details of the
   financial reform were settled on the 16th of December, 1905,
   and the international fleet was withdrawn.

   Meantime conditions in the wretched country for which these
   attempted reforms of government were being so deliberately and
   laboriously prepared do not seem to have been much improved,
   if at all. On the 4th of September, the British Ambassador,
   Sir N. O’Conor, forwarded to his Government "a statistical
   résumé of the despatches recording occurrences in Macedonia"
   sent to him "by His Majesty’s Consuls at Salonica, Uskup, and
   Monastir between the 1st of January and the 27th of August,"
   giving "the number of deaths for which the various
   nationalities and organizations are responsible" in those
   eight months of the year. The statistics were as follows:

   Christians killed by Bulgarian Komitajis [Committees], 69;
   Moslems killed by Bulgarian Komitajis, 60;
   Christians killed by Greek Komitajis, 211;
   Moslems killed by Servian Komitajis, 12;
   Christians killed by Servian Komitajis, 10:
   total, 362.

   Troops killed by various bands, 60;
   Bulgar Komitajis killed by troops, 145;
   Greek Komitajis killed by troops, 38;
   Serb Komitajis, killed by troops, 83;
   total 326.

   Christians murdered by Moslems, 43;
   Christians killed during military operations, 54;
   total 97.

   Throughout the next two years the monthly reports of British
   consular officers and the despatches of the Ambassador at
   Constantinople, as published in the British Blue Books, are
   monotonous in their sickening enumeration of single murders,
   wholesale massacres, destruction of villages, flights to the
   mountains of starving refugees,—outrages and miseries beyond
   description. On the 10th of June, 1906, the Consul-General at
   Salonika wrote:

   "The general state of insecurity in the disturbed areas tends
   to grow worse rather than better, chiefly owing to the
   increase in the numbers and activity of the Greek bands and a
   slight recrudescence of Moslem crime, the most remarkable
   cases of which are attributed to a band of fifteen Albanians,
   who at the beginning of the month infested the forest country
   north of Niausta, where they robbed and murdered with
   impunity. The fact that their victims were nearly all Greeks
   has given rise to the belief in Greek circles that they have
   been acting in the interests of the Vlach and Bulgarian
   propagandas, though, so far as I know, there is no evidence
   whatever in support of this theory. The operations of Turkish
   troops have been on the whole very successful as against the
   small Bulgarian and Servian bands which still kept the field.
   Four of the former and two of the latter were totally
   destroyed, with comparatively small loss to the soldiery. It
   will be seen that the loss of life by violence again amounts
   to over 200 during the month. Of armed revolutionaries, about
   40 Bulgarians, 19 Servians and 26 Greeks were accounted for,
   at a loss to the Turkish army of 23 killed. The great majority
   of the unarmed victims were Bulgarians, of whom 33 were killed
   by Greek bands, 15 by soldiers or in operation by the troops,
   about 15 by the Moslems, and 12 by Bulgarian Komitajis of
   rival factions; while 11 Vlachs were killed by Greek bands, 14
   Greeks by Albanian brigands, 1 Greek by Bulgarian Komitajis,
   and 6 Mussulmans by Greek revolutionaries."

   Conditions were still the same at the end of another year, and
   in December, 1907, the British Government addressed a
   memorandum on the subject to France and similarly to the other
   Powers, reciting some of the recent facts reported by its
   consular officers, and saying: "These facts and the
   circumstances of the outrages committed afford striking
   evidence of the manner in which the gradual extermination of
   the Christian inhabitants is being tolerated in Macedonia,
   where the Ottoman authorities have displayed an utter
   incapacity to maintain public tranquility. It therefore
   devolves upon the Powers to suggest the adoption of measures
   which will put an end to such a condition of affairs, and His
   Majesty’s Government earnestly hope that the French Government
   will give their most serious consideration to the proposals
   which they are about to put forward. … His Majesty’s
   Government are profoundly convinced that the time has now
   arrived when General Degiorgis and the foreign Staff Officers
   should be intrusted with a full measure of executive control,
   and when the force under his command should be properly
   qualified for effective action by a substantial increase in
   numbers and an adequate equipment."

   To this communication there was no encouraging response from
   any other Government; and on the 3d of March, 1908, the
   British Foreign Minister, Sir Edward Grey, reopened the
   subject, expressing the regret with which His Majesty’s
   Government had received the replies made to their proposals.

   "The situation is not beyond remedy, but it cannot be remedied
   by half-measures. Were a Governor of Macedonia to be appointed
   who would be given a free hand and be irremovable for a term
   of years except with the consent of the Powers, and were an
   adequate force of gendarmerie and European officers placed at
   his disposal, His Majesty’s Government are convinced that the
   country might be cleared of bands and pacified in a short
   time."

{655}

   The measure proposed to other Powers by the British
   Government, in this communication of the 3d of March, 1908,
   obtained the assent of none, but it opened a discussion of the
   subject between London and St. Petersburg which brought Great
   Britain and Russia together, in joint action that gave promise
   of effective results. The negotiations ensuing, between the
   two Governments led to the drafting of two schemes of further
   reform in Macedonia, to be pressed upon the Porte. Great
   Britain accepted the Russian scheme, submitted in the form of
   an aide mémoire, dated July 2, 1908. Some inkling of
   this new programme, which the European Concert of Powers was
   about to be asked to support, had been given to the public by
   this time, and it seems to have precipitated a revolutionary
   conspiracy for the self-reformation of Turkish Government,
   which had been in the process of organization for many years,
   and which had now drawn near to the point of open action.

TURKEY: A. D. 1906.
   A Troublesome Punctilio removed.
   The United States represented at Constantinople
   by an Ambassador.

   "According to usage in Constantinople, an Ambassador may
   obtain an audience at any time with the Sultan, and force many
   items through even against the influence of both the Palace
   and the Porte. But every representative lower than an
   Ambassador can never appear before the Sultan except when
   called for by His Gracious Majesty. This invitation can be
   secured sometimes by indirect means; but when, for any reason,
   the Sultan does not wish to see a Minister of any foreign
   Power, the Palace officials can baffle him, if necessary, for
   years. Now, the American representative is called ‘Envoy
   Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary,’ and is outranked
   by every Ambassador to Turkey. Hence, he lacks the
   all-important privilege of approaching the Sultan uninvited."

      Americus,
      Some Phases of the Issues between
      the United States and Turkey
      (North American Review, May, 1906).

   The obstacle to American influence with the Turkish Government
   which is explained in the statement above was removed in 1906,
   by raising the diplomatic representative of the United States
   at Constantinople to the rank of Ambassador.

TURKEY: A. D. 1907-1909.
   The Cretan Situation as dealt with by
   the Four Protecting Powers.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRETE: A. D. 1907-1909.

TURKEY: A. D. 1908.
   Building the Damascus to Mecca Railway.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: ASIATIC: A. D. 1908.

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (March).
   The Races in Macedonia.
   Struggle for Political Predominance.
   The Bulgarian Propaganda.

   "Macedonia, although a country of numerous tribes and tongues,
   has a population of which the chief ethnic elements are Serbs,
   Bulgarians, and Greeks. The last-named are numerically the
   most important, while the Turks are, so to say, intruders.
   Between Bulgarians and Serbs, a bitter struggle has been waged
   for political predominance, each party being supported more or
   less effectively by its kindred in the kingdom of Servia or
   the Principality of Bulgaria. Both races in Macedonia speak
   almost the same language, profess the same religion, and
   inter-marry, so that the need of distinguishing between them
   did not arise until the Bulgarian Church, freeing itself from
   the Greek Patriarch, established an exarchate. Then all the
   flock of the Exarchate was deemed to consist of Bulgarians,
   although in reality many were Serbs; and the vigorous
   proselytising campaign carried on by agents from the
   Principality was successful in gathering many thousands more
   into the true fold.

   "Bulgaria had luck from the outset. Before this people had
   been freed from the Mohammedan yoke the Turkish Government
   favoured them because it hated the Serbs, who were believed to
   be trying to gather together all Slavs and to found a powerful
   Slav state. After the creation of the Bulgarian Principality
   the Turks continued to wink at the Bulgarian propaganda in
   Macedonia, because of Stambuloff’s anti-Russian and Turcophile
   policy. And in this way crowds of Macedonians were won over to
   the Bulgarian Exarchate. Moreover, the Prince’s Government
   warmly seconded the efforts of its agents. Money was spent
   liberally and judiciously. Many Macedonians who distinguished
   themselves at school were sent to finish their education at
   Sofia, where the most gifted among them received high places
   in the civil service or the army. In time, however, peaceful
   agitation gave way to filibustering expeditions, culminated in
   bloodshed, and drove the Turks to repressive measures against
   the Bulgarian element in Macedonia."

      E. J. Dillon,
      Foreign Affairs
      (Contemporary Review, March, 1908).

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (July-December).
   The Young Turk party and its Revolutionary organization.
   Its Plans hurried by the Anglo-Russian project of a
   new Macedonian Intervention.
   Beginning and Rapid Spread of Revolt.
   Proclamation of the Constitution of 1876.
   Yielding of the Sultan.
   Intense Joy in the Empire.
   Election of a Parliament.

   Until July 3, 1908,—the day after M. Isvolsky, Russian
   Minister of Foreign Affairs, had dated (as stated above) his
   aide mémoire of Macedonian Reform, which he and Sir
   Edward Grey were about to submit to the Powers,—the Turkish
   party since famous under the name of "the Young Turks" had
   attracted not much general attention, and, even in diplomatic
   circles, there does not seem to have been much known of the
   extraordinary work of revolutionary propagandism and
   organization it had done. Its leadership, seated at Salonika,
   had been in a Committee, named formerly the Committee of
   Liberty, but styled in later years the Ottoman Committee of
   Union and Progress. Of the rise and origin of this Young Turk
   party, the following account was written some years before it
   leaped into public fame, by the veteran apostle of political
   liberty, Karl Blind:

   "I remember its rise and origin in the sixties, when, between
   1867 and 1868, a small group of Turkish exiles—namely, Zia
   Bey, Ali Suavi, and Aghaia Effendi—lived in London. They
   published here and in Paris an ably conducted journal, called
   the Mukhbir (the ‘Advertiser’), copies of which are
   still in my library. That paper came out under the auspices of
   Mustafa Fazil Pasha, the well-known statesman who contributed
   so much to the spread of public instruction and of Liberal
   ideas by sending young students and others—among them, a
   distinguished poet, Kemal—to Paris and London. In the
   Mukhbir, parliamentary institutions and all other
   desirable reforms were advocated.

{666}

   "In 1876, the Sofia rising at Constantinople at last brought
   about the introduction of a Charter under the young Sultan,
   who had just come to the throne—the present Abdul Hamid the
   Second. It was a popular movement, officered by the better
   educated class of Mohammedans. In a famous rescript, the
   Sultan said that ‘if his sire had lived longer, a
   constitutional era would have been inaugurated under him.
   Providence, however, had reserved for him (the son) the task
   of accomplishing this happy transformation, which is the
   highest guarantee of the welfare of his subjects.’ He went on
   to denounce ‘the abuses which are the result of the arbitrary
   rule of one or of some individuals.’ He then enumerated the
   various reforms to be accomplished by the National Assembly:
   responsibility of ministers; parliamentary right of control;
   independence of the courts of justice; equilibrium of the
   budget.

   "All races and all creeds were represented in that Parliament,
   which sat during 1877-1878: Turks and Armenians, Bulgars,
   Greeks, Albanese, Syrians, and Arabs; Mohammedans,
   Greco-Catholics, Armenian Christians, Protestants, and Jews.
   Its debates, through the whole of which I went carefully at
   the time in the French text of the Constantinople press,
   exhibited a remarkable degree of ability. I learnt afterwards,
   from men conversant with Turkish, and who had repeatedly been
   present at the sittings, that these official reports had even
   considerably toned down the liveliness of the discussions.

   "I need not refer to the activity of Midhat Pasha, nor go into
   the many useful reforms then debated, including freedom of the
   press; equality before the law; liberty in matters of public
   instruction; admission of all citizens, irrespective of race
   and creed, to the various public employments; an equal
   imposition of taxes; free exercise of every religious cult,
   and so forth. …

   "How did that Assembly come to grief? When the Russian army
   arrived before the gates of Constantinople [in 1878], the
   Sultan, pressed close by the Czar, and being at issue with the
   representatives of the people on account of the exile of
   Midhat and about budget questions, suddenly prorogued
   Parliament. Alexander the Second, the ‘Divine Figure from the
   North,’ was thus freed from the danger of hearing Liberal
   subjects of his own uttering the cry: ‘Let us, by way of
   reward for our sacrifices in blood and money in this war, have
   parliamentary government as in Turkey!’

   "Prorogued the Turkish National Assembly was, let it well be
   remembered—not abolished; not dissolved even. Ever since, the
   Young Turkish party has called for its restoration."

      Karl Blind,
      Macedonia and England’s Policy
      (Nineteenth Century, November, 1903).

   When it came to be known, in the spring or early summer of
   1908, that Great Britain and Russia were concerting a fresh
   proposal to the Powers of more thorough going intervention in
   Macedonian affairs, the Young Turk leaders are said to have
   been driven to a hurried rearrangement of their own plans.
   They had not expected, it seems, to be in readiness for a
   decisive movement until some months or a year hence; but they
   could not afford to have the Concert of Europe as well as the
   despotism of the Sultan to deal with in their revolutionary
   undertaking, contemplating as that did a state of government
   for Turkey which outside nations would have no right or need
   to be meddlesome with. Hence they hastened preparations for an
   explosion of the revolt they had organized so patiently, and
   its first outbreaks chanced to occur just as M. Isvolsky had
   signed and dated the statement of his scheme of intervention
   for communication to other Powers.

   The beginnings, on the 3d of July, were in the vilayet of
   Monastir, where the officers and soldiers of two battalions,
   at Resna and Presba, with some officials of the district,
   formed themselves openly into a "Young Turk" band, seized arms
   and the military chest, and went into the mountains. Similar
   movements in the Kossovo and Salonika vilayets followed
   quickly. On the 7th, at the city of Monastir, General Shemsi
   Pasha, when setting forth to take command of operations
   against the insurgents, was shot, and the soldiers of his
   escort were reported to have allowed the assassins to escape
   by firing in the air. Other murders of officers who showed
   activity against the rebels were soon announced. The Ottoman
   Committee of Union and Progress had now issued a manifesto,
   announcing that the object of their League was to secure the
   restoration of the Constitution of 1876, and appealing to the
   Great Powers "to show their good will towards the peoples of
   Turkey by earnestly urging His Majesty, the Sultan, to yield
   to the legitimate demands of his subjects, who are loyal,
   though in revolt against the shameful situation of their
   country." The Committee protested solemnly that the League
   entertained no hostility to non-Moslems; that it would avoid
   useless bloodshed, and employ "energetic methods" only in
   extreme cases against the enemies of liberty.

   By the 22d of the month the Sultan had become sufficiently
   alarmed to dismiss his Grand Vizier, Ferid Pasha, and call
   Kiamil Pasha, the former Grand Vizier, to his council again.
   Kiamil exacted conditions which his master was slow in
   yielding to, and he seems to have been Grand Vizier de
   facto for a short time before he accepted the responsible
   title. Change of Ministry, however, did not check the
   deepening and spreading of revolt. On the 23d of July the
   Young Turks, having complete possession of the cities of
   Monastir and Salonica, and of several lesser towns, made
   solemn proclamation of the Constitution, with popular
   demonstrations and ceremonies of prayer and speech in which
   Moslems and Christians were joined. That night the Sultan held
   long counsel with his Ministers, at the Palace, and before
   morning the reestablishment of the suspended Constitution of
   1876 was decided.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY.

   The morning papers of the 24th gave the decree to the public
   of Constantinople and the news of it was flashed throughout
   the Empire and to the ends of the earth. This was the message
   that went from the Grand Vizier to Hilmi Pasha, Inspector
   General at Salonika:

   "In compliance with the wish expressed by the people and by
   order of His Majesty the Sultan, the Constitution promulgated
   on the 11th (23d) December, 1876, which had for various reasons
   been withdrawn, has been again enforced. The General Assembly
   (Senate and Chamber of Deputies) may assemble on the terms
   prescribed by law. I beg you to convey this news to the
   public."

{657}

   According to all accounts of the time, the feeling evoked by
   the announcement of a constitutionalized government—as soon as
   the long oppressed people could be persuaded of its actuality
   —was quite extraordinary, and it swept away temporarily, at
   least, the enmities of religion and race to a remarkable
   extent. What occurred, for example, at Beirut, in Syria, as
   described by a missionary, was probably not exceptional in
   that place. "Men gathered," he says, "in large groups.
   Audiences and orators sprung up like mushrooms. The torrent of
   eloquence that poured forth there was such as would put
   Niagara to shame. There were people mingling together there
   who during the past years had been bitterly antagonistic to
   each other, but who now were showing their friendship in
   public; Greek Orthodox and Mohammedan priests were embracing
   each other; branches were cut down from the trees; rugs were
   brought out from the houses; the streets were lined with
   people offering their hospitality to their new-found brothers;
   everywhere, even among the criminal classes, there were these
   evidences of good fellowship."

      Howard S. Bliss,
      Address to National Geographic Society,
      December 18, 1908.

   On the night of the 26th of July the Sultan received a
   deputation, headed by the Sheikh-ul-Islam, who petitioned for
   the removal of certain obnoxious favorites of the "Palace
   camarilla," and especially for the dismissal of the notorious
   Izzet Pasha, one of his secretaries, who was hated and feared
   above all. Abdul Hamid refused at first; but three days later
   he ordered Izzet Pasha into exile and disgraced Ismail Pasha,
   his Aide-de-camp, who was said to be the chief spy of the
   military schools. Izzet succeeded, a few days later, in
   escaping from the country, and so, undoubtedly, saved his
   life.

   On the 29th of July the British Ambassador at Constantinople,
   Sir G. Lowther, sent the following telegram to Sir Edward
   Grey:

   "The Sultan has sworn on the Koran, as Caliph, not to repeal
   the Constitution, and the Sheikh-ul-Islam has officially
   notified the oath, which was registered at his Department, to
   the people. It religiously binds not only Abdul Hamid but also
   his successors in the Caliphate to govern in accordance with
   the Constitution, and becomes part of the Sheri law. This step
   was demanded by the Young Turkey and Constitutional party, in
   order to prevent the Constitution being put aside, as was that
   of 1876." On the 31st, announcement was made in the morning
   papers of Constantinople that "a Hatti Humayun which is
   binding on the successors of the Sultan will be publicly read
   at the Porte confirming the Constitution." Subsequently, on
   sending a copy of this instrument to his Government, Sir G.
   Lowther remarked that "a Hatti Humayun is the most binding
   form of legislation in the Ottoman Empire." In the present
   case it seems to have supplemented as well as confirmed the
   original Constitution, pledging equality of freedom and of
   rights to all subjects of every race and religion; supremacy
   of law; inviolability of the individual domicile;
   inviolability of the Post; freedom of the Press; freedom of
   Education, etc., etc.

   The ministers and spies of the old regime of despotism and
   corruption were now proceeded against with celerity and vigor.
   Some escaped, some were imprisoned, some were killed by
   enraged crowds of people. The latter was the fate of Fehim
   Pasha, who had been at the head of the secret police. At the
   same time exiles of an opposite character were returning to
   their country and meeting with excited welcomes as they came.

   Kiamil Pasha took his proper place as Grand Vizier on the 7th
   of August, and formed a new Cabinet, with Tewfik Pasha as
   President of the Council of State and Minister of Foreign
   Affairs. In announcing the composition of the Cabinet,
   Ambassador Lowther remarked: "Kiamil Pasha appears very wisely
   to have taken the League of Union and Progress into his
   counsels in forming his Ministry, all of whom were
   incorruptible opponents of the old regime, while two of them
   are Christians, in accordance with the principles of the
   Constitution."

   While practically dominating the Imperial Government on one
   hand, the ruling Committee of the League was likewise bringing
   to terms the lawless Bulgarian, Greek, and other bands which
   had tortured and terrorized Macedonia so long, and was
   respectfully but plainly intimating its expectation that
   foreign management of the gendarmerie and the finances of that
   region would soon be withdrawn. Already, as early as the 25th
   of July, M. Isvolsky had withdrawn, for the time being, at
   least, his project of further intervention, saying that
   "Russia will follow with the most sympathetic attention the
   efforts of Turkey to insure the working of the new regime. She
   will abstain, for her part, from all interference calculated
   to complicate this task, and will exercise all her influence
   in order to obviate and prevent all disturbing action on the
   part of the Balkan States." Of course the British Government
   was moved by the same feeling, and, as the new order in Turkey
   gave more and more promise of stability, the willingness to
   suspend the foreign organization of gendarmerie in the
   Macedonian provinces became general among the Powers. A
   collective note, accordingly, was addressed to the Sublime
   Porte in September, asking if the Imperial Government had any
   objection to a provisional suspension of its contract with
   foreign officers, with leave of absence to them sine
   die. The Porte promptly acquiesced and the Macedonian
   intervention came to an end.

   Preparations for the election of representatives in the new
   Parliament became active in October, the League of Union and
   Progress sending agents into the provinces to give much-needed
   instructions to officials and people as to what they must do
   and how. The elections were conducted under a complicated
   electoral law. Excepting foreign residents, natives in foreign
   service, soldiers not on furlough, bankrupts, criminals, and a
   few other classes, all male tax-payers twenty-five years of
   age were made "electors in the first degree." By their vote
   they chose, not the parliamentary representative, but
   "electors in the second degree" who would meet subsequently
   and make that choice. At the preliminary elections 250 to 750
   voters were entitled to one elector; 750 to 1250 to two, and
   so on. The representation in Parliament was by one Deputy for
   25,000 to 75,000 electors of the first degree; two for 75,000
   to 125,000,—and further at that rate. Candidates for
   Parliament were to be not less than thirty years of age.

{658}

   According to the Constitution the chosen Deputies to
   Parliament were to assemble at Constantinople on the 30th of
   October, old style; but inevitable delays in the elections
   postponed the meeting of Parliament until the 17th of
   December, on which day it was opened by the Sultan in person,
   good order prevailing in the city. In a written Speech from
   the Throne, read by his First Secretary, he offered as an
   explanation of the long suspension of the Constitution of
   1876, that, in consequence of the difficulties encountered in
   operating the parliamentary system thirty years ago, it was
   thought best that "the execution of the said Constitution
   should be postponed until, by the progress of instruction in
   my Empire, the capacity of my people should be brought up to
   the desired level." As this was now believed to have been
   accomplished, he had "proclaimed the Constitution anew without
   hesitation, in spite of those who hold views and opinions
   opposed thereto." With marked abruptness the Sultan’s speech
   was then turned to some recent occurrences which have not yet
   been touched in this narrative of events. Its reference to
   them was in these words: "Whilst the Ministry formed under the
   Presidency of Kiamil Pasha, to whom the office of Grand Vizier
   was intrusted upon this change in the system of
   administration, was occupied with organizing the new
   Constitutional Administration, Prince Ferdinand, Prince of
   Bulgaria and Vali of the Province of Eastern Roumelia,
   departing, for whatever reason, from the loyalty due to our
   Empire, proclaimed the independence of Bulgaria; and
   immediately after this the Government of Austria-Hungary also
   announced to the Porte and to the Cabinets of the other Great
   Powers that it had decided to annex to the sphere of its
   dominion Bosnia and Herzegovina, which were subject to the
   temporary occupation and administration of Austria in
   accordance with the Treaty of Berlin. These two important
   events, which are prejudicial to existing legal rights and
   relations, are occurrences which have moved me to very great
   regret, and our Ministers have been intrusted with the task of
   taking the necessary action consequent on these encroachments
   and of safeguarding (he rights of the State. In regard to this
   matter, and under all circumstances, the help and support of
   Parliament are desired."

   The concluding words of the Sultan’s brief speech were these:

   "I open the Chamber of Deputies to-day with prayers for the
   happiness and prosperity of our Empire and country. I am happy
   to see in my presence the Deputies of my nation. My intention
   to govern our country under the Constitution is absolute and
   unalterable. Please God our Chamber of Deputies will
   accomplish good work for our Empire and our nation, and our
   fatherland will attain to happiness of every kind. May God
   make us all the objects of His divine grace!"

TURKEY: A. D. 1909.
   American Mission Schools.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: TURKEY AND THE NEAR EAST.

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May).
   Wise Moderation of the Young Turks.
   Gathering of Opposition to them.
   The Counter-Revolution of April 13.
   Treacherous Agency of the Sultan in it.
   Quick Recovery of Power by the Young Turks.
   Battle in Constantinople.
   Moslem attack on Armenians in Asiatic Turkey.
   Deposition of Abdul Hamid.
   Mohammed V. placed on the Throne.

   The declaration of Bulgarian independence and the Austrian
   annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, protested against by the
   Sultan in his Speech from the Throne at the opening of the new
   Parliament, on the 17th of December, are recounted at some
   length in another place, with notice of the prolonged
   anxieties they produced in Europe at large.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

   In Turkey itself the feeling roused by these offensive
   proceedings was overborne to a great extent by increasing
   excitements in home politics at the time. The first unity of
   welcome and support to the revolution, as organized by the
   League of Union and Progress, was now being broken, as always
   happens in such movements, by conflicts of ambition and
   differences of opinion and aim. In other words, contentions of
   party and faction were coming into play. The Young Turk
   leaders of the League had manifestly conducted the whole
   movement of revolution with extraordinary ability,
   self-effacement, and restraint. The President of Robert
   College, at Constantinople, Dr. C. Frank Gates, who must be
   accounted a trustworthy observer of events in the Ottoman
   capital, writing in The Outlook, November 7, 1908, of
   "Turkey under the New Regime," paid this high tribute to its
   chiefs:

   "One of the most striking features of this movement to those
   who have lived long in the country is the moderation shown by
   the Young Turks. The regime which has been overthrown was
   oppressive in the extreme, and all the people had suffered
   terribly from it. The Turks have often said, ‘We suffer more
   than the Christians.’ Many have predicted a day of terrible
   retribution, when the old regime should fall into the hands of
   its victims. But there have been no reprisals. Officers of the
   army were killed in order to gain control of the army, a few
   spies fell into the hands of the people and were killed, the
   notorious Fehim Pasha was torn to pieces by the mob at
   Broussa, but most of the rascals have been held for regular
   trial, and the leaders of the new movement have firmly
   insisted that it is no time for vengeance or for the
   gratification of personal animosities; only one consideration
   can be admitted, and that is the good of the country. Their
   eyes are upon the future, not upon the past. This is
   wonderful. If one could have expected a reign of terror
   anywhere, here was the place to expect it, but it has not
   come.

   "The Young Turks have shown a practical wisdom in dealing with
   the various parties and in solving the questions which have
   arisen which commands the admiration of all. A friend who is
   very well acquainted with the leaders in this movement said
   the other day, ‘The most wonderful thing of all is the
   committees.’ Properly speaking, there are no committees and no
   tangible organization. There are men who stand behind the
   present Government and practically guide and control it, but
   they are content to be unknown and to work in silence. They
   say, ‘It is the work of God,’ 'Do not congratulate us: thank
   God.’

{659}

   "The difficulties which these men have to face are enormous.
   There is the difficulty of financing the Government, which is
   aggravated by the fact that some of the provinces have
   understood liberty as meaning freedom from taxes. Then there
   is the difficulty of forming a programme for the new regime.
   There have been two parties among the Young Turks, the
   Committee of Union and Progress, and the Party of
   Decentralization headed by Sebaheddin. … Sebaheddin has been
   explaining his programme to popular audiences. His plan is to
   have local assemblies in the provinces, to which shall be
   relegated many of the functions which have been centralized in
   Constantinople under the old regime."

   The working of the new machinery of government went smoothly,
   in appearance, for some weeks after this was written. On the
   1st of January the Sultan gave a banquet to the Deputies of
   Parliament at the Yildiz Kiosk, sitting with them at table and
   speaking to them with eloquent piety and patriotism;
   subsequently permitting a general kissing of his hands, which
   performance of affectionate reverence was much disapproved by
   some of the Turkish journals next day. A fortnight later Mr.
   Hagopian, special correspondent at Constantinople of the New
   York Evening Post, seemingly intimate in acquaintance
   with the inner circles of parties, began to be sharply
   critical of the Committee of Union and Progress, saying that
   their "arrogant programme" "has led more enlightened Turks to
   organize a new party, the Sons of Liberal Ottomans." Then he
   speaks of what appears to be another party, "the association
   of ‘Fedakiarans’ (Confederates), composed of all former
   political exiles and prisoners who became free after the
   establishment of the new regime. On the surface their aim is
   said to be to assist all their unfortunate members who have
   been brought to poverty, or disabled by the tortures of prison
   and exile. Their membership within the last four months has
   reached twenty thousand. …

   "The mistake which the Young Turks committed in opposing
   Kiamil Pasha, and in persecuting the Confederates," this
   writer goes on to say, "has strengthened the cause of
   Sabakheddin Bey and his followers. All the oppressed Christian
   races, who welcomed the inauguration of a liberal government
   in Turkey, were alarmed when a part of the young Turks came
   forward as champions of Panislamism, and to-day they are
   inclined to be in the rank and file of this new liberal
   movement. The Young Turkish Parliament has shown a tendency to
   be a Moslem institution."

   A fortnight later Kiamil Pasha, the Grand Vizier, or Prime
   Minister, as he preferred, it is said, to be called, dropped
   Ali Riza Pasha, Minister of War, and Aarif Pasha, Minister of
   Marine, from his Cabinet, appointing them to other posts,
   which they declined; and this completed his breach with the
   Committee of Union and Progress. Mr. Hagopian, in his next
   letter to the Evening Post, averred that the Grand
   Vizier had discovered a plot, organized by the Young Turks, to
   dethrone the Sultan and proclaim Youssuf-Izeddin, elder son of
   Abdul Aziz, the murdered former Sultan, and that he defeated
   their project by the sudden change he made in the Ministries
   of War and Marine. Other reporters from Constantinople to the
   Press do not seem to have given credit to this explanation.
   Whatever the inner facts may have been, the Young Turk
   Committee proved stronger than the Grand Vizier, and they
   forced his resignation on the 13th of February, by an
   overwhelming vote in the Chamber of Deputies, 198 to 8, that
   he "no longer possesses its confidence." He had commanded
   foreign confidence more, perhaps, than any other Turkish
   statesman, and his overthrow gave a serious shock for the
   moment to the hopefulness with which the Turkish
   constitutional experiment had come to be quite generally
   regarded.

   Hilmi Pasha, who had been Minister of the Interior under
   Kiamil, was now called by the Sultan to be Grand Vizier, and a
   new Cabinet was formed, Ali Riza Pasha resuming the portfolio
   of the Ministry of War, and with it that of the Marine. The
   administration was now entirely in harmony with the Committee
   of Union and Progress. During the next two months there was
   not much in Turkish affairs to command attention abroad. But
   political hostility to the Committee of Union and Progress was
   evidently increasing. The correspondent of the London
   Times wrote to his paper from Constantinople in March
   that "one of the most perplexing and disquieting features of
   the situation since the fall of the late Cabinet has been the
   persistent manner in which the Committee have denied that any
   extra-Parliamentary pressure was employed to effect that
   change, or that, since it was accomplished,
   extra-Parliamentary forces have exercised any influence on the
   conduct of affairs. Had they frankly admitted that such
   influences had been, and were still, brought to bear—as,
   indeed, the speech of the President of the Chamber implicitly
   acknowledges—but that such interference was justified by
   circumstances and would continue to be exercised until the
   country had safely emerged from the critical period through
   which it is passing, many who are now falling away from them
   would have been found to agree, and few persons capable of
   forming an unbiased opinion would have ventured to declare
   that their contention was altogether unreasonable and
   unjustifiable. By adopting a different course they have
   alienated much of the sympathy and confidence they hitherto
   commanded, and given rise to suspicions, quite possibly
   unfounded, as to the purity of their motives, with the result
   that the country, which needs and will long continue to need
   the united energies of all its ablest and most enlightened
   citizens, for the tremendous task of regeneration and
   reorganization, is now weakened by a fierce party struggle,
   and that many competent observers regard a fresh Ministerial
   crisis as an event which cannot be delayed for many weeks."

   The anticipated crisis came about four weeks after this had
   been written, in a form much more serious than that of a mere
   Ministerial collapse. It was precipitated by excitements that
   followed the murder, on the 6th of April, of a political
   journalist, Hassan Fehmi Effendi, editor of the
   Serbesti, the organ of the Liberal party. As the
   murdered man had been a vigorous critic and opponent of the
   Committee of Union and Progress, that organization was accused
   at once of having brought about his death.
{660}
   This gave the start to agitations and demonstrations that were
   secretly pushed for several days, until they culminated, on
   the 13th, in an outbreak of soldiers and city mobs which
   reversed for a time the Young Turk revolution of the previous
   July. That the crafty Abdul Hamid had more than lent his hand
   to the reactionary outbreak was universally believed; but when
   it had accomplished the overthrow of Hilmi Pasha and his
   Ministry the Sultan did not venture to call creatures of his
   own to take their place. On the contrary, he gave the office
   of Grand Vizier to Tewfik Pasha, one of the most respected and
   independent of the elder officials of the Empire, charging
   him, in an imperial rescript, "to form a Cabinet to conform
   more directly to the sacred law and to maintain the
   Constitution and guard public order." These words are
   indicative of the nature of the hostility to the regime of the
   Young Turks which had been worked up. Formerly, as appears in
   one of the quotations above from Mr. Hagopian, the Young Turks
   had been accused of being "champions of Pan-Islamism," and
   their Parliament of showing "a tendency to be a Moslem
   institution." Latterly, Moslem orthodoxy had been appealed to
   against them on the charge that they were unfaithful to "the
   sacred law" (the Sheriat), and that they were making the
   Constitution a mere cover for designs that boded evil to
   Islam. A fair inference from the contradictoriness of the
   charges brought against them is decidedly favorable to the
   party of the Young Turks.

   At the outset of the revolutionary riot in Constantinople a
   few murders were committed and some fatal shooting at random
   was done, the victims including the Minister of Justice, an
   Albanian Deputy and a few officers of the riotous soldiery;
   but the mob-rising, as a whole, appears to have been kept
   under singular restraint. No important members of the League
   of Union and Progress are reported to have been killed. Those
   who were in Constantinople escaped, and their ruling Committee
   was soon established in activity at Salonika again, taking
   measures which resulted quickly in the recovery of more than
   the power that they had seemed for the moment to have lost.

   That no reaction of substantial influences at Constantinople
   against constitutional and representative government was
   signified by what had occurred there was made plain by an
   important proclamation, issued on the 16th of April, by the
   Committee of the Ulema, the Moslem Doctors of the Sacred Law.
   It was addressed to the Deputies and the Nation, in these
   words:

   "We are informed that certain Deputies, fearing for their
   lives, wish to resign, while, on the other hand, the public
   fears the return of despotic rule. The Committee of the Ulema,
   which has never doubted that the Constitution is in entire
   conformity with sacred law, and has not forgotten the burning
   of Islamic books at Gulhaneh in the days of absolutism, will
   defend the Constitution, which is in conformity with the
   Sheriat, to the last, aided by the army and Parliament. Its
   members consider it to be a religious duty to sacrifice their
   lives for this end. They and the nation preserve the
   confidence of Deputies, Moslem and non-Moslem alike, save such
   as have resigned, or have fled and are thereby considered to
   have resigned. Deputies, therefore, are informed that
   henceforth those who resign will be considered traitors. Let
   them do their duty justly and honourably, and they may be sure
   of the support of the nation and the spiritual aid of the
   Prophet. We beg the glorious army to maintain order and
   discipline, following the counsels of the Ulema, for it is
   thus that the Almighty will grant salvation to the country and
   happiness in this world and the next."

   But Asiatic Turkey was easily made distrustful and suspicious
   of a change in government which appeared to lower the
   authority and dignity of the Sultan-Caliph; and news of the
   seeming triumph of that sacred sovereign in what had happened
   at Constantinople must have had not a little to do with the
   sudden outburst, on the 15th of April, of Moslem hostility to
   the Armenian Christians in parts of Asia Minor and Syria. The
   fighting and massacre then begun, and which continued for many
   days, was most fiercely carried on within a circle of towns at
   the corner where Syria and Asia Minor touch, and where the
   Gulf of Iskanderun runs far into the land. On the northern and
   western side, this piece of the Turkish dominion was the
   ancient province of Cilicia, which Pompey added to the empire
   of Rome; in which St. Paul was born, and which received its
   modern name of Adana from Haroun al Raschid, the most famous
   of the Caliphs of Bagdad,—thanks to "The Arabian Nights." In
   and around its three principal towns, of Adana, Mersina, and
   Tarsus, the first and worst of the atrocities occurred.

   The League of Union and Progress had given way for an instant,
   only, to the outbreak at Constantinople, which must have taken
   its leaders by surprise. But the momentary reverse was a gift
   of opportunity, in fact, to prove the astonishing energy of
   ability that was in this remarkable body of men. They had been
   betrayed by a considerable part, at least, of the division of
   the army which garrisoned Constantinople, and which is said to
   have been heavily bribed with money that must have come from
   the Sultan’s purse. But the Second and Third Corps of the army
   in Macedonia were unshaken in fidelity to them and their
   cause. It was on Tuesday, the 13th of April, that their
   opponents at the capital had their triumph; on Wednesday, the
   14th, the two trusted corps were under orders from Salonika to
   march on Constantinople. Nine days later Mahmud Shevket Pasha,
   who commanded the movement, was in full possession of the
   city, with the Sultan a prisoner, and the victorious general
   was about to publish the following brief report of what had
   been done in the interval:

   "Our Second and Third Army Corps," he wrote, "being the
   nearest to Constantinople, undertook as the executive power of
   the whole Ottoman nation to shed the last drop of their blood
   in defence of the Constitutional régime. Having
   therefore taken counsel together and organized a force
   sufficient for the purpose, they marched to Constantinople, in
   order to counteract the effects of the despotic blow recently
   struck at that régime, to subdue and chastise the
   guilty, and to take the necessary measures for the prevention
   of similar attempts in the future. Leaving Salonika on
   Wednesday, I arrived the following day at San Stefano and gave
   orders for a general movement preparatory to entering the
   capital on Friday.
{661}
   The troops quartered at the Ministry of War were compelled to
   surrender before they had time to defend themselves. Only the
   mutinous troops at Taslikishla and other barracks in Pera
   offered any resistance to the army of occupation. These
   barracks were accordingly bombarded and destroyed, their
   garrisons being disabled or forced to surrender. As our heroic
   army began operations at night and entered the town at dawn,
   and as the inhabitants remained in their houses and the shops
   were closed, there were no deaths in the civil population and
   no disorder took place. The losses on both sides were heavy,
   but the numbers are not yet known. I pray God that the hearts
   of all Ottomans may rejoice at the news of this great victory
   and that it may prove the dawn of a great future for our
   country."

   Military observers who accompanied Shevket Pasha and his army
   are said to have been profoundly impressed by the masterly
   handling of the whole operation, from start to finish. His
   fellow Constitutionalists were equally impressed by the
   qualities that he had revealed. A Press despatch to New York,
   from Constantinople, April 26, reported:

   "Schefket Pasha, commander of the Constitutional army, is the
   man of the hour. The leading civilian members of the Committee
   of Union and Progress desire him to be grand vizier in
   succession to Tewfik Pasha, and he has been assured that a
   majority of Parliament would gladly support a ministry under
   his leadership in succession to the Tewfik ministry, which
   resigned to-day. In reply to these proposals Schefket Pasha
   said that the premiership afforded such a splendid opportunity
   to assist in the political development of the country that he
   would have rejoiced to accept the honor had it come to him
   under any other circumstances, but that he could not accept it
   while still leader of the army. To do so would not accord with
   his ideas of civil and political liberty of action." This
   seems to have been a true exhibit of the fine spirit and
   intelligent patriotism of the man, and it added much to the
   hopefulness of the regenerative undertaking of the Young
   Turks. Shevket is an Arab, from Bagdad, who had his training
   as a soldier in Germany and had lived in Europe twelve years.

   What to do with Abdul Hamid was a question over which the
   Committee of Union and Progress wasted very little time. He
   became their captive on the 24th. On the 26th it was known
   that he would be deposed and exiled to Salonika. His falsity
   in all that he had professed of a willing adoption of
   constitutional government, and his treacherous engineering of
   the conspiracy against it, were believed to be open to no
   doubt. It was probably not easy to save him from the doom of
   death which he feared: but the men of calmly tempered mind and
   will who had ruled the revolution from its beginning were
   still in control. On the morning of the 27th a fetva or
   formal decision by the Sheik-ul-Islam, authorizing the
   deposition of Abdul Hamid from the Ottoman throne, was sent to
   the National Assembly and read. It was in the form of a
   question from that body, answered tersely by the supreme judge
   of the law of Islam,—as follows:

   "What becomes of an Imam [the title of the Sultan of Turkey as
   head of the Orthodox faith] who has destroyed certain holy
   writings, who has seized property in contravention to the
   Sheri laws, who has committed cruelties in ordering the
   assassination and imprisonment of exiles without any
   justification under the Sheri laws, who has squandered the
   public money, who, having sworn to govern according to the
   Sheriat, has violated his oath, who, by gifts of money, has
   provoked internecine bloodshed and civil war, and who no
   longer is recognized in the provinces?" To this the
   Sheik-ul-Islam replied: "He must abdicate or be deposed." At
   once, by unanimous vote, the deposition of Abdul Hamid and the
   succession of his younger brother, Mohammed Reschad Effendi
   was pronounced by the National Assembly. The new Sultan was
   proclaimed with impromptu ceremony in the afternoon, at the
   Seraskierat, to which he went in the plain costume of a
   Turkish gentleman. He was received by Mahmud Shevket Pasha and
   his staff in the central court. The Grand Vizier, the
   Sheikh-ul-Islam, Said Pasha, President of the Senate, and
   Ahmed Riza, President of the Chamber, stood at the foot of the
   stairs. All kissed hands, and the whole group, headed by his
   Majesty, proceeded to a reserved chamber, the gallery above
   the court being in the meantime crowded with Senators,
   Deputies, officers, journalists, and ordinary sightseers. The
   Deputies and Senators were then admitted to kiss hands, and a
   prayer was recited. This ended the simple ceremony of the day;
   but one of more solemnity occurred on the 10th of May, when
   the Sultan received the sword of Osman—the equivalent of a
   coronation—in the Mosque Ayub, which Christians are never
   permitted to enter, and was conducted in an imposing
   procession through the streets of the city.

   Mohammed Reschad Effendi, who reigns as Mohammed V., was in
   his sixty-fifth year when he came to the throne. Until the
   revolution of the previous July he had been practically a
   prisoner in one of the palaces on the Bosporus, surrounded by
   the creatures of his jealous and suspicious brother, without
   whose permission he could not leave the palace grounds.
   Latterly he had enjoyed some degree of personal freedom, for
   the first time in his life. An anonymous contributor to the
   London Times, who had had an opportunity to meet him
   since the revolution broke his bonds, wrote thus of the
   interview:

   "I had the privilege of a long conversation with Reschad when
   I was in Constantinople in the autumn, on condition that the
   visit should be conducted with some secrecy and should remain
   secret until the return of Hamidianism was beyond the range of
   possibility. I believe I was the first European whom he had
   seen since the revolution of July mitigated the severity of
   the reclusion enforced for 30 years by Abdul Hamid. The Heir
   Apparent was still living in the Palace adjoining Dolma
   Baghche, which had been his prison throughout the reign,
   jealously guarded by the Sultan’s Pretorians at the entrances
   from the main road, and by a gunboat moored in the Bosporus
   opposite the water approach. …

   "His Highness talked slowly and hesitatingly, often lowering
   his voice to a whisper and casting furtive glances round the
   room as if he was still haunted by the fear of spies, but he
   listened eagerly while I told him of my own many journeyings
   in Turkey, whose people I had known since the beginning of the
   Hamidian régime, occasionally interrupting me with an
   apposite remark, or asking for an explanation which showed
   both interest and intelligence.
{662}
   There was something strangely pathetic in this desire for
   information about his own country, over which his Highness was
   soon destined to reign. A full hour’s conversation left the
   impression that, given favourable circumstances and good
   advisers, the Prince was well qualified to preside over a
   period of peaceful transition."

   Punishment of the authors of the counter-revolution followed
   quickly on the reestablishment of constitutional authority,
   and it was sternly meted out. As Mr. Hagopian expressed the
   feeling of the Young Turks, in his letter of April 26 to the
   New York Evening Post, they "could not afford to be
   lenient. The conspiracy of April 13," he added, "was no longer
   a secret. In the last two days 15,000 soldiers and 6,000
   hodjas and spies had been arrested. In their possession
   over half a million dollars had been found. Where had this
   money come from? Who could deny any longer that Abdul Hamid
   drew from his bank about ten million dollars a month ago? His
   favored son, Burhaneddin Effendi, went from barrack to barrack
   and distributed the money among the soldiers. Former spies,
   disguised in Turkish clergymen’s garments, went among the
   troops and won them over with the Sultan’s bribes. Soldiers,
   when arrested, were found to have an average of one hundred
   dollars; some had two hundred, three hundred, and even five
   hundred. Indeed, Abdul Hamid was the head of the conspiracy,
   and the massacre in Adana was instigated by his emissaries
   sent from Constantinople. The old and the new Yildiz cliques
   were not less responsible." By the 12th of May thirty-eight
   executions had been reported, most of them by hanging in
   public places. "A member of the court-martial that sentenced
   these men to death explained the reason of the public hangings
   by saying that Constantinople was such a city of rumor and
   traditions of corruption that, had the announcement been made
   that these men had been executed in private, it would not have
   been believed by the masses. It was desired to impress the
   people with the fact that the guilty had been punished."

TURKEY: April-December.
   Outbreak of Massacre in Southeastern Asia Minor.

   The first news of the outbreak of massacre in southeastern
   Asia Minor came to Europe and America in a telegram from
   Constantinople, dated April 15, saying: "A massacre of
   Armenians is in progress to-day at Mersina, a seaport of Asia
   Minor on the Mediterranean." In this report the outbreak was
   ascribed to the provocation of a murder of two Moslems by an
   Armenian; but nothing that appeared subsequently gave any
   confirmation to this. The Sultan has been accused of having
   instigated the rising, as a means of starting complications
   which might check the Young Turks; but that remains unproved.

   Mersina, from which the first report of massacre came, is
   thirty-six miles by railway from Adana, the capital of the
   vilayet of that name and an important missionary station of
   several American missionary organizations. Adana was a city of
   about 45,000 inhabitants, mostly Mohammedans, but with
   Armenians in considerable numbers and a few Greeks. The
   Christian missions included important schools. In this city
   the murderous mob had begun its work on the 14th of April, a
   day prior to the Mersina report, and it is found to have been
   the center of the deadly outbreak throughout. The Moslem fury
   was directed against the Armenians, and, though two
   missionaries were among the killed, they do not appear to have
   been objects of attack, but to have suffered incidentally to
   the efforts they made for the protection of their Armenian
   neighbors and their schools. There were Turkish troops in the
   city from the beginning of the slaughter, but they did nothing
   to stop it for five days. According to some accounts the vali,
   or governor, kept them shut up in quarters; according to others
   they took part in the massacre. The Reverend Stephen
   Trowbridge, who was in Adana during these terrible days,
   declared a little later: "One man is responsible for the
   disorders here. This is the vali himself. He had it in his
   power to suppress lawlessness and massacre, but deliberately
   refrained from doing so. He said simply: ‘We are not
   responsible.’ The better class of Turks in Adana," Mr.
   Trowbridge continued, "the members of the Committee of Union
   and Progress, are deeply grieved and saddened at these
   dreadful events. Some of them are ready to join us in relief
   work for the Armenians. One Bey already has opened his house
   to refugees." This gives color to the belief that the outbreak
   was not mere mob-madness, but captained in some way from a
   higher center of Turkish authority. Such, indeed, was the firm
   conviction of many who were witnesses of what occurred.
   Writing on the 24th of April from Tarsus, which bore its share
   of the widespread attack, another missionary said: "The
   massacres all began on the same day, Wednesday, the 14th,
   showing, were there no other proof, that they were inaugurated
   by telegraphic orders from Adana, probably from
   Constantinople. The only places where the Christians took up
   arms for a short time to defend themselves were Adana, Hadjin,
   and near the battle-field of Issus; at the latter place they
   are still holding out. The statement by Turkish officials that
   there was an Armenian insurrection, that Turks were massacred,
   and houses burned by the Christians, etc., etc., are simply
   abominable lies. This cannot be put too strongly. … During
   fifty long hours, while battle and murder and burnings were
   going on all around our school and residence in Adana, the
   vali, though he had hundreds of soldiers at the Konak, sent
   not one to protect us and our property."

   According to a report made some months later, after
   investigations under the new Turkish regime, and quoted from a
   Turkish newspaper, the number killed in all parts of the
   province was 20,008; 620 were Moslems, and the remaining
   19,400 were non-Moslems. Of the non-Moslems killed, 418 were
   Old Chaldeans, 163 Chaldeans, 210 Armenian Catholics, 655
   Protestants, 99 Greeks, and the remainder Gregorian Armenians.
   The same report estimated the destruction of property as
   having been equal to two-thirds of the entire wealth of the
   province. The appearance of Adana and of the surrounding
   country after the massacres were stopped was described by one
   who made the journey from Tarsus to Adana, and who wrote:

{663}

   "Leaving behind us the ruins of Tarsus, and the hundreds of
   weeping widows and orphans there, we came by train to Adana.
   Near the city the road runs for miles through vineyards and
   gardens, in former days a beautiful sight. But now it is a
   waste of desolation; all the houses of the Christians are
   heaps of ruins; in and around those houses more than five
   hundred were slain during the three terrible days of April.
   The houses of Moslems have not been injured. We noted a like
   contrast as respects the numerous farms on the plain between
   Tarsus and Adana. And yet the charge is made, and believed,
   that the Armenians were the aggressors!

   "In the once prosperous Adana, nothing but ruins; it is like
   the pictures I have seen of Pompeii. The wretched survivors
   wander by twos and threes around the places where once stood
   their happy homes; they look more like ghosts than human
   beings, these pale, dejected, barefooted widows and orphans."

   On the 12th of May, after the Young Turks had recovered power
   at Constantinople, the Turkish Embassy at London gave out the
   following announcement: "Order and tranquillity prevail
   throughout the Sanjak of Djebel-i-Bereket. Troops are arriving
   gradually and are being distributed according to the
   necessities of each place. The local authorities at Adana are
   about to proceed at once to confiscate stolen property and to
   disarm Musulmans and non-Musulmans alike. This measure will be
   adopted generally in the other parts of the vilayet as soon as
   the troops which are coming from the various places have
   reached the positions to which they have been assigned. The
   authorities are very busily engaged in finding homes for
   people who are without shelter and in supplying them with
   food. A Commission for that purpose has been appointed at
   Adana."

   A Court Martial and a Parliamentary Commission were now sent
   to Adana to investigate the massacre and punish the guilty.
   Their work was soon showing results. On the 24th of May a
   report came from Constantinople that "Ferid Pasha has informed
   a representative of the Tanin that several of the soldiers who
   took part in the recent massacres in Cilicia have been
   arrested. Nine persons have already been condemned to death by
   the Court-martial. With regard to the responsibility for the
   outbreak, the Minister said that, while he could not
   definitely ascribe it to official promptings, certain
   officials had failed to do their duty, among them the
   Mutesarrif of Jebel Bereket, who had been imprisoned pending
   an inquiry into his conduct. The reactionaries had certainly
   played a part in fomenting the outbreak, but other
   elements—which the Minister did not specify—had contributed
   thereto."

   On the 13th of July it was reported that "an Imperial Iradeh
   has been issued ordering the arrest of the ex-Governors of
   Adana and Djebel Bereket, the commander of the Adana garrison,
   and a number of notables of Cilicia, among whom is the editor
   of the Itidal, the notorious Baghdadi."

   Two days later it was said that "the ex-Governors of Adana and
   Djebel Bereket have been sent to Adana under a strong escort.
   Some 20 leading Moslem notables of Adana who have been
   arrested will be immediately brought before a Court-Martial.
   The Grand Vizier has given orders for a manifesto to be
   prepared by the Sheikh-ul-Islam, demonstrating by means of
   texts from the Koran and the Traditions that the duty of all
   good Moslems is to treat Christians with justice and to regard
   them as fellow-citizens with equal rights. It is to be
   distributed by the kadis, muftis, and hodjas in every town and
   village of the empire, and the most learned ulema are to take
   it as their text in the sermons to be preached during next
   Ramazan."

   July 18th the court-martial was stated to have made a report
   which concluded as follows:

   "‘Fifteen persons have been already hanged, 800 deserve death,
   15,000 deserve hard labour for life, and 80,000 deserve minor
   sentences. If it is decided to proceed with the punishment, we
   will draw a cordon around the town and deal expeditiously with
   the matter.’ In view, however, of the general reconciliation
   between the various elements, the Court-martial recommends a
   general amnesty on the occasion of the National Fête."

   The 11th of August brought accounts of the publication of a
   declaration by a Commission of three ministers in the Turkish
   Cabinet appointed to prepare it, acquitting the Armenians of
   all responsibility for the outbreak at Adana. This
   declaration, drawn up after a careful examination of the
   reports of the members of the Parliamentary Commission on the
   massacres and approved by the Council of Ministers, ascribes
   the massacre to the ignorance of the population. "In the reign
   of Abdul Hamid the people had become imbued with the idea that
   every Armenian was a separatist at heart, and were therefore
   averse from equality with the Armenian community. They had
   become in consequence the tools of religious or political
   agitators. The declaration censures severely the local
   officials for their failure, not only to quell the outbreak,
   but to warn the Government that the situation in Cilicia was
   critical."

   One of the Deputies of the Parliamentary Commission which
   investigated matters at Adana gave, perhaps, a more distinct
   idea of the causes that worked to produce the massacres, in an
   interview published during August, when he said:

   "The massacre in Adana had two strong causes: reaction and
   tyranny. The joy of the July demonstrations [of 1908] had
   scarcely passed when, at the beginning of August, tyrannical
   tendencies began to appear. The former Mufti of Bakhcheh went
   hither and thither declaring that liberty and the constitution
   were the work of the Christians, that the constitution was
   contrary to the Sheriat. In this way he stirred up Moslems
   against the Christians and the constitution. In place of the
   joy which appeared among all classes during the first days of
   the constitution, a spirit of revenge and enmity against
   non-Moslems began to spread."

   Evidently the amnesty recommended by the Court-martial in July
   was not granted; for the following telegram was sent from
   Constantinople on the 12th of December to the London
   Times: "Twenty-six Moslems, who were sentenced to death
   in connexion with the Adana massacres in April last, were
   executed at Adana yesterday and to-day. Order was maintained,
   although the population was much moved, the women relatives of
   the condemned publicly manifesting their grief. One Armenian
   is awaiting execution."

{664}

   Nevertheless the Armenians have not been satisfied with the
   punishments inflicted, and the Armenian Patriarch resigned in
   September, as a mark of protest, maintaining that the real
   instigators of the massacres went unpunished.

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (May-December).
   Hilmi Pasha, Grand Vizier.
   Parliament opened by the new Sultan.
   Constitutional Amendments on Religion and Education.
   The Committee of Union and Progress.
   Change of Ministry.

   From the 1st to the 5th of May Tewfik Pasha was Grand Vizier,
   by appointment from the new Sultan. Then, as had been
   expected, Hilmi Pasha was called to his place, and remained at
   the head of the Government until the last week of the year. On
   the 20th of the month the Sultan in person opened the session
   of Parliament, and, after a speech from the throne had been
   read by the Grand Vizier, pronounced the following words: "I
   have sworn to respect the Sheriat and the Constitution in its
   entirety, and not to transgress for one instant from
   safeguarding the national rights and interests of the country.
   You must now in return take the necessary oath." The oath was
   then taken by the Senators and Deputies in turn, his Majesty
   watching the proceedings from the Imperial box. On the 24th
   the Grand Vizier announced the programme of measures and
   general policy to be undertaken by his Ministry, and received,
   after debate, a vote of confidence by 190 to 5. The
   reconstituted Government was now a fully organized fact.

   Questions concerning the attitude of the State towards
   religion and education, as it should be defined in the
   Constitution, were among the earliest of high importance to be
   brought before the Parliament. On the 8th of June it adopted
   an amendment to the article in the Constitution of 1876
   reading as follows:

      See, (in this Volume)
      CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY.

   "Islam is the State religion.

   "The State, while safeguarding this principle, guarantees the
   free exercise of all cults recognized in the Empire, and
   maintains the religious privileges granted to divers
   communities, provided public order and morality be not
   infringed."

   On the subject of education the Constitution was amended to
   read:

   "Education is free.

   "All schools are placed under the control of the Government.
   The necessary measures shall be taken to assure to every
   Ottoman subject a uniform system of education. There shall be
   no interference with the religious education of the different
   communities."

   The Christian communities, especially the Greek, objected
   strenuously to this, fearing that governmental control would
   be found to mean the imposition of the Turkish language in all
   schools, as an instrument of nationalization.

   Another proposed amendment, making members of the Chamber of
   Deputies eligible for the posts of Parliamentary
   Under-Secretaries of State, failed to secure the requisite
   two-thirds majority, and this was regarded as a defeat of the
   civilian leaders of the "Young Turk" Committee of Union and
   Progress, who were supposed to be desirous of holding the
   posts in question, while sitting also in the Chamber.

   The firm control of affairs which the Committee in question
   had exercised throughout the revolutionary movement, while
   keeping itself mysteriously anonymous in the background, had
   been extraordinarily successful, indicative of high wisdom and
   a very genuine public spirit. But the forces thus handled by
   the Committee, especially in the military element of the
   revolution, were growing restive, it would appear, under the
   feeling of too much subordination, and gave increasing signs
   of discontent with the invisibility of the wires by which they
   were pulled. Without doubt, it was evidence of this which led
   the Committee, at a meeting at Salonika, in October, to
   resolve and announce that their organization should no longer
   be a secret society, but open to public knowledge and directed
   henceforth by a responsible executive. Whether the Committee
   did or did not strengthen itself by thus coming into the open,
   it has maintained its ascendancy and still exercises a
   controlling power.

   The second session of Parliament was opened by the Sultan, on
   the 14th of November, with a speech of roseate contentedness
   in its contemplation of Turkish affairs. Late in December a
   change of Ministry occurred, in somewhat obscure connection
   with a consolidation of steamer lines on the Euphrates. A
   British line of steamers, known as the Lynch Line, which had
   been running on that river since 1860, was being consolidated
   with a Turkish line that the Turkish Government controlled,
   and something in the transaction which raised an issue between
   Parliament and the Grand Vizier. Hilmi Pasha, led the latter
   to resign December 28. Nobody seems to have doubted, however,
   that the real cause of his leaving office was in the
   willingness of the Committee that he should do so. General
   Mahmud Shevket, the able military leader of the Revolution,
   was invited to form a Cabinet, but declined, as he is said to
   have done before. The high office was then conferred on Hakki
   Bey, Turkish Ambassador at Rome, and Mahmud Shevket Pasha
   accepted office in his Cabinet as Minister of War.

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (October).
   Railway and Irrigation Projects in the Tigris-Euphrates Delta.

   Sir William Willcocks, the British engineer who has been
   engaged for some time past in surveys for the Turkish
   Government, having reference to irrigation and railway
   improvements for the reclamation of the great Mesopotamian
   region, made a report to the Ministry of Public Works at
   Constantinople in October, 1909, of which the following
   account was given to the Press through Reuter’s Agency:

   "Sir William Willcocks advocates the construction of a railway
   from Baghdad to the Mediterranean. The proposed railway would
   start from Baghdad, cross the Euphrates at Feludia, and follow
   the Valley to Hit. At Hit the line would take the Euphrates
   Valley and traverse the flat desert in a straight line to El
   Kaim, near Abu Kemal, the northern limit of the cataracts.
   From El Kaim to Der Zor, the Euphrates has no cataracts, and
   the river Khabour, which joins the Euphrates at Mayadin, the
   ancient Rehoboth, is, like the Euphrates, navigable during the
   whole year. These parts of the Euphrates and Khabour could be
   extensively developed and all their products transported to El
   Kaim by boat and thence by rail. From El Kaim the railway
   would proceed to Tidmor (Palmyra) and follow the old trade
   route over a flat desert supplied with water. From Palmyra the
   line would go either to Homs or Damascus. The total length of
   the railway from Baghdad to Damascus is placed at 880
   kilometres.

{665}

   "The report next deals with the works of irrigation to be
   undertaken at once. These consist of barrages of the Hindich
   canal, dams on the Habbania and Sakhlawia, and works for the
   navigation on the Tigris. The total cost of the entire works
   on the Euphrates is estimated at £T1,034,000, while that of
   the works on the Tigris is placed at £T1,110,480. The cost of
   the works to be undertaken forthwith attains the following
   figures:—

   On the Euphrates, £T822,700;
   on the Tigris, £T710,000;
   total, £T1,532,700.

   The railway could be built in two years, while the irrigation
   works would take eight years to complete. To begin with, one
   million hectares of land would be restored to its former
   prosperity out of five million hectares which comprise the
   Tigris-Euphrates delta."

   ----------TURKEY: End--------

TUSKEGEE INSTITUTE:
   Its Twenty-fifth Anniversary.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

TWEEDMOUTH, LORD:
   First Lord of the Admiralty.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

TWO-HUNDRED-AND-THREE METRE HILL.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

TWO POWER STANDARD, NAVAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      War, The PREPARATIONS for.

TURNEY, DANIEL BRAXTON:
   Nominated for President of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

TYRREL, Father George:
   Writer of a Famous Letter on Questions of Religion.
   His death.

   The Reverend George Tyrrel, widely known as Father Tyrrel,
   died on the 15th of July, 1909, at Storrington, Sussex,
   England. He was the writer of a letter which gave a notable
   impulse to the movement of thought in the Roman Catholic
   Church known as "Modernism," which Pope Pius X. condemned as
   heretical in his encyclical of 1907. The letter was addressed
   to an English man of science (supposed to have been Professor
   Mivart) who, being a Roman Catholic, found difficulty in
   reconciling his scientific convictions with the tenets of his
   Church. Parts of the letter obtained publication in Italy, and
   led to the expulsion of Father Tyrrel from the Society of
   Jesus. He then gave publication to the full text of the
   letter, under the title of "A Much Abused Letter." On the
   appearance of the encyclical against Modernism he criticised
   it with keenness, and was virtually excommunicated from the
   Church. The fact that on his death-bed, when stricken with
   speechlessness, he received the sacraments of the Church, gave
   rise to much controversy, as to his volition in the matter and
   as to the justification of the priest who ministered to him.

   Father Tyrrel had entered the Roman Church in 1879, under the
   influence of the writings of Cardinal Newman.

TZE-HSI:
   Dowager-Empress of China.
   Her death.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

U.

UGANDA:
   Its habitability by Whites.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA.

ULEMA, THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

UNDERFED SCHOOL CHILDREN.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF.

UNEMPLOYMENT, THE PROBLEM OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF.

UNIFORM STATE LAWS.

      See (in this Volume)
      LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

UNITED DRY GOODS COMPANIES.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

UNITED FREE CHURCH, OF SCOTLAND.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.

UNITED MINE-WORKERS, OF AMERICA.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, OF SCOTLAND.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904.

   ----------UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: Start--------

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (September).
   The Assassination of President McKinley.

   "On the sixth of September, President McKinley was shot by an
   anarchist while attending the Pan-American Exposition at
   Buffalo, and died in that city on the fourteenth of that
   month. Of the last seven elected Presidents, he is the third
   who has been murdered, and the bare recital of this fact is
   sufficient to justify grave alarm among all loyal American
   citizens. Moreover, the circumstances of this, the third
   assassination of an American President, have a peculiarly
   sinister significance. Both President Lincoln and President
   Garfield were killed by assassins of types unfortunately not
   uncommon in history; President Lincoln falling a victim to the
   terrible passions aroused by four years of civil war, and
   President Garfield to the revengeful vanity of a disappointed
   office-seeker. President McKinley was killed by an utterly
   depraved criminal belonging to that body of criminals who
   object to all governments, good and bad alike, who are against
   any form of popular liberty if it is guaranteed by even the
   most just and liberal laws, and who are as hostile to the
   upright exponent of a free people’s sober will as to the
   tyrannical and irresponsible despot.

   "It is not too much to say that at the time of President
   McKinley’s death he was the most widely loved man in all the
   United States; while we have never had any public man of his
   position who has been so wholly free from the bitter
   animosities incident to public life. His political opponents
   were the first to bear the heartiest and most generous tribute
   to the broad kindliness of nature, the sweetness and
   gentleness of character, which so endeared him to his close
   associates.
{666}
   To a standard of lofty integrity in public life he united the
   tender affections and home virtues which are all-important in
   the make-up of national character. A gallant soldier in the
   great war for the Union, he also shone as an example to all
   our people because of his conduct in the most sacred and
   intimate of home relations. There could be no personal hatred
   of him, for he never acted with aught but consideration for
   the welfare of others. No one could fail to respect him who
   knew him in public or private life. The defenders of those
   murderous criminals who seek to excuse their criminality by
   asserting that it is exercised for political ends, inveigh
   against wealth and irresponsible power. But for this
   assassination even this base apology cannot be urged. …

   "The blow was aimed not at this President, but at all
   Presidents; at every symbol of government. President McKinley
   was as emphatically the embodiment of the popular will of the
   Nation expressed through the forms of law as a New England
   town meeting is in similar fashion the embodiment of the
   law-abiding purpose and practice of the people of the town. On
   no conceivable theory could the murder of the President be
   accepted as due to protest against ‘inequalities in the social
   order,’ save as the murder of all the freemen engaged in a
   town meeting could be accepted as a protest against that
   social inequality which puts a malefactor in jail."

      Message of President Roosevelt to Congress,
      December 3, 1901.

      See (in this Volume)
      Buffalo: A. D. 1901.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (September).
   Settlement of Boxer Indemnity from China.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (December).
   Communication of German Claims and Complaints against Venezuela.
   The President’s Reply.
   Interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1901.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
   The "Boom Years" in Trade and Investment of Capital.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
   Efforts of Secretary Hay to maintain the "Open Door"
   in Manchuria.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902 (October-January).
   The Second International Conference of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902 (November-February).
   Negotiation and Ratification of the Second Hay-Pauncefote
   Treaty, relative to a Ship Canal between the Atlantic
   and Pacific Oceans.

      See (in this Volume)
      PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1901-1902.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1903.
   Urgency of President Roosevelt for more Effective Legislation
   to control the Operation of so-called Trusts.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS: INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1903.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1903.
   Purchase of Franchises and Property of French Panama Canal Co.
   Failure of Canal Treaty with Colombia.
   Secession and recognized Independence of Panama.
   Treaty with the Republic of Panama.
   Undertaking of the Canal.

      See (in this Volume)
      PANAMA CANAL.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1905.
   The Cabinet of President Roosevelt during his First Term.

   On succeeding the murdered President McKinley, to fill the
   unexpired term, President Roosevelt retained his predecessor’s
   Cabinet, three members of which remained in it throughout the
   term. These were John Hay, Secretary of State, Ethan Allen
   Hitchcock, Secretary of the Interior, and James Wilson,
   Secretary of Agriculture. Lyman J. Gage, Secretary of the
   Treasury, resigned in 1902 and was succeeded by Leslie M.
   Shaw. Elihu Root, Secretary of War, was succeeded by William
   H. Taft in 1904. John D. Long, Secretary of the Navy, retired
   in 1902, to be succeeded by William H. Moody, who went two
   years later to the Department of Justice, as Attorney-General,
   taking the place of Philander C. Knox, and being followed in
   the Navy Department by Paul Morton. Charles E. Smith,
   Postmaster-General, left the Cabinet in 1902, and his place
   was taken by Henry C. Payne, who was succeeded in turn by
   Robert J. Wynne in 1904. The Department of Commerce and Labor,
   created in February, 1903, was filled first by George B.
   Cortelyou, until 1904, then by Victor H. Metcalf.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1905.
   Urgency of President Roosevelt for more effective Railway Rate
   Legislation.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1906.
   Governmental Action against Corporate Wrongdoing.
   A summary of Legislation, Litigation, and Court Decisions.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1909.
   Progress of Civil Service Reform under President Roosevelt.

      See (in this Volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1909.
   The great National Movement for an organized Conservation of
   Natural Resources.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902.
   Arbitration at The Hague of the Pious Fund Dispute with Mexico.

      See (in this Volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1902.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (August).
   Assertion to Germany of Principles involved in the Right of
   Expatriation.

      See (in this Volume)
      NATURALIZATION.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (January).
   Founding of the Carnegie Institution of Washington.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (February-March).
   Visit of Prince Henry of Prussia.

   A visit by Prince Henry of Prussia, brother of the German
   Emperor, was an event of considerable importance, in what it
   signified of friendly relations between Germany and the United
   States. The Prince arrived on the 22d of February and remained
   in the country until the 11th of March, visiting and being
   entertained at Washington (and Mt. Vernon), Annapolis, West
   Point, Philadelphia, New York, and making a six days trip into
   the West.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (March).
   Creation of a Permanent Census Bureau.

   After long urging, Congress, in February, 1902, passed a bill
   authorizing the organization of a permanent Census Bureau in
   the Department of the Interior.

{667}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (May).
   Unveiling of a Monument to Marshal de Rochambeau.

   A joint resolution of the two Houses of Congress, in the
   following words, was approved by the President on the 21st of
   March, 1902:

   "That the President be, and is hereby, authorized and
   requested to extend to the Government and people of France and
   the family of Marshal de Rochambeau, commander in chief of the
   French forces in America during the war of independence, and
   to the family of Marquis de Lafayette, a cordial invitation to
   unite with the Government and people of the United States in a
   fit and appropriate dedication of the monument of Marshal de
   Rochambeau to be unveiled in the city of Washington on the
   twenty-fourth day of May, nineteen hundred and two; and for
   the purpose of carrying out the provisions of this resolution
   the sum of ten thousand dollars is hereby appropriated, out of
   any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, the
   same, or so much thereof as may be necessary, to be expended
   under the direction of the Secretary of State."

   The invitation was conveyed to the President of France by an
   autograph letter from President Roosevelt, while Secretary
   Hay, at the same time, communicated it officially, through the
   American Ambassador at Paris, to representatives of the
   families of Marshal de Rochambeau and the Marquis de
   Lafayette. France, in response, sent a battleship, the
   Gaulois, bearing a general and an admiral, with two
   aids each, and two officials from the foreign office. The
   invitation was accepted by the present Count and Countess de
   Rochambeau; and, as explained by Ambassador Porter in a
   despatch, "Mr. Gaston de Sahune de Lafayette and his wife, not
   being able to proceed to the United States, the invitation is
   accepted for Mr. Paul de Sahune de Lafayette, who has been
   living in the United States for the last two years and who
   speaks English. He is the brother of Mr. Gaston de Sahune de
   Lafayette."

   The ceremonies of the unveiling of the monument took place at
   Washington on the 24th of May, and were followed by official
   hospitalities to the guests of the occasion at Washington,
   Annapolis, West Point, New York, Newport, and Boston. With the
   sailing of the Gaulois, on the 1st of June, the
   formalities of the visit came to an end.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (May).
   Establishment of the Republic of Cuba.
   Transfer of Executive Authority from U. S. Military Governor
   to President-elect Palma.

      See (in this Volume )
      CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (May-November).
   The Restoration of the White House.

   Until 1902 the residence and the executive offices of the
   President of the United States were crowded together in the
   historic White House, with increasing inconvenience and
   impropriety. Many projects for their separation had been
   discussed, involving generally the erection of a new mansion
   for the chief magistrate; but they had no result until
   President Roosevelt, with characteristic resolution, took the
   matter in hand. His emphatic pronouncement that "under no
   circumstances should the President live elsewhere than in the
   historic White House" appealed strongly to a very common
   public feeling, and smoothed the way for an undertaking which
   speedily cleared the White House of its secretarial and
   clerical offices and made it a fit and worthy residence for
   the chief citizen of the Republic and his family.

   On consultation with the Park Commission of Washington, and
   especially with the architect, Mr. McKim, who was one of its
   members, as to the expenditure of the annual appropriations of
   Congress for repairs to the White House, it was decided to be
   thriftless policy "to patch a building that needed thorough
   reconstruction. When asked for his ideas as to such
   reconstruction, Mr. McKim advised that a temporary one-story
   building be located west of the White House, nearly on the
   site once occupied by Thomas Jefferson’s offices, and be
   distinctly subordinate to the main building; and that the
   White House be restored to its original uses as a residence.
   This solution commended itself to the President, but lateness
   in the session of Congress seemed to make the project
   impossible of immediate execution.

   "The discussion was still in the academic stage when, one day
   [in May, 1902], Mr. McKim outlined his ideas to the late
   Senator McMillan, who straightway asked the cost of the
   proposed changes. Pressed for an immediate answer, Mr. McKim
   made a rough estimate. The Sundry Civil Appropriation Bill was
   then pending in the Senate Committee on Appropriations, and
   within an hour from the time the figures were given that
   committee agreed to insert an item for the restoration of the
   White House and for the construction of temporary executive
   offices. To Senators Allison and Hale the President afterward
   submitted the architect’s scheme; and when the item was
   reached during the passage of the bill in the Senate, the plan
   was received with favor, and the appropriation was agreed to
   without objection."

   It passed the House with equal promptitude. The President then
   stipulated that "the work should be completed in time for the
   next social season, and that the executive offices and the
   living portion of the White House should be ready in November,
   1902. That meant a campaign. Stones for floors and stairways
   must be selected piece by piece at the distant quarry; steel
   must be found to replace the over-tired wooden floor-beams;
   velvets and silks must be woven; hardware must be fashioned;
   and a thousand and one details must be looked after, because
   in less than six months the White House was to be made over
   from cellar to garret, and every piece of woodwork, every item
   of furniture, each ceiling and panel and moulding, must be
   both architecturally correct and also befitting a house of the
   latter part of the eighteenth century. Such was the task which
   the architects, Messrs. McKim, Mead & White, took upon
   themselves. …

   "The total amount which Congress placed in President
   Roosevelt’s hands for both the executive offices and the
   White House was $530,641, and he might expend the money either
   by contract or otherwise in his discretion. This amount was
   based on estimates furnished by the architects, with the
   understanding that any portion saved on one item might be used
   on others, a very happy proviso, as it turned out, because the
   electric wiring had to be entirely renewed, new heating
   apparatus provided, and even a new roof put on the house--all
   unforeseen requirements. …

   "At the outset the architects discovered that simply by
   carrying out completely the early plans as to the exterior,
   and by making certain rearrangements in the interior, the …
   White House problems could be solved, at least for the
   immediate future, without destroying one single feature of the
   historic building. …

{668}

   "By the restoration of the east and west terraces the White
   House now rises from a stylobate 460 feet in length, thus
   greatly enhancing the dignity of the structure. The roofs of
   these terraces (which are level with the ground on the north)
   are surrounded with stone balustrades bearing electric lamps."

      Charles Moore,
      The Restoration of the White House
      (Century Magazine, April, 1903).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (June).
   Reclamation (Irrigation) Act of Congress.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (October).
   Failure of Projected Purchase of the Danish West Indies.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1902.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902-1903.
   Friendly course of Germany in undertaking Proceedings,
   with Great Britain and Italy, against Venezuela.
   Recognition of the Monroe Doctrine.
   Intermediation of the United States.

   "If any proof were needed of Germany’s purpose to maintain
   good relations with our country [the United States], her
   course in the Venezuela matter has amply supplied it.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904]

   Indeed, the fact that Germany came to an understanding with
   our government before taking forcible measures against
   Venezuela is of most momentous significance. Why? Because this
   was the first explicit recognition of the Monroe Doctrine by
   any Continental Power. It is a notable milestone passed in the
   history of our country and its relations with European
   governments. It gives the Monroe Doctrine a validity no longer
   to be disputed. All this was instantly recognized in Germany.
   ‘America for the Americans,’ said a great Berlin daily, ‘has
   become an irreversible fact.’ German Jingo organs were dazed,
   and angrily exclaimed, ‘Must we ask permission at Washington
   to collect our claims from Venezuela?’ Papers of more rational
   temper, however, accepted Germany's course, as not only
   without detriment to her dignity, but as in harmony with her
   political interests. Indeed, this saner section of the German
   press was even pleased that the government had thus made such
   an emphatic disavowal of the aims and dreams of the noisy,
   fantastic Pan-Germans."

      W. C. Dreher,
      A Letter from Germany
      (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1902).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902-1903.
   Extension of Civil Service Classification
   to Rural Free Delivery Service.
   Order concerning Unclassified Laborers.

      See (in this Volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902-1905.
   Negotiation and Senatorial Destruction of the Hay-Bond
   Reciprocity Treaty with Newfoundland.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (February).
   Creation of the Department of Commerce and Labor in
   the National Government.
   The Bureau of Corporations.

   "The establishment of the Department of Commerce and Labor,
   with the Bureau of Corporations thereunder, marks a real
   advance in the direction of doing all that is possible for the
   solution of the questions vitally affecting capitalist and
   wage-workers. The act creating the Department was approved on
   February 14, 1903, and two days later the head of the
   Department was nominated and confirmed by the Senate. Since
   then the work of organization has been pushed as rapidly as
   the initial appropriations permitted, and with due regard to
   thoroughness and the broad purposes which the Department is
   designed to serve. After the transfer of the various bureaus
   and branches to the department at the beginning of the current
   fiscal year, as provided for in the act, the personnel
   comprised 1,289 employees in Washington and 8,836 in the
   country at large. The scope of the Department’s duty and
   authority embraces the commercial and industrial interests of
   the Nation. It is not designed to restrict or control the
   fullest liberty of legitimate business action, but to secure
   exact and authentic information which will aid the Executive
   in enforcing existing laws, and which will enable the Congress
   to enact additional legislation, if any should be found
   necessary, in order to prevent the few from obtaining
   privileges at the expense of diminished opportunities for the
   many.

   "The preliminary work of the Bureau of Corporations in the
   Department has shown the wisdom of its creation. Publicity in
   corporate affairs will tend to do away with ignorance, and
   will afford facts upon which intelligent action may be taken.
   Systematic, intelligent investigation is already developing
   facts the knowledge of which is essential to a right
   understanding of the needs and duties of the business World.
   The corporation which is honestly and fairly organized, whose
   managers in the conduct of its business recognize their
   obligation to deal squarely with their stockholders, their
   competitors, and the public, has nothing to fear from such
   supervision. The purpose of this Bureau is not to embarrass or
   assail legitimate business, but to aid in bringing about a
   better industrial condition—a condition under which there
   shall be obedience to law and recognition of public obligation
   by all corporations, great or small."

      Message of the President to Congress,
      December 7, 1903.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (February).
   Passage of the Act to further regulate Commerce with Foreign
   Nations and among the States, known commonly as
   the Elkins Anti-Rebate Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903 (FEBRUARY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (October).
   Settlement of the Alaska Boundary Question.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (October).
   Lease from Cuba of two Coaling and Naval Stations.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1903.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (October).
   New Treaty with China.
   Two Ports in Manchuria opened to Foreign Trade.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (October).
   Commercial Relations with Germany as affected by the
   new German Tariff Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (OCTOBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903-1904.
   The Financial Crisis.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903-1904.
   Contention against Canadian claims to Sovereignty over Land
   and Sea in Hudson Bay Region.
   Canadian Measures to establish it.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1903-1904.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903-1905.
   Investigation and Prosecution of the "Beef Trust," so called.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

{669}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903-1906.
   Unearthing of Extensive Frauds in the Land Office.

   Late in December, 1902, the Secretary of the Interior
   Department, the Honorable Ethan Allen Hitchcock, received
   information which led him, with the President’s approval, to
   demand the resignation of the Commissioner of the Land Office,
   Binger Hermann, of Oregon. Mr. Hermann was a man of importance
   in the Republican party, and he rallied powerful influences to
   his support. They could not anchor him durably in the Land
   Office, but they did delay his departure from it for about a
   mouth, during which time he is said to have destroyed
   thousands of letters and documents bearing on land frauds
   which he was under suspicion of having protected and promoted.
   Returning to Oregon from Washington he sought and obtained
   from his party an election to Congress, to fill a vacancy
   which death had caused opportunely, and this seemed to augment
   his political power. But agents of the Interior Department
   were in Oregon and other Western States at the same time,
   gathering evidence which soon removed all doubt of the huge
   conspiracy of fraud which Commissioner Hermann had been a
   party to, and which had wide ramifications wherever public
   lands of value were open to entry, under the Homestead Act,
   the Desert Land Act, or the Timber and Stone Act.

   The frauds were carried on under false appearances of
   compliance with the requirements of law, and the dismissal of
   Hermann had not cleared from the General Land Office all the
   treacherous connivance which made them possible. Other allies
   of the land-thieves were tracked to their official desks, some
   at Washington, some in the Interior Department, some in
   Congress, and some out in the land offices at the West. Then
   the Federal Grand Jury at Portland, Oregon, began to turn out
   indictments, on evidence handled by Francis J. Heney, now
   entering on a famous career, as special prosecutor for the
   Government. Mr. Heney was appointed by the President on the
   recommendation of Secretary Hitchcock and Attorney-General
   Knox, with neglect of advice from Oregon Senators and
   Congressmen. One of the first of the indictments found struck
   an Oregon Senator, John H. Mitchell, and brought him to a
   prison sentence, which death rescued him from. Another put a
   member of the House of Representatives, J. H. Williamson, on
   trial; a third put its brand on a recently removed United
   States District Attorney, John H. Hall. Binger Hermann, a
   State Senator, and several special agents of the Land Office
   were among the other subjects of prosecution, besides a large
   number of private operators in the land-thieves’ ring.

   These proceedings were at the beginning of vigorous measures
   which have gone far towards, if not fully to the end of
   arresting the frauds which were rapidly robbing the nation of
   the last of its valuable public lands.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904.
   Representation in the Interparliamentary Union.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (May).
   Kidnapping of Mr. Ion Perdicaris at Tangier, for Ransom.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (May-October).
   The Louisiana Purchase Exposition.

      See (in this Volume)
      ST. LOUIS: A. D. 1904.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (May-November).
   The Presidential Election.
   Parties, Candidates, and Platforms.
   Election of President Roosevelt.

   The questions of leading interest and influence in the canvass
   preliminary to the Presidential election of 1904 were
   undoubtedly those relating to the governmental regulation of
   interstate railways and of the capitalistic combinations
   called "trusts"; but those questions had not yet acquired the
   height of importance in the public mind which they reached
   before the next quadrennial polling of the nation occurred.
   The question of tariff revision and a moderated protective
   system, in the interest of the great mass of consumers, was
   rising in interest, especially at the West; but that, too, was
   but mildly influential in the campaign. As for the
   imperialistic ambitions that had been excited for a time by
   the conquests of 1898, they had cooled to so great a degree as
   to offer no longer much challenge to opposition; opinion in
   the country now differing on little more than the length of
   time to which American guardianship over the Philippine
   Islands should be allowed to run. The voters of the United
   States, in fact, made their election between the men who were
   offered to it as candidates, far more than between the parties
   and the policies whom the candidates represented; and
   President Roosevelt was reelected on personal grounds, in the
   main, because the kind of vigorous character he had shown was
   greatly to the liking of a large part of the people.

   The first nominating convention to be held was that of the
   Socialist party, whose delegates met at Chicago, May 2, and
   nominated for President Eugene V. Debs, of Indiana; for
   Vice-President Benjamin Hanford, of New York.

   On the same day the United Christian Party, whose declaration
   of principles appears below, met at St. Louis.

   The Convention of the Republican Party, also held at Chicago,
   came next in time, June 21, and, with Theodore Roosevelt, of
   New York, for reëlection as President, it named for
   Vice-President Charles Warren Fairbanks, of Indiana.

   The Prohibition Party, in convention at Indianapolis, June 29,
   named Silas C. Swallow, of Pennsylvania, for President, and
   George W. Carroll, of Texas, for Vice-President.

   On the 4th of July the People’s or Populist Party held
   convention at Springfield, Illinois, and nominated Thomas E.
   Watson, of Georgia, for President, with Thomas H. Tibbles, of
   Nebraska, for Vice-President.

   Meeting two days earlier, in New York City, but in session
   some days longer, the Socialist Labor Party named for
   President Charles Hunter Corregan, of New York, and for
   Vice-President William Wesley Cox, of Illinois.

   The convention of the Democratic Party opened its session, at
   St. Louis, on the 6th of July. Its nominee for President was
   Alton B. Parker, of New York; for Vice-President Henry G.
   Davis, of West Virginia.

   The National Liberty Party met at St. Louis on the 7th of July
   and put forth its platform of principles.

   The last of the nominations were presented on the 31st of
   August, at Chicago, by a convention representing a new party,
   the Continental, whose candidates then named declined and were
   subsequently replaced by Austin Holcomb, of Georgia, for
   President, and A. King, of Missouri, for Vice-President.

{670}

   With some abridgment, the declarations of principles and
   pledges of party policy adopted by these several conventions
   on the main questions at issue are given conveniently for
   comparison in the following arrangement by subjects:

   Trusts.

   The Republican Party contented itself with a brief boast of
   "laws enacted by the Republican party which the Democratic
   party failed to enforce," but which "have been fearlessly
   enforced by a Republican President," and of "new laws insuring
   reasonable publicity as to the operations of great
   corporations and providing additional remedies for the
   prevention of discrimination in freight rates."

   The Democratic Party condemned with vigor the failure of
   Republicans in Congress to prohibit contracts with convicted
   trusts; declared that "gigantic trusts and combinations" "are
   a menace to beneficial competition and an obstacle to
   permanent business prosperity;" denounced "rebates and
   discrimination by transportation companies as the most potent
   agency in promoting and strengthening these unlawful
   conspiracies against trade," demanded "an enlargement of the
   powers of the Interstate Commerce Commission," "a strict
   enforcement of existing civil and criminal statutes against
   all such trusts, combinations and monopolies," and "the
   enactment of such further legislation as may be necessary to
   effectually suppress them."

   The People’s Party set forth the proposition that, "to prevent
   unjust discrimination and monopoly the Government should own
   and control the railroads and those public utilities which in
   their nature are monopolies." It should "own and operate the
   general telegraph and telephone systems and provide a parcels
   post." Corporations "should be subjected to such governmental
   regulations and control as will adequately protect the
   public," and demand was made for "the taxation of monopoly
   privileges, while they remain in private hands, to the extent
   of the value of the privileges granted."

   The Continental Party contended for a guarded chartering by
   Congress of "all railroad and other corporations doing
   business in two or more States," and for having the "creating
   of ‘corners’ and the establishing of exorbitant prices for
   products necessary to human existence … made a criminal
   offence."

   The United Christian Party declared that "Christian government
   through direct legislation will regulate the trusts and labor
   problem according to the golden rule."

   The Tariff.

   The Republican Party declared "Protection" to be its "cardinal
   policy," maintenance of the principles of which policy is
   insisted upon; wherefore "rates of duty should be readjusted
   only when conditions have so changed that the public interest
   demands their alteration," and "this work cannot safely be
   committed to any other hands than those of the Republican
   party."

   The Democratic Party, on the contrary, denounced "protection
   as a robbery of the many to enrich the few," favored "a tariff
   limited to the needs of the Government, economically
   administered," and called for a "revision and gradual
   reduction of the tariff by the friends of the masses, for the
   commonwealth, and not by the friends of its abuses, its
   extortions and its discriminations."

   The People’s Party declared for a change in our laws that
   "will place tariff schedules in the hands of an omni-partisan
   commission."

   The Continental Party limited its declaration on this subject
   to one pronouncing for an "adherence to the principles of
   reciprocity advocated by that eminent statesman, James G.
   Blaine, as applied to Canada and all American Republics."

   Capital and Labor.
   Public Ownership.
   Socialism.

   The Republican Party recognized "combinations of capital and
   labor" as "being the results of the economic movements of the
   age," but "neither must be permitted to infringe upon the
   rights and interests of the people"; "both are subject to the
   laws, and neither can be permitted to break them."

   The Democratic Party expressed similar impartiality, in
   favoring "the enactment and administration of laws giving
   labor and capital impartially their just rights."

   The People’s Party pledged its effort to "preserve inviolate"
   "the right of labor to organize for the benefit and protection
   of those who toil." It would seek "the enactment of
   legislation looking to the improvement of conditions for the
   wage-earners, the abolition of child labor, the suppression of
   sweat shops and of convict labor in competition with free
   labor"; also the "exclusion from American shores of foreign
   pauper labor," and "the shorter work day."

   The Continental Party adopted these expressions of the
   People’s Party, in identical words.

   The National Liberty Party asked "that the General Government
   own and control all public carriers in the United States."

   The Prohibition Party declared itself "in favor of … the
   safeguarding of the people’s rights by a rigid application of
   the principles of justice to all combinations and
   organizations of capital and labor."

   The United Christian Party pronounced simply for "Government
   ownership of coal mines, oil wells and public utilities."

   The Socialist Party pledged itself "to watch and work, in both
   the economic and the political struggle, for each successive
   immediate interest of the working class": for "shortened days
   of labor and increases of wages"; for "insurance of the
   workers against accident, sickness and lack of employment";
   for pensions; for "public ownership of the means of
   transportation, communication and exchange"; for graduated
   taxation of incomes, etc.; for "complete education of children
   and their freedom from the workshops"; for "free
   administration of justice"; for "the initiative, referendum,
   proportional representation, equal suffrage for men and women,"
   etc.; and for "every gain or advantage for the workers that
   may be wrested from the capitalist system and that may relieve
   the suffering and strengthen the hands of labor"; but in so
   doing it proclaims that it is "using these remedial measures
   as means to the one great end of the co-operative
   commonwealth."

   The Socialist Labor Party declared that "the existing
   contradiction between the theory of democratic government and
   the fact of a despotic economic system … perverts government
   to the exclusive benefit of the capitalist class"; wherefore,
   "against such a system the Socialist Labor Party raises the
   banner of revolt, and demands the unconditional surrender of
   the capitalist class."

{671}

   Nomination and Election.
   Initiative and Referendum.

   The Democratic Party declared for the election of United
   States Senators by direct popular vote.

   he People’s Party demanded "that legal provision be made under
   which people may exercise the initiative and referendum, and
   proportional representation, and direct vote for all public
   officers, with the right of recall."

   The Continental Party demanded "the enactment by the several
   States of a primary election law"; the "elimination of the
   party ‘boss’"; "direct legislation by the method known as the
   initiative and referendum," and the possession by each State
   of "the sole right to determine by legislation the
   qualifications required of voters within its jurisdiction,
   irrespective of race, color or sex."

   The Prohibition Party expressed itself in favor of the popular
   election of United States Senators; of "a wise application of
   the principle of the initiative and referendum," and of making
   the right of suffrage "depend upon the mental and moral
   qualifications of the citizen."

   Natural Resources.
   Land.
   Reclamation.
   Waterways.

   The Republican Party pointed simply to the fact that it had
   "passed laws which will bring the arid lands of the United
   States within the area of cultivation."

   The Democratic Party congratulated "our western citizens upon
   the passage of the law known as the Newlands Irrigation Act,"
   claiming it as "a measure framed by a Democrat, passed in the
   Senate by a non-partisan vote, and passed in the House against
   the opposition of almost all Republican leaders, by a vote the
   majority of which was Democratic." It declared for "liberal
   appropriations for the improvement of waterways of the
   country," and pronounced its opposition to "the Republican
   policy of starving home development in order to feed the greed
   for conquest and the appetite for national prestige."

   The People’s Party asserted that "Land, including all the
   natural sources of wealth, is a heritage of all the people,
   and should not be monopolized for speculative purposes; and
   alien ownership of land should be prohibited."

   Each of the party platforms was fluent on many other topics,
   such as the protection of citizens at home and abroad, the
   Panama Canal, territories and dependencies, injunctions,
   public economy, taxation, monetary questions, pensions, the
   civil service, army and navy, merchant marine,
   liquor-licensing and prohibition (the specialty of the
   Prohibition Party), divorce, polygamy, etc.; but these entered
   so little into the canvass that the party declarations on them
   had small effect, if any, on the popular vote.

   At the election, in November, the votes given to the
   Republican nominees numbered 7,623,486; to Democratic,
   5,077,971; to Socialist, 402,283; to Prohibition, 258,536; to
   People’s, 117,183; to Socialist Labor, 31,249.

   The electoral votes cast were 336 for Roosevelt and Fairbanks;
   140 for Parker and Davis.

   The States which gave Republican majorities were California,
   Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana,
   Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota,
   Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New
   Jersey, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania,
   Rhode Island, South Dakota, Utah, Vermont, Washington, West
   Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming,—32.

   Democratic majorities were given in Alabama, Arkansas,
   Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, North
   Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia,—12.

   In Maryland, where the electors are chosen by the Legislature,
   6 votes were given to the Democratic candidates and 2 to the
   Republican.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (October).
   Initial invitation by the President to the holding of a Second
   Peace Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (November).
   President Roosevelt’s Renunciation of any Third Term Candidacy.

   On the evening of the day of election, as soon as the result
   was known to have given him a second term in the presidential
   office, President Roosevelt issued the following
   acknowledgment and announcement to the country:

   "I am deeply sensible of the honor done me by the American
   people in thus expressing their confidence in what I have done
   and have tried to do. I appreciate to the full the solemn
   responsibility this confidence imposes upon me, and I shall do
   all that in my power lies not to forfeit it. On the Fourth of
   March next I shall have served three and one-half years, and
   this three and one-half years constitutes my first term. The
   wise custom which limits the President to two terms regards
   the substance and not the form. Under no circumstances will I
   be a candidate for or accept another nomination."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904-1905.
   Beginning and Organization of Work on the Panama Canal.

      See (in this Volume)
      PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1904-1905.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904-1909.
   Progress of State, County, and Town Prohibition.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905.
   Arbitration Treaty with Mexico.

      See (in this Volume)
      MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905.
   Reopened Controversy over American Fishing Rights on
   the Newfoundland coast.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905.
   Assistance to San Domingo against threatening Creditors.

      See (in this Volume)
      SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905 (February).
   Concentration of Forest Service in the Department
   of Agriculture.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905 (February-June).
   Recovery from France of the body of Admiral John Paul Jones.

   On the 13th of February, 1905, President Roosevelt addressed
   a Message to Congress which gave the following information:

   "For a number of years efforts have been made to confirm the
   historical statement that the remains of Admiral John Paul
   Jones were interred in a certain piece of ground in the city
   of Paris then owned by the Government and used at the time as
   a burial place for foreign Protestants. These efforts have at
   last resulted in documentary proof that John Paul Jones was
   buried on July 20, 1792, between 8 and 9 o’clock P. M., in the
   now abandoned cemetery of St. Louis, in the northeastern
   section of Paris. About 500 bodies were interred there, and
   the body of the admiral was probably among the last hundred
   buried. It was encased in a leaden coffin, calculated to
   withstand the ravages of time.

{672}

   "The cemetery was about 130 feet long by 120 feet wide. Since
   its disuse as a burial place the soil has been tilled to a
   level and covered almost completely by buildings, most of them
   of an inferior class. The American ambassador in Paris, being
   satisfied that it is practical to discover and identify the
   remains of John Paul Jones, has, after prolonged negotiations
   with the present holders of the property and the tenants
   thereof, secured from them options in writing which give him
   the right to dig in all parts of the property during a period
   of three months for the purpose of making the necessary
   excavations and searches, upon condition of a stated
   compensation for the damage and annoyance caused by the work.
   The actual search is to be conducted by the chief engineer of
   the municipal department of Paris having charge of
   subterranean works at a cost which has been carefully
   estimated. The ambassador gives the entire cost of the work,
   including the options, compensation, cost of excavating and
   caring for the remains as not exceeding 180,000 francs, or
   $35,000, on the supposition that the body may not be found
   until the whole area has been searched. If earlier discovered,
   the expense would be proportionately less."

   The President recommended an appropriation of the sum named,
   "or so much thereof as may be necessary for the purposes above
   described, to be expended under the direction of the Secretary
   of State."

   On the 14th of April following a telegram from the Ambassador
   at Paris, General Horace Porter, announced that his "six
   years’ search for the remains of Paul Jones" had resulted in
   success, and described the identification of the body. This
   had been verified by Doctors Capitan and Papillault,
   distinguished professors of the School of Anthropology, who
   had ample particulars of information from which to judge.
   Arrangements were made at once for sending a naval squadron,
   under Admiral Sigsbee, to France, to bring the remains to the
   United States. This was done in the following June, when the
   relics of the first of American naval heroes received the high
   honors that were due to his exploits. They were deposited in a
   vault on the grounds of the Naval Academy at Annapolis.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905 (June-October).
   Mediation by the President between Russia and Japan.
   The Peace Treaty of Portsmouth.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905 (July).
   Proclamation of the Death of John Hay, Secretary of State.

   "John Hay, Secretary of State of the United States, died on
   July 1st. His death, a crushing sorrow to his friends, is to
   the people of this country a national bereavement; and it is
   in addition a serious loss to all mankind, for to him it was
   given to stand as a leader in the effort to better world
   conditions by striving to advance the cause of international
   peace and justice. He entered the public service as the
   trusted and intimate companion of Abraham Lincoln, and for
   well nigh forty-five years he served his country with loyal
   devotion and high ability in many positions of honor and
   trust, and finally he crowned his life work by serving as
   Secretary of State with such far-sighted reading of the future
   and such loyalty to lofty ideals as to confer lasting benefits
   not only upon our own country, but upon all the nations of the
   earth.

   "As a suitable expression of national mourning, I direct that
   the diplomatic representatives of the United States in all
   foreign countries display the flags over their embassies and
   legations at half-mast for ten days; that for a like period
   the flag of the United States be displayed at half-mast at all
   forts and military posts and at all naval stations and on all
   vessels of the United States. I further order that on the day
   of the funeral the Executive Departments in the city of
   Washington be closed, and that on all public buildings
   throughout the United States the national flag be displayed at
   half-mast.

   "Done at the city of Washington this third day of July, A. D.
   1905, and of the Independence of the United States of America
   the one hundred and twenty-ninth. Theodore Roosevelt."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1906.
   American Claims against Venezuela.

      See (in this Volume)
      VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Part taken in the organization of the International
   Institute of Agriculture.

      See (in this Volume)
      AGRICULTURE.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1906.
   The new Period of Inflated Exploitation of Capital.
   Increased Cost of Living.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1907.
   Receivership of San Domingo Revenues.
   The "Modus Vivendi" and the Treaty.

      See (in this Volume)
      SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1905-1907.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1909.
   The Cabinet of President Roosevelt during his Second Term.

   During the second term of President Roosevelt his Cabinet
   underwent the following changes: On the death of John Hay, in
   July, 1905, Elihu Root became Secretary of State, and
   continued in the office until January, 1909, when he resigned,
   and was succeeded by the Assistant Secretary of State, Robert
   Bacon. Leslie M. Shaw left the Treasury Department in 1907,
   and the secretaryship was given to George B. Cortelyou.
   William H. Taft continued in charge of the War Department
   until his nomination for President, in 1908, when General Luke
   E. Wright was called to his place. Charles J. Bonaparte,
   appointed Secretary of the Navy at the beginning of the
   President’s new term, was transferred in 1907 to the
   Department of Justice, succeeding Attorney-General Moody,
   appointed to the bench of the Supreme Court, and being
   succeeded in the Navy Department by Victor H. Metcalf,
   previously Secretary of Commerce and Labor. In the Department
   of the Interior, Secretary Hitchcock resigned in 1907, and
   James R. Garfield, previously Commissioner of Corporations,
   came into his place. George B. Cortelyou had been called to
   the Post Office Department at the beginning of the new
   presidential term, and transferred thence to the Treasury
   Department in 1907. His place in the Post Office was then
   filled by George von L. Meyer. The Secretary of Agriculture,
   James Wilson, remained at the head of that Department
   throughout the term. On the transfer of Mr. Metcalf from the
   Department of Commerce and Labor to that of the Treasury, in
   1907, his place in the former was taken by Oscar S. Straus.

{673}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906.
   Joint Action with Mexico in Central American Mediation.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906.
   Act for the Preservation of the Scenic Grandeur
   of Niagara Falls.

      See (in this Volume)
      NIAGARA FALLS.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906.
   Dealings with Turkey facilitated by making the
   American Minister an Ambassador.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1906.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906.
   Enactment of a National Pure Food Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (January-April).
   Represented at the Algeciras Conference on
   the Morocco Question.
   Instructions to the Delegates.
   Declaration made on signing the Act of the Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (March).
   Supreme Court Decision enforcing the Demand of the Government
   for the production of Books and Papers by the so-called
   Tobacco Trust before a Federal Grand Jury.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1906.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (April).
   Laying the Corner Stone of an Office Building for Congressmen.

   On the 14th of April, 1906, the corner stone of a building
   designed to supply each member of the House of Representatives
   with an office was laid with ceremony, the President
   delivering an address. Besides 410 distinct offices, the
   design of the building contemplated a large assembly room for
   public hearings before committees of the House. Its estimated
   cost was something over $3,000,000. A corresponding office
   building for the Senate was also in view.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (April).
   Convention with British Government for Determining and
   Marking the Alaska Boundary Line.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALASKA: A. D. 1906.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (April-July).
   Long and Widespread Suspension of Coal Mining,
   both Anthracite and Bituminous.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (June).
   The Joint Statehood Act.

   By the Joint Statehood Bill, approved by the President June
   16, 1906, Indian Territory and Oklahoma were united to form
   the State of Oklahoma, the people being authorized to adopt a
   constitution. Arizona and New Mexico were proffered a similar
   union, in a State to be called Arizona. On the question of
   such union the Bill provided for a vote to be taken in each
   Territory, following which, if a majority in each should be
   found to favor the union, delegates to be chosen at the same
   election should meet and frame a constitution for submission
   to the people. The contemplated vote was taken at the election
   of November 6, and resulted in the rejection of the proposal
   by Arizona, while New Mexico gave assent. The project was thus
   defeated.

   The plan of union was successful, however, in the creation of
   the State of Oklahoma. Delegates to a convention for framing
   its Constitution were elected November 6, 1906; the convention
   began its session on the 20th of the same month, and finished
   its labors on the 16th of July, 1907. By proclamation of the
   President the new State,—the 46th of the Federal family,—was
   admitted to the Union on the 16th of November following, under
   the Constitution which had been ratified by vote of a majority
   of the citizens of each of the Territories now united in it.
   For some account of the Constitution;

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSTITUTION OF OKLAHOMA.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (July-August).
   The Third International Conference of American Republics,
   at Rio de Janeiro.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (August).
   The Brownsville Affair.

   On the 13th of August, 1906, a riotous affair of a
   much-disputed nature occurred at Brownsville, Texas, in which
   one man was killed and two, at least, were wounded. The
   shooting was alleged to have been done by colored soldiers who
   formed part of a battalion of the Twenty-fifth Infantry,
   United States Army, stationed at Brownsville. An investigation
   of the affair convinced the President that some few soldiers
   of the battalion were guilty of what had been done, and that
   their comrades knew of their guilt, but were shielding them,
   by assertions to the contrary. On this belief he ordered the
   entire battalion to be discharged from the service, and angry
   controversy over his action arose at once. The negro soldiers
   were championed by a considerable part of the Press of the
   country, and by a section of Congress when it met. The
   evidence of their guilt was declared to be more than doubtful,
   and the authority of the President to issue the order of
   discharge was challenged.

   In the annual report of the then Secretary of War, now
   President Taft, the action of President Roosevelt was firmly
   sustained. Secretary Taft’s version of the circumstances of
   the affair was substantially to the following effect: Some
   number of men, from a battalion of 170, formed a preconcerted
   plan to revenge themselves upon the people of a town for
   insults which they resented. They left their barracks about
   midnight and fired into the houses of the town for the purpose
   of killing those against whom they had a grievance. They did
   kill one man, wound another, and seriously injure the chief of
   police. There can be no doubt, therefore, that this squad of
   men were guilty; the purpose of one was the purpose of all.
   Within a few minutes after the crime was committed, the men
   returned to their places in the ranks (a call to arms having
   been sounded), and must have been among the last to take their
   places, for the firing continued after the formations had
   begun. The absence of their rifles from the racks could not
   have escaped the attention of the sergeants who had the keys;
   yet all the sergeants swear that the rifles were in the racks,
   untouched. It is impossible that many of the battalion who did
   not take part as active members of the conspiracy were not
   made aware, by one circumstance or another, of the identity of
   the persons who committed the offense, instead of giving to
   their officers or the inspectors the benefit of anything which
   they knew tending to lead to a conviction of the guilty men,
   there was a conspiracy of silence on the part of many who must
   have had some knowledge of importance. "These enlisted men,"
   said Secretary Taft, "took the oath of allegiance to the
   Government, and were to be used under the law to maintain its
   supremacy. Can the Government properly, therefore, keep in its
   employ for the purpose of maintaining law and order any longer
   a body of men, from five to ten per cent. of whom can plan and
   commit murder, and rely upon the silence of a number of their
   companions to escape detection? "

{674}

   Mr. Taft then called attention to the fact that "when a man
   enlists in the army he knows that, for the very purpose of
   protecting itself, the Government reserves to itself the
   absolute right of discharge, not as a punishment, but for the
   public safety or interest." He thus corrected the supposition
   that the discharge was a punishment either of the innocent or
   the guilty. He said further: "The discharge ‘without honor’ is
   merely the ending of a contract and separation from the
   service under a right reserved in the statute for the
   protection of the Government, which may work a hardship to the
   private discharged, but which, in the public interest, must
   sometimes be arbitrarily exercised."

   Of the repeated investigations, Congressional and military,
   that ensued, and of the protracted disputation, led in
   Congress by Senator Foraker, and echoed in the newspapers, it
   is needless to attempt an account; for no greater certainty as
   to the facts in the case can be recognized to-day than when
   Secretary Taft's report was made.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (August-October).
   Insurrection in Cuba.
   American Intervention called for.
   The Cuban Government dissolved.
   Provisional Government established by Secretary-of-War Taft.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (October-November).
   Segregation of Orientals in San Francisco Schools.
   Resentment of the Japanese.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906-1909.
   The Provisional Government of Cuba.
   Reinstatement of the Republic.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A D. 1906-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906-1909.
   The Reform of the Consular Service.

      See
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907.
   Monetary Panic.
   Distress among the Speculative Great Capitalists.
   Industrial Paralysis.
   Unemployment for Labor.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907.
   Enactment of a new Law of Citizenship.

      See (in this Volume)
      NATURALIZATION.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907 (January).
   Act to prohibit Corporations from making Contributions
   in connection with Political Elections.

   The following Act of Congress was approved by the President,
   January 26, 1907.

   "That it shall be unlawful for any national bank, or any
   corporation organized by authority of any laws of Congress, to
   make a money contribution in connection with any election to
   any political office. It shall also be unlawful for any
   corporation whatever to make a money contribution in
   connection with any election at which Presidential and
   Vice-Presidential electors or a Representative in Congress is
   to be voted for or any election by any State legislature of a
   United States Senator. Every corporation which shall make any
   contribution in violation of the foregoing provisions shall be
   subject to a fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, and
   every officer or director of any corporation who shall consent
   to any contribution by the corporation in violation of the
   foregoing provisions shall upon conviction be punished by a
   fine of not exceeding one thousand and not less than two
   hundred and fifty dollars, or by imprisonment for a term of
   not more than one year, or both such fine and imprisonment in
   the discretion of the court."

   According to a statement presented to the Senate in February,
   1908, the laws of the following nineteen States and
   Territories contain provisions for the publicity of election
   contributions or expenditures originally enacted at the dates
   given:

   Alabama, 1903;
   Arizona, 1895;
   California, 1893
   Colorado, 1891;
   Connecticut, 1895;
   Iowa, 1907;
   Massachusetts, 1892;
   Minnesota, 1895;
   Missouri, 1893;
   Montana, 1895;
   Nebraska, 1897;
   New York, 1890;
   Pennsylvania, 1906;
   South Carolina, 1905;
   South Dakota, 1907;
   Texas, 1905;
   Virginia, 1903;
   Washington, 1907;
   Wisconsin, 1897.

   The laws of the three following States, which contain no
   publicity provisions, forbid corporations to contribute in any
   manner for political purposes: Florida, 1897; Kentucky, 1897;
   Tennessee, 1897.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907 (April).
   First National Peace Congress.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907 (June-October).
   Represented at the Second Peace Conference.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907-1909.
   The World-round Cruise of the Battleship Fleet.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908.
   Supreme Court Decision affirming right to specially limit
   the Hours of Labor for Women.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April).
   Conditional Ratification, by the Senate of the Peace
   Conference Convention for the Pacific Settlement of
   International Disputes.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April).
   Treaty with Great Britain respecting the Demarcation of the
   International Boundary between the United States and Canada.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April).
   Convention for the Preservation and Propagation of Food
   Fishes in waters contiguous to the United States and Canada.

      See (in this Volume)
      FOOD FISHES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April).
   Passage of Act relating to the Liability of Common Carriers
   by Railroad to their Employees.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION: EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April-November).
   The Presidential Election.
   Parties, Candidates, and Platforms.
   Election of President Taft.

   In the interval between the presidential elections of 1904 and
   1908 the Trust and the Tariff questions had both received an
   increase of attention and of real study, and were factors of
   more influence in the latter than in the former election. The
   energy with which President Roosevelt had pressed both
   legislative and executive action, towards a more effective
   restraint and regulation of monopolistic combinations, had
   greatly strengthened his party in public favor. His
   extraordinary personal force, moreover, had made itself felt
   in many quickenings and stimulations of public spirit and of
   governmental action, which gave a cheering experience to the
   country.
{675}
   The various ends to which this worked, and especially on the
   lines which looked to the rescuing of the rich natural
   resources of the country from private monopoly and reckless
   waste became associated in thought with the President, and
   widely talked of as belonging to "the Roosevelt policies."
   Popular satisfaction with these policies and their champion
   would have given Mr. Roosevelt a renomination by his party, if
   he had not emphatically reiterated his pledge of four years
   before, that "under no circumstances" would he "be a candidate
   for or accept another nomination." There were some who strove
   to persuade him to be false to that pledge; but they were not
   the people who esteemed him most truly. Naturally the
   nomination that would have gone again to Mr. Roosevelt if he
   had been free to accept it sought a candidate so closely
   identified with what he had stood for and labored for that no
   departure from the favored "policies" need be feared. Quite as
   naturally that candidate won a large majority of the popular
   votes.

   The first nominating convention held in 1904 was that of the
   People’s or Populist Party, which sat in St. Louis April 2-3,
   and again named its old leader, Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia,
   for President, with Samuel W. Williams, of Indiana, for the
   second place.

   Reverend Daniel Braxton Turney, of Illinois, was the next to
   be named for President, and L. S. Coffin, of Iowa, for
   Vice-President, by the United Christian Party, at Rock Island,
   Illinois, May 1.

   On the 10th of May the Socialist Party met in convention at
   Chicago and was in session until the 18th, again nominating
   Eugene V. Debs, of Indiana, and Benjamin Hanford, of New York,
   for President and Vice-President.

   The Republican convention was assembled at Chicago, June
   16-19, and its nominees were William Howard Taft, of Ohio, for
   President, and James Schoolcraft Sherman, of New York, for
   Vice-President.

   The Socialist Labor Party, at New York, July 24, nominated,
   for President, August Gillhaus, of New York; for
   Vice-President, Donald L. Munro, of Virginia.

   At Denver, July 7-10, the Convention of the Democratic Party
   named, for the third time, William Jennings Bryan, of
   Nebraska, for President, and for Vice-President John Worth
   Kern, of Indiana.

   The Prohibitionists convened at Columbus, Ohio, July 15-16,
   and the candidates named by them for President and Vice
   President were Eugene W. Chafin, of Illinois, and Aaron S.
   Watkins, of Ohio.

   The last of the parties to meet in convention was that
   organized by William R. Hearst and named the Independence
   Party. The candidates put forward were Thomas L. Hisgen, of
   Massachusetts, and John Temple Graves, of Georgia.

   Of the eight political parties which offered candidates to the
   voters of the nation, four presented them on special grounds,
   aside from which their standing on other questions of public
   policy was but slightly and incidentally made known. The
   "platforms" of the remaining four were of the scope of general
   politics, defining positions taken on all or most of the
   political discussions of the time. The declarations of these
   latter on the questions which enlisted real interest in the
   country will be given, as in the treatment of the party
   platforms of 1904, under a dissected arrangement, by subjects,
   for convenient comparison; while the former cannot easily be
   dealt with in that analytic way. In both cases the distinctly
   declaratory text of the platforms, only, will be given, with
   some abridgment, as follows:

   Trusts.

   "The Republican Party," it asserted, "passed the Sherman
   anti-trust law over Democratic opposition, and enforced it
   after Democratic dereliction. … But experience has shown that
   its effectiveness can be strengthened and its real objects
   better attained by such amendments as will give to the Federal
   Government greater supervision and control over, and secure
   greater publicity in, the management of that class of
   corporations engaged in interstate commerce having power and
   opportunity to effect monopolies."

   The Democratic Party demanded "the enactment of such
   additional legislation as may be necessary to make it
   impossible for a private monopoly to exist in the United
   States." Among the additional remedies required it specified
   three:

   (1) "A law preventing a duplication of directors among
   competing corporations";

   (2) requirement of a federal license for a manufacturing or
   trading corporation, "before it shall be permitted to control
   as much as 25 per cent. of the product in which it deals, the
   license to protect the public from watered stock, and to
   prohibit the control by such corporation of more than 50 per
   cent. of the total amount of any product consumed in the
   United States"; and

   (3) " a law compelling such licensed corporation to sell to
   all purchasers in all parts of the country on the same terms,
   after making due allowance for the cost of transportation."

   The People’s Party declared that "the Government should own
   and control the railroads and those public utilities which in
   their nature are monopolies," including the telegraph and
   telephone systems, and should provide a parcels post. From
   those trusts and monopolies which are not public utilities or
   national monopolies it demanded a withdrawal of the special
   privileges they enjoy; taxation of all such privileges while
   they remain in private hands, and "a general law uniformly
   regulating the powers and duties of all incorporated companies
   doing interstate business."

   The Independence Party denounced all combinations which "are
   not combinations for production, but for extortion," and
   demanded "the enforcement of a prison penalty against the
   guilty and responsible individuals controlling the management
   of the offending corporations." It advocated, "as a primary
   necessity for sounder business conditions and improved public
   service, the enactment of laws, State and National, to prevent
   watering of stock, dishonest issues of bonds and other forms
   of corporation frauds."

   Tariff.

   The declarations of the Republican and Democratic national
   conventions touching a revision of the tariff have been quoted
   already in this Volume.

      See (in this Volume)
      TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

   The Independence Party, like the Democratic, demanded a
   revision of the tariff, not by its friends, but by the friends
   of the people, and declared for a gradual reduction of tariff
   duties.

{676}

   Capital and Labor.
   Injunctions.

   The Republican Party recited the enactments of the existing
   Congress in the interest of labor, and pledged "its continued
   devotion to every cause that makes for safety and the
   betterment of conditions among those whose labor contributes
   to the progress and welfare of the country." On the burning
   question of the interference of courts of law, by writ of
   injunction, with labor "strikes," it declared that, while "the
   Republican Party will uphold at all times the authority and
   integrity of the courts," it believes "that the rules of
   procedure in the writ of injunction should be more accurately
   defined by statute, and that no injunction or temporary
   restraining order should be issued without notice, except
   where irreparable injury would result from delay, in which
   case a speedy hearing thereafter should be granted."

   The Democratic Party gave expression to the same desire to
   maintain the dignity of the courts, but had seen that
   "experience has proven the necessity of a modification of the
   present law relating to injunctions," and added: "we reiterate
   the pledges of our national platforms of 1896 and 1904 in
   favor of the measure which passed the United States Senate in
   1896, but which a Republican Congress has ever since refused
   to enact, relating to contempts in Federal courts and
   providing for trial by jury in cases of indirect contempt. …
   We deem … that injunctions should not be issued in any case in
   which injunctions would not issue if no industrial dispute
   were involved." Its further declarations were against any
   "abridgment of the right of wage-earners and producers to
   organize for the protection of wages and the improvement of
   labor conditions"; for "the eight hour law on all government
   work"; for the enactment by Congress of a "general employers’
   liability act," and for the creation of "a department of
   labor, represented separately in the President’s cabinet."

   The Independence Party denounced "the so-called labor planks
   of the Republican and Democratic platforms as political
   buncombe and contemptible clap trap," and asserted "that in
   all actions growing out of a dispute between employers and
   employees concerning terms and conditions of employment no
   injunction should issue until after a trial upon the merits;
   that such trial should be held before a jury, and that in no
   case of alleged contempt should any person be deprived of
   liberty without a trial by jury." In further declarations the
   party indorsed "those organizations among farmers and workers
   which tend to bring about a just distribution of wealth," and
   favored legislation to "remove them from the operation of the
   Sherman anti-trust law"; endorsed the eight-hour work day, and
   would have it applied to all work done for the Government;
   called for legislation to prohibit "any combination or
   conspiracy to blacklist employees"; demanded "protection for
   workmen through enforced use of standard safety appliances and
   provision of hygienic conditions"; advocated State and Federal
   inspection of railways to secure a greater safety for
   employees and the travelling public; condemned the manufacture
   and sale of prison-made goods; favored a Federal department of
   labor, with its chief in the Cabinet; and called for a Federal
   inspection of grain.

   The People’s Party condemned "all unwarranted assumption of
   authority by inferior Federal courts in annulling by
   injunction the laws of the States," and demanded legislation
   to "restrict to the Supreme Court of the United States the
   exercise of power in cases involving State legislation";
   condemned the "attempt to destroy the power of trades unions
   through the unjust use of the Federal injunction"; demanded
   the abolition of child labor in factories and mines,
   suppression of sweat shops, exclusion of foreign pauper labor,
   the enactment of an employers’ liability act and measures
   against carelessness in the operation of mines; opposed the
   use of convict labor; favored the eight-hour work-day, and
   "legislation protecting the lives and limbs of workmen through
   the use of safety appliances"; declared that when working men
   are thrown into enforced idleness works of public improvement
   should be inaugurated.

   Banking and Currency.

   The Republican Party approved "the emergency measures adopted
   by the government during the recent financial disturbances"
   and declared the party to be "committed to the development of
   a permanent currency system, responding to our greater needs."
   It favored the establishment of a postal savings bank system.

   The Democratic Party pointed to the panic of 1907, "coming
   without any legitimate excuse," as furnishing additional proof
   that the Republican party "is either unwilling or incompetent
   to protect the interests of the general public," having "so
   linked the country to Wall Street that the sins of the
   speculators are visited upon the whole people." It declared
   the belief that "in so far as the needs of commerce require an
   emergency currency, such currency should be issued, controlled
   by the Federal Government and loaned on adequate security to
   National and State banks." It pledged itself "to legislation
   under which the national banks should be required to establish
   a guarantee fund for the prompt payment of the depositors of
   any insolvent national bank under an equitable system which
   shall be available to all State banking institutions wishing
   to use it." It favored a postal savings bank "if the
   guaranteed bank can not be secured, and believed that it
   should be so constituted as to keep the deposited money in the
   community where the depositors live."

   The People’s Party reiterated its belief that "the issuance of
   money is a function of government and should not be delegated
   to corporation or individual." It therefore demanded "that all
   money should be issued by the Government direct to the people,
   without the intervention of banks, and shall be a full legal
   tender for all debts, public and private, and in quantities
   sufficient to supply the needs of the country." It also
   demanded postal savings banks.

   The Independence Party made a similar declaration, "that the
   right to issue money is inherent in the Government," and it
   favored "the establishment of a central governmental bank,
   through which the money so issued shall be put into general
   circulation." It also called for an extension of the parcels
   post system and for postal savings banks, the deposits in
   which should "be loaned to the people in the locality of the
   several banks."

   Railroads.

   The Republican Party approved the railroad rate law and "the
   vigorous enforcement by the present administration of the
   statutes against rebates and discriminations"; believing,
   "however, that the interstate commerce law should be further
   amended so as to give railroads the right to make and publish
   traffic agreements subject to the approval of the commission."
   It declared for legislation and supervision to "prevent the
   future overissue of stocks and bonds by interstate carriers."

{677}

   The Democratic Party asserted "the right of Congress to
   exercise complete control over interstate commerce, and the
   right of each State to exercise like control over commerce
   within its borders"; and it demanded a needed enlargement of
   the powers of the interstate commerce commission. It
   recommended a valuation of railroads by the commission. It
   favored legislation to "prohibit the railroads from engaging
   in business which brings them into competition with their
   shippers"; to prevent the overissue of stocks and bonds, and
   to "assure such reduction in transportation rates as
   conditions will permit." It approved the laws prohibiting the
   pass and the rebate. It favored giving to the interstate
   commerce commission "the initiative with reference to rates
   and transportation charges," also permitting it, "on its own
   initiative to declare a rate illegal," and otherwise enhancing
   its efficiency.

   The Independence Party advocated "a bill empowering shippers
   in time of need to compel railroads to provide sufficient cars
   for freight and passenger traffic and other railroad
   facilities through summary appeal to the courts." It also
   favored "the creation of an Interstate Commerce Court, whose
   sole function it shall be to review speedily and enforce
   summarily the orders of the Interstate Commerce Commission,"
   and it urged that the Commission "should proceed at once with
   a physical valuation of railroads engaged in interstate
   commerce."

   Natural Resources.
   Public Lands.
   Waterways.

   The Republican Party indorsed "the movement inaugurated by the
   administration for the conservation of natural resources";
   commended "the work now going on for the reclamation of arid
   lands"; reaffirmed "the Republican policy of the free
   distribution of the available … public domain to the landless
   settler," and declared it to be "the further duty, equally
   imperative, to enter upon a systematic improvement, upon a
   large and comprehensive plan, just to all portions of the
   country, of the water harbors and Great Lakes."

   The Democratic Party repeated "the demand for internal
   development and for the conservation of our national resources
   contained in previous platforms," covering lines of policy the
   same as above, and adding "the development of water power and
   the preservation of electric power generated by this natural
   force from the control of monopoly." It insisted upon "a
   policy of administration of our forest reserve which shall …
   enable homesteaders as of right to occupy and acquire title to
   all portions thereof which are especially adapted to
   agriculture, and which shall furnish a system of timber sales
   available as well to the private citizen as to the larger
   manufacturer and consumer." It called for regulations "in
   relation to free grazing upon the public lands outside of
   forest or other reservations until the same shall eventually
   be disposed of." It favored the "immediate adoption of a
   liberal and comprehensive plan for improving every water
   course in the Union which is justified by the needs of
   commerce," with "the creation of an ample fund for continuous
   work."

   The People’s Party declared that the public domain is a sacred
   heritage of all the people, and should be held for homesteads
   for actual settlers only; alien ownership should be forbidden.

   The Independence Party rejoiced "in the adoption in both the
   Democratic and Republican platforms of the demand of the
   Independence party for improved national waterways." It
   declared for the reclamation of arid lands and generally for
   the conservation of the country’s natural resources. It called
   for provision to be made for free grazing on public lands
   outside of forest or other reservations. It protested against
   the sale of water and electric light power derived from public
   works to private corporations.

   On other subjects touched in their platforms the declarations
   of these parties varied little from those of 1904, and cannot
   be regarded as having much historical significance.

   Of the remaining parties, which are organizations with special
   objects, the Socialist set forth the most elaborate programme
   of demands, under three headings,—General, Industrial, and
   Political. The first included "immediate Government relief for
   the unemployed" by public works of many descriptions;
   collective ownership of railroads, telegraphs, etc., and all
   lands; "collective ownership of all industries which are
   organized on a national scale and in which competition has
   virtually ceased to exist"; inclusion of mines, quarries, oil
   wells, forests and water-power in the public domain.
   Industrial demands included improved industrial conditions;
   shortened work days; a weekly rest-period of not less than a
   day and a half; effective inspection of factories and shops:
   no child labor under sixteen years of age; no interstate
   transportation of products of child labor; substitution of
   compulsory insurance against unemployment, illness, age, etc.,
   for all official charity. Political demands were for extended
   and graduated inheritance taxes; a graduated income tax; equal
   suffrage for men and women; the initiative, referendum,
   recall, and proportional representation; abolition of the
   Senate; abolition of power in the Supreme Court to pass on the
   constitutionality of legislation; amendability of the
   Constitution by a majority vote, election of all judges for
   short terms; free administration of justice; further measures
   for general education and conservation of health.

   The Socialist Labor Party repeated in substantially the same
   words its general declarations of 1904, against a "despotic
   economic system," as quoted above, under the heading "Capital
   and Labor."

   The Prohibition Party embodied its fundamental object in
   demands for the submission of a constitutional amendment
   prohibiting the manufacture, sale, etc., of alcoholic liquors
   for beverage purposes; suppression of the liquor traffic in
   all places under the jurisdiction of the National Government,
   and repeal of the internal revenue tax on alcoholic liquors.
   To this it added demands for a popular election of United
   States Senators; graduated income and inheritance taxes;
   postal savings banks; guarantee of deposits in banks;
   regulation of corporations doing an interstate business; a
   permanent tariff commission; uniform marriage and divorce
   laws; enforcement of law against the social evil; an equitable
   employers’ liability act; court review of post office
   decisions; prohibition of child labor in mines, workshops and
   factories; suffrage based on ability to read and write the
   English language; preservation of the resources of the
   country, and improvement of highways and waterways.

{678}

   The United Christian Party, basing its platform, as before, on
   the ten commandments and the golden rule, favored "direct
   primary elections, the initiative, referendum, recall, uniform
   marriage and divorce laws, equal rights for men and women,
   government ownership of coal mines, oil wells and public
   utilities; the regulation of trusts and the election of the
   president and vice-president and senators of the United States
   by the direct vote of the people."

   The votes cast at the popular election, November 3, numbered
   7,637,676 for the Republican nominees; 6,393,182 for the
   Democratic; 420,464 for the Socialist; 231,252 for the
   Prohibitionist; 83,183 for the Independence; 33,871 for the
   Populist; 15,421 for the Socialist Labor. The total of votes
   polled, including a few thousands to other than party
   nominees, was reported to be 14,863,711.

   The States which gave Republican majorities were California,
   Connecticut, Delaware, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas,
   Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Nevada,
   New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Dakota, Ohio,
   Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Utah,
   Vermont, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming,—29.

   The States which gave Democratic majorities were Alabama,
   Arkansas, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana,
   Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, North Carolina, Oklahoma,
   South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia,—16.

   Maryland, where the electors are chosen by the Legislature,
   divided its vote, giving 6 to the Democratic nominees and 2 to
   the Republican.

   The total vote in the Electoral College was 326 for Taft and
   Sherman and 157 for Bryan and Kern.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (May).
   The Emergency Currency Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE; UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (July).
   Remission to China of Part of Boxer Indemnity.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (October).
   Reply of Secretary Root to the announcement from Belgium of
   the Annexation of the Congo State.
   Recognition of the Annexation reserved.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (November).
   Supreme Court Decision in Case of Virginia Railroads vs.
   the State Corporation Commission of Virginia.

      See (in this Volume)
      RAILWAYS. UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (November).
   Exchange of Notes with Japan embodying a Declaration of
   Common Policy in the East.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (December).
   Extension of the Competitive System of Appointment to
   Fourth Class Postmasters in a large section of the Country.

      See (in this Volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (December).
   Relief for the Survivors of the Earthquake at
   and around Messina.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES: ITALY.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Diminished Consumption of Whiskey and Beer.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
   The Government giving attention to Liberian Affairs.

      See (in this Volume)
      LIBERIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909 (August-February).
   The Country Life Commission, and its Report.

   On the 10th of August, 1908, President Roosevelt addressed a
   letter to five gentlemen whom he asked to serve upon a
   Commission on Country Life. The five thus addressed were
   Professor L. H. Bailey, New York State College of Agriculture,
   Ithaca (named as Chairman of the Commission); Mr. Henry
   Wallace, of Wallace’s Farmer, Des Moines, Iowa;
   President Kenyon L. Butterfield, Massachusetts Agricultural
   College, Amherst; Mr. Gilford Pinchot, of the United States
   Forest Service; Mr. Walter H. Page, of The World's
   Work, New York. Subsequently, Mr. Charles S. Barrett, of
   Georgia, and Mr. William A. Beard, of California, were added
   to the Commission.

   In his letter to the original appointees the President wrote:
   "I doubt if any other nation can bear comparison with our own
   in the amount of attention given by the Government, both
   Federal and State, to agricultural matters. But practically
   the whole of this effort has hitherto been directed toward
   increasing the production of crops. Our attention has been
   concentrated almost exclusively on getting better farming. In
   the beginning this was unquestionably the right thing to do.
   The farmer must first of all grow good crops in order to
   support himself and his family. But when this has been secured
   the effort for better farming should cease to stand alone, and
   should be accompanied by the effort for better business and
   better living on the farm. It is at least as important that
   the farmer should get the largest possible return in money,
   comfort, and social advantages from the crops he grows as that
   he should get the largest possible return in crops from the
   land he farms. Agriculture is not the whole of country life.
   The great rural interests are human interests, and good crops
   are of little value to the farmer unless they open the door to
   a good kind of life on the farm. … The farmers have hitherto
   had less than their full share of public attention along the
   lines of business and social life. There is too much belief
   among all our people that the prizes of life lie away from the
   farm."

   The Commission entered promptly on its task, of obtaining wide
   and exact information as to the existing conditions of farm
   life and work in the country, as to homes and schools; means
   of communication and intercourse, by postal service,
   telephone, highway, electric railway and other railways;
   neighborhood organizations to promote mutual advantages in
   buying and selling; profitable sale of products; supply of
   labor; facilities for business in banking, credit, insurance;
   sanitary conditions; social entertainment; meetings for mutual
   improvement, etc., etc.

{679}

   This was sought, in the first instance, by a circular of
   questions, about 550,000 copies of which were sent to names
   supplied by the United States Department of Agriculture, state
   experiment stations, farmers’ societies, women’s clubs, to
   rural free deliverymen, country physicians and ministers, and
   others. To these inquiries about 115,000 persons have replied
   before the report of the Commission was made, "mostly with
   much care and with every evidence of good faith."

   In addition to the replies given to the circular questions, a
   great number of persons sent carefully written letters and
   statements that were invaluable. At thirty places, in all
   sections of the country, the Commission, or part of it, held
   appointed hearings in November and December, and obtained much
   light from those. Its report of the conclusions to which it
   had been led was presented to the President on the 23d of
   January, 1909, and transmitted by him to Congress on February
   9th.

   The Commission found an unquestionable lack in the country of
   a well organized rural society, and came to clear conclusions
   concerning the many causes therefor, which are fully discussed
   in its report. The leading specific causes are summarized with
   brevity at the outset, as follows.

   "A lack of knowledge on the part of farmers of the exact
   agricultural conditions and possibilities of their regions;

   "Lack of good training for country life in the schools;

   "The disadvantage or handicap of the farmer as against the
   established business systems and interests, preventing him
   from securing adequate returns for his products, depriving him
   of the benefits that would result from unmonopolized rivers
   and the conservation of forests, and depriving the community,
   in many cases, of the good that would come from the use of
   great tracts of agricultural land that are now held for
   speculative purposes;

   "Lack of good highway facilities;

   "The widespread continuing depletion of soils, with the
   injurious effect on rural life;

   "A general need of new and active leadership.

   "Other causes contributing to the general result are: Lack of
   any adequate system of agricultural credit, whereby the farmer
   may readily secure loans on fair terms; the shortage of labor,
   a condition that is often complicated by intemperance among
   workmen; lack of institutions and incentives that tie the
   laboring man to the soil; the burdens and the narrow life of
   farm women; lack of adequate supervision of public health."

   To this summary of main deficiencies the Commission adds the
   following, of chief remedies:

   "Congress can remove some of the handicaps of the farmer, and
   it can also set some kinds of work in motion, such as:

   "The encouragement of a system of thorough-going surveys of
   all agricultural regions, in order to take stock and collect
   local fact, with the idea of providing a basis on which to
   develop a scientifically and economically sound country life;

   "The encouragement of a system of extension work in rural
   communities, through all the land-grant colleges, to the
   people at their homes and on their farms;

   "A thorough investigation by experts of the middleman system
   of handling farm products, coupled with a general inquiry into
   the farmer’s disadvantages in respect to taxation,
   transportation rates, cooperative organizations and credit,
   and the general business system;

   "An inquiry into the control and use of the streams of the
   United States, with the object of protecting the people in
   their ownership and of saving to agricultural uses such
   benefits as should be reserved for these purposes;

   "The establishing of a highway engineering service, or
   equivalent organization, to be at the call of the States in
   working out effective and economical highway systems;

   "The establishing of a system of parcel posts and postal
   savings banks;

   "Providing some means or agency for the guidance of public
   opinion toward the development of a real rural society that
   shall rest directly on the land. …

   "Remedies of a more general nature are: A broad campaign of
   publicity, that must be undertaken until all the people are
   informed on the whole subject of rural life, and until there
   is an awakened appreciation of the necessity of giving this
   phase of our national development as much attention as has
   been given to other phases or interests; a quickened sense of
   responsibility in all country people, to the community and to
   the State, in the conserving of soil fertility, and in the
   necessity for diversifying farming in order to conserve this
   fertility and to develop a better rural society, and also in
   the better safe-guarding of the strength and happiness of the
   farm women; a more widespread conviction of the necessity for
   organization, not only for economic but for social purposes,
   this organization to be more or less cooperative, so that all
   the people may share equally in the benefits and have voice in
   the essential affairs of the community; a realization on the
   part of the farmer that he has a distinct natural
   responsibility toward the laborer in providing him with good
   living facilities and in helping him in every way to be a man
   among men; and a realization on the part of all the people of
   the obligation to protect and develop the natural scenery and
   attractiveness of the open country.

   "Certain remedies lie with voluntary organizations and
   institutions. All organized forces, both in town and country,
   should understand that there are country phases as well as
   city phases of our civilization, and that one phase needs help
   as much as the other."

   In his Message communicating the reports of the Commission to
   Congress the President focussed attention on four "great
   general and immediate needs of country life" which stand out
   of the exhibit before all others:

   "First, effective coöperation among farmers, to put them on a
   level with the organized interests with which they do
   business.

   "Second, a new kind of schools in the country, which shall
   teach the children as much outdoors as indoors and perhaps
   more, so that they will prepare for country life, and not as
   at present, mainly for life in town.

   "Third, better means of communication, including good roads
   and a parcels post, which the country people are everywhere,
   and rightly, unanimous in demanding.

{680}

   "To these may well be added better sanitation: for easily
   preventable diseases hold several million country people in
   the slavery of continuous ill health.

   "The commission points out, and I concur in the conclusion,
   that the most important help that the Government, whether
   National or State, can give is to show the people how to go
   about these tasks of organization, education, and
   communication with the best and quickest results. This can be
   done by the collection and spread of information."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Spasmodic Process of Recovery from
   the Financial Crisis of 1907.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
   Second Conference of State Governors and Report
   of National Conservation Commission.
   Its Inventory of Natural Resources.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
   Existing Treaties with China and existing Enactments relative
   to the Admission of Chinamen to the United States.
   The Question of their Consistency with each other.
   Chinese Complaints.
   The present Status of the Question.

      See (in this Volume)
      RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
   The Census Bill and the President’s Veto.
   he Amended Bill, which became Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
   Protest against the Russo-Chinese Agreement of May, relative
   to Municipalities on the line of the Chinese Eastern Railway.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
   Trouble with Nicaragua.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (January).
   The Waterways Treaty with Great Britain, concerning Waters
   between the United States and Canada.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (February).
   Anti-Opium Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (February).
   Initiative in securing International Opium Commission
   at Shanghai.

      See (in this Volume)
      OPIUM PROBLEM.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (February).
   Invitation of Canada and Mexico to a Conference on
   the Conservation of Natural Resources.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: NORTH AMERICA.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (March).
   The Inauguration of President Taft.
   Intimations of Policy in his Inaugural Address.
   His Cabinet.

   The ceremonies of the inauguration of President Taft on the
   4th of March were performed under singularly unfavorable
   circumstances, in consequence of one of the most dreadful
   storms that ever visited the Capital. Trains blocked by it
   contained thousands of people who reached Washington too late
   for what they had travelled far to witness or to take part in,
   while those who did arrive on the scene were hardly gladdened
   by their success. The President, however, accepted the
   untoward conditions with a characteristic high-hearted
   equanimity. His inaugural address, delivered in the Senate
   Chamber, instead of in the open air at the East front of the
   Capitol, opened with the following words:

   "Any one who takes the oath I have just taken must feel a
   heavy weight of responsibility. If not, he has no conception
   of the powers and duties of the office upon which he is about
   to enter, or he is lacking in a proper sense of the obligation
   which the oath imposes.

   "The office of an inaugural address is to give a summary
   outline of the main policies of the new Administration, so far
   as they can be anticipated. I have had the honor to be one of
   the advisers of my distinguished predecessor, and as such, to
   hold up his hands in the reforms he has initiated. I should be
   untrue to myself, to my promises, and to the declarations of
   the party platform upon which I was elected to office, if I
   did not make the maintenance and enforcement of those reforms
   a most important feature of my administration. They were
   directed to the suppression of the lawlessness and abuses of
   power of the great combinations of capital invested in
   railroads and in industrial enterprises carrying on interstate
   commerce. The steps which my predecessor took and the
   legislation passed on his recommendation have accomplished
   much, have caused a general halt in the vicious policies which
   created popular alarm, and have brought about, in the business
   affected, a much higher regard for existing law. To render the
   reforms lasting, however, and to secure at the same time
   freedom from alarm on the part of those pursuing proper and
   progressive business methods, further legislative and
   executive action are needed."

   From this general intimation of the course to which his mind
   was turned, the incoming President went on to a more specific
   unfolding of his views on many subjects of governmental care.
   The following is a summary of the suggestions of future policy
   conveyed in the Address:

   Reorganization of the Department of Justice and the Bureau of
   Corporations of the Department of Commerce and Labor and of
   the Interstate Commerce Commission.

   Tariff revision in accord with the promises made in the
   national platform adopted at Chicago.

   A continuation of scientific experiments in the Department of
   Agriculture for the improvement of agricultural conditions.

   The enactment and carrying out of laws for the conservation of
   the resources of the country.

   Maintenance of the army and navy in such a state of
   preparation as will insure a continuance of peace with other
   countries.

   A continuation of that treatment of aliens which will insure
   for the people of the United States respect and fair treatment
   among the peoples of other countries.

   The enactment of legislation which will empower the Federal
   government to enforce treaty promises made to other countries
   within every State.

   Such changes in the monetary and banking laws as will insure a
   greater elasticity of the currency.

   The enactment of a law providing for postal savings banks.

   The encouragement of American shipping through the use of mail
   subsidies.

   A continuation of work on the Panama canal along the plans
   which have been adopted for a lock type with such energy as
   will insure the earliest possible completion of the work.

   The continuation of a colonial policy which will still further
   increase the business prosperity of our dependencies.

{681}

   The betterment of the condition of the negro in the South
   through observance of principles laid down in the Fifteenth
   Amendment.

   The promotion of legislation for the protection of labor and
   the betterment of labor conditions.

   On the day following his inauguration the President named his
   chosen Cabinet to the Senate, and the nominations were duly
   confirmed, as follows.

   Philander C. Knox of Pennsylvania, to be Secretary of State.

   Franklin MacVeagh of Illinois, to be Secretary of the Treasury.

   Jacob M. Dickinson of Tennessee, to be Secretary of War.

   George W. Wickersham of New York, to be Attorney-General.

   Frank H. Hitchcock of Massachusetts, to be Postmaster-General.

   George von L. Meyer of Massachusetts, to be Secretary
   of the Navy.

   Richard A. Ballinger of Washington, to be Secretary
   of the Interior.

   James Wilson of Iowa, to be Secretary of Agriculture.

   Charles Nagel of Missouri, to be Secretary of Commerce and
   Labor.

   A few days after the appointment of the Cabinet, Mr.
   Dickinson, the new Secretary of War, in a speech at Chicago,
   explained why President Taft had chosen him, a Democrat, for a
   place in a Republican Cabinet, and why he had accepted it. He
   said that Mr. Taft, as President of the whole country, desired
   to have a representative of the South among his counsellors.
   To have chosen a Southern Republican would have been to
   perpetuate the bitter sectionalism which it was Mr. Taft's
   desire to obliterate. He had therefore chosen a Democrat who
   had voted against him. Mr. Dickinson continued:—

   "That his purpose was broad, magnanimous, and patriotic none
   can question. The wisdom both of his purpose and his selection
   must be tried by time, but I have every assurance that his
   action in appointing me, and my action in accepting, are
   approved by the South, and, having this approval, I can bear
   with equanimity any criticism from individual Democrats
   elsewhere."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (March).
   Passage of new Copyright Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      COPYRIGHT.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (March-August).
   Tariff Revision.
   The Payne-Aldrich Tariff-Act.

      See (in this Volume)
      TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (May).
   Creation of the Senate Committee on Public Expenditures.

   An important incident of the Special Session of Congress which
   was called by President Taft immediately after his
   inauguration, was the creation by the Senate of a new Standing
   Committee, on Public Expenditures, the function of which was
   indicated in the following resolution of the Senate, adopted
   May 29:

   "Resolved, That the Committee on Public Expenditures be, and
   they are hereby, authorized and directed, by subcommittee or
   otherwise, to make investigations as to the amount of the
   annual revenues of the Government, and as to the expenditures
   and business methods of the several departments, divisions,
   and branches of the Government, and to report to the Senate
   from time to time the result of such investigations and their
   recommendations as to the relation between expenditures and
   revenues and possible improvements in Government methods; and
   for this purpose they are authorized to sit, by subcommittees
   or otherwise, during the recesses or sessions of the Senate,
   at such times and places as, they may deem advisable, to send
   for persons and papers, to administer oaths, and to employ
   such stenographic, clerical, expert, and other assistance as
   may be necessary, and to have such printing and binding done
   as may be necessary, the expense of such investigations to be
   paid from the contingent fund of the Senate."

   Seven members of the Committee are the chairmen of the seven
   committees in the Senate to some one of which every bill
   providing for revenue or carrying an appropriation is
   submitted. "Thus," as has been remarked, "is provided a medium
   for better co-ordination and co-operation between what may be
   termed the revenue and appropriation committees. The powers of
   existing committees are not affected, but an avenue is
   provided for concentration and distribution of information—a
   committee forum for the discussion and recommendation of
   fundamentals affecting the Government."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (May).
   Establishment in the Government of a General Supply Committee.

   On the 13th of May the President issued an Executive Order
   establishing an Administrative General Supply Committee, which
   is to purchase all supplies for Government use, paying one
   price instead of several prices for the same supplies.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (May).
   Second National Peace Congress.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (July).
   Proposed Constitutional Amendment authorizing
   the Levying of an Income Tax.

   Without a dissenting vote, on the 5th of July, 1909, the
   Senate adopted a joint resolution providing for the submission
   to the several States of a proposed amendment to the
   Constitution of the United States, as follows:

   "Article XVI.
   The congress shall have the power to lay and collect taxes on
   incomes, from whatever source derived, without any
   apportionment among the several states and without regard to
   any census or enumeration."

   In reporting this action, a newspaper correspondent of
   considerable sagacity remarked that the ease with which the
   resolution glided through the Senate, and would with certainty
   pass the House, must be regarded as "an indication of the
   expectation of the representatives of capital and of high
   protection that twelve states can be found among the forty-six
   in the union to refuse their assent to the amendment, in which
   event it will fail."

   The endorsement of the House to the resolution was given on
   the 12th, by a vote of 317 to 14, the negative votes being all
   from Republicans. An attempt to have the resolution amended so
   that the constitutional amendment would be submitted to state
   conventions for ratification instead of to legislatures was
   ruled out of order, and an appeal from Speaker Cannon’s ruling
   was voted down, 185 to 143, on a strict party division.

{682}

   The first State to act on the proposed amendment was Alabama,
   where it was ratified by the Legislature and signed by the
   Governor, August 17.

   In the State of New York, on the 5th of January, 1910,
   Governor Hughes addressed a special message to the
   Legislature, recommending that the amendment in its proposed
   form should not be ratified. He said: "I am in favor of
   conferring upon the Federal government the power to lay and
   collect an income tax without apportionment among the States
   according to population. I believe that this power should be
   held by the Federal government so as properly to equip it with
   the means of meeting national exigencies.

   "But the power to tax incomes should not be granted in such
   terms as to subject to Federal taxation the incomes derived
   from bonds issued by the State itself, or those issued by
   municipal governments organized under the State’s authority.
   To place the borrowing capacity of the State and of its
   governmental agencies at the mercy of the Federal taxing power
   would be an impairment of the essential rights of the State,
   which, as its officers, we are bound to defend. …

   "The comprehensive words, 'from whatever source derived,' if
   taken in their natural sense, would include not only incomes
   from ordinary real or personal property, but also incomes
   derived from State and municipal securities. It may be urged
   that the amendment would be limited by construction. But there
   can be no satisfactory assurance of this. The words in terms
   are all-inclusive. …

   "In order that a market may be provided for State bonds, and
   for municipal bonds, and that thus means may be afforded for
   State and local administration, such securities from time to
   time are excepted from taxation. In this way lower rates of
   interest are paid than otherwise would be possible. To permit
   such securities to be the subject of Federal taxation is to
   place such limitations upon the borrowing power of the State
   as to make the performance of the functions of local
   government a matter of Federal grace."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (July).
   The Question of American Participation in the
   Hankau-Szechuan Railway Loan.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1904-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (September).
   Visit of a Commercial Commission from Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (September-October).
   Tour of President Taft.
   Meeting with President Diaz on Mexican Soil.

   In the fall of 1909 President Taft made an extended tour of
   the country, from New England to the Pacific Coast and
   southward to Mexico and the Gulf, speaking to great assemblies
   at many points on all the important questions, political and
   economical, that were then before the country. In the course
   of the tour a meeting between President Diaz of Mexico and
   himself was arranged, and took place on the 16th of October,
   first at El Paso, on the Texas side of the Rio Grande, and
   then at Ciudad Juarez, on the Mexican side, formal visits
   being thus exchanged. Finally, in the evening, President Taft
   was entertained at dinner in the Mexican city by President
   Diaz. This was a second time that a President of the United
   States had left the soil of his own country while in office,
   President Roosevelt having done the same at Panama in 1906.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (October-November).
   Further Disclosures of Corruption in the Customs Service.

   The shameful disclosure in 1907-1908 of Sugar Trust frauds on the
   Federal Treasury afforded glimpses of a state of corruption in
   the Customs Service of the Government, at the port of New York
   especially, which were more than verified within the next year
   and a half.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909.

   The Collector of Customs, Mr. William Loeb, Jr., who took
   charge of the New York office in the spring of 1909, exercised
   a watchfulness which soon put him on the traces of fraud, and
   he pursued them with an energy and determination that cannot
   have been brought into action before. The first case brought
   to light was that of a cheese-importing firm, the members of
   which, father and son, were found to have paid bribes to
   weighers of the Custom House for false reports of the
   quantities on which duties were paid. Conviction was obtained
   by means of evidence from some of the guilty officials, who
   were given immunity and retained in service, in order to
   secure information without which, it was said, the
   well-covered corruption in the service could not be
   successfully probed. In his annual report, made in December,
   1909, Secretary MacVeagh, of the Treasury Department, had this
   to say of the vigorous reformatory measures thus undertaken at
   the port of New York, and of the significance of the
   consequent revelations:

   "The revelations made and proven were so startling and
   impressive that opposition was silenced; and in this silence
   the necessary, clear-cut measures could be carried out without
   meeting serious obstructions.

   "It soon developed that the frauds of the American Sugar
   Refining Company, while, perhaps, the most important
   instances, were as had been apprehended, symptoms of a
   diseased condition, not universal by any means, but almost
   general. And difficult as it always is to sufficiently bring
   to light the facts of such a condition to afford a basis for
   rehabilitation, this has been already largely accomplished.
   Much has been discovered to afford an understanding of the
   situation, with the result of numerous seizures, of numerous
   prosecutions made or projected, and of important and
   successful beginnings of a complete rehabilitation. While the
   recovery of evaded duties, and the prosecution of individuals
   have been of large significance, the greatest asset to the
   government of these disgraceful conditions is the knowledge
   and the light which guarantee in time a wholesome
   reorganization.

   "The study of the causes of the demoralization which has been
   revealed is still incomplete, but the main causes are evident.
   It is clear, for instance, that the influence of local
   politics and politicians upon the customs service has been
   most deleterious, and has promoted that laxity and low tone
   which prepare and furnish an inviting soil for dishonesty and
   fraud. Unless the customs service can be released from the
   payment of political debts and exactions, and from meeting the
   supposed exigencies of political organizations, big and
   little, it will be impossible to have an honest service for
   any length of time. Any considerable share of the present cost
   of this demoralization to the public revenues, to the
   efficiency of the service, and to public and private morality
   is a tremendous amount to pay in mere liquidation of the small
   debts of political leaders.

{683}

   "It is also clear that the widespread disposition of returning
   American travellers to evade the payment of legal duties has
   greatly helped to create the conditions which have become
   intolerable. Those Americans who travel abroad belong to the
   sections of the people which most readily create public
   sentiment, and are most responsible for it; and the fact that
   in so many instances these travellers are willing to defraud
   the government out of considerable or even small sums creates
   an atmosphere on the docks that strongly tends to affect the
   morale of the entire customs service. And when to this is
   added the frequent willingness upon the part of these
   responsible citizens to specifically corrupt the government's
   men, then the demoralization is further accentuated."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (November).
   Arbitration of the Alsop Claim against Chile.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHILE: A. D. 1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (December).
   Proposal to neutralize Manchurian Railways.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1909-1910.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1910 (January).
   President’s Message on Legislation relating to "Trusts"
   and Interstate Commerce.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910,
      and
      RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
   Movements of Reform in Municipal Government.

      See (in this Volume)
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
   Comparative Statement of the Consumption of Alcoholic Drink.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
   The Interchange of People between the United States and Canada.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.

   ----------UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: End--------

UNITED STATES SENATORS:
   Proposed Election by Direct Popular Vote.

   "On December 3, 1895, the State of Idaho, taking advantage of
   that provision of article 5, which permits States to apply to
   Congress for authority to hold a constitutional convention,
   passed a resolution requesting Congress to call such a
   convention. Since then the States of Wyoming, Ohio, Minnesota,
   Montana, Utah, North Carolina, North Dakota, Nevada,
   Washington, Tennessee, South Dakota, Colorado, Oregon,
   Michigan, Nebraska, Iowa, Kansas, Missouri, Illinois,
   Wisconsin, New Jersey, Louisiana, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania,
   Indiana, Texas, California, Arkansas, Kentucky, and Alabama,
   have taken legislative action in some form or other expressing
   either a demand similar to that of the State of Idaho, or a
   sympathy with the intent of the Idaho resolution. These
   thirty-one States form a constitutional two-thirds of the
   forty-six States of the Union.

   "One of the complications which have arisen in connection with
   these resolutions is the fact that only twenty-four of them
   are of record as having been actually received by the Senate
   of the United States. One of them, that of the State of Ohio,
   which was the third State to act, was only recently discovered
   to be in the Senate files. It is possible therefore, that
   since the question of submitting the proposed amendment has
   become a live issue, a further search of the files may
   increase the number of State resolutions on this subject which
   are actually on hand.

   "A legal quibble is bound to ensue over the form of some of
   these resolutions. Nine of the resolutions now on file in the
   Senate are already held to be of doubtful legality, but the
   ground on which they are held doubtful will appeal to most
   people as a mere splitting of legal hairs. Nevertheless, the
   Senate of the United States, at least, is, as a whole, a
   notorious legal hair-splitter, and this fact must be taken
   into account.

   "It is, of course, a matter of record, that the House of
   Representatives has four times sent to the Senate a proposed
   joint resolution calling for the direct election of United
   States Senators."

      Washington Correspondent of the New York Evening Post,
      October 13, 1909.

UNITED STATES STEEL CORPORATION:
   Its conflict with the Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel
   and Tin Plate Workers.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901.

UNITED STATES STEEL CORPORATION:
   The Placing of its Stock among its Employés.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: PROFIT-SHARING.

UNIVERSITIES.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION.

URIBE-URIBE, RAFAEL.

      See (in this Volume)
      COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.

URUGUAY: A. D. 1901-1906.
   Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
   of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

URUGUAY: A. D. 1904.
   Rebellion and prolonged Civil War.

   On the 8th of January, 1904, the American Minister at
   Montevideo reported by telegram to the State Department at
   Washington "that another crisis is at hand in Uruguay; that
   encounters have taken place between groups of ‘Blanco,’ and
   the Government forces, and that the former, who were neither
   concentrated nor well organized, have been dispersed. A number
   were killed and wounded. The Government is making an
   aggressive campaign and demands obedience to the constituted
   authority as a condition before peace negotiations will be
   entered into."

   This was the beginning of a state of civil war that was
   prolonged through nine months, with infinite harm to the
   country.

   When peace came, at the end of September, it was practically
   bought from the insurgents, the terms of submission, as
   officially announced, including the following: "Sixth,
   incorporation into the army of all the chiefs and officers
   included in the amnesty law. Seventh. A mixed committee
   appointed by agreement by the Government and insurgents will
   distribute the sum of $100,000 between the chiefs, officers,
   and soldiers of the rebel forces."

URUGUAY: A. D. 1910.
   Agreement with Argentina concerning the River Plate.

      See (in this Volume)
      ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1910.

URUSSOFF, PRINCE:
   Speech in the Duma.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

URYU, ADMIRAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

UTAH:
   Law limiting Hours of Adult Labor in Mines.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.

UTILITIES, PUBLIC.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC UTILITIES.

{684}

V.

VACUUM OIL COMPANY.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
      UNITED STATES. A. D. 1904-1909.

VALIAHD, The:
   Heir to the Persian throne.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

VANNOVSKY, GENERAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

VALPARAISO, DESTRUCTIVE EARTHQUAKE AT.

      See (in this Volume)
      EARTHQUAKES: CHILE.

VEHEMENTER NOS, THE PAPAL ENCYCLICAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1906 (FEBRUARY).

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1901.
   Claims and Complaints of Germany.
   Memorandum presented to the Government of the United States.
   Its Reply.
   Interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine.

   On the 11th of December, 1901, the German Embassy at
   Washington presented to the State Department of the Government
   of the United States a memorandum of the claims and complaints
   of Germany against the Government of Venezuela. The principal
   claim recited was that of the Berlin Company of Discount, "on
   account of the non-performance of engagements which the
   Venezuelan Government has undertaken in connection with the
   great Venezuelan Railway which has been built by the said
   Government." In respect to this it is remarked that the
   "behaviour of the Venezuelan Government could, perhaps, to a
   certain degree, be explained and be excused by the bad
   situation of the finances of the State; but our further
   reclamations against Venezuela, which date from the Venezuelan
   civil wars of the years 1898 until 1900, have taken during
   these last months a more serious character. Through those wars
   many German merchants living in Venezuela and many German
   land-owners have been seriously damaged"; and the treatment of
   claims for these damages is characterized as "a frivolous
   attempt to avoid just obligations." After some recital of
   circumstances in these cases, the memorandum proceeds to
   announce that "the Imperial Government believes that further
   negotiations with Venezuela on the present base are hopeless,"
   and that measures of coercion are contemplated. "But we
   consider it of importance to let first of all the Government
   of the United States know about our purposes, so that we can
   prove that we have nothing else in view than to help those of
   our citizens who have suffered damages. … We declare
   especially that under no circumstances do we consider in our
   proceedings the acquisition or the permanent occupation of
   Venezuelan territory."

   In reply, the Department of State returned a memorandum, in
   part as follows:

   "The President in his Message of the 3d of December, 1901,
   used the following language: ‘The Monroe Doctrine is a
   declaration that there must be no territorial aggrandizement
   by any non-American Power at the expense of any American Power
   on American soil. It is in no wise intended as hostile to any
   nation in the Old World.’ The President further said: ‘This
   doctrine has nothing to do with the commercial relations of
   any American Power, save that it in truth allows each of them
   to form such as it desires. … We do not guarantee any State
   against punishment if it misconducts itself, provided that
   punishment does not take the form of the acquisition of
   territory by any non-American Power. … The President of the
   United States, appreciating the courtesy of the German
   Government in making him acquainted with the state of affairs
   referred to, and not regarding himself as called upon to enter
   into the consideration of the claims in question, believes
   that no measures will be taken in this matter by the agents of
   the German Government which are not in accordance with the
   well-known purpose, above set forth, of His Majesty the German
   Emperor."

      Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations
      of the United States
      (House Doc’s, 57th Congress 1st Session, Volume 1),
      pages 192-195

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1901.
   Delegates withdrawn from Second International Conference
   of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.
   Concerted Action by Great Britain, Germany, and Italy
   to enforce Claims.
   Blockade of Ports and seizure of Warships.
   Intermediation of the United States.
   Agreements Secured.
   Reference to the Tribunal at The Hague.

   The rebellion and revolution in Venezuela which gave control
   of the government to General Cipriano Castro, in 1899, and the
   speedy outbreak of revolt against his self-assumed
   administration, are told of in Volume VI. of this work.

      See, also, (in this Volume)
      COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.

   The first insurrection was overcome in May, 1900; but other
   risings, concentrated in leadership finally under Manuel A.
   Matos, followed in 1901-1902. Partly growing out of the
   disturbances in the country and partly due to the arbitrary
   and wayward conduct of Castro (who obtained election to the
   Presidency in 1902, for six years) many claims for indemnity
   and debt against that Government accumulated and citizens of
   many countries were interested in them. As no satisfaction
   could be obtained from President Castro by diplomatic methods,
   peremptory proceedings against Venezuela were concerted in
   1902 by Great Britain, Germany and Italy. A blockade of
   Venezuelan ports and seizure of war vessels was undertaken by
   the three Powers, with results which are narrated as follows
   in the Message of President Roosevelt to the Congress of the
   United States, on its meeting in December, 1903:

   The "employment of force for the collection of these claims
   was terminated by an agreement brought about through the
   offices of the diplomatic representatives of the United States
   at Caracas and the Government at Washington, thereby ending a
   situation which was bound to cause increasing friction, and
   which jeoparded the peace of the continent. Under this
   agreement Venezuela agreed to set apart a certain percentage
   of the customs receipts of two of her ports to be applied to
   the payment of whatever obligations might be ascertained by
   mixed commissions appointed for that purpose to be due from
   her, not only to the three powers already mentioned, whose
   proceedings against her had resulted in a state of war, but
   also to the United States, France, Spain, Belgium, the
   Netherlands, Sweden and Norway, and Mexico, who had not
   employed force for the collection of the claims alleged to be
   due to certain of their citizens.

{685}

   "A demand was then made by the so-called blockading powers
   that the sums ascertained to be due to their citizens by such
   mixed commissions should be accorded payment in full before
   anything was paid upon the claims of any of the so-called
   peace powers. Venezuela, on the other hand, insisted that all
   her creditors should be paid upon a basis of exact equality.
   During the efforts to adjust this dispute it was suggested by
   the powers in interest that it should be referred to me for
   decision, but I was clearly of the opinion that a far wiser
   course would be to submit the question to the Permanent Court
   of Arbitration at The Hague. It seemed to me to offer an
   admirable opportunity to advance the practice of the peaceful
   settlement of disputes between nations and to secure for the
   Hague Tribunal a memorable increase of its practical
   importance. The nations interested in the controversy were so
   numerous and in many instances so powerful as to make it
   evident that beneficent results would follow from their
   appearance at the same time before the bar of that august
   tribunal of peace.

   "Our hopes in that regard have been realized. Russia and
   Austria are represented in the persons of the learned and
   distinguished jurists who compose the Tribunal, while Great
   Britain, Germany, France, Spain, Italy, Belgium, the
   Netherlands, Sweden and Norway, Mexico, the United States, and
   Venezuela are represented by their respective agents and
   counsel. Such an imposing concourse of nations presenting
   their arguments to and invoking the decision of that high
   court of international justice and international peace can
   hardly fail to secure a like submission of many future
   controversies. The nations now appearing there will find it
   far easier to appear there a second time, while no nation can
   imagine its just pride will be lessened by following the
   example now presented. This triumph of the principle of
   international arbitration is a subject of warm congratulation
   and offers a happy augury for the peace of the world."

      Message of President Roosevelt,
      December 7, 1903.

   The claims of the Powers against Venezuela, presented in
   September, summed up as follows:

   France,        $16,040,000;
   United States, $10,900,000;
   Italy,          $9,300,000;
   Belgium,        $3,003,000;
   Great Britain,  $2,500,000;
   Germany,        $1,417,300;
   Holland,        $1,048,451;
   Spain,            $600,000;
   Mexico,           $500,000;
   Sweden,           $200,000.

   The claim of Great Britain, Germany, and Italy to a right of
   priority in payment, because of their action which compelled
   the Government of Venezuela to arrange a settlement, was
   submitted to the Tribunal at The Hague in November. The
   decision, rendered in the following January, affirmed the
   right of the three Powers which had exercised coercion in the
   case to priority in the payment of their claims, and it
   imposed on the United States the duty of overseeing the
   fulfilment of the agreements which Venezuela had made. In this
   last particular the decision of the Tribunal could be regarded
   as an international affirmation of the Monroe Doctrine, and of
   signal importance in that view.

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1905.
   A short Period of Comparative Tranquility.

   "After the blockade instituted in December, 1902, by Germany,
   Great Britain and Italy, had been raised, and protocols had
   been signed for the settlement of all duly recognized claims
   of foreign nations against Venezuela, Venezuela enjoyed a
   short period of tranquility; but, by the beginning of 1905,
   every legation in Caracas had a list of grievances founded on
   alleged unfair awards of arbitrators, on denials of justice on
   the part of the Venezuelan courts and on the diminution by
   President Castro of the percentage he had agreed to pay to the
   creditor nations from the receipts of his custom-houses.
   Moreover, Germany and Great Britain began to show signs of
   restlessness, because President Castro had not provided, as
   had been agreed in the protocols, for the payment of interest
   to British and German bondholders. The situation looked even
   worse than before the blockade, for the principal nation
   aggrieved was the United States, and it had the moral support
   of all other nations represented in Caracas by legations.

   "The main issue between the United States and Venezuela was
   the asphalt case. In July, 1904, President Castro had demanded
   ten million dollars from the American Company, known as the
   ‘New York and Bermudez Asphalt Company,’ and had threatened,
   if that amount was not paid immediately, that the whole
   asphalt lake and the property of the Company would be seized.
   He based his demand on the alleged support given by the
   Asphalt Company to the Matos revolution of 1902; but, as he
   did not demand anything from the countless other supporters of
   the revolution, it was clear that his demand on the Asphalt
   Company was piratical."

      H. W. Bowen,
      Queer Diplomacy with Castro
      (North American Review, March 15, 1907).

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1904.
   Adoption of a new Constitution.

   The following summary of the provisions of a new Constitution,
   adopted in Venezuela, on the 27th of April, 1904, was
   communicated to the State Department at Washington by United
   States Minister Bowen:

   It reduces the number of States to thirteen—Aragua, Bermudez,
   Bolivar, Carabobo, Falcon, Guarico, Lara, Merida, Miranda,
   Tachira, Trujillo, Zamora, and Zulia—and provides for five
   Territories—Amazonas, Cristobal Colon, Colon, Delta Amacuro,
   and Yururari—and the Federal District, which is composed of
   the Departments Libertador, Varagas, Guaicaipuro, and Sucre,
   and the island of Margarita.

   The States enjoy equality and autonomy, having all rights not
   delegated to the central Government. The Territories are
   administered by the President.

   The Government is divided into three branches—the legislative,
   the executive, and the judicial.

   The legislative branch is called the Congress, and is composed
   of two bodies—the Senate and the House of Deputies. One deputy
   will be elected by every 40,000 inhabitants, and all deputies,
   as well as senators (two from every State) and the President,
   will serve for six years. Deputies must be 21 years of age,
   senators 30, and the President over 30. No extraordinary
   powers are given to the Congress, except that 14 of its
   members shall be chosen by itself to elect every sixth year a
   President, a first and a second vice-president, and to elect a
   successor to the second vice-president.

{686}

   The President, besides being charged with the usual executive
   duties, is authorized to declare war, arrest, imprison, or
   expel natives or aliens who are opposed to the reëstablishment
   of peace, to issue letters of marque and reprisal, to permit
   aliens to enter the public service, to prohibit the
   immigration into the Republic of objectionable religious
   teachers, and to establish rules for the postal, telegraph,
   and telephone services.

   The judicial power is vested in the Corte Federal y de
   Casacion (seven judges elected by the Congress) and the lower
   courts (appointed by the State governments).

   All Venezuelans over 21 years of age may vote, and aliens can
   obtain that right by getting naturalized. No length of time is
   prescribed for an alien to live in the Republic before he can
   become naturalized.

   Article 15 of the constitution denies the right of natives or
   aliens to present claims to the nation or States for damages
   caused by revolutionists.

   Article 17 abolishes the death penalty.

   And article 120 provides that all of Venezuela’s international
   treaties shall hereafter contain the clause, "All differences
   between the contracting parties shall be decided by
   arbitration, without going to war."

   In conclusion, the constitution provides that the next
   constitutional terms shall begin May 23, 1905. Up to that date
   General Castro will be Provisional President. He took his oath
   of office as such on the 5th instant, and on the same day Juan
   Vicente Gomez was made first vice-president and Jose Antonio
   Velutini second vice-president.

   As Provisional President, General Castro has been authorized
   to name the presidents of the States, to organize the Federal
   Territories, to fix the estimates for the public expenses,
   and, in short, to exercise the fullest powers.

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1906.
   Troubles with the United States and France.
   President Castro’s Vacation.

   Both France and the United States had troubles which became
   acute in 1905 with the arrogant President of Venezuela,
   growing out of his high-handed treatment of French and
   American business interests and rights in that country. In the
   case of the United States, the most serious grievance, as
   stated above, was that of the New York and Bermudez Company,
   which had a concession dating back to 1883, and a later mining
   title, under Venezuela laws, to the asphalt deposit known as
   Bermudez Lake, together with the fee-simple ownership of land
   surrounding the lake. Ever since the advent of Castro, the
   company had been harassed by litigious proceedings, behind
   which the Government was said to be always in action. In 1905
   these were carried to the point of putting the whole property
   into the hands of a receiver or "depositary," practically
   transferring its capital and plant to its rivals in business.
   A little later, a judicial decision, pronounced by a Venezuela
   court, annulled the company’s concession. The main ground of
   this confiscation appears to have been the charge that the
   company had contributed funds to the support of the Matos
   revolt, in 1901.

   The same accusation was brought against the French Cable
   Company, whose franchise was annulled and its property
   confiscated in like manner. In both cases, the matter was a
   proper one for arbitration, and this Castro refused,
   maintaining the finality of the decision of the Venezuela
   courts. Neither France nor the United States could afford to
   permit such a penalty of confiscation to be imposed on its
   citizens without a searching investigation of the justice of
   the act. Under instructions from Secretary Hay, the American
   Minister to Venezuela informed the Government of that country
   that if it refused to arbitrate the questions involved in this
   and other American claims, "the Government of the United
   States may be regretfully compelled to take such measures as
   it may find necessary to effect complete redress without
   resort to arbitration"; and France, about the same time, made
   a significant movement of armored cruisers to the French
   Antilles. Not contented with the strain thus brought on the
   relations of his Government with those of two considerable
   Powers in the world, the Venezuelan President soon—in January,
   1906—gave a fresh and quite wanton provocation to France. The
   French Chargé d’ Affaires in Venezuela had gone on
   board a French steamer without official permit, and was
   refused permission to return to shore, on the pretence that he
   might bring yellow fever infection. France at once dismissed
   the Venezuelan Chargé from Paris, and added a demand
   for apologies to her other claims.

   Having brought his country into this interesting situation,
   the eccentric Castro, of incalculable mind and temper, found
   the occasion opportune for a vacation, and announced it, April
   9, 1906, in a proclamation which opened as follows:

   "Fatigue, produced by constant labor, and which I have been
   endeavoring to overcome for some time past, makes it
   imperative for me now, in order to restore my broken health,
   to retire from the exercise of the office of prime magistrate.

   "In accordance with a provision of the constitution I have
   called to power General Juan Vincente Gomez, a very
   meritorious citizen of well-known civic virtues, who in my
   absence will fulfill strictly the duties of his office. You
   all know him, and you know perfectly well that in view of his
   character you must support him without any hesitation
   whatever, in order that the administration may continue, as it
   has up to now, under the surest bases of stability, order, and
   progress, thus making the action of the executive the most
   expeditious possible.

   "On retiring from power I wish you to take into consideration
   my effort and my sacrifices for the country’s cause, which has
   been, and still is, the cause of the people, of reason,
   justice, and right, so that you will agree with me that he who
   has thus labored has a right to even a slight rest, and this
   cannot be taken except in retirement and solitude.

   "On the other hand, our present international situation,
   completely defined and clear, gives us reason to hope that
   everything will continue harmoniously and on a basis of mutual
   respect and consideration."

{687}

   The next morning he left quietly for Los Teques, where he has
   a private estate; his late cabinet resigned, and a new
   Ministry was formed by the acting President, Gomez. Six weeks
   later, on the 23d of May, the President-on-vacation, from his
   retirement, issued a second proclamation, announcing his wish
   to withdraw permanently from public life, and his intention to
   resign the presidency at the next session of Congress. But
   differences appear to have arisen soon after this between the
   retired President and his substitute, General Gomez, over
   cabinet appointments, and presently there was a delegation
   sent to request the former to abandon his intended
   resignation. The delegation succeeded in its mission, and on
   the 4th of July the now rested and refreshed Chief Magistrate
   returned to Caracas and reburdened himself with the cares of
   state.

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1909.
   Trouble given to Colombia over the Navigation of Rivers
   flowing through both countries.

      See (in this Volume)
      COLOMBIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1906.
   No participation in Third International Conference
   of American Republics.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1907-1909.
   President Castro’s obstinate Provocations to France and
   the United States.
   His Quarrel with Holland.
   His unwary venture Abroad.
   The Triumph of his Enemies in Venezuela.
   The Foreign Governments he Quarrelled with take part
   in Preventing his Return.

   President Castro, practically Dictator in Venezuela, continued
   obstinate in his provocative attitude towards both France and
   the United States, and added Holland at length to the list of
   exasperated nations which were questioning and studying how to
   deal with insolence from so petty a source. His courts, after
   confiscating the franchises and seizing the property of the
   French Cable Company and the American asphalt concessionaries,
   imposed fines of $5,000,000 on each. Of the five claims for
   redress or indemnity which the American Government pressed
   upon him he refused to submit any to arbitration, in any form,
   at The Hague or elsewhere. This situation continued until the
   American Legation was withdrawn from Caracas, in June, 1908,
   to signify that negotiation was ended, and the whole
   correspondence of the State Department with Venezuela was laid
   before Congress, for such action as it might see fit to take.

   Castro had opened his quarrel with Holland in a characteristic
   way. The bubonic plague had got a footing at the Venezuelan
   port of La Guayra, and he refused to allow his own medical
   officers, who reported the fact, to take measures for
   preventing the spread of the disease. Then, when his Dutch
   neighbors at Curaçao protected themselves by a quarantine
   against La Guayra he retaliated by an embargo on commerce with
   Curaçao, exchanged angry letters with the Dutch Minister at
   Caracas, and ordered him finally to quit the country. The
   Netherland Government acted slowly, with deliberation, on the
   matter, despatching a battle-ship, at length, to the scene,
   and otherwise manifesting serious intentions.

   But now the domestic situation in Venezuela underwent a sudden
   change; or, rather, a recurrence to the situation in 1906,
   when Castro had found it easy to lay down the reins of
   authority and take them up again at his pleasure. He was
   afflicted with some ailment, for which he went abroad to seek
   treatment, appointing Vice-President Gomez to conduct the
   Government in his absence. Landing at Bordeaux on the 10th of
   December, 1908, he made a short visit to Paris, receiving no
   official recognition or entertainment, and went thence to
   Berlin. In Germany he stayed with his family and suite for
   about three months, undergoing a surgical operation with
   subsequent treatment for his malady. Meantime, in Venezuela,
   his enemies, or the opponents of his rule, had acquired the
   upper hand, and were prepared to resist his return. On the
   16th of December a mob at Caracas, crying "Down with Castro,"
   wrecked considerable property of his friends. A few days later
   some of his partisans were arrested on the charge of having
   plotted the death of Acting-President Gomez, and that trusted
   representative of the absent President became openly
   antagonistic to him. The Castro Cabinet was dismissed, and an
   anti-Castro Ministry was formed.

   Pacific overtures were now made to the foreign governments
   with which Castro had quarrelled. The Honorable William I.
   Buchanan, an able diplomat, of much experience in
   Spanish-America, was sent from the United States to reopen
   negotiations at Caracas, where he arrived on the 20th
   December, and the late Venezuelan Minister of Foreign Affairs
   went abroad as an agent of President Gomez to treat with the
   Netherlands, Great Britain, and France. Mr. Buchanan found
   difficulty in arranging modes of settlement in the case of two
   American claims, that of the New York and Bermudez Company,
   and that of the Orinoco Corporation, which claimed very
   extensive concessions; but the obstacles were overcome and a
   satisfactory protocol signed, February 13, 1909.

   Before this time, criminal proceedings had been instituted
   against Castro, on the charge that he had instigated the
   assassination of Vice-President Gomez, and the High Federal
   Court had decided that adequate evidence had been adduced to
   warrant the action. To this accusation Castro made answer from
   Dresden, February 27, saying: "The only charge that has been
   raised against me is that I tried to instigate the murder of
   Gomez. It is incredible that, after having shown my interest
   in him in so many ways, I should try to cause him to be
   murdered. If Gomez had given me occasion to suspect him, I
   would have given orders regarding him before my departure from
   Venezuela, and I would not have been so stupid as to send such
   an order by cable. Whoever knows me knows also that I am
   incapable of such disgraceful cowardice. I give this
   declaration in the interest of truth to the press and to the
   foreign countries, in order to set at rest in places where I
   am not known all doubts and suspicions regarding my behavior."

   Having no apparent doubt that he could master the adverse
   situation in Venezuela, Castro was now making his arrangements
   to return. On the 24th of March he arrived at Paris, on his
   way to Bordeaux, to take passage on the Steamer
   Guadeloupe. There he was met by a statement from the
   steamship company, "that it had been informed by the
   Venezuelan government that Señor Castro will not be permitted
   to land in Venezuela; that he will be arrested on board the
   Guadeloupe if this vessel calls at a Venezuelan port, and that
   even the movement of the Guadeloupe in Venezuelan ports
   will be controlled by the authorities, if Castro is a
   passenger.
{688}
   As a result of this communication the company will embark
   Castro only on condition that he leave the Guadeloupe
   before reaching Venezuela, either at Martinique or Trinidad.
   This official notification to the steamship company was handed
   in by José de Jesus Paul, the special Venezuelan envoy to
   Europe. Señor Paul says in part:

   "‘Cipriano Castro is under criminal prosecution in Venezuela,
   and the High Federal Court having suspended his function as
   President, he is liable, in accordance with the laws of
   Venezuela, to imprisonment pending the result of the trial. A
   warrant of arrest can be executed even on board the
   Guadeloupe at the first Venezuelan port.’ "

   At Bordeaux he was forced to take passage with the
   understanding that he must leave the ship before she reached a
   Venezuelan port, and he accepted tickets to Port-au-Spain,
   Trinidad. On leaving Paris his parting words had been: "I
   believe that God and destiny call me back to Venezuela. I
   intend to accomplish my mission there, even though it involves
   revolution." But he mistook the call, and mere earthly
   authority sufficed to frustrate the mission he had in mind.
   The British Government, after consultation with the United
   States and other Powers most interested in the avoidance of
   fresh disturbances in Venezuela, forbade his landing at
   Trinidad, and he found no port to receive him but that of Fort
   de France, Martinique. From that French soil, too, he was
   ordered away the next day, and look passage back to France,
   ultimately settling himself with his family in Spain. If he
   has made further efforts or plans to recover a footing in
   Venezuela, the public has not learned of them.

   As soon as the out-cast President had been thus eliminated
   from Venezuelan politics, he was cleared, May 21, of the
   charge of plotting to assassinate General Gomez, by decision
   of the Criminal Court. Both Holland and France had settled, by
   this time, their differences with Venezuela, and restored
   diplomatic relations. On the 12th of August, Vice-President
   Gomez was formally elected Provisional President by Congress
   in the exercise of powers claimed under the new Constitution.
   On the 11th of September announcement was made that all but
   one of the five American claims for which Mr. Buchanan had
   arranged modes of settlement had been settled, and that one—of
   the Orinoco Steamship Company—was before the tribunal at The
   Hague.

VENICE: A. D. 1902.
   Fall of the Campanile of St. Marks.

   On the morning of July 14, 1902, the Campanile or bell-tower
   of the cathedral of St. Marks fell to the ground. An attentive
   architect had been calling attention for several years to
   signs of danger in its walls, but nothing had been done to
   avert the destruction of the most interesting monument of
   antiquity in the city. The building of the tower was begun in
   the year 888, and underwent a reconstruction in 1329. Its
   height was 322 feet.

   "At 9 o’clock, according to the story of an American architect
   who witnessed the fall of the tower from the neighborhood of
   the Rialto, he saw the golden angel slowly sink directly
   downward behind a line of roofs, and a dense gray dust arose
   in clouds. Instantly, from all parts of the city, a crowd
   rushed toward the Piazza, to find on their arrival that
   nothing was left of all that splendid nave but a mound of
   white dust, 80 feet high." A press telegram from Venice,
   January 4, 1910, announced that "the Campanile, after seven
   years’ work, is now approaching completion. The shaft is
   finished, and only lacks the belfry, the separate pieces of
   which are ready to be set in place."

VEREENIGING, BOER-BRITISH TREATY OF PEACE AT.

      See (in this Volume)
      South Africa: A. D. 1901-1902.

VERESTCHAGIN, VASILI, DEATH OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

VERNON-HARCOURT, LOUIS:
   First Commissioner of Works.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

VESUVIUS, MOUNT:
   Violent Eruption in 1906.

      See (in this Volume)
      VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS.

VETO, CIVIL, IN PAPAL ELECTIONS.

      See (in this Volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1904.

VIBORG CONFERENCE.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

VICTOR EMMANUEL III., KING OF ITALY:
   His Agency in founding the International Institute
   of Agriculture.

      See (in this Volume)
      AGRICULTURE.

VILHENA, SENHOR.

      See (in this Volume)
      PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

VILLAZON, ELIDORO:
   President of Bolivia.

      See (in this Volume)
      ACRE DISPUTES.

VIRCHOW, RUDOLPH:
   Celebration of his Eightieth Birthday.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ANNIVERSARY CELEBRATIONS.

VIRGINIA: A. D. 1907.
   The Jamestown Tercentennial Exposition.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAMESTOWN.

VITHÖFT, ADMIRAL.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

"VLADIMIR’S DAY."

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

VLADIVOSTOCK:
   In the Russo-Japanese War.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: ITALY: A. D. 1906 (April).
   Great Outburst of Vesuvius.
   The Most Violent since 1631.

   "At a meeting of the Geological Society, London, on May 9, a
   paper giving a scientific account of the recent great eruption
   of Mount Vesuvius was read by Professor Giuseppe de Lorenzo,
   of the Mineralogical Museum in the Royal University of Naples,
   a foreign correspondent of the society. According to the
   report in the London Times Professor de Lorenzo stated
   that after the great eruption of 1872 Vesuvius lapsed into
   repose, marked by merely solfataric phenomena, for three
   years. Fissuring of the cone and slight outpourings of lava
   began in May, 1905, and continued until April 5, 1906, when
   the fourth great outburst from the principal crater occurred,
   accompanied by the formation of deeper and larger fissures in
   the south-eastern wall of the cone, from which a great mass of
   fluid and scoriaceous lava was erupted. After a pause the
   maximum outburst took place during the night of April 7 and 8,
   and blew 3,000 feet into the air scoriæ and lapilli of lava as
   fragments derived from the wreckage of the cone.
{689}
   The southwesterly wind carried this ash to Ottajano and San
   Giuseppe, which were buried under three feet of it, and even
   swept it on to the Adriatic and Montenegro. At this time the
   lava which reached Torre Annunziato was erupted. The
   decrescent phase began on April 8, but the collapse of the
   cone of the principal crater was accompanied by the ejection
   of steam and dust to a height of from 22,000 to 26,000 feet.
   On April 9 and 10 the wind was northeast, and the dust was
   carried over Torre del Greco and as far as Spain; but on April
   11 the cloud was again impelled northward. The ash in the
   earlier eruptions was dark in color and made of materials
   derived directly from the usual type of leucotephritic magma;
   but later it became grayer and mixed with weathered elastic
   material from the cone. The great cone had an almost
   horizontal rim on April 13, very little higher than Monte
   Somma, and with a crater possibly exceeding 1,300 feet in
   diameter; this cone was almost snow white from the deposit of
   sublimates. Many deaths, Professor de Lorenzo states, were due
   to asphyxia, but the collapse of roofs weighted with dust was
   a source of much danger, as was the case at Pompeii in A. D.
   79. The lava streams surrounded trees, many of which still
   stood in the hot lava with their leaves and blossoms
   apparently uninjured. The sea level during April 7 and 8 was
   lowered six inches near Pozzuoli, and as much as twelve inches
   near Portici, and had not returned to its former level on
   April 13. The maximum activity conformed almost exactly with
   full moon, and at the time the volcanoes of the Phlegræan
   Fields and of the islands remained in their normal condition.
   Professor de Lorenzo believes that this eruption of Vesuvius
   is greater than any of those recorded in history with two
   exceptions—those of A. D. 79, the historic eruption which
   destroyed Pompeii and Herculaneum, and of 1631, when Torre del
   Greco was overwhelmed and 4,000 persons perished."

      Scientific Notes and News
      (Science, May 25, 1906).

VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES: A. D. 1902 (May).
   Of Mont Pelee and La Souffrière, on the islands of Martinique
   and St. Vincent.
   Destruction of the City of St. Pierre.

   The most appalling catastrophe in the annals of the Western
   Hemisphere is that which burst from the long torpid volcano of
   Mont Pelée, overlooking the city of St. Pierre, on the French
   island of Martinique, and from its slumbering neighbor, La
   Souffrière, of the British island of St. Vincent, on the
   morning of the 8th of May, 1902. The following particulars of
   the frightful volcanic explosion are borrowed from a graphic
   account prepared for The American Review of Reviews by
   W. J. McGee, of the Smithsonian Institution.

   "The outbreak of Mont Pelée seems to have been second only to
   that of Krakatoa in explosive violence in the written history
   of the world. Nor was the catastrophe confined to a mountain
   and a city, or even to an island: the towns and villages of
   northern Martinique were devastated or utterly destroyed as
   far southward as Fort de France, while the scant 400 square
   miles of the whole island were at once shaken from below and
   showered from above with uncounted tons of hot rock-powder,
   scorching what it touched, and desolating the tropical
   luxuriance of one of the fairest among the gems of the
   Antilles. At the same time the Vulcanian spasm thrilled afar
   through subterranean nerves and stirred into sympathetic
   resurrection other long-dead volcanoes; and one of these,—La
   Souffrière, on the island of St. Vincent, over a hundred miles
   away,—sprang into baleful activity, poured out vast sheets of
   viscid lava, showered land and sea with its own scorching
   rock-powder, devastated another gem in the Antillean necklace,
   and slew its thousands. The vigor of such volcanic outbursts
   as those of Martinique and St. Vincent, and the vastness of
   their products, are beyond realization. The governor of
   Barbados, Sir Frederick Hodgson, estimates that ‘two million
   tons of volcanic dust’ fell on his island, which is 110 miles
   from La Souffrière, and still farther from Mont Pelée. …

   "About the middle of April of the present year the inhabitants
   of Martinique and passing seafarers began to note the
   appearance of ‘smoke’ about the crest of the mountain; and
   within a few days the report spread that Mont Pelée was in an
   ugly mood. The smoky columns and clouds increased at
   intervals, and anxiety deepened both at St. Pierre and Fort de
   France; but as the days went by without other manifestations,
   apprehension faded. On May 5, detonations were heard and a
   tremor shook St. Pierre, while a mass of mud was violently
   erupted from the old crater. The indications are that this
   eruption was occasioned by the rise of viscous lava,
   accompanied by steam and other gases attending its formation,
   probably through the old vent, in sufficient quantity and with
   sufficient violence to blow the lake out of the ancient crater
   and vaporize the water. Portions of the lava were apparently
   blown into dust by the flashing into steam of water imprisoned
   in its interstices, after the manner of volcanic ejecta
   generally; and this material (better called ‘lapilli’ than
   ‘ashes’) hastened condensation of the aqueous vapor in the air
   already overcharged by the addition of that cast up from the
   lake. The consequence was a shower of mud, apparently of
   limited extent. Some of the accounts indicate that the greater
   part of this mud was not vomited into the air, but that it
   welled up in such wise as to fill and overflow the old crater,
   and send scalding streams down the gorges seaming the rugged
   sides of Mont Pelée; one of these flooded a sugar factory and
   enveloped a score or more of the employees; others mingled
   with the rivers, converting them into hot and muddy torrents,
   carrying destruction down their channels to the sea. … So
   matters rested, with Pelée still grumbling, until the evening
   and night of May 7, when the black vapor-clouds and
   subterranean groanings grew more terrifying; but it was too
   late to escape before another day.

   "About 7:50 A. M. on May 8 came the great shock, of which that
   of May 5 was the precursor; and within ten minutes St. Pierre
   and the smaller towns of Martinique were in ruins. Few
   witnesses were left to describe the event, and the accounts of
   these vary so widely as to require interpretation through the
   testimony of other witnesses of similar eruptions elsewhere.
   Briefly it seems evident that the lava mass, of which the
   uppermost portion exploded on May 5, had continued to rise in
   the vent after the temporary shock due to the recoil of the
   initial explosion, and that by the morning of May 8 it had
   reached such a height in the throat as to find relief from the
   stupendous pressure of the lower earth-crust.
{690}
   Coming up with the high temperature of subterranean depths,
   the mass was, like other rocks in a state of nature, saturated
   with water held in liquid state by the pressure, and charged
   with other mineral substances ready to flash into gas or to
   oxidize on contact with the air; and these more volatile
   materials, being of less density than the average, were more
   abundant in the upper portions of the mass.

   "As the viscid plug of red-hot rock forced its way upward, the
   mighty mountain travailed, the interior rocks were rent, and
   the groaning and trembling were conveyed through the outer
   strata to the surface and strange shakings of the shores and
   quiverings of the sea marked the approach of the culmination.
   Then the plug passed above the zone of rock-pressure great
   enough to compress steam into water whatsoever the heat,—and
   with this relief the liquid flashed into steam and the
   superheated rock-matter into gases, while the unoxidized
   compounds leaped into flame and smoke as they caught the
   oxygen of the outer air. The lava was probably acidic, and
   hence highly viscous; and when the imprisoned droplets of
   water expanded, they formed bubbles, or vesicles, often much
   larger than the Volume of rock-matter; doubtless some of this
   matter remains in the form of vesicular pumice; but
   unquestionably immense quantities were blown completely into
   fragments representing the walls of the bubbles and the
   angular spicules and thickenings between bubbles. Of these
   fragments lapilli, or so-called volcanic ashes, consists; and
   the Mont Pelée explosion was so violent that much of the
   matter was dust-fine, and drifted hundreds of miles before it
   settled from the upper air to the sea or land below. When the
   imprisoned water burst into steam, the heavier gases were
   evolved, also, with explosive violence; and while the steam
   shot skyward, carrying lapilli in vast dust-clouds, these
   gases rolled down the slopes, burning (at least in part) as
   they went; and at the same time the heavier lava fragments,
   together with rock-masses torn from the throat of the crater
   by the viscid flood, were dropped for miles around. …

   "Both press dispatches and physical principles indicate that
   it was the debacle of burning gas that consumed St. Pierre
   even before the red-hot rocks reached the roofs and balconies.
   Meantime the aerial disturbance was marked by electrical
   discharges, with continuous peal of thunder and glare of
   lightning, while portions of the hot rock-powder were washed
   down from the clouds by scalding rains. The heat of millions
   of tons of red-hot lava and of the earth-rending explosion, as
   well as of the burning gases, fell on Martinique; green things
   crumbled to black powder, dry wood fell into smoke and ashes,
   clothing flashed into flame, and the very bodies of men and
   beasts burst with the fervent heat. Such, in brief, were the
   evil events of Pelée and St. Pierre for May 8."

   Simultaneously, on St. Vincent’s Island, the outbreak of La
   Souffrière occurred that day. "The accounts are vague or
   conflicting as to the hour and as to the precise nature of the
   initial and later throes; yet it would appear, from the burden
   of the testimony, that the outbreak quickly succeeded that of
   Pelée. Apparently, too, the extravasation of rock-matter, both
   of liquid and lava, exceeded that of the northern neighbor;
   yet the indications are that the explosion was feebler, and
   that the formation of gases was proportionately less abundant.
   Lapilli are reported to cover the entire island to depths
   ranging from an inch or more to several feet, several
   roofs,—like those of Pompeii of old,—being crushed in by the
   weight; the estimates of human mortality ranged from a few
   hundreds in the early reports to over two thousand, and were
   afterward slightly reduced, while the destruction of property
   seems to have been relatively greater than on Martinique. So
   far as the accounts of the two outbursts go, they indicate
   that the Pelée eruption was primarily an explosion due to the
   flashing of water and other gases on relief from pressure,
   with attendant heat and meteorologic disturbances, followed by
   a limited and quiet outflow of lava from the deeper and drier
   portion of the lava plug; but that the upwelling lava of
   Souffrière was in some way nearer equilibrium,—perhaps drier,
   perhaps cooler, perhaps from less depth and pressure,—and
   hence poured out in broad sheets of viscid rock-matter,
   likened by some observers to burning sealing wax.

   "Such, in brief, is the record of La Souffrière on May 8,—a
   record that would have appalled the nations had it not been
   eclipsed by the ghastly tale of Mont Pelée and St. Pierre."

   In the case of St. Pierre almost the entire population had
   remained in the town, not sufficiently warned by the outbreak
   of May 5, and was, in consequence, destroyed. It is estimated
   that 30,000 people perished in or near that town alone. Death
   came to them almost instantaneously,—not from the flow of lava
   or the showers of hot ashes that fell to the depth of perhaps
   two feet, but from such a fierce current of burning gases that
   men breathed flames instead of air.

   On the English island, there was no large town close to the
   mountain, and therefore not as great loss of life as in
   Martinique, but nearly two thousand persons in the rural
   districts lost their lives. These were burned to death by hot
   sand or were killed by lightning, there being no suffocation,
   as in St. Pierre. A layer of ashes fell over the entire
   island, and in the northeastern part the land was buried in
   ashes and stones to the depth of eighteen inches. As a
   consequence, all the crops were destroyed.

   Repeated outbreaks of both Mont Pelée and La Souffrière
   occurred at intervals during more than a year following the
   great explosion, adding much to the destruction of the means
   of living on large parts of the islands and to the misery of
   the inhabitants remaining in the regions affected, though not
   greatly to the loss of life. Of the relief in money and
   supplies from all sources that was poured into the two
   afflicted islands no full reckoning can be obtained; but the
   Governor of the Windward Islands reported to the Colonial
   Office at London on the 20th of June, 1903, that total
   receipts for the Eruption Fund to that date were £77,000, and
   expenditures £42,787. "I shall have sufficient funds left in
   the Colony," he added, "to meet all present needs, unless any
   further unforeseen misfortune takes place."

VULGATE, REVISION OF THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      PAPACY: A. D. 1907-1909.

{691}

W.

WAGES AND COST OF LIVING.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES, &c.

WAI-WU-PU.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

WALDECK-ROUSSEAU, PIERRE MARIE:
   Resignation of Ministry.

      See (in this Volume )
      FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

WALLER, DR. AUGUSTUS.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.

WALL STREET INVESTIGATION, THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

   ----------WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: Start--------

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: At Large:
   Contradictory Feeling and Action in the World.
   Its Causes.
   International Barbarism with Inter-Personal Civilization.
   The Two Main Knots of Difficulty in the Situation.
   The British and the German Posture.

   There was never before in the world so wide-spread and so
   passionate a hatred of War, among civilized peoples, or so
   earnest and determined an endeavor to supplant it by rational
   methods of composing international disputes. At the same time,
   there was never so frenzied a rivalry of preparation among the
   nations for Warfare, by monstrous accumulation of its horrible
   engines and tools. How can the glaring inconsistency be
   accounted for without impeaching the general sanity of
   mankind?

   The strangeness of the situation was described most
   graphically and feelingly, not long since, by Lord Rosebery,
   in speaking at a banquet given to the delegates attending the
   British Imperial Press Conference, at London, in June, 1909,
   and his own feeling that went into the description of it
   affords an explanation of the anomaly. "I do not know," said
   the eloquent Earl, "that in some ways I have ever seen a
   condition of things in Europe so remarkable, so peaceful, and
   in some respects so ominous as the condition which exists at
   this moment. There is a hush in Europe, a hush in which you
   may almost hear a leaf fall to the ground. There is an
   absolute absence of any questions which ordinarily lead to
   war. One of the great Empires which is sometimes supposed to
   menace peace is entirely engrossed with its own internal
   affairs. Another great Eastern empire which furnished a
   perpetual problem to statesmen has taken a new lease of life
   and youth in searching for constitutional peace and reform.

   "All forebodes peace; and yet at the same time, combined with
   this total absence of all questions of friction, there never
   was in the history of the world so threatening and so
   overpowering a preparation for war. That is a sign which I
   confess I regard as most ominous. For 40 years it has been a
   platitude to say that Europe is an armed camp, and for 40
   years it has been true that all the nations have been facing
   each other armed to the teeth, and that has been in some
   respects a guarantee of peace. Now, what do we see? Without
   any tangible reason we see the nations preparing new
   armaments. They cannot arm any more men on land, so they have
   to seek new armaments upon the sea, piling up these enormous
   preparations as if for some great Armageddon—and that in a
   time of profoundest peace. We live in the midst of what I
   think was called by Petrarch tacens bellum—a silent
   warfare, in which not a drop of blood is shed in anger, but in
   which, however, the last drop is extracted from the living
   body by the lancets of the European statesmen. There are
   features in this general preparation for war which must cause
   special anxiety to the friends of Great Britain and the
   British Empire, but I will not dwell upon these. I will only
   ask you who have come to this country to compare carefully the
   armaments of Europe with our preparations to meet them, and
   give your impressions to the Empire in return. (Cheers.) I
   myself feel confident in the resolution and power of this
   country to meet any reasonable conjunction of forces. But when
   I see this bursting out of navies everywhere, when I see one
   country alone asking for 25 millions of extra taxation for
   warlike preparation, when I see the absolutely unprecedented
   sacrifices which are asked from us on the same ground, I do
   begin to feel uneasy at the outcome of it all and wonder where
   it will stop, or if it is nearly going to bring back Europe
   into a state of barbarism, (hear, hear), or whether it will
   cause a catastrophe in which the working men of the world will
   say, ‘We will have no more of this madness, this foolery which
   is grinding us to powder.’ (Cheers.)

   "We can and we will build Dreadnoughts—or whatever the newest
   type of ship may be (loud cheers)—as long as we have a
   shilling to spend on them or a man to put into them. (Loud
   cheers.) All that we can and will do; but I am not sure that
   even that will be enough, and I think it may be your duty to
   take back to your young dominions across the seas this message
   and this impression—that some personal duty and responsibility
   for national defence rests on every man and citizen. (Loud and
   prolonged cheers.) Yes, take that message back with you. Tell
   your people—if they can believe it—the deplorable way in which
   Europe is lapsing into militarism and the pressure which is
   put upon this little island to defend its liberties—and yours.
   (Cheers.) But take this message also back with you—that the
   old country is right at heart, that there is no failing or
   weakness in heart, and that she rejoices in renewing her youth
   in her giant dominions beyond the seas. (Loud cheers.) For her
   own salvation she must look to herself, and that failing her
   she must look to you. (Cheers.)"

{692}

   Here, in the feeling of one superlatively civilized man, is
   the feeling of more than half the world epitomized. It shrinks
   with horror from the enormity of preparations that are "as if
   for some great Armageddon," and shudders over what seems to be
   "nearly going to bring back Europe into a state of barbarism";
   but suspicion, distrust, fear impel it nevertheless, to cry
   with Lord Rosebery: "We can and we will build Dreadnoughts as
   long as we have a shilling to spend on them or a man to put
   into them—because others are building them who may use them
   against us." There is senselessness in this predicament of
   mind, but it is the senselessness of a persisting
   international barbarism, which keeps nation-neighbors still
   standing in attitudes toward one another which became
   foolishness to individual neighbors a thousand years ago. It
   means, simply, that the society of nations is as barbaric as
   it was when Englishmen and Normans fought at Senlac; and that
   it is only in little street-neighborhoods that men have
   arrived at the rational relationships which offer an
   appearance of civilization in some parts of the world.

   Two principal knots of difficulty must be cut in some way,
   before an international civilization can be developed, by the
   rational and moral processes which have civilized us
   interpersonally in some considerable degree. The hardest of
   these knots is tightened upon England, by the weight and the
   strain of her great world-wide empire on the little island to
   which it is bound. Not only the whole exterior fabric of
   British Empire, but the bare subsistence of the people of the
   small island at its center, depends on the uninterrupted use
   of the surrounding seas for trade and travel between its
   parts. To lose freedom in that use means the downfall of Great
   Britain, not merely as a militant power, but in everything
   that could carry her past importance into the future of the
   world. It means so much as this, because the resources of the
   island-home of the nation, within themselves, are so small.
   There can be no wonder, then, that Englishmen reckon nothing
   else so important to them as an indisputable free use of the
   seas. Nor can there be wonder that they learned in the past to
   look on an indisputable free use of the seas as implying a
   mastery of the sea. Until within the last generation or two
   this was the sole condition on which there could be security
   in ocean trade. That it remains so still is the continued
   belief of all the Governments which put millions on millions
   into bigger and bigger steel-clad battleships, and of the
   publics behind the Governments, which cry with Rosebery, "We
   can and we will build Dreadnoughts as long as we have a
   shilling to spend on them or a man to put into them." England
   differs from the rest only in the imperativeness to her of
   what is simply important to them. If security in the use of
   the seas is still impossible of attainment without the
   supremacy over them of an irresistible sea-power, then England
   has justifications for the enormity of her naval armament
   which no other nation can claim.

   So long as a majority of Englishmen feel constrained to
   believe that their ocean trade is made secure from hostile
   obstruction by nothing but their naval strength, so long they
   will strive to maintain a navy that shall be equal to the
   combined navies of any other two Powers; and so long as that
   "Two Power Standard" of British naval policy remains
   inflexible, it seems forbidding to the hope of a common
   agreement among the maritime nations to reduce their building
   of battleships. With other Powers than Germany there might be
   possibilities of such an agreement, even subject to a
   concession of British naval supremacy, because of the
   exceptionality of circumstance in England’s case; but it is
   here that we come to the second of the two principal knots of
   difficulty which hinder the international civilization of the
   world, now so flagrantly over-due. Germany, coming late, by a
   tardy unification, into the national career which the German
   people are entitled to, by their energy of spirit and capacity
   of brain, is impatient in the ambitions that were repressed so
   long. Her industries, her commerce, her maritime undertakings
   have been pushed in the last generation, against the older
   competitions of Europe and America, with an impassioned
   determination that has won extraordinary triumphs on every
   line. Here, again, as in the case of England, there is an
   exceptional exposure of the nation to those perils from war
   which the state of international barbarism still keeps in
   suspense. Germany elbows so many close neighbors in Europe
   that nothing but a perfectly trusting friendship or a
   perfectly organized reign of law among them can make safety
   for any. In the absence of both friendly trust and
   authoritative law, they stand on guard against each other in
   the twentieth century as they did in the tenth; but with arms
   a hundred-fold more hellish and a thousand-fold more ruinous
   in cost. Under the pressure of her long-pent ambitions and
   energies, Germany has beaten all her neighbors in this as in
   other fields of exertion. She commands the best trained, the
   best organized, the best equipped army in the world, and
   stands admittedly the first among military Powers. But
   military power does not give "world power," in the accepted
   meaning of that term, and Germany is impelled by all the
   strong motives of our time to acquire that. She is competing
   with England in commerce, in shipping, in exploitations of
   enterprise, everywhere, and she manifestly hopes yet to make
   good the lateness of her coming into the field of colonial
   plantation. By everything in the prevailing theories of
   statesmanship, this calls for a development of naval power to
   mate the military; and Germany has been zealously obedient to
   the call,—so zealously that England has taken alarm. Since
   about the year 1900 a German navy has been created so fast
   that the "two power standard" of Great Britain has begun of
   late to be a seriously difficult, because a frightfully
   costly, naval standard to maintain. Yet England more than ever
   believes that she must maintain it at any cost; because the
   strenuousness of the German navy-building inspires her with a
   new distrust. Hence these two Powers are setting a new pace to
   the increase of naval armament, all other Governments catching
   some infection from the new temper of suspicion and distrust
   which works in theirs.

   And this, mainly, at least, is why the world is busier to-day
   than it was ever busy before in building monstrous ships and
   guns and horrible inventions of a thousand sorts for battle,
   while it loathes battle and war as they were never loathed by
   mankind before.

{693}

   One of the most impressive of recent utterances on this grave
   subject fell from the lips of the Secretary for Foreign
   Affairs in the Government of Great Britain, Sir Edward Grey,
   on the 29th of March, 1909, when he said in Parliament: "Sir,
   the martial spirit, I should be the last to deny, has its
   place, and its proper place, in the life of a nation. That the
   nation should take pride in its power to resist force by force
   is a natural and wholesome thing. It is a source of perfectly
   healthy pride to have soundness of wind and limb and physical
   strength, and it has no unworthy part in the national spirit.
   That I sympathize with entirely, but I would ask the people to
   consider to what consequences the growth of armaments has led.
   The great countries of Europe are raising enormous revenues
   and something like one-half of them is being spent on naval
   and military preparations. You may call it national insurance,
   that is perfectly true; but it is equally true that one-half
   of the national revenue of the great countries in Europe is
   being spent on what are, after all, preparations to kill each
   other. Surely the extent to which this expenditure has grown
   really becomes a satire and a reflection upon civilization.
   (Cheers.) Not in our generation, perhaps, but if it goes on at
   the rate at which it has recently increased, sooner or later I
   believe it will submerge that civilization. The burden already
   shows itself in national credit—less in our national credit
   than in the national credit of other nations—but sooner or
   later, if it goes on at this rate, it must lead to national
   bankruptcy. Is it to be wondered that the hopes and
   aspirations of the best men in the leading countries are
   devoted to trying to find some means of checking it? (Cheers.)
   Surely that is a statement of the case in which, however
   attached a man may be to what I may call the martial spirit,
   he may at least see that the whole of Europe is in the
   presence of a great danger. But, Sir, no country alone can
   save that."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: At Large:
   Lord Morley on the Responsibility of the Press.

   Speaking to the Imperial Press Conference, at London, in June,
   1909, and referring to the "rebarbarism of Europe—the
   rattling back into arms and the preparation to use arms," Lord
   Morley said he thought the Press was more answerable for this
   than all the ministers, officers, and diplomatists taken
   together, and he pleaded for a systematic and persevering work
   on the part of newspapers in behalf of peace among the
   nations.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: Military:
   Average Cost of the Armies of the Great Military Powers.

   In his report on the French army budget of 1909 M. Gervais
   made a calculation of the average military expenditure of the
   six Powers—namely, Russia, Germany, France, Austria-Hungary,
   Italy, and Japan, which can mobilize the largest armies, and
   found the total amount spent annually to be no less than 5,037
   million francs (more than $1,000,000,000), and the number of
   men which they could put into the field to be 31,700,000. The
   army which England can mobilize comes seventh, and is given as
   555,000 men, though her average annual expenditure is the same
   as that of France—namely, 700 million francs ($140,000,000).
   Comparing next the expenditure and the effectives of France
   and Germany, the report states that the German army estimates
   show an increase in 1909 to 69 million francs, being fixed at
   1,067,862,437f., of which 838,037,151f., belong to the
   ordinary budget and 229,825,226f. to the extraordinary budget.
   The French army estimates for the year were 742,443,745f.
   ($150,000,000). The totals on either side were: Germany,
   34,118 officers and 602,670 men; France, 27,310 officers and
   511,930 men. The average cost per man in Germany is l,398f.
   and in France 1,150f.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   Belgian Military Service Stiffened.
   Substitution Abolished.
   Personal Service Exacted.

   Conscription of a mild type has existed in Belgium for some
   years, supplemented by voluntary enlistments and ameliorated
   by hired substitution, which released the well-to-do from
   military service if they wished to escape it. The Liberals and
   Socialists have for a long time been advocating the abolition
   of the practice of substitution in favor of a system of
   personal and universal military service; and, latterly they
   were joined in the demand by a section of the Catholics. The
   question became a dominant one in politics, and brought about
   an extraordinary session of the Belgian Chamber in October,
   1909, for discussion of a comprehensive measure of military
   reform, for strengthening the self-defense of the kingdom. It
   resulted in a decision that "general personal service
   restricted to one son per family should be introduced, that
   the annual contingent should be raised to 18,000 men, that the
   peace strength should stand at 48,400, and that the eventual
   war strength should be 250,000 men. It was also agreed that,
   the ecclesiastics should be exempt."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   Brazilian Military Service.

   Service in the Brazilian army was made obligatory by
   legislation in 1907.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   The British Territorial Force.
   The Reorganization of 1907-1908.
   Lord Roberts’ Criticism.
   His Bill for Compulsory Training.

   The volunteer or militia forces of the United Kingdom, for
   home service, underwent an important reorganization in 1907,
   according to the provisions of an Act entitled the
   "Territorial and Reserve Forces Act," the general scheme of
   which may be learned from the following clauses, taken out of
   the text of the Act:

   "For the purposes of the reorganisation under this Act of His
   Majesty’s military forces other than the regulars and their
   reserves, and of the administration of those forces when so
   reorganised, and for such other purposes as are mentioned in
   this Act, an association may be established for any county in
   the United Kingdom, with such powers and duties in connection
   with the purposes aforesaid as may be conferred on it by or
   under this Act. Associations shall be constituted, and the
   members thereof shall be appointed and hold office in
   accordance with schemes to be made by the Army Council."

   "It shall be the duty of an association when constituted to
   make itself acquainted with and conform to the plan of the
   Army Council for the organisation of the Territorial Force
   within the county and to ascertain the military resources and
   capabilities of the county, and to render advice and
   assistance to the Army Council and to such officers as the
   Army Council may direct, and an association shall have,
   exercise, and discharge such powers and duties connected with
   the organisation and administration of His Majesty’s military
   forces as may for the time being be transferred or assigned to
   it by order of His Majesty signified under the hand of a
   Secretary of State or, subject thereto, by regulations under
   this Act, but an association shall not have any powers of
   command or training over any part of His Majesty’s military
   forces."

{694}

   "The Army Council shall pay to an association, out of money
   voted by Parliament for army services, such sums as, in the
   opinion of the Army Council, are required to meet the
   necessary expenditure connected with the exercise and
   discharge by the association of its powers and duties.

   "All men of the Territorial Force shall be enlisted by such
   persons and in such manner and subject to such regulations as
   may be prescribed: Provided that every man enlisted under this
   Part of this Act—

   (a)
   Shall be enlisted for a county for which an association has
   been established under this Act and shall be appointed to
   serve in such corps for that county or for an area comprising
   the whole or part of that county as he may select, and, if
   that corps comprises more than one unit within the county,
   shall be posted to such one of those units as he may select:

   (b)
   Shall be enlisted to serve for such a period as may be
   prescribed, not exceeding four years, reckoned from the date
   of his attestation:

   (c)
   May be re-engaged within twelve months before the end of his
   current term of service for such a period as may be prescribed
   not exceeding four years from the end of that term."

   "Any part of the Territorial Force shall be liable to serve in
   any part of the United Kingdom, but no part of the Territorial
   Force shall be carried or ordered to go out of the United
   Kingdom. Provided that it shall be lawful for His Majesty, if
   he thinks fit, to accept the offer of any part or men of the
   Territorial Force, signified through their commanding officer,
   to subject themselves to the liability to serve in any place
   outside the United Kingdom."

   "Subject to the provisions of this section, every man of the
   Territorial Force shall, by way of annual training—

   (a)
   Be trained for not less than eight nor more than fifteen, or
   in the case of the mounted branch eighteen, days in every year
   at such times and at such places in any part of the United
   Kingdom as may be prescribed, and may for that purpose be
   called out once or oftener in every year:

    (b)
    Attend the number of drills and fulfill the other conditions
    relating to training prescribed for his arm or branch of the
    service":

   "His Majesty in Council may—Order that the period of annual
   training in any year of all or any part of the Territorial
   Force be extended, but so that the whole period of annual
   training be not more than thirty days in any year."

   The King is empowered to make orders with respect to pay and
   allowances of the Territorial Force, as well as concerning its
   government and discipline.

   Under this Act the Territorial Force assumed form on the 1st
   of April, 1908. The former organizations of Yeomanry and
   Volunteers were given until 30th June to transfer to the new
   Force. The strength of the Yeomanry and Volunteers on 31st
   March had been 9,174 officers and 241,085 men. On 1st July the
   strength of the new Force, including both transfers and
   recruits, was about 8,000 officers and 176,500 men. Of these
   some 112,000 men had joined for one year.

   The latest published statement of the enrollment in the
   Territorial Force (that can be referred to, here) was made on
   the 26th of April, 1909, in the House of Lords, by Lord Lucas,
   speaking for the Government, in reply to questions as to "how
   many of the 315,000 men required to complete the Territorial
   Force had been enrolled up to date; how many of these now
   serving in the force were under 20 years of age; what was the
   lowest age at which they had been and were now accepted; and
   how many Territorials now serving had engaged for one year
   only." The answer was: "the strength of the Territorial Force
   on the first of this month was 8,938 officers out of an
   establishment of 11,267, or 79 percent.; 254,524 men out of a
   strength of 302,047; or a total of 263,462 out of an
   establishment of 313,314, which came out at 84 per cent. In
   answer to the second question he was sorry that they had not
   got later particulars than October 1, 1908, but on that day
   there were 188,785 men on the strength of the Territorial
   Force of whom 62,288 were under 20. The answer to the third
   question was that the limit of age for men was 17, and for
   boys 14. In answer to the fourth, he could not give the noble
   earl the actual number of men serving at the present time for
   one year, but the figures he could give would make it pretty
   clear. They had last year 107,857 one-year men serving in the
   force—Volunteers who had transferred for one year. On April 1
   last out of these 107,857 men 56,238 had already reengaged for
   one year or more. That was to say, that these men had
   signified their intention of re-engaging before their year was
   actually up."

   Lord Roberts has no confidence in the efficiency of the
   Territorial Force, as a voluntary organization. In a letter
   read to the House of Lords on the 17th of May, 1909, when a
   motion expressive of this opinion was to be made and he found
   himself unable to attend and support it personally, he wrote:

   "On July 10, 1905, I said that ‘I have no hesitation in
   stating that our armed forces as a body are as absolutely
   unfitted and unprepared for war as they were in 1899-1900.
   Close upon four years have passed since then, and I have no
   hesitation in reaffirming my conviction."

   Subsequently Lord Roberts introduced in the House of Lords a
   "National Service (Training and Home Defence) Bill," on which
   he spoke with great earnestness on the 12th of July. His Bill
   imposed on all male subjects the obligation of serving in the
   Territorial Force between the ages of 18 and 30, excepting
   officers of the Regular and Reserve Forces, naval and
   military, and some others; but subject to this and other
   modifications every person who came under the Bill would be in
   the same position as a person who voluntarily joins the
   existing Territorial Force. The liability to training would
   not extend over the whole term of service, but be limited to
   four years. The Bill provided for absolute equality of
   treatment of all classes, no purchase of discharge or of
   exemption from service being allowed; but in the matter of
   training various exemptions were provided for.

   The Bill encountered more opposition than support in the
   debate on it, and did not secure a second reading.

{695}

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   British Army Reorganization.
   Creation of a General Staff.
   Result of the Report of the Esher Army Commission.
   Work of the Defence Committee.

   Speaking, in April, at the Imperial Conference of 1907, Mr.
   Haldane, the Secretary for War in the British Ministry, gave a
   brief but clear account of the reforms in the organization of
   the Army which had been in progress since 1904. "The effect of
   the war in South Africa," he said, "made a profound impression
   on the minds of our advisers here. We realized that we had
   gone into the war without adequate preparation for war on a
   great scale, and that we had never fully apprehended the
   importance of the maxim that all preparation in time of peace
   must be preparation for war; it is of no use unless it is
   designed for that; it is the only justification for the
   maintenance of armies—the preparation for war. In consequence,
   when the war was over, the then Government set to work—and the
   present Government has continued to work—to endeavour to put
   the modern military organization into shape. In 1904 a very
   important committee sat. It was presided over by a civilian
   who had given great attention to the study of military
   organization, Lord Esher, and it contained on it two very
   distinguished exponents of naval and military views, Sir John
   Fisher and Sir George Clarke, as its other members. The
   committee reported, and its report contained a complete scheme
   for the reorganization of the War Office and of the Army. That
   scheme was adopted by the late Government and has been carried
   on by the present Government. One broad feature is this, that
   our naval organization has been the one with which we have
   been conspicuously successful in the history of this country,
   as distinguished from our military organization, and,
   therefore, as far as was possible, the naval organization was
   taken as a type. But the broad feature which emerged with
   regard to military preparations was this—Count Moltke was
   able to organize victory for the Prussian and German armies in
   1866, and again in 1870, because he and the General Staff
   working under him were free to apply their minds wholly to war
   preparation. That he was able to do this was due to the fact
   that the organization and business administration of the Army
   in peace were kept entirely distinct from the service which
   consisted in the study of war problems and in the higher
   training of the Staff and of the troops. That was the
   principle recommended by the Esher Committee, and it
   culminated in the provision of a brain for the Army in the
   shape of a General Staff. That General Staff we have been at
   work on for a long time past in endeavouring to get together.
   The task was not as difficult as it seemed at first, because
   the effect of the war was to bring to the front a number of
   young officers who had shown remarkable capacity, and who
   constituted the nucleus of a serious and thoughtful military
   school. They were got together under the Esher reorganization,
   and virtually there has been a General Staff in existence for
   some time. But it was not until last September that it
   received formal and complete shape in the Army Order of that
   month."

   Besides this fundamental reform, the Esher Commission pointed
   the way to other important changes or effective improvements
   in the administrative system of the Army. In place of the
   commander-in-chief, a new post, that of inspector-general,
   with a term of five years, was proposed, the principal duty of
   the office being to inspect and report on the efficiency of
   the military forces. Earl Roberts had just retired from the
   position of commander-in-chief, and the Duke of Connaught
   became inspector-general under the new regime. The existing
   Defence Committee, instituted in 1902, was to be enlarged by
   the addition of a permanent secretary, holding office for five
   years; two naval officers, selected by the admiralty; two
   military officers, chosen by the Viceroy of India; and, if
   possible, other colonial representatives, holding office for
   two years.

   Of the importance of this Defence Committee, and of its work,
   Prime Minister Asquith took occasion to speak recently in
   Parliament (July 29, 1909). "Under the present Government," he
   said, "during the four years we have been in office the full
   Committee constituted by my predecessor, and which has since
   rendered the same service to myself, has consisted of six
   Cabinet Ministers in addition to the Prime Minister—namely,
   the four Secretaries of State other than the Home Secretary,
   the First Lord of the Admiralty, and the Chancellor of the
   Exchequer. It has consisted next, as representing the Navy, of
   the First Sea Lord and the Director of Naval Intelligence, and
   as representing the Army the Chief of the General Staff and
   the Director of Military Operations; and in addition to these
   official members it has had the services and the coöperation
   of the Inspector-General of the Forces (Sir John French), who
   occupies an independent position; of Lord Esher, who is a
   great expert in all these matters; and latterly, at my
   nomination, Admiral Sir Arthur Wilson. That has been the
   composition of the full Committee, but from time to time we
   were able to add to it, and we ought to add to it, members
   ad hoc. …

   "The functions of the Defence Committee arise out of the
   necessity felt, I think, in almost all the great countries of
   the world, but which is nowhere so pressing as it is here
   owing to our geographical and economic conditions—the
   necessity of coordinating the work of the Navy and Army. It is
   the primary business of the Defence Committee to study and
   determine what is the best provision that can from time to
   time be made for the military and naval requirements of the
   Empire as a whole, to keep both naval and military
   requirements, and their due relation to each other, constantly
   in view." Giving examples of the subjects which the committee
   had discussed, he said they had had under consideration the
   military needs of the Empire with reference to recent changes
   in Army organization; its military requirements as affected by
   the defence of India; the strategical aspects of the Firth of
   Clyde Canal; aerial navigation in view of the present and
   prospective developments; our policy in regard to the Channel
   tunnel and to the means of transit across the Channel; the
   standard of fixed defences and garrisons in various parts of
   the Empire, and the scale of reinforcements.

{696}

   "In 1905 Mr. Balfour, who was then Prime Minister, made a
   statement of the highest importance in regard to the
   possibility of an invasion of these islands. Since then Lord
   Roberts had asked for a reinvestigation of the problem in the
   light of new facts and of the changed situation, and in 1907 a
   special committee of the Committee of Imperial Defence was
   appointed to go into the whole matter. In arriving at their
   conclusion the committee conceded to those who were
   apprehensive of invasion that it would take place when our
   Regular Forces were absent upon some foreign expedition and
   that the attack might be a surprise attack. The view
   unanimously arrived at was, in the first place, that as long
   as the naval supremacy of the country was adequately assured,
   invasion on a large scale, involving the transport of 150,000
   men, was an absolutely impracticable operation. The committee
   held, on the other hand, that if we were permanently to lose
   command of the sea, whatever might be the strength and
   organization of our military forces at the moment—even if we
   had an army like that of Germany—the subjection of the country
   by the enemy would be inevitable. It followed from this that
   it was the business of the Admiralty to maintain our naval
   supremacy at such a height as would enable us to retain
   command of the sea against any reasonably possible
   combination. The second conclusion arrived at was that we
   ought to have an Army for home defence sufficient in numbers
   and organization to repel raids and to compel an enemy who
   contemplated invasion to embark a force so considerable that
   it could not possibly evade our Fleet. The belief of the
   Admiralty was that a force of 70,000 men could not get
   through; but an ample margin must be allowed for safety, and
   it therefore became the business of the War Office to see that
   we had a force capable of dealing effectively with 70,000 men.
   For this country, then, to be secure against invasion we ought
   to have an unassailable supremacy at sea and a home Army ready
   to cope with a force of the dimensions he had named. It was
   upon these conclusions that both the military and naval policy
   of the country during his administration would be carried on."

   Speaking in Parliament, in June, 1909, of the peculiar
   character and efficient quality of the Regular Army of Great
   Britain, Mr. Haldane, the Secretary for War, described it as
   "an Army of the kind which no other Power in the world
   possesses to the same extent as we do. It is customary," he
   said, "to speak of the small British Army; but what Power in
   the world has 80,000 white soldiers raised in their own
   country stationed in a country like India, and 40,000 in other
   parts of the Empire, and a further large force at home which
   is tending to increase—and more and more the overseas
   Dominions are tending to undertake their own defence? Now that
   force is not primarily for use at home, though it may be used
   for that; its real purpose is to work with the Navy overseas
   and to undertake wars there. The great armies of the Continent
   can only be mobilized for a limited time, and they cannot
   undertake wars which last for two or five or ten years, as
   ours can because it is a professional Army and leaves the
   resources of the nation unaffected. That kind of overseas Army
   is a peculiarity of the military organization of this country,
   a peculiarity which is too often overlooked, but which is just
   as essential as the command of the sea."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   German Emperor’s Speech.

   The following speech by the Emperor William was made at
   Karlsruhe, September 11, 1909, after a military review in
   Baden: "We Germans are a people glad to bear arms and proud of
   the game of war (kriegsspielfreudiy). We carry the
   burden of our defence lightly and willingly, for we know that,
   we must preserve and maintain our peace in which alone our
   labour can prosper. At the review from which I have just come
   I have seen that portion of the warrior sons of our Fatherland
   which springs from the land of Baden. Today, under the command of
   their illustrious lord, they have given me the most complete
   satisfaction. So long as there are peoples there will be
   enemies and envious folk; and so long as there are enemies and
   envious folk it will be necessary to be on one’s guard against
   them. Consequently there will continue to be prospects of war,
   and even war itself, and we must be ready for everything.
   Hence our army before all forms the rocher de bronze on
   which the peace of Europe is based and with which no one
   intends to pick a quarrel. It is to preserve this peace, to
   maintain the position in the world which is our due, that our
   army serves; this also is the aim of the strenuous days which
   are expected of it. But I am firmly convinced that it will
   stand its test successfully and that our German Fatherland may
   rest in confidence that we are on guard and that with God’s
   help and under God’s protection nothing will befall us."

MILITARY AND NAVAL;

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   British Imperial Defence Conference of 1909.
   Its Agreements for an Imperial System.
   Compulsory Military Training contemplated in Australia.

   In connection with the doubts that were awakened in Great
   Britain, and throughout the British Empire, in 1909, as to the
   adequacy of their general preparations for defence, the
   Premier announced in the House of Commons, on the 3d of May,
   that steps had "been taken to ascertain whether the
   Governments of the self-governing Dominions are prepared to
   favour a conference at an early date for the discussion of
   Imperial co-operation for defence. The Government had
   suggested, he said, that the conference should be held this
   summer—if possible, in July." The proposal was approved
   throughout the Empire, and delegates to the Conference from
   each of the self-governing Dominions came to London and held
   sessions with representatives of the Home Government,
   beginning on the 28th of July. The delegates in attendance
   were the following;

   Commonwealth of Australia.—
   Colonel J. F. Foxton, Minister without portfolio, assisted by
   Captain Creswell and Colonel Bridges, naval and military
   experts.

   New Zealand.—
   Sir Joseph Ward, Prime Minister and Minister of Defence.

   Canada.—
   Sir Frederick Borden, Minister of Militia and Defence, Mr. L.
   Brodeur, Minister of Marine and Fisheries, these Ministers
   being assisted by Admiral Kingsmill and General Sir Percy
   Lake, as naval and military advisers.

   Newfoundland.—
   Sir E. P. Morris, Prime Minister.

   Cape Colony.—
   Mr. J. F. X. Merriman, Prime Minister.

   Natal.—
   Mr. J. R. Moor, Prime Minister, assisted by
   Colonel Greene, Minister of Railways.

   The Transvaal.—
   General J. C. Smuts, Colonial Secretary.

   Orange River Colony.—
   General Hertzog, Colonial Secretary.

{697}

   The discussions of the Conference were unreported, but on the
   26th of August, after its adjournment, the Premier, in a
   statement to the House of Commons, summarized its main
   conclusions as follows: "First as regards military defence:
   after the main Conference at the Foreign Office, a military
   Conference took place at the War Office, and resulted in an
   agreement on the fundamental principles set out in papers
   which had been prepared by the General Staff for consideration
   by the delegates. The substance of these papers, which will be
   included among the papers to be published, was the
   recommendation that, without impairing the complete control of
   the Government of each Dominion over the military forces
   raised within it, those forces should be standardized, the
   formation of units, the arrangements for transport, the
   patterns of weapons, and so forth, being as far as possible
   assimilated to those which have been recently worked out for
   the British Army. Thus while the Dominion troops would in each
   case be raised for the defence of the Dominion concerned, it
   would be made readily practicable in case of need for that
   Dominion to mobilize and use them for the defence of the
   Empire as a whole. The military Conference then entrusted to a
   sub-Conference, consisting of military experts at headquarters
   and from the various Dominions, and presided over by Sir
   William Nicholson, acting for the first time in the capacity
   of Chief of the Imperial General Staff, the duty of working
   out the detailed application of these principles. I may point
   out here that the creation early this year of an Imperial
   General Staff thus brought into active working is a result of
   the discussions and resolutions of the Conference of 1907.
   Complete agreement was reached by the members of the
   sub-Conference, and their conclusions were finally approved by
   the main Conference and by the Committee of Imperial Defence,
   which sat for the purpose under the presidency of the Prime
   Minister. The result was a plan for so organizing the forces
   of the Crown wherever they are that while preserving the
   complete autonomy of each Dominion, should these Dominions
   desire to assist in the defence of the Empire, in a real
   emergency, their forces could be rapidly combined into one
   homogeneous Imperial Army.

   "Naval defence was discussed at meetings of the Conference
   held at the Foreign Office on August 3, 5, and 6. The
   Admiralty memorandum which had been circulated to the Dominion
   representatives formed the basis of the preliminary
   conference. The alternative methods which might be adopted by
   Dominion Governments in co-operating in Imperial naval defence
   were discussed. New Zealand preferred to adhere to her present
   policy of contribution; Canada and Australia preferred to lay
   the foundation of fleets of their own. It was recognized that
   in building up a fleet a number of conditions should be
   conformed to. The fleet must be of a certain size in order to
   offer a permanent career to the officers and men engaged in
   the service: the personnel should be trained and
   disciplined under regulations similar to those established in
   the Royal Navy, in order to allow of both interchange and
   union between the British and the Dominion services, and with
   the same object the standard of vessels and armaments should
   be uniform. A remodelling of the squadrons maintained in Far
   Eastern waters was considered on the basis of establishing a
   Pacific Fleet, to consist of three units in the East Indies,
   Australia, and the China Seas. … The generous offer of New
   Zealand and then of the Commonwealth Government to contribute
   to Imperial naval defence by the gift each of a battleship was
   accepted with the substitution of cruisers of the new
   ‘Indomitable’ type for battleships, these two ships to be
   maintained one on the China and one on the Australian station.
   Separate meetings took place at the Admiralty with the
   representatives of Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, and
   general statements were agreed to in each case for further
   consideration by their respective Governments.

   "As regards Australia, the suggested arrangement is that with
   some temporary assistance from Imperial funds the Commonwealth
   Government should provide and maintain the Australian unit of
   the Pacific Fleet. The contribution of the New Zealand
   Government would be applied towards the maintenance of the
   China unit, of which some of the smaller vessels would have
   New Zealand waters as their headquarters. The New Zealand
   armoured cruiser would be stationed in China waters. As
   regards Canada, it was considered that her double seaboard
   rendered the provision of a fleet unit of the same kind
   unsuitable for the present. It was proposed according to the
   amount of money that might be available that Canada should
   make a start with cruisers of the ‘Bristol’ class and
   destroyers of the improved ‘River’ class, a part to be
   stationed on the Atlantic seaboard and a part on the Pacific.
   In accordance with an arrangement already made, the Canadian
   Government would undertake the maintenance of dockyards at
   Halifax and Esquimault, and it was a part of the arrangement
   proposed by the Australian representatives that the
   Commonwealth Government should eventually undertake the
   maintenance of the dockyard at Sydney. Papers containing all
   the material documents will be laid before Parliament in due
   course, and it is hoped before the conclusion of the Session."

   In Australia and New Zealand there had been eagerness for some
   time to take a more effective part in the defence of the
   Empire, their remote position and their contiguity to swarming
   alien populations giving their people some special anxieties
   which are reasonable enough. They are lonely communities of
   Europeans, planted on the edge of the prodigious populations
   of the Asiatic world. They have learned suddenly that some, at
   least, of those populations can do things, in war and
   otherwise, that were supposed to be reserved especially for
   effective performance by the white variety of the human race.
   What disposition of mind will move the Eastern folk in the
   exercise of these powers of action—which are discoveries as
   new to them as to us—has yet to be learned. It is doubtful if
   they themselves know what the inclination of their career will
   be, when they have really digested the new contents of their
   minds and have fully surveyed their new position in the world.
   Meantime, Australia has good reason to think anxiously of what
   Japan certainly and China most probably can do, if they are
   moved by imperialistic ambitions to an aggressive career.

{698}

   If anywhere in the British Empire there was reason for the
   lively stir of increased preparation for defence, it was Far
   East Australasia. New Zealand, in March, had put a heavy
   strain on its resources by offering to build a
   Dreadnought for the Imperial Navy, and Australia had
   followed quickly by the proffer of another. When,
   subsequently, these projects were superseded by the
   arrangement made at the London Conference, funds raised by
   private subscription for the Australian Dreadnought
   were applied partly to the foundation of a naval college near
   Sydney for the training of officers of the Australian
   squadron, and partly to the establishment of at least two
   farms for the training of young British immigrants, who will
   be specially selected by the county colonization societies.

   In acting promptly to realize the plans of military
   organization that were formed at the London Conference,
   Australia went far beyond anything that is likely to be done
   by any other of the British Dominions, unless it may be New
   Zealand; for that Commonwealth has undertaken to organize a
   system of compulsory military training. A Defence Bill
   introduced in the Federal Parliament on the 21st of September
   applies compulsory training to all males from the age of 12 to
   that of 20. "Junior cadets are to have annually 120 hours’
   physical drill, elementary marching, and practice with
   miniature rifles, for two years. Senior cadets will have 96
   hours’ annually, including four whole-day drills, elementary
   naval or military exercises, and musketry practice at ranges
   up to 500 yards, for four years. The citizen forces are to
   have 16 whole-day drills or their equivalent annually,
   including eight days in camp for two years. Those who are to
   undergo naval, artillery, and engineer training will have 25
   days instead of 16. Males from the age of 20 to 26 will remain
   enrolled, attending only one muster parade each year.
   Exemptions will be made only on the ground of unfitness or in
   the case of persons of non-European descent. The latter,
   however, will be trained in non-combatant duties. Sparsely
   populated districts may be exempted temporarily. Persons
   failing to attend the training will be fined from £5 to £500
   according to the culprit’s wealth, or may be confined and
   trained till they have performed the duties they have shirked.
   Persons failing to reach efficiency must undergo another
   year’s training. The cadet training begins in 1911, and the
   citizen training in 1912. When the scheme is in full working
   order it is estimated that it will provide 40,000 junior
   cadets, 75,000 senior cadets, and 55,000 citizen soldiers
   under 21. The Militia, 25,000 strong, will thenceforth be
   recruited only from the fully-trained, and will become a corps
   d'élite."

   On this subject of British imperial defence,

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   New Zealand adoption of Compulsory Military Training.

   An Act which establishes compulsory military training in New
   Zealand, on lines similar to that in Australia, passed the
   colonial Parliament during its session which closed December
   29, 1909.

NAVAL:

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   Brazil and Argentina in a "Dreadnought" Competition.

   "The controversy between Brazil and Argentina about what is
   called ‘equilibrium of armament’ is still carried on with much
   animation in the Press of both countries, but apparently
   without producing any effect, good or otherwise. The subject
   of discord is the Brazilian Government’s order for three large
   battleships of the ‘Dreadnought’ type, which is to be met by
   an Argentine triplet, for which tenders are urgently called.
   Fortunately these big ships take a long time to build, and by
   the time they are ready the Press will probably be commenting
   upon the entente cordiale in South America and the
   obsolescence of floating engines of war; but in the meantime
   taxpayers in both countries are inclined to support the
   somewhat daring proposal from Buenos Ayres that Brazil should
   keep the first ‘Dreadnought,’ cede the second to Argentina,
   and cancel the order for the third."

      Rio de Janeiro Correspondent
      London Times, December 22, 1902.

   Four months later the same correspondent telegraphed, May 3,
   1909, among other statements quoted from the President’s
   Message to Congress, that day: "In regard to the navy seven
   vessels would be launched under the new programme. Two-thirds
   of the total expenditure of £4,500,000 had already been paid
   from ordinary resources, and this proved that the
   reorganization of the navy would not be disastrous to the
   national finances. Tenders would shortly be invited for the
   construction of a new dry dock."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   British Navy War Council.

   The following is from an official statement issued by the
   British Admiralty, October 11, 1909: "In further development
   of the policy which has actuated the Board of Admiralty for
   some time past of organizing a Navy War Council, it has been
   decided to place on an established footing the arrangements
   made in previous years for the study of strategy and the
   consideration and working out of war plans. A new department,
   called the Naval Mobilization Department, has been formed
   under the directorship of a flag officer, and there is
   concentrated in it that part of the business of the Naval
   Intelligence Department and the Naval War College which
   related to war plans and mobilization. Under the presidency of
   the First Sea Lord, the officers directing the Naval
   Intelligence Department and the Naval Mobilization Department,
   and the Assistant Secretary of the Admiralty will form the
   standing Navy War Council."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   The British "Two Power Standard."

   During the debate in the British House on the Navy Estimates,
   in the spring of 1909, the Premier, Mr. Asquith, was called on
   by the Opposition to define the Government's understanding of
   the requirements of the "two Power standard" of naval
   strength, so called (see above). In reply, he laid it down
   that in dealing with this standard they must not merely take
   into account the number of Dreadnoughts and Invincibles, but
   the total effective strength of the British for defensive
   purposes as compared with the combined effective strength of
   any two other navy Powers. That was the two-Power standard as
   understood by successive Administrations, and the present
   Government had in this matter in no way changed the policy
   pursued by preceding Administrations. For the moment this
   question was an academic one, because whatever two Powers
   might be selected, their combined effective strength for
   aggressive purposes against Great Britain was far below the
   defensive strength of the latter. The expression "two-Power
   standard" was a purely empirical generalization, a convenient
   rule of thumb, and he should be very sorry to predict that
   this formula would be an adequate or necessary formula some
   years hence.
{699}
   In measuring the combined effective strength of the two next
   strongest fleets the power of one powerful homogeneous fleet
   ought to be borne in mind. Further it had been established
   that the rule only applied to battleships and ships ejusdem
   generis. Then in existing conditions "we ought not," he said,
   "to limit our vision to Europe alone; but at the same time,
   while considering the combined effective strength of any other
   two Powers for aggressive purposes against this country regard
   should be had to geographical conditions." Supposing China had
   a fleet of Dreadnoughts, no rational Minister would treat that
   fleet as standing upon the same footing for the purpose of the
   two-Power standard as the German or French fleet. In the same
   way, the fleet of the United States could not be put in the
   same category with the fleets of France and Germany.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   Canadian Share of the Undertakings of British Imperial Defence.

   For performance of the share assumed by Canada, of
   undertakings of British imperial defence agreed to at the
   Imperial Conference in London, July, 1909 (see above), Sir
   Wilfrid Laurier brought forward a Bill in the Dominion House
   of Commons, on the 12th of January, 1910, the essential
   provisions of which he set forth in a speech from which the
   following passages are taken:

   "The bill is entitled ‘An act respecting the naval service of
   Canada.’ It provides for the creation of a naval force to be
   composed of a permanent corps, of a reserve force, and of a
   volunteer force on the same pattern absolutely as the present
   organization of the militia force. … Every man who will be
   enrolled for naval service in Canada will be enrolled by
   voluntary engagement. There is no compulsion of any kind, no
   conscription, no balloting. … ‘Active service’ as defined by
   the act means service or duty during an emergency, and
   emergency means war, invasion or insurrection, real or
   apprehended. The act provides also that at any time when the
   Governor in Council deems it advisable, in case of war,
   invasion, or insurrection, the force may be called into active
   service. There is also an important provision that while the
   naval force is to be under the control of the Canadian
   Government, and more directly under the control and
   administration of the Department of Marine, yet in case of
   emergency the Governor in Council may place at the disposal of
   his Majesty for general service in the Royal Navy the naval
   force or any part thereof, and any ships or vessels of the
   naval service and any officers or men serving on these
   vessels, or any officers or men of the naval service. There is
   a subsequent provision that if action is taken by the Governor
   in Council at a time when Parliament is not sitting,
   Parliament shall immediately be called. …

   "Another important provision of the bill is that it provides
   for the establishment of a naval college on the pattern of the
   Military College now in existence at Kingston."

   Coming to a statement of the armament contemplated, the
   Premier said: "Two plans were proposed and discussed, one
   involving the expenditure of $2,000,000 a year and the other
   involving an expenditure of $3,000,000. The first one would
   have consisted of seven ships, the second one would have
   consisted of eleven ships, namely—four Bristols, one Boadicea,
   and six destroyers. We have determined to accept the second
   proposition, that is to say, the larger one of eleven ships.
   That is the force which we intend to create, and to start with
   four Bristols, one Boadicea and six destroyers. Perhaps it
   will be interesting to the House to understand what is meant
   by a fleet unit, by a Bristol, a Boadicea, and a destroyer.
   The fleet unit, which was suggested and which has been
   accepted by Australia, and to which the government contributed
   a certain sum per annum, is to be composed of one armored
   cruiser of the type of the Indomitable, three protected
   cruisers, six destroyers and three submarines. Now the fleet
   which we have agreed to accept is to be composed of four
   Bristols, one Boadicea, and six destroyers.

   "A Bristol is a protected cruiser, which means that it has a
   steel deck which protects all the vital parts of the ship. It
   has a tonnage of 4,800 tons, with a speed of 25 knots. The
   number of guns has not yet been determined, but the largest
   Indomitable carries eight guns. A Boadicea carries six guns,
   so that it is probable that the number of guns will be eight.
   It has a total crew of 391 men, of which twenty are officers.
   The Boadicea is an unarmored cruiser, with a tonnage of 3,300
   tons, and carries six 4-inch guns. It has a crew of 278 men,
   of whom seventeen are officers. We are to build six destroyers
   of what is known as the improved river class. …

   "The total cost of these eleven ships will be, according to
   the British figures, £2,338,000, or a little more than
   $11,000,000. According to Canadian prices, supposing the ships
   were to be built in Canada, we would have to add at least 33
   per cent, to the cost just given. I may say that it is our
   intention to start at the earliest possible moment with the
   construction of this fleet, and, if possible, to have the
   construction done in Canada."

   The leader of the Opposition, Mr. Borden, who spoke after Mr.
   Laurier, endorsed fully the purpose of the Bill, but
   criticised the proposals of the Government as being
   inadequate. "They are," he said, "either too much or too
   little. They are too much for carrying on experiments in the
   organization of a Canadian naval service; they are too little
   for immediate and effective aid, and it seems to me that the
   policy of the Government will be attended with a very great
   waste of money, with no immediate effective result."

   The Bill embodying the naval programme of the Government, as
   set forth by the Prime Minister, was enacted on the 11th of
   March, 1910, by 119 votes to 78.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   Chilian Navy-building.

   It was reported from Santiago de Chile to the English Press,
   October 21, 1909, that "the Government has decided upon a
   naval expenditure of £4,000,000, which includes a 20,000 ton
   battleship, two ocean-going destroyers, and several
   submarines. Instructions for tenders have been sent to the
   Commission in London." A later message to the American Press,
   November 12, stated that "the naval building programme decided
   upon by the Chilian government, provides for the construction
   of one battleship, four torpedo boat destroyers, and two
   submarines at an expenditure of $14,000,000."

{700}

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   The Chinese Programme.

   A Press message from Peking, October 11, 1909, announced that
   a naval commission, consisting of Prince Tsai-hsun, the
   Regent’s brother, Admiral Sa Chen-ping, and Sir Chen Tung
   Liang Cheng, who was secretary to the Special Chinese Embassy
   to the Diamond Jubilee celebrations in 1897, left that day for
   Europe. This was understood to be the first step toward the
   fulfilment of China’s programme for the expenditure of
   £40,000,000 on the rehabilitation of her army and navy.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   Denmark’s Fortification and Naval Defense.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   The "Dreadnought" Era.
   Outclassing of all Battleships built prior to 1906.
   The New Type.
   Effects of its Introduction.

   The evolution of sea-fighting monstrosities received a
   startling and revolutionizing impulsion in 1906, when a new
   Dreadnought (replacing an obsolete battleship of that
   name) was added to the British navy. In size, plan and
   armament it embodied naval teachings just taken from the
   Russo-Japanese War, and was supposed to put every other
   existing battle-ship into an inferior second class. It brought
   suddenly a new standard into all comparative measurements of
   naval power, impairing seriously the worth of the costly
   monsters then afloat. It signalled, in fact, a start for
   entirely new racing among the competitors for "sea-power,"
   since the prizes of substantial fighting efficiency among the
   navies must all be won over again, by the quickest builders of
   the Dreadnought type of ship. England had more reason
   than any other nation to lament this happening, and her Lords
   of the Admiralty have been sharply criticised for bringing it
   about; though the new type of battle-ship would have had
   creation elsewhere (as still newer types of monstrosity are
   being created already) if English naval architects had not
   produced it. Even Admiral Lord Charles Beresford has lashed
   the naval authorities of his country for bringing on the
   Dreadnought craze. In a speech at London within the
   past year he said that "he did not object to Dreadnoughts or
   improvements in battleships; what he did object to was the
   advertisement connected with the first Dreadnought. Then they
   had told another nation that that ship would sink the whole of
   its fleet, and the result was that that nation set to work
   upon a definite naval programme of its own. Having given that
   insane advertisement of their Dreadnought, the British delayed
   ship-building with the inevitable result that they would have
   to pay a great deal more than if they had kept up their yearly
   proportion of ships. The command of the seas was their life,
   and he believed that they would have to spend £50,000,000 more
   than they need have spent through that insane advertisement.
   It would be absolutely impossible for Great Britain alone,
   under present conditions, to keep up the two-Power standard,
   and if there were no other alternative, there could only be
   the prospect of bankruptcy or defeat; but the two-Power
   standard could easily be kept up with an Imperial Navy."

   Similar criticism appeared in a pamphlet published last year
   by Mr. Carnegie; and when his attention was called to the fact
   that both Japan and Russia had bigger ships than the
   Dreadnought on the stocks before the latter was begun,
   he wrote:

   "Britain, having so much larger a Navy compared with any other
   Power or compared with several other Powers together, should
   have adopted the policy of waiting before building a type that
   rendered most of her ships ineffective. She had nothing to
   fear from Japan, Russia, nor the United States, and could
   easily have overtaken Germany if Germany began building the
   new type. Britain made such a noise about the Dreadnought as
   to attract the attention of the whole world."

   The following account of the Dreadnought and of the
   interest she had excited in naval circles appeared in a
   prominent technical magazine while the building of the ship
   was in progress:

   "Not for many years has the building of a man-of-war excited
   such wide-spread interest as that of H. M. S.
   Dreadnought. In many respects this ship has assumed a
   sensational character; she is the largest vessel ever
   constructed for any war fleet; she was the first to be
   commenced after the recent great struggle in the Far East; her
   design, which embodies many new features, has hitherto been
   kept an official secret, and the work of construction has been
   pressed forward with so much success that it is hoped she will
   be in commission within fourteen months of the laying of the
   keel plates. All these facts have contributed to arouse
   curiosity, particularly as it is well known that British naval
   attaches were accorded special privileges by the Japanese and
   were enabled to watch the progress of the war to greater
   advantage than the representatives of other powers.
   Consequently, from the day when the first whispers of the
   coming of the Dreadnought were heard, an unusual amount
   of interest has been taken in this ship, not only in the
   United Kingdom, but in foreign countries, and the influence of
   the design may be traced in the new programmes of several
   rival Powers. … The essential feature of the
   Dreadnought which distinguishes her from all
   battleships now in commission in the world’s fleets is that
   she is of huge size and mounts only one type of gun for use in
   line of battle, instead of three types, as in the 'King Edward
   VII.’ class.

   "The war between Japan and Russia conclusively showed that the
   intermediate armament carried by the vessels flying European
   flags was not effective at modern battle ranges. Even on the
   partial evidence obtained by the French authorities it has
   been calculated that the effective ranges for battle have been
   raised from 3000 yards to 7000 or 8000 yards. Careful
   calculations show that at such a distance the striking power
   of 7.5-inch and 6-inch guns, which have been the favourite
   intermediate weapons in the British Navy hitherto, are
   comparatively useless. … It is understood that originally the
   Dreadnought was to have carried twelve guns of the
   12-inch type, but difficulties arose in working out the
   design, and it was eventually decided to drop out two of these
   weapons in order to mount effectively ten pieces of this
   colossal striking power, so as to enable eight of them to fire
   on the broadside, six ahead and four astern, without
   endangering either the stability of the ship or running any
   undue risks owing to the blast. … With a broadside of eight
   12-inch guns, the Dreadnought is equivalent to any two
   battleships built for the British fleet prior to the
   construction of 'King Edward VII.,' and yet her total cost,
   complete with guns, will be only £1,797,497, while the ships
   of the ‘King Edward VII.,’ class, carrying only four 12-inch
   guns and the same number of 9.2-inch guns, represent an outlay
   of just under a million and a half sterling."

      Cashier's Magazine,
      June, 1906.

{701}

   The steadily increasing sine of the Dreadnought ships
   is shown in the following, reported from Portsmouth, England,
   September 30, 1909: "Since the launch of the
   Dreadnought by the King in February, 1906, each
   successive ship which has taken the water at Portsmouth has
   exceeded her predecessor in size. The weight of the
   Neptune, successfully floated by the Duchess of Albany
   to-day shows an advance of no fewer than 1,500 tons upon that
   of the vessel launched by his Majesty; and of 500 tons over
   that of the St. Vincent, the preceding battleship on the
   building slip. The ship which is to be laid down next month
   will probably far exceed the dimensions of the
   Neptune."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   England and Germany.
   Their "Dreadnought" Building Compared.
   The Question in the British Parliament and the Hysteria
   in the Country.

   An exciting period of debate in Parliament and of discussion
   throughout Great Britain was opened on the 17th of March,
   1909, when the Navy estimates for the coming year were
   submitted to the House of Commons. In his speech on bringing
   forward the Estimates, which contemplated an expenditure of
   £35,142,700, being nearly £3,000,000 in excess of the
   expenditures of the current year, the First Lord of the
   Admiralty, Mr. Reginald McKenna, explained the reasons for the
   increase at length, saying in part: "We cannot take stock of
   our Navy, and measure our requirements except in relation to
   the strength of foreign navies. I am, therefore, obliged to
   refer to foreign countries in making estimates of our naval
   requirements. Several of the Powers are rapidly developing
   their naval strength at this moment; but none at a pace
   comparable with that of Germany. If in what I have to say now
   I select that Power as the standard by which to measure our
   own requirements, the House will understand that I do so only
   for what may be called arithmetical purposes, and without
   presuming upon the expression of any feeling or opinion of my
   own—except it be one of respectful admiration for
   administrative and professional efficiency. …

   "When the Estimates were presented to Parliament a year ago we
   had seven battleships of the Dreadnought class and three
   cruisers of the Invincible class, either afloat or in process
   of construction. The whole of these were due for completion by
   the end of 1910. At that time Germany was building four
   Dreadnoughts and one Invincible, of which two Dreadnoughts
   were expected to be completed by the end of this year, and the
   remaining three ships in the autumn of 1910. Thus, at that
   time, we had a superiority in these classes of ships of ten to
   five in course of construction, with the additional advantage
   that the whole of ours were expected to be completed some
   months in advance of the last three of the German ships. The
   new German Fleet Bill had at that time become law, and
   according to our interpretation of its provisions three
   Dreadnoughts and one Invincible would be laid down in the
   course of the year 1908-1909. The financial provisions of that
   Bill were such as to lead us to the opinion that no work would
   be commenced upon these four ships until the month of August
   last year, and that they would not be completed before
   February, 1911. This time last year, therefore, we had to
   contemplate five German ships under construction, three of
   which would be completed in the autumn of 1910 and four more
   ships to be commenced about August, 1908, and commissioned in
   February, 1911. In view of this state of affairs this House of
   Commons last year approved of a programme of two large ships
   to be laid down at such a time as would give to this country a
   total of 12 of these new ships, as against a possible
   completed German total of nine. In the face of last year’s
   programme no one could with any fairness charge this
   Government with having started upon a race of competitive
   armaments. By example as well as by precept we sought to check
   the rapid rate of shipbuilding. We failed. …

   "The difficulty in which the Government find themselves placed
   at this moment is that we do not know—as we thought we did—the
   rate at which German construction is taking place. We know
   that the Germans have a law which, when all the ships under it
   have been completed, will give them a navy more powerful than
   any at present in existence. We know that, but we do not know
   the rate at which the provisions of this Act are to be carried
   into execution. We now expect that the four German ships of
   the 1908-1909 programme will be completed, not in February, 1911,
   but in the autumn of 1910. I am informed, moreover, that the
   collection of materials and the manufacture of armaments,
   guns, and gun-mountings have already begun for four more ships
   which, according to the Navy Law, belong to the programme of
   1909-1910. Therefore we have to take stock of the new
   situation, in which we reckon not nine but 13 German ships may
   be completed in 1911, and in 1912 such further ships, if any,
   as may be begun in the course of the next financial year, or
   laid down in April, 1910. We may stop here and pay a tribute
   to the extraordinary growth of the power of constructing ships
   of the largest size in Germany. Two years ago, I believe,
   there were in Germany, with the possible exception of one or
   two slips in private yards, no slip capable of carrying a
   Dreadnought. To-day they have actually no less than 14 such
   slips and three more under construction. And what is true of
   the hull of the ships is true also of the guns, armour, and
   mountings. Two years ago any one familiar with the capacity of
   Krupp’s and other great German firms would have ridiculed the
   possibility of their undertaking the supply of all the
   component parts of eight battleships in a single year. To-day
   this productive power is a realized fact, and it will tax the
   resources of our own great firms if we are to retain the
   supremacy in rapidity and Volume of construction.

{702}

   "Having said so much on foreign naval development, I turn to
   our own programme of construction. As I have said, we shall
   have in March, 1911, eight completed Dreadnoughts and four
   Invincibles. We propose to lay down two more Dreadnoughts in
   July of this year, and the terms of the contracts will provide
   that they shall be completed in July, 1911. … Two more ships
   will be laid down in November this year, to be completed in
   1911, and in that year our total strength in Dreadnoughts and
   Invincibles will be 12 of the former and four of the latter.
   The date, however, which we have to bear in mind is that up to
   which the present programme must provide—April, 1912. I have
   shown that we shall in the course of 1911 have 16 of these
   modern ships, as against 13 ships for which Germany is already
   making provision. The German law provides for four more ships
   to be laid down in 1910-1911. But if the construction of these
   ships is accelerated—as I understand was the case of the four
   ships of the 1909-1910 programme—they would be completed by
   April, 1912. Therefore on that date Germany would have 17
   Dreadnoughts and Invincibles. But even if no acceleration
   takes place before April, 1910, this number would be completed
   in the autumn of 1912. This is a contingency which his
   Majesty’s Government have to take into account.

   "We cannot afford to run risks. If we are to be sure of
   retaining superiority in this by far the most powerful types
   of battleships, the Board of Admiralty must be in a position,
   if the necessity arises, to give orders for guns,
   gun-mountings, armour, and other materials at such a time and
   to such an amount as will enable them to obtain delivery of
   four more large armoured ships by March, 1912. We should be
   prepared to meet the contingency of Germany having 17 of these
   ships in the spring of 1912 by our having 20, but we can only
   meet that contingency if the Government are empowered by
   Parliament to give the necessary orders in the course of the
   present year. I can well imagine that this method of
   calculating in Dreadnoughts and Invincibles alone may seem
   unsatisfactory, and even unfair to many persons. They may say:
   ‘What has become of the Lord Nelsons, the King Edwards, the
   Duncans, and the Formidables and the earlier battleships on
   which our naval superiority has been so constantly reckoned?
   Is no account to be taken of our powerful fleet of armoured
   cruisers, numbering no less than 35?’ Yes; the Board of
   Admiralty have not forgotten these ships. They still
   constitute a mighty fleet. The Dreadnought has not rendered
   them obsolete, and many of them would give a good account of
   themselves in the line of battle for many years to come. But,
   though they have not been rendered obsolete by the
   Dreadnoughts and the Invincibles, yet their life has been
   shortened. … A battleship must be regarded as a machine of
   which the output is fighting capacity. All improvements in the
   designs of ships which increase the fighting capacity
   necessarily shorten the life of earlier battleships just as in
   the case of any other machine. The greater the value of the
   improvements, the sooner the earlier ships become obsolete."

   Mr. McKenna’s reckoning of the comparative numbers of
   Dreadnoughts that Great Britain and Germany would have in 1912
   was challenged at once by the leader of the Opposition, Mr.
   Balfour, who said: "On the two-years’ basis of building we
   shall in December, 1910, as I calculate, have ten, and only
   ten, Dreadnoughts. But the Germans at that date, as I
   calculate, will have 13. That assumes, of course, that I am
   right in stating, and I do not think I shall be contradicted,
   that the Germans anticipated their programme by four months.
   If you work that out, and assume that the German ships begun
   last November, in anticipation by five months of the ordinary
   date, are completed in two years, then you will find that I am
   not wrong in saying that in December, 1910, we shall have only
   ten Dreadnoughts and the Germans will have 13. That danger
   period in which, according to my calculation, the ratio of
   British to German Dreadnoughts is as ten to 13 extends, on the
   basis of two years’ building, from December, 1910, to the end
   of March, 1911. On April 1, 1911, the Germans, as I understand
   it, will have only 13 and we shall have raised our number to
   12. We should still, therefore, on April 1, 1911, according to
   my calculation, have one less than the Germans, and that
   period of what I might call the 12 British to 13 Germans will
   last until July, 1911. Then we shall have 14; but in the
   meanwhile the Germans, if they build their four ships this
   year, in addition to the anticipated ships they laid down in
   November, will have 17, as I understand. We should still have
   14 in July, 1911, but the Germans would, as I make out, have
   17."

   Mr. Balfour contended that the four ships which, according to
   the German programme, were to be laid down on the 1st of April
   coming (1909) had been actually laid down in advance of that
   time. He had information to that effect; whereas Mr. McKenna
   was informed that materials for them had been collected in
   advance, but that the construction was not begun. Mr. Balfour
   contended stoutly for the correctness of his own information,
   and argued: "If they [the four battleships supposedly waiting
   to be laid down April 1, 1909] were laid down in November, as
   I believe, that means that the Germans laid down eight
   Dreadnoughts last year. They may lay down no Dreadnoughts this
   year, and they may say, ‘We anticipated our four ships for
   1909-1910; we anticipated them by laying them down in November;
   we have no ships for this financial year.’ But there are two
   other things to remember. Having laid down eight ships last
   year, they may lay down four ships this year, or they may lay
   down eight ships this year. That the capacity of their yards
   and their great engineering shops renders that process
   perfectly feasible no one now doubts. … If the Germans go on
   at that rate, which is more than possible, the probability is
   that they will have on April 1, 1912, 21 Dreadnoughts to our
   20. The hypotheses, then, are these, and I want to make it
   clear to the Government and to the House:—Eight Dreadnoughts
   have been laid down in 1908 by Germany. If four are laid down
   in 1909, there will be 17 on April 1, 1912; if eight are laid
   down—as eight have been laid down last year—there will be 21
   on April 1, 1912, to our 20; and if the Germans imitate the
   policy of the present Government and lay down not only their
   eight in the financial year, but begin a new group of four
   when the Government propose their group of four, on April 1,
   12 months hence, they will then have 25."

{703}

   Over this difference of information as to the facts of German
   Dreadnought-building, and consequent differences of
   conclusion, controversy raged throughout the kingdom for
   weeks. The Prime Minister, Mr. Asquith, tried unavailingly to
   moderate the impeachment of German good faith in the matter.
   "It is fair and right to the German Government that I should
   say," he remarked, "that we have had a most distinct
   declaration from them that it is not their intention to
   accelerate their programme (cheers) and we cannot possibly, as
   a Government, believing as we do most explicitly in the good
   faith of those declarations (cheers), we cannot possibly put
   before the House of Commons and Parliament a programme based
   on the assumption that a declaration of that kind will not be
   carried out. Be it observed—I want to be very careful in the
   language I use about this—I am not saying that it is a pledge
   in the sense of an agreement between the two countries.
   Nothing of the kind. I should not accuse the German Government
   of anything in the nature of bad faith if they altered their
   intention. We have been told by them expressly and explicitly
   that that is their intention, an intention not to accelerate,
   or in other words not to do what the right honourable
   gentleman contemplates, when he credits them with the
   intention possibly of doing—namely, of laying down as many as
   eight ships in one financial year. It is impossible in framing
   these Estimates to do so while at the same time ignoring that
   declaration from the German Government, and that is why I say
   in taking this power to lay down if need be four ships on
   April 1 next year we are making such provision as prudence
   shows to be necessary for all the contingencies which we can
   reasonably anticipate at the present moment."

   At the same time, Mr. Asquith made a statement of importance
   in reply to the question, Why should there be an increasing
   competition in naval expenditure between these two countries?
   "The question," he said, "has been raised by us, the British
   Government, more than once, with a view to ascertaining
   whether any proposal for a mutual reduction of expenditure for
   naval purposes would be accepted by the German Government, but
   we have been assured more than once, and in the most formal
   manner, that their naval expenditure is governed solely by
   reference to their own needs, and that their programme does
   not depend upon ours. That is the statement which has been
   made to us. They tell us quite plainly that if we build 100
   Dreadnoughts we must not assume that they would add to their
   naval programme, and, on the other hand, if we built no
   Dreadnoughts at all they would go on with their programme just
   as it is. If that is so, it is perfectly clear that there is
   no possibility of an arrangement for mutual reduction. I
   regret it very much, but I do not complain. The Germans, like
   every other nation, are the best judges of their own national
   requirements and necessities."

   As will have been learned from Mr. McKenna’s statement, quoted
   above, the Government desired authority to begin construction
   of two new Dreadnoughts in July and two in November, 1909,
   with contingent authority in addition to give orders during
   the year for four more, if reasons for doing so appeared. This
   did not satisfy the Opposition, which insisted that not less
   than eight the new type of battle-ships should be built
   outright; and a veritable panic of public excitement on the
   subject of German designs against England was created in the
   country, by the combined agency of speech and press and the
   melodramatic stage. The Government was so little shaken by the
   clamor that a motion of censure on its "declared policy" in the
   matter was defeated in the House of Commons by a majority of
   218. Nevertheless, on the 26th of July, Mr. McKenna made the
   following announcement of a modification in its naval
   programme:

   "After very anxious and careful examination of the condition
   of shipbuilding in foreign countries the Government have come
   to the conclusion that it is desirable to take all the
   necessary steps to ensure that the second four ships referred
   to in this year’s programme should be completed by March,
   1912. They propose to take all the necessary steps in the way
   of preparation of plans, getting out of specifications,
   invitations to tender, and, finally, the giving of orders
   which will procure the delivery of these ships at the time I
   have named. As was said in the month of March, there will be
   no need to lay the keels of these ships in the course of the
   present financial year. It will be quite time enough if the
   keels are laid in the month of April next. …

   "The examination of the state of foreign shipbuilding
   programmes to which I have referred is bound to lead in the
   minds of most members of the Committee to the conclusion that
   the Government had no other course open to them. The Committee
   had stated to them last March very amply what was the
   condition of foreign shipbuilding up to that date. Since then
   the development of shipbuilding in foreign countries has gone
   on apace. Two countries, Italy and Austria, have now declared
   a definite programme of four large armoured ships of the
   latest type. In Italy one of those ships is already laid down,
   a second is to be laid down immediately, and the remaining two
   are both to be laid down in the course of the present year.
   With regard to the Austrian programme, sceptics might say they
   would never believe in it until, as in the case of Italy, they
   saw the keels actually laid down, but the fact is every
   earnest has been given of the determination of the Austrian
   Government, and two large slips have been prepared for the
   construction of battleships of the largest type."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   The English Naval Programme for 1910.

   "The navy estimates for 1910, which were issued by the British
   Admiralty last night, provide for an expenditure of
   $203,000,500, [thousands digits, "000", obscured and unknown]
   an increase of $27,805,000 over 1909. The increase is almost
   wholly taken up by shipbuilding armaments authorized by
   Parliament before dissolution. The new programme provides for
   five large armored ships, five protected cruisers, twenty
   destroyers, and a considerable number of submarines. By April
   1 there will be under construction seven battleships, three
   armored, nine protected, and two unarmored cruisers,
   thirty-seven destroyers, and nine submarines."

      New York Evening Post,
      March 10, 1910.

{704}

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   The French Naval Administration.
   Alarming discovery of Bad Conditions.

   France was greatly startled and shocked in March, 1909, by
   rumored scandals in naval administration, uncovered by the
   investigations of a Parliamentary Commission, but not yet
   officially made known. The report of the Commission was not
   published until late in June, and when it appeared it
   confirmed, not the worst of the state of things which rumor
   had described, but enough to show an alarming and unsuspected
   weakness of the nation on that side of its armament for war.
   From the conclusion of the elaborate report a few translated
   passages will suffice to indicate some of the conditions it
   brought to light. In this final summary, the Commission states
   that the testimony submitted by it establishes, among other
   facts, the following:

   "That during the last ten years Parliament has been asked to
   authorize the construction of ships for which in most cases
   the plans have not been definitely (sérieusement)
   fixed; that months, and most generally years, elapsed between
   the different contracts for the essential parts of the ships,
   the hulls, the turrets, the boilers, &c., entailing
   considerable loss of time and of money …; that numerous and
   important changes were introduced in the course of
   construction, … changes the chief inconvenience of which,
   apart from the increase of expenditure and the retardation of
   construction, is to impair that homogeneity which is the
   supreme quality of a squadron; that most of these defects are
   aggravated in the case of the six battleships of the Danton
   type, the original contract for which, signed at the end of
   December, 1906, has undergone hundreds of modifications which
   must now be placed on a proper basis. …

   "That the arsenals are not at present in a state to carry out
   with the rapidity which is desirable new constructions and
   repairs; that the mechanical equipment is in general
   inadequate and out of date; that the abolition of piece-work,
   which has coincided with a reduction of working hours and the
   diminution of the powers and authority of the superintendents
   in charge, has resulted in a considerable lessening of
   production; and that lack of material sometimes entails a
   stoppage of work. …

   "That the four divisions of battleships and the cruiser
   division of the Mediterranean Squadron have not the regulation
   supply of steel shells, that the two divisions of armoured
   cruisers of the Northern Squadron have only one-third of their
   proper supply of steel shells, and that for both squadrons the
   stores for renewing their supplies of steel shells are not
   ready.

   "That the various branches of the administration are wanting
   in unity of views and purpose, in method and in defined
   responsibility, and that neglect, disorder, and confusion too
   frequently prevail. …

   "In view of the fact that only a small part of the scheme of
   1901 for modernizing ports and (lock yards in accordance with
   the requirements of the construction programme of 1900 has
   been executed, and in view of the total failure to provide
   docking accommodation for the large battleships of the Danton
   class, the Commission invites the Chamber to censure the want
   of foresight and the indifference which these lamentable
   discoveries disclose."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   French Naval Programme revised in 1909.
   Radical Changes in the Department of the Marine.

   A despatch from Paris, June 8, 1909, announced:

   "According to the Temps this evening, the Navy Council
   has finally decided to recommend that, in addition to 45 ships
   of the line, the fleet shall consist of 12 ‘scout cruisers,’
   60 large destroyers, and 64 submarines. The importance
   attached to an increase in the number of capital ships, which
   is the chief feature of the new proposals, is illustrated by a
   comparison with the so-called ‘programmes’ of 1900 and 1907.
   In 1900 it was decided on paper that the fleet should consist
   of 28 battleships, 24 armoured cruisers, 52 destroyers, 263
   torpedo-boats, and 38 submarines or submersibles. In 1907 the
   composition of the fleet was changed to 38 battleships, 20
   armoured cruisers, six scouts, 109 destroyers, 170
   torpedo-boats, 82 submarines for offensive purposes, and 49
   defence submarines.

   "A comparison of these three ‘programmes’ shows an increase in
   the number of capital ships and destroyers, the abolition of
   armoured cruisers as a separate class and of torpedo-boats in
   favour of destroyers, and a decrease in the number of
   submarines. With regard to the existing armoured cruisers,
   which the Navy Council no longer regards as efficient fighting
   units, it may be noted that two out of the four 14,000-ton
   Gambettas have not yet been completed. Given the age limit of
   armoured ships as fixed at 20 years, only the six Danton and
   the six République battleships would still figure on the
   effective list by 1925. In other words, 33 armoured ships
   would have to be completed during the next 16 years. In
   addition, 12 scout cruisers would have to be constructed, and,
   besides a number of submarines, over 100 destroyers would have
   to be laid down, since the life of this class of vessel is
   fixed at 17 years."

   On the 29th of July the Paris correspondent of the London
   Times wrote: "It is semi officially announced this
   evening that the Council of Ministers at its meeting to-day
   approved a number of radical changes proposed by the new
   Minister of Marine, among the higher ranks of the
   personnel of the naval administration. All the heads of
   departments at the Ministry of Marine appointed under the old
   regime have been removed and their places have been filled by
   Admiral Boué de Lapeyrère’s own nominees. So complete a
   reconstruction of a public department is without precedent in
   modern French history. These changes, moreover, are
   supplemented by a number of new appointments in the commands
   afloat."

   On the first of April, 1910, it was announced from Paris that
   the Chamber of Deputies had voted to lay down two battle-ships
   in the current year, designed to equal the latest type added
   to the navies of Great Britain and Germany.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   French Naval Administration.
   Parliamentary Investigation.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH-JUNE).

{705}

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   The German Emperor’s Statement of his Peace Policy based
   on Preparation for War.

   In the spring of 1905, speaking at Bremen, on the unveiling of
   a monument to his father, the Emperor made an impressive
   statement of his motives in striving for the creation in
   Germany of a great naval and military power. He said that in
   boyhood he had been angered at the weakness of the German
   navy, and that his policy had sprung from that feeling, not
   directed toward aggression, but to the command of respect from
   the rest of the world. His aim was to "do everything possible to
   let bayonets and cannon rest, but to keep the bayonets sharp
   and the cannon ready, so that envy and greed shall not disturb
   us in tending our garden or building our beautiful house." "I
   vowed," he said, "never to strike for world-mastery. The
   world-power that I then dreamed of was to create for the
   German Empire on all sides the most absolute confidence as a
   quiet, honest, and peaceable neighbor. I have vowed that if
   ever the time comes that history shall speak of a German
   world-power, or a Hohenzollern world-power, this should not be
   based upon conquest, but should come through the mutual
   striving of nations after common purposes."

   It is not difficult to believe in the perfect truthfulness of
   this assertion of high motives, and the perfect sincerity with
   which they have been obeyed, while seeing at the same time how
   much, in their working, they have threatened the peace of the
   world. As the power of Germany has grown under his hand, the
   Kaiser has been tempted more and more to impose his will on
   neighbors whose cannon were not as ready or their sharpened
   bayonets as many as his. The world-power of his desire has
   become more and more a dictatorial power. The peace he has
   preserved by it has been peace on his own terms, more than
   once. The result has been to excite throughout the world such
   a feeling of being menaced by war as had not been known since
   Napoleon’s day, and to impel among nations, big and little, a
   more feverish and competitive arming for war than ever busied
   them before. As worked out by the man, the Kaiser’s policy of
   peace-making by the tools of war has certainly lost the
   innocence it had when conceived by the boy.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   The German Side of the Navy-building Question.

   When, in March, 1909, debate on the Navy Estimates in England
   started excitement over the rapidity with which Germany seemed
   to have developed the building of Dreadnoughts, Chancellor
   Bülow, on the 29th of that month, said in the Reichstag: "The
   Federated Governments entertain no thoughts of entering into
   competition with British sea-power by means of the
   construction of the German navy. According to the provisions
   of the Navy Law, the immovable purpose of German naval policy
   is founded upon the fact that we desire to create our naval
   armaments solely for the protection of our coasts and our
   trade. It is, moreover, an indisputable fact that the
   programme of our naval construction lies open in absolute
   publicity. We have nothing to keep secret, nothing to hide,
   and it is not intended to accelerate the carrying out of our
   construction programme beyond the limits of time contemplated
   by the law (über die gesetzliche Frist hinaus zu
   beschleunigen). All rumours to the contrary are false. In
   the autumn of 1912, at the earliest, we shall have ready for
   service the 13 large new ships, including three armoured
   cruisers, provided by law."

   This statement was supplemented by one from Admiral Tirpitz,
   who said:

   "Now, as previously, we build all ships in about 36 months
   —about 40 months in the small yards. To that period are added
   trials, which last for several months. Equally inaccurate is
   the assertion that, with a view to more rapid construction,
   the contracts for the newer ships are placed sooner than is
   allowed by the estimates. All that is true is the following:
   Subject to approval by the Reichstag, contracts for two ships
   of the 1909 financial programme were last autumn promised to
   two private yards at comparatively low prices. This was done
   because there was a danger that, if orders for four ships were
   placed at the same time at the beginning of 1909 there would
   be a considerable advance in price. If orders for two ships
   were already placed the Imperial Navy Office was in a much
   more favourable position for placing orders for the other two.
   We can put the Imperial yards into competition with the
   private yards. The Imperial yards cannot undertake more than
   two ships at once. The private firms, therefore, will be
   compelled to ask lower terms. If the matter has been kept
   secret, that is solely because the firms must not be made
   aware of the business transactions of the Navy Office.
   Contracts for the ships have not been placed; assurances only
   have been given. The contract is concluded only after the
   voting of the estimate. The period for delivery is 36 months
   from April 1, 1909. Not a penny is available for the
   ‘promised’ ships before April 1. That must be clear to
   everybody who knows the Parliamentary conditions and our
   accounts system. Not even indirectly has any money been
   procured from banks for the yards in any way whatever by the
   agency of the Navy Office.

   "In regard to the placing of the order for the first of the
   two ships special account was taken of the fact that the yard
   in question is principally engaged in the construction of this
   kind of ship. Accelerated completion of these two ships is
   neither asked for nor intended. The firms get their money only
   in quarterly instalments. Contracts for the two other ships of
   this year’s programme are not to be placed until some months
   after the conditions for tendering are drawn up late in the
   summer. As the private yards no more than the Imperial yards
   know whether they will get the orders for these ships, there
   can be no possibility of special preparation of material. If
   there has been any such accumulation, it is, presumably, due
   to business reasons, certainly to no incentive of ours.

   "In conclusion, I repeat once more with emphasis that, as the
   Imperial Chancellor has already said, we shall have ready for
   use in 1912 ten Dreadnoughts and three Invincibles—in all 13,
   and not 17, large modern ships—and that not in the spring, but
   in the autumn. How far it is right to base comparisons of
   naval strength upon the number of Dreadnoughts is a question
   which I shall not here discuss."

   As to the suggested readiness and desire of Great Britain to
   join in an international agreement for the limiting of naval
   armaments, the Germans have always had a rather reasonable
   answer, which was phrased forcibly by one of the Agrarian
   organs when it said:

   "When the weaker promises the stronger to abstain from all
   means of increasing his strength, the strong man needs to make
   no further effort to retain his relative preponderance for
   ever. If the other naval Powers entered into such an
   agreement, England, without taking upon herself any further
   burdens, would retain mastery at sea before which all must
   bow. Little need as we have to interfere with regard to
   England’s programme, even so little need has England to look
   askance upon our construction of ships, not to attack England,
   but only in order to have a naval power with which even the
   strongest opponent will not light-heartedly engage in battle.
   This good right of ours we shall not surrender by any
   agreement."

{706}

   But a better view was that taken by one of the German
   Conservative journals, the Kreuz Zeitung, which said
   last summer: "First of all we must complete our construction
   programme. Before that we could not agree to any limitation of
   naval armaments. Otherwise we should not be able to create the
   navy of moderate size which corresponds to our position as a
   seafaring people. … Even after the completion of our
   construction programme our navy will be but a dwarf as
   compared with the British Navy. Nevertheless, the moment ought
   then to have arrived for entering into an international
   agreement about limitation of armaments, and on the part of
   Germany there will, presumably, be readiness for it."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   Elasticity of the German Navy Law.

   At the annual meeting of the German Navy League in June, 1909,
   Admiral Weber, speaking of the German Navy Law, praised its
   elasticity. "In international relations," he said, "it had
   lately proved to be a political instrument of equal force with
   the American Monroe doctrine and the English two-Power
   standard. In 1906 the Reichstag had agreed to increase the
   size of capital ships without altering the number. The
   amending law of 1908 (which shortened the ‘life’ of
   battleships) had rendered possible a rational fulfilment of
   all immediate possibilities with regard to battleships, small
   cruisers, torpedo-boats, and submarines."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   Italian and Austrian Programmes of Naval Construction.

   A despatch from Rome in May, 1909, announced that the minister
   of marine, Admiral Mirabello, had obtained the approval of the
   Cabinet to a naval programme that provides for the
   construction within three years at a total expense of
   $52,800,000 of four "Dreadnoughts" and a number of fast scout
   cruisers. A local paper stated that the decision to build
   these vessels was reached after Italy had learned that
   Austria-Hungary was going to spend $40,000,000 on increased
   naval power.

   Four months later, on the 1st of October, a report came to the
   English Press from Rome as follows:

   "The Minister of Marine announced in June that the ships would
   be begun at once, and completed before the middle of 1912.
   Only one, the Dante Alighieri, has yet been laid down, and
   owing to some blunder with regard to her steel plates, no work
   has been done on her for more than a month. The second is
   still awaiting the completion of a building slip before it can
   be laid down. As to the other two, according to the
   Tribuna, the contracts, which ought to have been
   concluded with two shipbuilding firms last June, have not yet
   been even examined by the Council of State; consequently
   neither firm has yet been able to begin the work which will be
   necessary in its yards before the ships can be laid down. The
   Tribuna throws the blame upon the bureaucratic system."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   Italian Fighting Strength at the End of 1909.

   The fighting strength of the Italian Navy was reckoned by the
   Rome correspondent of the London Times, in November,
   1909, as follows:

   "Counting in all four of the San Giorgio cruisers [only two of
   which were then finished] as forming part of the available
   navy at the end of this year, and setting aside some 20 ships
   of various kinds and 40 or 50 torpedo-boats, which may,
   however, be of some secondary use, the full fighting force of
   the Italian navy at the beginning of 1910 should be six
   first-class battleships, five second class battleships, seven
   first-class armoured cruisers, three second-class armoured
   cruisers, 19 destroyers, and 36 first-class torpedo-boats. But
   it must be borne in mind that eight of the first 21 fighting
   units—the five battleships and three armoured cruisers
   described here as of the second class—are not very modern
   ships.

   "The shipbuilding programme of Admiral Mirabello promises,
   besides other less important vessels, four battleships of the
   Dreadnought type. As far as one could learn at first these
   ships were to be on much the same lines as the Bellerophon,
   with a displacement of 18,200, and an armament of ten 12 inch
   guns. The chief question then was, When would they be ready
   for sea? Admiral Mirabello said in 1912. In order to effect
   this he would have had to revolutionize the whole system of
   shipbuilding in the Italian navy."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   Japan’s Armament, Present and Prospective.

   The naval status of Japan in December, 1909, as ascertained
   and described by the Tokio correspondent of The Times,
   London, was as follows:

   "Ever since the Russo-Japanese War it has been well-nigh
   impossible for the public to form a clear idea of what steps
   were in progress with regard to the expansion and maintenance
   of the Japanese Navy. In the year before the outbreak of the
   conflict—namely, 1903, a programme of expansion was approved
   by the Diet. It involved the building of three battleships,
   three armoured cruisers, and two second-class cruisers; that
   is to say, eight fighting vessels, displacing 100,000 tons
   approximately. The cost was set down as ten millions sterling,
   and the programme was to have been spread over a period of 11
   years, ending in 1913. Subsequently, however, owing to
   financial expediency, the time of completion was extended,
   first to 1915, and thereafter to 1916, so that seven years
   still remain. Knowing this and observing carefully what ships
   were laid down from time to time, there should have been, it
   will appear, no difficulty in forming a clear perception of
   the actual conditions at any moment.

{707}

   "But naturally the war produced a radical change in the plans
   of the Japanese Admiralty. It became necessary at once to
   adopt special measures for recouping the losses suffered in
   battle, as well as for renewing armaments. Of course the
   general public was not taken into official confidence in such
   matters, and some time elapsed before people became vaguely
   conscious that not one building programme only, but three, had
   been taken in hand. Occasionally announcements were made of the
   launch of such-and-such a battleship or the laying down of
   such-and-such a cruiser, but as to which vessel belonged to
   which programme, and what dimensions the several programmes
   were ultimately to take, nothing could be clearly ascertained.
   Now, at length, this obscurity has been removed. It is seen
   that two of the programmes were undertaken with funds included
   in the war expenditures, and that, therefore, the nation is
   not required to make any further provision of money on these
   accounts. These programmes are, first, an emergency programme,
   carried out with what is called an ‘implementing fund,’ and,
   secondly, an emergency programme carried out with an
   ‘adjustment fund.’ Under the three programmes, respectively,
   the following vessels have been bought, built, or are
   building:—

      Third Period Expansion Programme.

                              Tons.

   Katori, battleship         15,950

   Kashima, battleship        16,400

   Ibuki, armoured cruiser    14,600

      Emergency Implementing Programme.

   Aki, battleship            19,150

   Satsuma, battleship        19,150

   Tsukuba, armoured cruiser  13,750

   Ikoma, armoured cruiser    13,750

   Kurama, armoured cruiser   14,600

   Tone, cruiser               4,400

   Yodo, despatch boat         1,250

   Mogami, despatch boat       1,350

      Emergency Adjustment Programme.

   Kawachi, battleship        21,000

   Settsu, battleship         21,000

   "There is here a total of 13 ships displacing 176,000 tons,
   approximately, and to these have to be added 29 destroyers
   built under the ‘emergency implementing programme.’ As for
   the vessels which have still to be built, but which have not
   yet been laid down, they are as follows:-

      Third Period Programme.

   Battleship, 1           16,000 tons

   Armoured cruisers, 2    11,000 tons each

   Cruisers, 2              5,000 tons each

      Emergency Implementing Programme.

   Armoured cruiser, 1     14,600 tons

   Cruisers, 2              4,100 tons each

   Destroyers, several        375 tons each

   Torpedo-boats, 6           120 tons each

   "These eight vessels, exclusive of torpedo craft, aggregate
   over 70,000 tons, and if the two lists be combined, we get a
   total of 21 ships displacing 247,000 tons, approximately,
   apart from about 35 destroyers and six torpedo boats. …

   "It may be mentioned that in February last the ships on the
   active list of the Japanese Navy were:—

   Battleships          13

   Armoured Cruisers    12

   Other Cruisers       43

   Destroyers           59

   Torpedo-boats        69"

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   Russian "Dreadnoughts" Building.

   "The keels of the four Dreadnoughts which are to represent the
   nucleus of Russia’s future navy were laid down in St.
   Petersburg this morning. The materials to be employed will be
   throughout Russian; the designs and the supervision will be
   British. It is an open secret that the Tsar has taken a deep
   personal interest in arrangements that have been made for
   placing the contracts for the new ships."

      St. Petersburg Correspondent
      London Times, June 16, 1909.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   The United States Navy in 1909.

   As summarized in the Annual Report of the Navy Department for
   the fiscal year 1909, the United States Navy was composed, on
   the 30th of June in that year, of the following vessels:

   Fit for Service, including those under Repair:
   First-class battle ships, 25;
   second-class battle ship, 1;
   armored cruisers, 12;
   armored ram, 1;
   single-turret harbor-defense monitors, 4;
   double-turret monitors, 6;
   protected cruisers, 22;
   unprotected cruisers, 3;
   scout cruisers, 3;
   gunboats, 9;
   light-draft gunboats, 3;
   composite gunboats, 8;
   training ships, 3;
   training brigantine, 1;
   special class (Dolphin, Vesuvius), 2;
   gunboats under 500 tons, 12;
   torpedo boat destroyers, 16;
   steel torpedo boats, 33;
   wooden torpedo boat, 1;
   submarine torpedo boats, 12;
   iron cruising vessels, steam, 5;
   wooden ditto, 5;
   wooden sailing vessels, 5;
   tugs, 44;
   auxiliary cruisers, 5;
   converted yachts, 21;
   colliers, 8;
   transport and supply ships, 8;
   hospital ships, 2;
   receiving ships, 4;
   prison ships, 3.
   Total, 292.

   Under Construction: 
   First-class battle ships, 6;
   torpedo boat destroyers, 20;
   submarine torpedo boats, 16;
   tug, 1;
   colliers, 6.
   Total 49.

   Authorized:
   First-class battle ships, 2;
   gunboat for Great Lakes, 1;
   submarine torpedo boats, 4;
   colliers, 2.
   Total 9.

   Unfit for Service:
   Of all descriptions, 12.

   Grand Total, 362.

   Since the above report, the House of Representatives, by vote
   on the 8th of April, 1910, authorized the building of two
   additional battle ships of the first class, at a cost of
   $6,000,000 each.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   The World-round Cruise of the American Battleship Fleet,
   1907-1909.

   On the 16th of December, 1907, a fleet of battle-ships which,
   comprised practically the whole available fighting force of
   the United States Navy steamed away from Hampton Roads, on the
   longest and most notable cruise ever made by so formidable an
   assemblage of ships of war. Its primary appointment was to
   circuit the American continents from the Atlantic to the
   Pacific shores of the United States, and the further direction
   of the voyage was left for future decision. Ultimately,
   invitations from foreign governments drew the fleet to
   Australia, New Zealand, China and Japan, and it returned from
   these visits in the Far East by way of the Suez Canal and the
   Mediterranean Sea. The duration of the long voyage was a year,
   two months and six days, and the total miles of ocean
   traversed were about 45,000. Many foreign ports were visited,
   South American, Australasian, Asiatic and European, and
   boundless hospitalities were bestowed everywhere on the fleet.
   Its stay of some days at San Francisco, before leaving
   American waters, was the grand event of the year to Americans
   of that coast, and its call at Manila gave emphasis to
   American authority in the Philippines.

   Until it reached San Francisco the fleet was under the command
   of Rear-Admiral Robley D. Evans; but physical disabilities
   then compelled the retirement of Admiral Evans, and he was
   succeeded in the command by Rear-Admiral Charles S. Sperry,
   under whom the remainder of the voyage was made. The sixteen
   battleships of the fleet were divided into two squadrons and
   four divisions, each division consisting of vessels of the
   same general type; the first division comprised the
   Connecticut, Admiral Evans’s flag-ship, the Kansas, the
   Vermont, and the Louisiana; the second included the Georgia,
   the New Jersey, the Rhode Island and the Virginia; the third
   included the Minnesota, the Ohio, the Missouri, and the Maine;
   the fourth contained the Alabama, the Illinois, the Kearsarge,
   and the Kentucky. The battle-ships were accompanied by two
   supply-ships, a repair-ship, and a tender, and were preceded
   from Hampton Roads by a flotilla of six torpedo-boats and a
   squadron of armored cruisers.

{708}

   From San Francisco to New Zealand the voyage of 6000 miles was
   made with one stop, only, at Honolulu, and so perfectly in
   order, it is said, that only twice did any ship fall out of
   the line of formation, in which the ships steamed steadily
   together, two hundred and fifty yards apart. This order, with
   time-table regularity of movement, was maintained from
   beginning to end, and when, on the 22d of February, 1909,
   President Roosevelt welcomed the return of the fleet to
   Hampton Roads, he was able to say with just pride: "This is
   the first battle fleet that ever circumnavigated the globe.
   Those who perform the feat again can but follow your
   footsteps. You have falsified every prediction of failure made
   by the prophets. In all your long cruise not an accident
   worthy of mention has happened to a single battleship, nor yet
   to the cruisers or torpedo-boats. You left this coast in a
   high state of battle efficiency, and you return with your
   efficiency increased as a war machine, as the fleet returns in
   better shape than when it left. In addition, you have shown
   yourselves the best of all possible ambassadors and heralds of
   peace. Wherever you have landed you have borne yourselves so
   as to make us at home proud of being your countrymen."

   Before the undertaking of this notable cruise of a battle-ship
   fleet having no militant mission, many political reasons for
   and against the movement were urged and discussed. From the
   naval point of view, professionally, the true motive of the
   project was stated undoubtedly by Captain A. T. Mahan, in an
   article published in the Scientific American, and it
   had no political purpose whatever. "A perfectly sufficient
   reason," said Captain Mahan, "is the experience to be gained
   by the fleet in making a long voyage, which otherwise might
   have to be made for the first time under the pressure of war,
   and the disadvantage of not having experienced at least once
   the huge administrative difficulties connected with so distant
   an expedition by a large body of vessels dependent upon their
   own resources. By ‘own resources’ must be understood, not that
   which each vessel carries in herself, but self-dependence as
   distinguished from dependence on near navy-yards—the great
   snare of peace times. The renewal of stores and coal on the
   voyage is a big problem, whether the supply vessels accompany
   the fleet or are directed to join from point to point."

   The following statistics are given of the cost of the cruise:
   "The fleet burned 400,320 tons of coal, costing $1,078,994.
   The transportation of this coal by naval and hired colliers
   cost $1,463,825. The total coal bill was $2,646,069. There
   were used on the engines and other machinery 125,000 gallons
   of oil costing $43,750. No official statement has been made of
   the cost of ammunition used in target and battle practice. The
   figure is put at above a million dollars, and $20,000,000 is
   estimated as the total cost of the 14 months’ cruise."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
   The World Naval Armament.
   Fleets of the Great Powers in March, 1910.

   A British Parliamentary Paper made public on the 29th of
   April, 1910, gave statistics of the navies of the greater
   Powers as they existed on the 31st of March. The following
   summary of the figures appeared in the next issue of The
   Mail. The letters at the heads of the columns signify—
   E., England;
   F., France;
   R., Russia;
   G., Germany;
   I., Italy;
   U., United States; and
   J., Japan:--

      Ships Built.

                            E.  F.   R.  G.  I.   U.  J.

   Battleships              56  17   7   33  10   30  14

   Armored C. D. Vessels     -   8   2    7   -   10   -

   Armored Cruisers         38  20   4    9   8   15  12

   Protected Cruisers, I.   18   5   7    -   -    3   2

   Protected Cruisers, II.  35   9   2   23   3   16  11

   Protected Cruisers, III  16   8   2   12   11   2   6

   Unprotected Cruisers      2   -   -   10    -   5   6

   Scouts                    8   -   -    -    -   3   -

   Torpedo Vessels          23  10   6    1    5   2   2

   T. B. Destroyers       150   60  97   85   21  25  57

   Torpedo Boats          116  246  63   82   96  30  69

   Submarines              63  56   30    8    7  18   9

      Ships Building.

                            E.  F.   R.  G.  I.   U.  J.

   Battleships              9    6    8    8    2   4   3

   Armored Cruisers         3    2    2    3    2   -   1

   Protected Cruisers, II.  9    -    -    5    -   -   3

   Unprotected Cruisers     2    -    -    -    -   -   -

   T. B. Destroyers        37   17    -   12    2  15   2

   Submarines              11   23    3    *    -  10   3

   * Number uncertain.

   ----------WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: End--------

   ----------WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: Start--------

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1899-1909.
   General Treaties of Arbitration concluded since the First
   Peace Conference at The Hague.

   "Arbitration in the sense of the present day dates from Jay’s
   Treaty of 1794, in which Great Britain and the United States
   bound themselves to arbitrate contested boundary claims
   (Article 5); claims preferred by British creditors (Article
   6); and, more especially, the claims of American and British
   creditors based upon ‘irregular or illegal captures or
   condemnations of their vessels and other property’ (Article
   7). …

   "The first award under it [Jay’s Treaty] was made in 1798, so
   that exactly one hundred years elapsed until the call of the
   First Hague Conference. Arbitrations in this period were very
   frequent. Writers differ as to the exact number; for example
   Dr. Darby instances no less than 471 cases, but in his
   enthusiasm for the peaceful settlement of international
   differences he has included a large number of interstate
   arrangements, which cannot be regarded as international
   arbitrations in the strict sense of the word. Mr. Fried, in
   his Handbook of the Peace Movement, enumerates some 200. M. La
   Fontaine gives a list of 177 instances to the year 1900, which
   should be reduced to 171 arbitrations or agreements to
   arbitrate before the meeting of the First Conference in 1899.
   Professor John Bassett Moore is more conservative and
   enumerates 136 cases of international arbitration during the
   nineteenth century, in 57 of which the United States was a
   party, with a like number of 57 to which Great Britain has
   been a party.

{709}

   "But, as happily said by M. Descamps, arbitration is not a
   question of mathematics, and whether the instances be 471,
   according to Darby or 136, according to Professor Moore, the
   recourse to arbitration bids fair to become a habit with
   nations."

      James Brown Scott,
      The Hague Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907,
      Volume 1, pages 210 and 224-225.

   Dr. Scott cites from M. La Fontaine a table showing the
   participation of each State in arbitration. Germany has no
   representation in the table, either as a whole or by any of
   its parts; whereas every other nation of the least importance
   in the world appears as having arbitrated some of its
   disputes, prior to the preparation of this table.

   At the First Peace Conference, of 1899, an attempt, strongly
   supported, was made to frame and secure the adoption of a
   treaty of arbitration by which the nations would bind
   themselves to arbitrate a carefully selected list of subjects.
   This failed, says Dr. Scott, in the work quoted above, "owing
   to the opposition of Germany. As a compromise, Article 19 of
   the convention for the peaceful adjustment of international
   differences was adopted:

   "‘Independently of existing general or special treaties
   imposing the obligation to have recourse to arbitration on the
   part of any of the Signatory Powers, these powers reserve to
   themselves the right to conclude, either before the
   ratification of the present convention or subsequent to that
   date, new agreements, general or special, with a view of
   extending the obligation to submit controversies to
   arbitration to all cases which they consider suitable for such
   submission’ (re-enacted in 1907 as Article 40).

   "The article did not seem at the time to be of any special
   importance and it was generally looked upon as useless because
   independent and sovereign States possess the right without
   special reservation to conclude arbitration agreements,
   general or special, without being specifically empowered to do
   so. The fact is, however, that this article, insignificant and
   useless as it may seem, marks, one may almost say, an era in
   the history of arbitration. The existence of the article has
   called attention to the subject of arbitration and by
   reference to it many States have negotiated arbitration
   treaties. It is true that there is no legal obligation created
   by the article and it is difficult to find a moral one, for it
   is not declared to be the duty of any State to conclude
   arbitration treaties. The moral effect of the article has,
   however, been great and salutary, and the existence of
   numerous arbitration treaties based upon the reservation
   contained in the article shows the attention and respect which
   nations pay to the various provisions of the Hague
   Conference."

   Dr. Scott adds to these remarks a list of treaties, of the
   character contemplated, which had been entered into since the
   First Hague Conference, up to the time at which he wrote, with
   appended notes describing briefly the nature of the variously
   broadened or narrowed reference clauses contained in them. A
   more extended list has been published since by the
   International Peace Bureau of Berne, Switzerland, for a copy
   of which I am indebted to Mr. Frederick P. Keppel, Secretary
   of Columbia University, New York. The list below is mainly
   that of the International Peace Bureau, with the addition of a
   few more recent treaties to which the United States has been a
   party, obtained from the State Department at Washington. Some,
   but not all, of Dr. Scott’s notes have been borrowed, with his
   permission.

   In the list of treaties as they are given here the date of
   signature is entered first, with the prefix S.; that of
   ratification follows, with the prefix R. When two dates of
   ratification are given, the first is that by the government
   named first in the entry of the parties to the treaty in
   question. [Notes "A", "B", "C" and "E" are defined following
   entry 105 below.]

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:
   List of States between which Permanent Treaties of Arbitration
   have been concluded since the First Peace Conference at The
   Hague, with the Dates of their Signature and Ratification.

   1. Brazil and Chile.
   S. May 18, 1899.
   R. March 7, 1906, at Santiago.

   2. Argentine and Uruguay.
   S. June 8, 1899.
   R. December 21, 1901.
   Additional protocol
   S. December 21, 1901.
   R. December 18, 1901.

   3. Argentine and Paraguay,
   S. November 6, 1899.
   R. June 5, 1902.
   Additional protocol
   S. January 25, 1902.
   R. June 5, 1902.

   4. Bolivia and Peru.
   S. November 21, 1901.
   R. December 29, 1903.

   5. Spain and Mexico.
   S. January 11, 1902.
   R. July 18, 1902.

   6. Nicaragua, Salvador, Honduras, Costa Rica.
   S. January 20, 1902.
   [R. No date given.]

   7. Argentine and Spain.
   S. January 28, 1902.
   [R. No date given.]

   8. Spain and Salvador.
   S. January 28, 1902.
   R. July 18, 1902.

   9. Spain and Dominican Republic.
   S. January 28, 1902.
   R. July 18, 1902.

   10. Spain and Uruguay.
   S. January 28, 1902.
   R. July 18, 1902.

   11. Pan-American Treaty of obligatory arbitration between
   Argentine, Bolivia, Guatemala, Mexico, Paraguay.
   Peru, Dominican Republic, Salvador, and Uruguay (for
   differences relating to diplomatic privileges, rights of
   navigation, questions of frontiers and interpretation and
   enforcement of treaties). E
   S. January 29, 1902, at Mexico. According to Article 21 of the
   Treaty it would become of force as soon as three States among
   those which signed the Treaty should make known their
   approbation to the government of Mexico, which would
   communicate the information to other governments. It has been
   ratified by the governments of Salvador, May 28, 1902, of
   Guatemala, August 25, 1902, and of Uruguay, January 31, 1903.

   12. Special Treaty between the seventeen States represented at
   the Pan-American Conference at Mexico, including the United
   States of America, relating to the adjustment by means of
   arbitration of difficulties resulting from financial
   questions.
   S. January 30, 1902, at Mexico.
   [R. No date given.]

   13. Argentine and Bolivia.
   S. February 3, 1902.
   R. March 13, 1902.

   14. Bolivia and Spain.
   S. February 17, 1902.
   R. October 10, 1903.

   15. Colombia and Spain.
   S. February 17, 1902
   R. July 18, 1902.

   16. Spain and Guatemala.
   S. February 28, 1902.
   R. July 18, 1902.

{710}

   17. Mexico and Persia.
   S. May 14, 1902.
   [R. No date given.]

   18. Argentine and Chile. E
   S. May 28, 1902.
   R. July 30, 1902.

   19. Germany and Venezuela.
   S. May 7, 1903.
   (R. La ratification n’a pas étc exigée.)

   20. Paraguay and Peru.
   S. May 18, 1903.
   [R. No date given.]

   21. France and Great Britain. C
   S. October 14, 1903.
   R. February 25, 1904.

   22. Guatemala, Nicaragua, Honduras and Salvador.
   S. November, 1903.
   [R. No date given.]

   23. France and Italy. C
   S. December 25, 1903.
   R. March 26, 1904-March 7, 1904.

   24. Great Britain and Italy. C
   S. February 1, 1904.
   Not ratified.

   25. Denmark and The Netherlands. B
   S. February 12, 1904.
   R. March 8, 1906, at The Hague.

   26. Spain and France. C
   S. February 26, 1904.
   R. March 7, 1904-April 20, 1904.

   27. Spain and Great Britain. C
   S. February 27, 1904.
   R. March 7, 1904-March 16, 1904.

   28. France and The Netherlands. C
   S. April 6, 1904.
   R. July 5, 1905, at Paris.

   29. Spain and Portugal.
   S. May 31, 1904.
   Not ratified.

   30. France and Sweden. C
   S. July 9, 1904.
   R. November 9, 1904.

   31. France and Norway. C
   S. July 9, 1904.
   R. November 9, 1904.

   32. Germany and Great Britain. C
   S. July 12, 1904.
   Without reserve of ratification.

   33. Great Britain and Sweden. C
   S. August 11, 1904.
   R. November 9, 1904.

   34. Great Britain and Norway. C
   S. August 11, 1904.
   R. November 9, 1904.

   35. The Netherlands and Portugal.
   S. October 1, 1904.
   R. October 29, 1908, at The Hague.

   36. Spain and Nicaragua.
   S. October 4, 1904.
   R. March 19, 1908.

   37. Belgium and Russia. A
   S. October 17/30, 1904.
   R. September 9/August 27, 1905-July 27 /August 9, 1905.

   38. Belgium and Switzerland. A
   S. November 15, 1904.
   R. August 19, 1905.

   39. Great Britain and Switzerland. C
   S. November 16, 1904.
   R. July 12, 1905.

   40. Great Britain and Portugal. C
   S. November 16, 1904.
   Not ratified.

   41. Germany and The United States of America.
   S. November 22, 1904.
   Not ratified.

   42. Italy and Switzerland. C
   S. November 23, 1904.
   R. December 5, 1905.

   43. Norway and Russia. A
   S. November 26/December 9, 1904.
   R. February 27, 1905-February 12/25, 1905.

   44. Russia and Sweden. A
   S. November 26/December 9, 1904.
   R. February 12/25-February 27/14, 1905.

   45. Belgium and Sweden. A
   S. November 30, 1904.
   R. August 11, 1905.

   46. Belgium and Norway. A
   S. November 30, 1904.
   R. August 11, 1905-October 30, 1906.

   47. Austria-Hungary and Switzerland. C
   S. December 3, 1904.
   R. October 17, 1905, at Vienna.

   48. France and Switzerland. C
   S. December 14, 1904.
   R. July 13, 1905.

   49. Sweden and Switzerland. A
   S. December 17, 1904.
   R. July 13, 1905.

   50. Norway and Switzerland. A
   S. December 17, 1904.
   R. July 13, 1905.

   51. Austria-Hungary and The United States of America.
   S. January 6, 1905.
   Not ratified.

   52. Austria-Hungary and Great Britain. C
   S. January 11, 1905.
   R. May 17, 1905, at Loudon.

   53. Spain and Sweden.
   S. January 23, 1905.
   R. March 20, 1905.

   54. Spain and Norway.
   S. January 23, 1905.
   R. March 20, 1905.

   55. Belgium and Spain. A
   S. January 23, 1905.
   R. December 16-July 28, 1905.

   56. Great Britain and The Netherlands. C
   S. February 15, 1905.
   R. July 12, 1905, at London.

   57. Denmark and Russia. A
   S. February 16/March 1, 1905.
   R. April 11, 1905-March 20/April 3, 1905.

   58. Italy and Peru.
   S. April 18, 1905.
   R. November 11, 1905.

   59. Belgium and Greece. A
   S. April 19/May 2, 1905.
   R. July 9/22, 1905.

   60. Belgium and Denmark. A
   S. April 26, 1905.
   R. May 2, 1906.

   61. Portugal and Sweden. C
   S. May 6, 1905.
   Not ratified.

   62. Norway and Portugal. C
   S. May 6, 1905.
   Not ratified.

   63. Italy and Portugal. C
   S. May 11, 1905.
   Not ratified.

   64. Spain and Honduras.
   S. May 13, 1905.
   R. July 16, 1906.

   65. Belgium and Roumania. A
   S. May 27/14, 1905.
   R. October 9/September 26, 1905.

   66. Portugal and Switzerland. C
   S. August 18, 1905.
   R. October 23, 1908, at Berne.

   67. Argentine and Brazil.
   S. September 7, 1905.
   R. September 28, 1908-October 2, 1908.

   68. Colombia and Peru.
   S. September 12, 1905.
   R. July 6, 1906, with the modus rivendi.

   69. Denmark and France. C
   S. September 15, 1905.
   R. May 31, 1906.

   70. Denmark and Great Britain. C
   S. October 25, 1905.
   R. May 4, 1906.

   71. Norway and Sweden. A
   S. October 26, 1905.
   Without reserve of ratification.

   72. Denmark and Spain. A
   S. December 1, 1905.
   R. May 10, 1906-May 14. 1906.

   73. Denmark and Italy. B
   S. December 16, 1905.
   R. May 22--March 30, 1906.

   74. Austria-Hungary and Portugal. C
   S. February 13, 1906.
   R. October 16, 1908, at Vienna.

   75. Belgium and Nicaragua.
   S. March 6, 1906.
   Not ratified.

   76. France and Portugal. C
   S. July 29, 1906.
   Not ratified.

   77. Denmark and Portugal. B
   S. March 20, 1907.
   R. October 26, 1908, at Copenhagen.

   78. Nicaragua and Salvador.
   S. April 3, 1907.
   Not ratified.

   79. Spain and Switzerland. C
   S. May 14, 1907.
   R. July 9, 1907.

   80. Argentine and Italy.
   S. September 18, 1907.
   Not ratified.

   81. Italy and Mexico.
   S. October 16, 1907.
   R. December 31, 1907.

   82. Honduras, Guatemala, Salvador, Nicaragua and Costa Rica.
   S. December 20, 1907, at Washington.
   R. March, 1908.

   83. United States of America and France. D
   S. February 10, 1908.
   R. March 12, 1908, at Washington.

   84. United States of America and Greece.-
   S. February 29, 1908.
   Not ratified [?].

   85. United States of America and Switzerland. D
   S. February 29, 1908.
   R. December 23, 1908.

   86. United States of America and Mexico. D
   S. March 24, 1908.
   R. June 27, 1908, at Washington.

{711}

   87. United States of America and Italy. D
   S. March 28, 1008.
   R. January 22, 1900.

   88. United States of America and Great Britain. D
   S. April 4, 1008.
   R. June 4, 1908, at Washington.

   89. United States of America and Norway. D
   S. April 4, 1908.
   R. June 24, 1908, at Washington.

   90. United States of America and Portugal. D
   S. April 6, 1908.
   R. November 14, 1908.

   91. United States of America and Spain. D
   S. April 20, 1908.
   R. June 2, 1908, at Washington.

   92. United States of America and Sweden. D
   S. May 2, 1908.
   R. August 18, 1908, at Washington.

   93. United States of America and The Netherlands. D
   S. May 2, 1908.
   R. March 25, 1909.

   94.   United States of America and Japan. D
   S. May 5, 1908.
   R. August 24, 1908, at Washington.

   95. Denmark and the United States of America. D
   S. May 18, 1908.
   R. March 29, 1909.

   96. Denmark and Sweden. D
   S. July 17, 1908.
   Not ratified.

   97. China and the United States of America. D
   S. October 8, 1908.
   R. April 6, 1909.

   98. Denmark and Norway.
   S. October 8, 1908.
   Not ratified.

   99. United States of America and Austria-Hungary. D
   S. January 15, 1909, at Washington.
   R. May 13, 1909.

   100. United States of America and Peru. D
   S. December 5, 1908, at Washington.
   R. June 29, 1909.

   101. United States of America and Salvador. D
   S. December 21, 1908, at Washington.
   R. July 3, 1909.

   102. United States of America and Costa Rica. D
   S. January 13, 1909, at Washington.
   R. July 20, 1909.

NOTES.

   The treaties differ in the range given to the obligation
   imposed on the signatory parties, as to the nature of the
   differences which they shall submit to arbitration. Most of
   them, however, are divisible in this respect into three
   classes, distinguished above by the reference letters "A,"
   "B," and "C," and the distinction described in the following
   notes thus marked, from Dr. Scott’s work. Treaties concluded
   by the United States have an otherwise distinct character, as
   explained in note "D."

   A.—The article of reference in these treaties is substantially
   (when not identically) as follows:

   "The high contracting parties agree to submit to the permanent
   Court of Arbitration established at The Hague by the
   Convention of July 29, 1899, the differences which may arise
   between them in the cases enumerated in Article 3, in so far
   as they affect neither the independence, the honor, the vital
   interests, nor the exercise of sovereignty of the contracting
   countries, and provided it has been impossible to obtain an
   amicable solution by means of direct diplomatic negotiations
   or by any other method of conciliation.

   "1. In case of disputes concerning the application or
   interpretation of any convention concluded or to be concluded
   between the high contracting parties and relating—a. To
   matters of international private law; b. To the management of
   companies; c. To matters of procedure, either civil or
   criminal, and to extradition.

   "2. In cases of disputes concerning pecuniary claims based on
   damages, when the principle of indemnity has been recognized
   by the parties.

   "Differences which may arise with regard to the interpretation
   or application of a convention concluded or to be concluded
   between the high contracting parties and in which third powers
   have participated or to which they have adhered shall be
   excluded from settlement by arbitration."

   "B. The treaties of this noble class are the few thus far
   concluded which pledge the parties engaged in them to submit
   all differences that may arise between them to pacific
   arbitration, reserving no dispute, of any nature, to
   become a possible entanglement in war. The formula of
   reference in them is substantially this:

   "The high contracting parties agree to submit to the permanent
   Court of Arbitration established at The Hague by the
   Convention of July 29, 1899, all differences of every nature
   that may arise between them, and which cannot be settled by
   diplomacy, and this even in the case of such differences as
   have had their origin prior to the conclusion of the present
   Convention."

   C.—The reference clause in these treaties is substantially
   alike in all, to the following purpose:

   "Differences which may arise of a legal nature, or relating to
   the interpretation of treaties existing between the two
   contracting parties, and which it may not have been possible
   to settle by diplomacy, shall be referred to the Permanent
   Court of Arbitration, established at The Hague by the
   convention of the 29th July, 1899; provided, nevertheless,
   that they do not affect the vital interests, the independence,
   or the honor of the two contracting States, and do not concern
   the interests of third parties."

   D.—In the treaties of arbitration negotiated by the United
   States the article of reference is like that last quoted, in
   Note C; but the following is added to it:

   "In each individual case the High Contracting Parties, before
   appealing to the Permanent Court of Arbitration, shall
   conclude a special Agreement, defining clearly the matter in
   dispute, the scope of the powers of the arbitrators, and the
   periods to be fixed for the formation of the Arbitral Tribunal
   and the several stages of the procedure. It is understood that
   on the part of the United States such special agreements will
   be made by the President of the United States, by and with the
   advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and on the part of
   Costa Rica shall be subject to the procedure required by the
   Constitution and laws thereof."

   This was required by the United States Senate, which rejected
   a number of earlier arbitration treaties, negotiated by
   Secretary Hay, because they would have allowed cases of
   controversy with other nations to be referred to The Hague
   Tribunal by the President without specific consent from the
   Senate in each particular case. This brings the general treaty
   of arbitration down very close to absurdity, leaving almost
   nothing of its intended pacific influence to act.

   E.—See below: A. D. 1901 (November), and 1902.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1901 (November).
   Treaty of Unreserved Arbitration for all Controversies between
   Bolivia and Peru.

   On the 21st of November, 1901, the republics of Bolivia and
   Peru set a great example of trust in arbitration as a means of
   settling controversies between nations, by concluding a
   convention which pledged them for ten years to submit every
   disagreement between themselves to that peaceful solution,
   reserving no question whatsoever. Their example, as will be
   seen, was remarkably imitated among their Spanish-American
   neighbors in the following year. The subjoined are the
   important articles of their compact of peace:

   "Article 1.
   The high contracting parties pledge themselves to submit to
   arbitration all the controversies which have thus far been
   pending, and those which, while the present treaty is in
   force, may arise between them, whatever may be their nature
   and causes provided that it has been found impossible to
   settle them by direct negotiation.

   "Article 2.
   In each case that may arise the contracting parties shall
   conclude a special agreement with a view to determining the
   subject-matter of the controversy, to fixing the points that
   are to be settled, the extent of the powers of the
   arbitrators, and the procedure to be observed.

   "Article 3.
   In case the high contracting parties do not succeed in
   agreeing on the points referred to in the foregoing article,
   the arbitrator shall be authorized to determine, in view of
   the claims of both parties, the points of fact and of law that
   are to be decided for the settlement of the controversy, and
   to establish the mode of procedure to be followed.

{712}

   "Article 4.
   The high contracting parties agree that the arbitrator shall
   be the permanent court of arbitration that may be established
   in virtue of the decisions adopted by the Pan-American
   Conference now sitting in the City of Mexico.

   "Article 5.
   For these two cases: (a) If the court referred to in
   the foregoing article shall not be created, and (b) if
   there is need of having recourse to arbitration before that
   court shall be created, the high contracting parties agree to
   designate as arbitrator the Government of the Argentine
   Republic, that of Spain, and that of the United Mexican States
   for the performance of this duty, one to act in case of the
   disability of the other, and in the order in which they are
   named.

   "Article 6.
   If, while the present treaty is in force, and in the two
   contingencies referred to in the foregoing article, different
   cases of arbitration shall arise, they shall be successively
   submitted for decision to the aforesaid governments in the
   order above established.

   "Article 7.
   The arbitrator shall further be competent:

   1. To pass upon the regularity of his appointment, the
   validity of the agreement, and the interpretation thereof.

   2. To adopt such measures as may be necessary, and to settle
   all difficulties that may arise in the course of the debate.
   Concerning questions of a technical or scientific character
   that may arise during the debate, the opinion of the Royal
   Geographical Society of London or that of the International
   Geodetic Institute of Berlin shall be asked.

   3. To designate the time in which he shall perform his
   arbitral functions.

   "Article 8.
   The arbitrator shall decide in strict obedience to the
   provisions of international law, and, on questions relating to
   boundary, in strict obedience to the American principle of
   ‘uti possedetis’ of 1810, whenever, in the agreement mentioned
   in article 2, the application of the special rules shall not
   be established, or in case the arbitrator shall (not ?) be
   authorized to decide as an amicable referee.

   "Article 9.
   The decision shall decide, definitely, every point in dispute,
   stating the reasons therefor. It shall be prepared in
   duplicate, and notice thereof shall be given to each of the
   parties through its representative before the arbitrator.

   "Article 10.
   The decision, legally pronounced, shall decide, within the
   limits of its scope, the contest between the parties.

   "Article 11.
   The arbitrator shall fix, in his decision, the time within
   which said decision is to be executed.

   "Article 12.
   No appeal from the decision shall be allowed, and its
   execution is intrusted to the honor of the nations that sign
   this treaty.

   "Nevertheless, an appeal for revision to the arbitrator who
   pronounced it shall be admissible, provided that such appeal
   be taken before the expiration of the time fixed for its
   execution, in the following cases:

   1. If the decision has been pronounced on the basis of a
   counterfeit document, or of one that has been tampered with.

   2. If the decision has been, either in whole or in part, the
   consequence of a fact resulting from the proceedings or
   documents of the case."

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.
   Noble Treaties between Argentina and Chile for Obligatory
   Arbitration of all Disputes, and for Restriction of Naval
   Armaments.

   Notwithstanding the fortunate arrangement, in 1898, for
   arbitration of a serious boundary dispute between the
   Argentine Republic and Chile (see, in Volume VI. of this work,
   Argentine Republic), there continued to be troublesome
   frictions between the two Spanish-American neighbors, while
   awaiting the decision of the arbitrator, King Edward VII.,
   which was not rendered until November 27, 1902. These had led
   to a ruinous rivalry in naval armament. Reporting on this
   state of affairs in May of that year, Mr. William P. Lord, the
   American Minister to the Argentine Government, wrote:

   "Both countries have incurred heavy expense for the equipment
   and maintenance of largely increased army and naval forces.
   Chile has recently contracted for two formidable warships
   involving a heavy cost with the object of putting her navy
   upon an equality with the Argentine navy, whereupon Argentina,
   not to be outdone, contracted for two war ships larger in size
   and perhaps more formidable at a like heavy cost in order to
   continue and maintain her naval superiority. The costly
   expenditure incurred on account of war and naval preparations
   is paralyzing industrial activity and commercial enterprise.
   Both countries are largely in debt and confronted with a
   deficit. Both have appropriated their conversion funds which
   had been set apart for a specific purpose, and which, it would
   seem, should have been preserved inviolable. Neither is able
   to make a foreign loan without paying a high rate of interest
   and giving guarantees to meet the additional expenses which
   their war policy is incurring, and both Governments know and
   their people know that the only remedy to which either can
   resort to meet existing financial conditions is to levy fresh
   taxes of some description, notwithstanding nearly everything
   that can be taxed is now taxed to the utmost limit. The weight
   of taxation already imposed bears heavily upon the energies
   and activities of the people. The outlook is not promising,
   business being dull, wage employment scarce, and failures
   frequent."

   Happily, good sense prevailed over this folly very soon after
   Minister Lord wrote his account of it. On the 3d of June,
   1902, the same writer was enabled to forward to Washington the
   text of four remarkable "peace agreements" which had been
   signed on the 28th of May, at the Chilean capital, by the
   Chilean Minister of Foreign Relations and the Argentine
   Minister Plenipotentiary to Chile, who had been brought to
   negotiations by the friendly mediation of Great Britain. The
   four documents were: a political convention declaring a common
   international policy on the part of the two republics; a broad
   treaty of general arbitration; an agreement for the reducing
   of naval forces; an agreement for the conclusive marking of
   boundary lines by the engineers of the arbitrator, King
   Edward. The general arbitration treaty is no less unreserved
   and comprehensive than that between Peru and Bolivia and
   offers another Spanish-American model for imitation in the
   interest of peace. Its articles are as follows:

   "Article 1.
   The high contracting parties bind themselves to submit to
   arbitration every difficulty or question of whatever nature
   that may arise between them, provided such questions do not
   affect the precepts of the respective constitutions of the two
   countries, and that they can not be solved through direct
   negotiation.

{713}

   " Article 2.
   This treaty does not embrace those questions that have given
   rise to definite agreements between the two parties. In such
   cases the arbitration shall be limited exclusively to
   questions of validity, interpretation, or fulfillment of these
   agreements.

   "Article 3.
   The high contracting parties designate as arbitrator the
   Government of His Britannic Majesty or, in the event of either
   of the powers having broken off relations with the British
   Government, the Swiss Government. Within sixty days from the
   exchange of ratifications the British Government and the Swiss
   Government shall be asked to accept the charge of arbitrators.

   "Article 4.
   The points of controversy, questions or divergencies shall be
   specified by the high contracting parties, who may determine
   the powers of the arbitrator or any other circumstance
   connected with the procedure.

   "Article 5.
   In the case of divergence of opinion, either party may solicit
   the intervention of the arbitrator, who will determine the
   circumstances of procedure, the contracting parties placing
   every means of information at the service of the arbitrator.

   "Article 6.
   Either party is at liberty to name one or more commissioners
   near the arbitrator.

   "Article 7.
   The arbitrator is qualified to decide upon the validity of the
   obligation and its interpretation, as well as upon questions
   as to what difficulties come within the sphere of the
   arbitration.

   "Article 8.
   The arbitrator shall decide in accordance with international
   law, unless the obligation involves the application of special
   rules or he have been authorized to act as friendly mediator.

   "Article 9.
   The award shall definitely decide each point of controversy.

   "Article. 10.
   The award shall be drawn up in two copies.

   "Article 11.
   The award legally delivered shall decide within the limits of
   its scope the question between the two parties.

   "Article 12.
   The arbitrator shall specify in his award the term within
   which the award shall be carried out, and he is competent to
   deal with any question arising as to the fulfillment.

   "Article 13.
   There can be no appeal from the award, and its fulfillment is
   intrusted to the honor of the signatory powers. Nevertheless,
   the recourse of revision is admitted under the following
   circumstances:

      1. If the award be given on the strength of a false
      document;

      2. If the award be the result, either partially or totally,
      of an error of fact.

   "Article. 14.
   The contracting parties shall pay their own expenses and each
   a half of the expenses of the arbitration.

   "Article 15.
   The present agreement shall last for ten years from the date
   of the exchange of the ratifications, and shall be renewed for
   another term of ten years, unless either party shall give
   notice to the contrary six months before expiry."

      Papers relating to the Foreign Relations
      of the United States, 1902, pages 13-20.

   In their convention on naval armaments the two governments
   "renounced the acquisition of the war vessels they have in
   construction and the making for the present of any new
   acquisitions," agreeing to reduce their fleets to "a prudent
   equilibrium."

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.
   Ten South and Central American Nations join in Protocol
   of Convention for Compulsory Arbitration.

   "Ten of the nineteen nations represented at the City of Mexico
   [Second Pan-American Conference, 1902] united in the project
   of a treaty, to be ratified by their respective governments,
   providing for compulsory arbitration of all controversies
   which, in the judgment of any of the interested nations, do
   not affect either their independence or national honor; and it
   is prescribed that in independence and national honor are not
   included controversies concerning diplomatic privileges,
   limits, rights of navigation, or the validity, interpretation,
   and fulfillment of treaties. Mexico became a party to this
   project, but the United States declined; thus showing an
   entire change of attitude on the part of these two nations
   since the Washington conference of 1890. Mexico had in the
   meantime adjusted its boundary dispute with Guatemala. But
   since Mr. Blaine’s ardent advocacy of compulsory arbitration
   the Senate of the United States had manifested its opposition
   to the policy by the rejection of the Olney-Pauncefote
   arbitration treaty of 1897, and it is to be inferred that the
   Secretary of State did not think it wise to commit our
   government to a measure which had been disapproved of by the
   coordinate branch of the treaty-making power."

      J. W. Foster,
      Pan-American Diplomacy
      (Atlantic Monthly, April, 1902).

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.
   Central America.
   Treaty of Compulsory Arbitration between Nicaragua, Salvador,
   Honduras, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.

   A treaty of compulsory arbitration and obligatory peace,
   between four of the States above named, in fulfillment of the
   agreement at Mexico was signed at Corinto on the 20th of
   January, 1902.

      See (in this Volume)
      AMERICAN REPUBLICS: SECOND INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE.

   Its essential provisions were the following:

   "The Governments of Nicaragua, Salvador, Honduras, and Costa
   Rica, desirous of contributing by all the means in their power
   to the maintenance of the peace and good harmony that exists
   and should exist among them, have agreed to celebrate a
   convention of peace and obligatory arbitration, and to that
   effect have named as their respective plenipotentiaries: …
   Who, after having presented their credentials and the same
   being found in good and due form, have agreed upon the
   following covenant:

   "Article 1.
   It is declared that the present convention has for object the
   incorporation in form of public treaty the conclusions to
   which have arrived their excellencies, the Presidents, General
   Don J. Santos Zelaya, General Don Tomas Regalado, General Don
   Terencio Sierra, and Don Rafael Iglesias, in the several
   conferences that have been held in this port with the sole
   object of maintaining and assuring, by all possible means, the
   peace of Central America.

   "Article 2.
   The contracting Governments establish the principle of
   obligatory arbitration, in order to adjust every difficulty or
   question that might present itself between the contracting
   parties, binding themselves in consequence to submit them to a
   tribunal of Central American arbitrators.

{714}

   "Article 3.
   Each one of the contracting parties shall name an arbitrator
   and a substitute to constitute the tribunal. The terms of the
   arbitrators shall be for one year, counting from their
   acceptance, and then they may be reelected.

   "Article 4.
   The arbitrators of those states among whom exists the
   disagreement shall not form part of the tribunal for the
   consideration of the concrete case, this remaining entirely
   with the arbitrator or arbitrators of the remaining states.

   "Article 5.
   If, through pairing, there should be no decision, the tribunal
   shall select a third among the substitutes. The third should
   necessarily adhere to one of the views given out.

   "Article 6.
   As soon as a difficulty or question presents itself between
   two or more states, their respective Governments shall advise
   the remaining signers of the present convention.

   "Article 7.
   The contracting Governments establish and recognize the right
   of each one of them to offer without delay, singly or
   conjointly, their good offices to the Governments of the
   states that are in disagreement, even without previous
   acceptation by them, and though they should not have notified
   them of the difficulty or question pending.

   "Article 8.
   The friendly offices exhausted without satisfactory result,
   the government or governments that would have exercised them
   shall notify the others, declaring at the proper time
   arbitration proceedings. This declaration shall be
   communicated with the greatest possible brevity to the member
   of the tribunal corresponding to the president of same, with
   the object that within a period not exceeding fifteen days the
   tribunal that is to know and decide the case comes together.
   The installation of the tribunal shall be communicated by
   telegraph to the signing governments, demanding from the
   contending parties the presentation of their claims within the
   fifteen days following.

   "Article 9.
   The tribunal shall give its judgment within five days
   following the expiration of the term which has been spoken of.

   "Article 10.
   The difficulties that may arise through questions of pending
   limits, or through interpretation, or execution of treaties of
   limits, shall be submitted by the governments interested to
   the knowledge and decision of a foreign arbitrator of American
   nationality

   "Article 11.
   The Governments of the states in dispute solemnly agree not to
   execute any hostile act, warlike preparations, or mobilization
   of forces, with the object of not impeding the arrangement of
   the difficulty or question through the means established by
   the present agreement."

   On the 1st of March following the signing of this peace treaty
   by the four Presidents named above, the United States Minister
   to Costa Rica, Mr. William Lawrence Merry, reported to his
   Government that the President of Guatemala had added his
   signature to theirs.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1903.
   Gift of a Court House and Library for the Permanent Court
   of Arbitration at The Hague.

   By a deed signed October 7, 1903, Mr. Andrew Carnegie created
   a foundation or trust under the Netherland law (a
   Stichting in the Dutch language), "for the purpose of
   building, establishing, and maintaining in perpetuity at The
   Hague a court-house and library (temple of peace) for the
   permanent court of arbitration established by the treaty of
   July 29, 1899." As stated in the deed, "the Netherland
   Government, according to agreement, will see to the
   appointment of a board of directors under proper control, and
   draw up the rules according to which the ‘Stichting’ shall be
   governed, so as to ensure in perpetuity its maintenance and
   efficiency. The words maintaining, maintenance, in this
   agreement are not to be construed as relieving the signatory
   powers to the treaty of July 29, 1899, from the financial
   obligations incurred and so far discharged in connection with
   the permanent court of arbitration. If at any time the purpose
   for which the 'Stichting' was founded should fail, the assets
   of the ‘Stichting’ shall be employed for promoting the cause
   of international peace and concord in such a manner as shall
   be determined jointly by the sovereign of the Netherlands and
   the President of the United States."

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.
   International Peace Congresses.
   The Thirteenth at Boston.

   The First International Peace Congress was held in London in
   1843, when men who could think of the possibility of ending
   war were jeered at, and little heed was given to their talk.
   In the next ten years it had six successors, all in Europe,
   and three of them in Great Britain. Then came the succession
   of wars in the fifties, sixties and seventies, which seemed to
   discourage peace-dreams, and it was not until 1878, on the
   occasion of the Paris Exposition, that an eighth international
   gathering of the dreamers was attempted. Then they waited
   eleven years for hope and faith enough to draw them for a
   ninth time together. After that date the series ran on under
   growing impulsions and encouragements, and when Boston, in
   1904, invited its moving spirits to honor America, for the
   first time, with their assemblage, the Congress gathered in
   that city, in early October, was the Thirteenth of its name
   and kind. It was given exceptional brilliancy by the
   attendance of many distinguished people from abroad who had
   been drawn to the United States that season by the Exposition
   at St. Louis and the various conferences there.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.
   A Philosopher’s Plan for Ending War.

   "Man lives inhabits, indeed, but what he lives for is thrills
   and excitements. The only relief from Habit’s tediousness is
   periodical excitement. From time immemorial wars have been,
   especially for non-combatants, the supremely thrilling
   excitement. Heavy and dragging at its end, at its outset every
   war means an explosion of imaginative energy. The dams of
   routine burst, and boundless prospects open. The remotest
   spectators share the fascination. …

   "This is the constitution of human nature which we have to
   work against. The plain truth is that people want war.
   They want it anyhow; for itself; and apart from each and every
   possible consequence. It is the final bouquet of life’s
   fireworks. The born soldiers want it hot and actual. The
   non-combatants want it in the background, and always as an
   open possibility, to feed imagination on and keep excitement
   going. …

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   "We do ill, I fancy, to talk much of universal peace or of a
   general disarmament. We must go in for preventive medicine,
   not for radical cure. We must cheat our foe, politically
   circumvent his action, not try to change his nature. In one
   respect war is like love, though in no other. Both leave us
   intervals of rest; and in the intervals life goes on perfectly
   well without them, though the imagination still dallies with
   their possibility. … Let the general possibility of war be
   left open, in Heaven’s name, for the imagination to dally
   with. Let the soldiers dream of killing, as the old maids
   dream of marrying. But organize in every conceivable way the
   practical machinery for making each successive chance of war
   abortive. Put peace-men in power; educate the editors and
   statesmen to responsibility;—how beautifully did their trained
   responsibility in England make the Venezuela incident
   abortive! Seize every pretext, however small, for arbitration
   methods, and multiply the precedents; foster rival excitements
   and invent new outlets for heroic energy; and from one
   generation to another, the chances are that irritations will
   grow less acute and states of strain less dangerous among the
   nations. Armies and navies will continue, of course, and will
   fire the minds of populations with their potentialities of
   greatness. But their officers will find that somehow or other,
   with no deliberate intention on any one’s part, each
   successive ‘incident’ has managed to evaporate and to lead
   nowhere, and that the thought of what might have been remains
   their only consolation."

      William James,
      Remarks at the Peace Banquet
      (Atlantic Monthly, December, 1904).

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909.
   The Interparliamentary Union.

   The Interparliamentary Union, composed of members of the
   parliamentary bodies of many countries, had its origin in
   1888, when, on the 31st of October, thirty members of the
   French Chamber of Deputies met with ten members of the British
   Parliament, at Paris, to discuss the practicability of
   cooperation in efforts for the promotion of international
   peace. William Randal Cremer, a labor union member of
   Parliament, is credited with the conception and the active
   agency which set the movement on foot, and in 1903 he received
   the Nobel Prize of $35,000, for distinguished service to the
   cause of peace. He devoted the money to the same cause. He
   received further honors from the Government of France, which
   made him a Chevalier of the Legion of Honor. The results of
   the undertaking he led have already acquired high importance,
   and exhibit more each year. If the glorious dream of a World
   Parliament, empowered to enact international law, is ever
   realized, the realization may be a growth from this seed.

   Thus far, the growth has produced an Interparliamentary Union
   composed of representatives from the legislatures of every
   country in Europe which has a really constitutional
   government, and from the United States. The Congress of the
   latter became represented in the Union in the winter of 1904,
   and the next meeting of the Union was held at St. Louis that
   year, while the Louisiana Purchase Exposition was in progress.
   The membership of the Union had then risen to about 2000 in
   number, drawn entirely from the national law-making bodies of
   the world,—elected representatives of many millions of people,
   making up a powerfully influential combination of experienced
   public men. The St. Louis meeting was attended by two hundred
   of these, including many of distinguished standing in the
   parliaments of their several countries. This session of the
   Union was under the presidency of the Honorable Richard
   Bartholdt, Member of Congress from Missouri. Its most
   important action was the adoption, by unanimous vote, of the
   following resolution:

   "Whereas, Enlightened public opinion and the spirit of
   modern civilization alike demand that differences between
   nations should be adjudicated and settled in the same manner
   as disputes between individuals are adjudicated—namely, by
   the arbitrament of courts in accordance with recognized
   principles of law;

   "The Conference requests the several governments of the world
   to send representatives to an International Conference, to be
   held at a time and place to be agreed upon by them, for the
   purpose of considering—

   "First, the questions for the consideration of which the
   Conference at The Hague expressed a wish that a future
   conference be called;

   "Second, the negotiation of arbitration treaties between the
   nations represented at the Conference to be convened;

   "Third, the advisability of establishing an International
   Congress to convene periodically for the discussion of
   international questions;

   "And this Conference respectfully and cordially requests the
   President of the United States to invite all the nations to
   send representatives to such a Conference."

   Subsequently, this resolution was presented to the President,
   at Washington, by the members of the Union, and his assent to
   the request was received. Out of this came the train of
   proceedings which brought about the Second Peace Conference at
   The Hague.

   In 1905 the meeting of the Interparliamentary Union was held
   at Brussels; in 1906 at London; in 1908 at Berlin.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
   The First National Peace Congress in the United States,
   assembled at New York.

   The Peace Congress assembled at New York April 14, 1907, (the
   first National assembly of its character), on the initiative
   of Andrew Carnegie, "surpassed expectation. First of all, in
   numbers. Delegates registered by the thousand. The best hall
   in the metropolis proved inadequate. Overflow and additional
   meetings were held in other halls and in churches. For the
   first time in the history of great conferences, two banquets
   were necessary at the close, taking place coincidentally, with
   some of the same speakers passing from one to the other, no
   hotel accommodations being sufficient for the function if all
   applicants were to be housed in one place. Even with this
   doubling the issuance of tickets had to be stopped.

   "Secondly, the Congress was the first really National peace
   meeting in America. In comparison, previous peace congresses
   have been sectional. But at last week’s over thirty-five
   States were represented by their Governors or their
   representatives, by members of State tribunals and State
   Legislatures, and by Mayors of important cities. The Federal
   Government was represented by members of the Hague Court, of
   the Supreme, Circuit, and District Courts, and of Congress.
   Thus the resultant body was a peculiarly representative
   official gathering. …

{716}

   "Still another striking feature of the Congress lay in the
   prominent place given to the representatives of labor and
   commerce, a feature comprised in two meetings, addressed by
   prominent leaders of the various industries. The general
   position was well taken by Mr. Samuel Gompers, President of
   the American Federation of Labor: ‘Not as workers will we
   permit ourselves to be shot down in order to conquer the
   markets of barbarians and savages. I know of no gathering of
   labor in the last twenty-five years which has not declared
   itself unequivocally for international brotherhood and
   peace.’"

   "A final and chief feature of interest lay in the notably
   practical character of the vast majority of speakers and
   listeners. The Congress was no ‘collection of cranks and
   fools,’ as a hard-headed man of affairs dubbed it in passing
   the hall, without looking in to verify his statement. Neither
   was it a collection of white-blooded, weak-kneed theorists,
   feebly appreciating the actual conditions that govern
   individual passions and national prejudices. As one glanced
   around, there were the faces of great captains of industry, of
   practical leaders of labor, of men who bulk large in
   commercial enterprises, of trusted political leaders. Nor was
   the Congress any mere anti-war affair: its business was
   positive, not negative; it was to affirm the necessity of
   substituting reason for passion. There was a general sentiment
   that it ought to emphasize, not ‘rainbows’ or distant Utopias,
   but only practical plans certain of realization, and of
   realization, too, not in the far future, but in this very
   coming summer by action at The Hague."

      The Outlook,
      April 27, 1907.

   Among the prominent speakers were Mr. Carnegie, who presided,
   Mr. Root, Secretary of State, Governor Hughes, of New York,
   Ambassador Bryce, Mr. William J. Bryan, Congressman Bartholdt,
   President of the American group in the Inter-parliamentary
   Union, Professor Münsterberg, President Eliot, Baron
   d’Estournelles, the eminent peace advocate of France, and Mr.
   W. T. Stead. Mr. Root pointed out the great obstacle to
   arbitration—a fear that the tribunals selected would not be
   impartial, because arbitrators are thought often to act
   diplomatically rather than judicially. "We need," he said,
   "for arbitrators, not distinguished public men concerned in
   all the international questions of the day, but judges
   interested only in the question appearing on the record before
   them. Plainly, this end is to be attained by the establishment
   of a court of permanent judges."

   Mr. Bryan made the excellent suggestion that in time of war
   money-lenders shall not be allowed to wax fat by loans, taking
   advantage of a nation’s weakness and urging it to continue
   hostilities. A loan by the citizens of a neutral nation, he
   pointed out, is practically a loan by the nation itself, and
   should be objected to as much as furnishing shot and shell.

   Mr. Stead, writing of the Congress in the American Review
   of Reviews, characterized it as "in many respects the most
   notable Congress of its kind that has ever been held in the
   Old World or the New," and as being "the pioneer or John the
   Baptist of the Second International Conference" soon to meet
   at The Hague. "It represented," he said, "the first
   rudimentary, crude, but nevertheless definite effort on the
   part of the New World to impress its will on the Old World."
   But he thought the resolutions of the Congress, "as a whole,
   were hardly worthy of the importance of the occasion or the
   representative character of the conference," and criticised
   the committee for taking "no steps for pressing their adoption
   upon other governments than their own."

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
   Second International Peace Conference at The Hague:
   Its Conventions, Declarations, and Recommendations.
   Text of the Convention for a Pacific Settlement of
   International Disputes, and of the "Final Act," with its
   recommended Draft Convention for the Creation of a Judicial
   Arbitration Court.

   "Pursuant to a request of the Interparliamentary Union, held
   at St. Louis in 1904, that a further peace conference be held,
   and that the President of the United States invite all nations
   to send representatives to such a conference, the late
   Secretary of State, at the direction of the President,
   instructed, on October 21, 1904, the representatives of the
   United States accredited to each of the signatories to the
   acts of The Hague Conference of 1889 to present overtures for
   a second conference to the ministers for foreign affairs of
   the respective countries.

   "The replies received to this circular instruction of October
   21, 1904, indicated that the proposition for the calling of a
   second conference met with general favor. At a later period it
   was intimated by Russia that the initiator of the First
   Conference was, owing to the restoration of peace in the
   Orient, disposed to undertake the calling of a new conference
   to continue as well as to supplement the works of the first.
   The offer of the Czar to take steps requisite to convene a
   second international peace conference was gladly welcomed by
   the President, and the Final Act of the Conference only
   recites in its preamble the invitation of the President.

   "The Russian Government thus assumed the calling of the
   Conference, and on April 12, 1906, submitted the following
   programme, which was acceptable to the Powers generally and
   which served as the basis of the work of the Conference:

   "1. Improvements to be made in the provisions of the
   convention relative to the peaceful settlement of
   international disputes as regards the Court of Arbitration and
   the International commissions of inquiry.

   "2. Additions to be made to the provisions of the convention
   of 1899 relative to the laws and customs of war on land—among
   others, those concerning the opening of hostilities, the
   rights of neutrals on land, etc. Declaration of 1899. One of
   these having expired, question of its being revived.

   "3. Framing of a convention relative to the laws and customs
   of maritime warfare, concerning—

   "The special operations of maritime warfare, such as the
   bombardment of ports, cities, and villages by a naval force;
   the laying of torpedoes, etc.

   "The transformation of merchant vessels into war ships.

   "The private property of belligerents at sea.

   "The length of time to be granted to merchant ships for their
   departure from ports of neutrals or of the enemy after the
   opening of hostilities.

{717}

   "The rights and duties of neutrals at sea, among others the
   questions of contraband, the rules applicable to belligerent
   vessels in neutral ports; destruction, in cases of vis
   major, of neutral merchant vessels captured as prizes.

   "In the said convention to be drafted there would be
   introduced the provisions relative to war on land that would
   be also applicable to maritime warfare.

   "4. Additions to be made to the convention of 1899 for the
   adaptation to maritime warfare of the principles of the Geneva
   Convention of 1864.

   "The United States, however, reserved the right to bring to
   discussion two matters of great importance not included in the
   programme, namely, the reduction or limitation of armaments
   and restrictions or limitations upon the use of force for the
   collection of ordinary public debts arising out of contracts.

   "It was finally decided that the Conference should meet at The
   Hague on the 15th day of June, 1907, and thus the Conference,
   proposed by the President of the United States, and convoked
   by Her Majesty the Queen of The Netherlands upon the
   invitation of the Emperor of All the Russias, assumed definite
   shape and form. …

   "In the circulars of October 21 and December 16, 1904, it was
   suggested as desirable to consider and adopt a procedure by
   which States nonsignatory to the original acts of The Hague
   Conference may become adhering parties. This suggestion was
   taken note of by the Russian Government and invitations were
   issued to forty-seven countries, in response to which the
   representatives of forty-four nations assembled at The Hague
   and took part in the Conference. No opposition was made to the
   admission of the nonsignatory States."

   The delegation of the United States to the Conference was
   composed of the following members: Commissioners
   plenipotentiary with the rank of ambassador extraordinary:
   Joseph H. Choate, of New York, Horace Porter, of New York,
   Uriah M. Rose, of Arkansas; Commissioner plenipotentiary:
   David Jayne Hill, of New York, envoy extraordinary and
   minister plenipotentiary of the United States to the
   Netherlands; Commissioners Plenipotentiary with rank of
   minister plenipotentiary: Brigadier General George B. Davis,
   Judge-Advocate-General, United States Army, Rear-Admiral
   Charles S. Sperry, United States Navy, William I. Buchanan, of
   New York; Technical delegate and expert in international law:
   James Brown Scott, of California; Technical delegate and
   expert attache to the Commission: Charles Henry Butler, of New
   York; Secretary to the Commission: Chandler Hale, of Maine;
   Assistant secretaries to the Commission: A. Bailly-Blanchard,
   of Louisiana, William M. Malloy, of Illinois.

   "The Dutch Government set aside for the use of the Conference,
   the Binnenhof, the seat of the States-General, and on the 15th
   day of June, 1907, at 3 o’clock in the afternoon, the
   Conference was opened by his excellency the Dutch minister for
   foreign affairs in the presence of delegates representing
   forty-four nations. … At the conclusion of the address of
   welcome his excellency suggested as president of the
   Conference His Excellency M. Nelidow, first delegate of
   Russia, and, with the unanimous consent of the assembly, M.
   Nelidow accepted the presidency and delivered an address." …

   In accordance with the suggestion of the president, an order
   of procedure, in twelve articles, was adopted, and the
   Conference was divided into four Commissions, between which
   the subjects specified in the programme of the Conference were
   apportioned. "The actual work of the Conference was,
   therefore, done in commission and committee. The results, so
   far as the several commissions desired, were reported to the
   Conference sitting in plenary session for approval, and after
   approval, submitted to the small subediting committee for
   final revision which, however, affected form, not substance.
   The results thus reached were included in the Final Act and
   signed by the plenipotentiaries on the 18th day of October,
   1907, upon which date the Conference adjourned."

      Report of the Delegates of the United States
      (60th Congress, 1st Session Senate Doc. 444).

   The results of the Conference are embodied in fourteen
   Conventions duly formulated and signed, and a "Final Act" in
   which certain principles are declared as being "unanimously
   admitted." Of the Conventions entered into, that most
   important one which provides means for a pacific solution of
   international conflicts is but a revision of the Convention
   for the same purpose which the Powers represented at the First
   Peace Conference, of 1899, gave adhesion to, and the full text
   of which is printed in Volume VI. of this work (pages
   356-359). To a large extent the articles of the Convention are
   unchanged, and the changes made are mostly in the nature of an
   amplification of provisions and prescriptions of procedure for
   carrying out the agreements set forth in the compact of 1899.
   This occurs especially in Part III., relating to
   "International Commissions of Inquiry," the specifications for
   which, merely outlined in six articles of the Convention of
   1899, were detailed with precision in twenty-eight articles of
   the Convention of 1907. A similar amplification was given to
   the chapters on "The System of Arbitration" and "Arbitral
   Procedure." By a verbal change of some significance, the
   parties to the Convention are designated "Contracting Powers,"
   instead of "Signatory Powers," as before.

   Other important features of the revision are noted in an
   article which the Honorable David Jayne Hill, one of the
   American Commission at the Conference, communicated to The
   American Review of Reviews of December, 1907. Dr. Hill
   wrote:

   "With regard to good offices and mediation, a slight step
   forward was taken by the acceptance of the American
   proposition that the initiative of powers foreign to the
   controversy in offering them is not only ‘useful’ but
   ‘desirable.’ Greater precision has been given to the operation
   of commissions of inquiry, whose great utility has already been
   tested, but it was decided that the functions of such
   commissions should be confined to a determination of facts and
   should not extend to fixing responsibility. As regards
   arbitration, while it was reasserted that ‘in questions of a
   legal character, and especially in the interpretation or
   application of international conventions, arbitration is
   recognized by the contracting powers as the most efficacious
   and at the same time the most equitable means of settling
   differences that have not been adjusted by diplomacy,’ and,
   ‘in consequence, it would be desirable that, in contentions of
   this character, the powers should resort to arbitration,’ it
   was not found possible to render this resort an obligation.

{718}

   "It is necessary to state, however, that while unanimity upon
   this proposal was not obtainable—even for a convention that
   omitted all questions affecting ‘the vital interests,
   independence, or honor’ of the contestants and included only a
   meagre list of mainly unimportant subjects—32 powers voted in
   favor of it, only 9 were opposed, and 3 abstained from voting.
   As practical unanimity was held to be necessary for the
   inclusion of a convention in the final act, even this very
   moderate attempt at obligatory arbitration was unfruitful.
   Still, as this strong manifestation of a disposition to make a
   definite engagement could not conveniently be nullified
   without being in some measure recognized, it was resolved,
   with four abstentions, that the first commission was:
   ‘Unanimous (1) in recognizing the principle of obligatory
   arbitration; and (2) in declaring that certain differences,
   notably those relative to the interpretation and application
   of conventional stipulations, are susceptible of being
   submitted to obligatory arbitration without restriction.’

   "Regarding this resolution as a retreat from the more advanced
   position that had been taken by 32 powers, the head of the
   American delegation clearly explained its attitude and
   refrained from voting.

   "It must, in justice, he added that some of the powers voting
   against an obligatory arbitration convention probably did so
   chiefly for the purpose of avoiding the isolation of others,
   and that some of the powers most earnest in opposing the
   project not only have negotiated special treaties of
   obligatory arbitration, but declare their intention of
   negotiating many more. The state of the question, then, is
   this: All accept the principle of obligatory arbitration in
   certain classes of cases, 32 powers are prepared to make
   definite engagements with all the rest, 9 prefer to make them
   only with states on whose responsibility they can rely, and 3
   decline at present to commit themselves."

   On the part of the United States, when this important
   Convention was submitted subsequently to the Senate, it was
   ratified conditionally, by the following resolution, adopted
   April 2, 1908.

   "Resolved (two-thirds of the Senators present concurring
   therein), That the Senate advise and consent to the
   ratification of a convention signed by the delegates of the
   United States to the Second International Peace Conference,
   held at The Hague from June sixteenth to October eighteenth,
   nineteen hundred and seven, for the pacific settlement of
   international disputes, subject to the declaration made by the
   delegates of the United States before signing said convention,
   namely:

   "‘Nothing contained in this convention shall be so construed
   as to require the United States of America to depart from its
   traditional policy of not intruding upon, interfering with, or
   entangling itself in the political questions of policy or
   internal administration of any foreign state; nor shall
   anything contained in the said convention be construed to
   imply a relinquishment by the United States of its traditional
   attitude toward purely American questions.’

   "Resolved further, as a part of this act of
   ratification, That the United States approves this
   convention with the understanding that recourse to the
   permanent court for the settlement of differences can be had
   only by agreement thereto through general or special treaties
   of arbitration heretofore or hereafter concluded between the
   parties in dispute; and the United States now exercises the
   option contained in article fifty-three of said convention, to
   exclude the formulation of the ‘compromis’ by the permanent
   court, and hereby excludes from the competence of the
   permanent court the power to frame the ‘compromis’ required by
   general or special treaties of arbitration concluded or
   hereafter to be concluded by the United States, and further
   expressly declares that the ‘compromis’ required by any treaty
   of arbitration to which the United States may be a party shall
   be settled only by agreement between the contracting parties,
   unless such treaty shall expressly provide otherwise."

   Of the other Conventions agreed to and signed at the
   Conference it will be sufficient to give here in part a
   summary statement of their objects and provisions which was
   prepared by the Honorable James Brown Scott, one of the
   Technical Delegates to the Conference from the United States,
   originally for publication in The American Journal of
   International Law for January, 1908. They are described by
   Mr. Scott as follows:

   "The second is the convention restricting the use of force for
   the recovery of contract debts. This was introduced by the
   American delegation, loyally and devotedly seconded by Doctor
   Drago, who has battled for the doctrine to which he has given
   his name. Without the support of Doctor Drago, it is doubtful
   if Latin America—for whose benefit it was introduced—would
   have voted for this very important doctrine. The proposition
   is very short; it consists of but three articles, but we must
   not measure things by their size. In full it is as follows;
   ‘In order to avoid between nations armed conflicts of a purely
   pecuniary origin arising from contractual debts claimed from
   the government of one country by the government of another
   country to be due to its nationals, the contracting powers
   agree not to have recourse to armed force for the collection
   of such contractual debts.

   "‘However, this stipulation shall not be applicable when the
   debtor state refuses or leaves unanswered an offer to
   arbitrate, or, in case of acceptance, makes it impossible to
   formulate the terms of submission, or after arbitration, fails
   to comply with the award rendered.

   "‘It is further agreed that arbitration here contemplated
   shall be in conformity, as to procedure, with Title IV,
   Chapter III of the convention for the pacific settlement of
   international disputes adopted at The Hague, and that it shall
   determine, in so far as there shall be no agreement between
   the parties, the justice, and the amount of the debt, the time
   and mode of payment thereof.’ …

{719}

   "The third convention relates to the opening of hostilities
   and provides, in Article I, that the contracting powers
   recognize that hostilities between them should not commence
   without notice, which shall be either in the form of a formal
   declaration of war or of an ultimatum in the nature of a
   declaration of conditional war. This is to protect
   belligerents from surprise and bad faith. Article 11 is meant
   to safeguard the rights of neutrals. The state of war should
   be notified without delay to neutral powers, and shall only
   affect them after the receipt of a notification, which may be
   sent even by telegram.’ …

   "The fourth convention concerns the laws and customs of land
   warfare, [and is] a revision of the convention of 1899. It is
   highly technical and codifies in a humanitarian spirit the
   warfare of the present.

   "The fifth convention attempts to regulate the rights and
   duties of neutral powers and of neutral persons in case of
   land warfare. Short, but important, its guiding spirit is
   expressed in the opening paragraph of the preamble, namely, to
   render more certain the rights and duties of neutral powers in
   case of warfare upon land and to regulate the situation of
   belligerent refugees in neutral territory. …

   "The sixth is the convention concerning enemy merchant ships
   found in enemy ports or upon the high seas at the outbreak of
   hostilities. Custom forbids the capture of enemy vessels
   within the port of the enemy on the outbreak of hostilities
   and allows them a limited time to discharge or load their
   cargo and depart for their port of destination. The attempt
   was made to establish this custom or privilege as a right. The
   proposition, however, met with serious opposition and, instead
   of the right, the convention states that it is desirable that
   enemy ships be permitted freely to leave the port. The
   convention, therefore, was restrictive rather than declaratory
   of existing international practice. The same might be said of
   another provision of the convention concerning the treatment
   of enemy merchant ships upon the high seas. It may be said
   that the expression of a desire is tantamount to a positive
   declaration, but, strictly construed, the convention is not
   progressive. It lessens rights acquired by custom and usage,
   although it does, indeed, render the privilege granted
   universal. The American delegation, therefore, refrained from
   signing the convention.

   "The seventh convention deals with the transformation of
   merchant ships into ships of war, and it must be said that the
   positive results of this convention are of little or no
   practical value. The burning question was whether merchant
   ships might be transformed into men-of-war upon the high seas.
   As the transformation of merchant vessels into war vessels
   upon the high seas caused an international commotion during
   the recent Russo-Japanese war. Great Britain and the United
   States insisted that the transfer should only be allowed
   within the territorial jurisdiction of the transforming power.
   Some of the continental states, on the contrary, refused to
   renounce the exercise of the alleged right. The great maritime
   states were thus divided, and as the question was too simple
   and too plain to admit of compromise, it was agreed to drop it
   entirely for the present. In order, however, that something
   might remain of the careful and elaborate discussions of the
   subject, a series of regulations was drawn up regarding the
   transformation of merchant ships into vessels of war,
   declaratory of international custom. … Indirectly, the
   rightfulness or wrongfulness of privateering was concerned,
   and inasmuch as the United States would not consent to abolish
   privateering unless the immunity of private property be
   safeguarded, the American delegation abstained from signing
   the convention.

   "The eighth convention relates to the placing of submarine
   automatic mines of contact, a subject of present and special
   interest to belligerents; while the interest of the neutral is
   very general. … Mines break from their moorings and endanger
   neutral life and property. The conference, therefore, desires
   to regulate the use of mines in such a way as not to deprive
   the belligerents of a recognized and legitimate means of
   warfare, but to restrict, as far as possible, the damage to
   the immediate belligerents. …

   "The ninth convention forbade the bombardment by naval forces
   of undefended harbors, villages, towns, or buildings. The
   presence, however, of military stores would permit bombardment
   of such ports for the sole purpose of destroying the stores,
   provided they were not destroyed or delivered up upon request.
   Notice, however, should be given of the intention to bombard.
   In like manner, the convention permitted the bombardment of
   such undefended places if provisions were not supplied upon
   requisition to the naval force. Bombardment, however, was not
   allowed for the collection of mere money contributions. …

   "The tenth convention adapted to maritime warfare the
   principles of the Geneva Convention of 1906. …

   "The eleventh convention relates to certain restrictions in
   the exercise of the right of capture in maritime war. It is a
   modest document, but is all that was saved from the wreck of
   the immunity of private property. The American delegation
   urged the abolition of the right of capture of unoffending
   enemy private property upon the high seas, but great maritime
   powers such as Great Britain, France, Russia, and Japan were
   unwilling to relinquish this means of bringing the enemy to
   terms. …

   "The twelfth convention sought to establish an international
   court of prize, and there only remains the ratification of
   this convention by the contracting powers in order to call
   into being this great and beneficent institution. For years
   enlightened opinion has protested against the right of
   belligerents to pass final judgment upon the lawfulness of the
   capture of neutral property, and it is a pleasure to be able
   to state that the interests of the neutrals in the neutral
   prize are henceforward to be placed in the hands of neutral
   judges with a representation of the belligerents, in order
   that the rights of all concerned may be carefully weighed and
   considered. …

{720}

   "The thirteenth convention concerns and seeks to regulate the
   rights and duties of neutral powers in case of maritime war.
   This is an elaborate codification of the rights and duties of
   neutrals in which the conference essayed to generalize and
   define on the one hand the rights of neutrals and the
   correlative duties of the belligerents, and in the second
   place to set forth in detail the duties of neutrals, thus
   safeguarding the rights of belligerents in certain phases of
   maritime warfare. … The result, however, was unsatisfactory to
   some of the larger maritime powers, which prefer their present
   regulations on the subject of neutrality or which were
   unwilling to accept the modifications proposed. The United
   States was not satisfied with certain provisions of the
   convention, and reserved the right to study the project in
   detail before expressing a final opinion. It therefore
   abstained from voting and signing.

   "The fourteenth convention is a reenactment of the declaration
   of 1899 forbidding the launching of projectiles and explosives
   from balloons. The original declaration was agreed to for a
   period of five years, and as this period had expired the
   powers were without a regulation on the subject. The
   reenactment provided that the present declaration shall
   extend, not merely for a period of five years, but to the end
   of the Third Conference of Peace."

      Reprinted in
      Senate Document Number 433, 60th Congress, 1st Session.

   Appended to these Conventions are the Resolutions or
   Declarations of accepted Principles embodied in the "Final
   Act"; and these are far from being the least important of the
   fruits of the Conference. They need presentation in full.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:
   Final Act of the Second International Peace Conference.

   "At a series of meetings, held from the 15th June to the 18th
   October, 1907, in which the above Delegates [named in a
   preamble] were throughout animated by the desire to realize,
   in the fullest possible measure, the generous views of the
   august initiator of the Conference and the intentions of their
   Governments, the Conference drew up for submission for
   signature by the Plenipotentiaries, the text of the
   Conventions and of the Declaration enumerated below [named in
   their order, as summarized above] and annexed to the present
   Act:—

   "These Conventions and Declaration shall form so many separate
   Acts. These Acts shall be dated this day, and may be signed up
   to the 30th June, 1908, at The Hague, by the Plenipotentiaries
   of the Powers represented at the Second Peace Conference.

   "The Conference, actuated by the spirit of mutual agreement
   and concession characterizing its deliberations, has agreed
   upon the following Declaration, which, while reserving to each
   of the Powers represented full liberty of action as regards
   voting, enables them to affirm the principles which they
   regard as unanimously admitted;—

   "It is unanimous—

   "1. In admitting the principle of compulsory arbitration.

   "2. In declaring that certain disputes, in particular those
   relating to the interpretation and application of the
   provisions of International Agreements, may be submitted to
   compulsory arbitration without any restriction.

   "Finally, it is unanimous in proclaiming that, although it has
   not yet been found feasible to conclude a Convention in this
   sense, nevertheless the divergences of opinion which have come
   to light have not exceeded the bounds of judicial controversy,
   and that, by working together here during the past four
   months, the collected Powers not only have learnt to
   understand one another and to draw closer together, but have
   succeeded in the course of this long collaboration in evolving
   a very lofty conception of the common welfare of humanity.

   "The Conference has further unanimously adopted the following
   Resolution:—

   "The Second Peace Conference confirms the Resolution adopted
   by the Conference of 1899 in regard to the limitation of
   military expenditure; and inasmuch as military expenditure has
   considerably increased in almost every country since that
   time, the Conference declares that it is eminently desirable
   that the Governments should resume the serious examination of
   this question.

   "It has besides expressed the following opinions:—

   "1. The Conference calls the attention of the Signatory Powers
   to the advisability of adopting the annexed draft Convention
   for the creation of a Judicial Arbitration Court, and of
   bringing it into force as soon as an agreement has been
   reached respecting the selection of the Judges and the
   constitution of the Court.

   "2. The Conference expresses the opinion that, in case of war,
   the responsible authorities, civil as well as military, should
   make it their special duty to ensure and safeguard the
   maintenance of specific relations, more especially of the
   commercial and industrial relations between the inhabitants of
   the belligerent States and neutral countries.

   "3. The Conference expresses the opinion that the Powers
   should regulate, by special Treaties, the position, as regards
   military charges, of foreigners residing within their
   territories.

   "4. The Conference expresses the opinion that the preparation
   of regulations relative to the laws and customs of naval war
   should figure in the programme of the next Conference, and
   that in any case the Powers may apply, as far as possible, to
   war by sea the principles of the Convention relative to the
   Laws and Customs of War on land.

   "Finally, the Conference recommends to the Powers the assembly
   of a Third Peace Conference, which might be held within a
   period corresponding to that which has elapsed since the
   preceding Conference, at a date to be fixed by common
   agreement between the Powers, and it calls their attention to
   the necessity of preparing the programme of this Third
   Conference a sufficient time in advance to ensure its
   deliberations being conducted with the necessary authority and
   expedition.

   "In order to attain this object the Conference considers that
   it would be very desirable that, some two years before the
   probable date of the meeting, a preparatory Committee should
   be charged by the Governments with the task of collecting the
   various proposals to be submitted to the Conference, of
   ascertaining what subjects are ripe for embodiment in an
   International Regulation, and of preparing a programme which
   the Governments should decide upon in sufficient time to
   enable it to be carefully examined by the countries
   interested. This Committee should further be intrusted with
   the task of proposing a system of organization and procedure
   for the Conference itself.

   "In faith whereof the Plenipotentiaries have signed the
   present Act and have affixed their seals thereto."

{721}

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:
   Draft Convention recommended for the Creation of
   a Judicial Arbitration Court.

   The following are the more important provisions of the
   "annexed draft Convention for the creation of a Judicial
   Arbitration Court" which the Signatory Powers are asked, in
   the first of the "Opinions" expressed above, to consider "the
   advisability of adopting":

   "Article I.
   With a view to promoting the cause of arbitration, the
   Contracting Powers agree to constitute, without altering the
   status of the Permanent Court of Arbitration, a Judicial
   Arbitration Court, of free and easy access, composed of Judges
   representing the various juridical systems of the world, and
   capable of insuring continuity in jurisprudence of
   arbitration.

   "Article II.
   The Judicial Arbitration Court is composed of Judges and
   Deputy Judges chosen from persons of the highest moral
   reputation, and all fulfilling conditions qualifying them, in
   their respective countries, to occupy high legal posts, or be
   jurists of recognized competence in matters of international
   law. The Judges and Deputy Judges of the Court are appointed,
   as far as possible, from the members of the Permanent Court of
   Arbitration. The appointment shall be made within the six
   months following the ratification of the present Convention.

   "Article III.
   The Judges and Deputy Judges are appointed for a period of
   twelve years, counting from the date on which the appointment
   is notified to the Administrative Council created by the
   Convention for the Pacific Settlement of International
   Disputes. Their appointments can be renewed. Should a Judge or
   Deputy Judge die or retire, the vacancy is filled in the
   manner in which his appointment was made. In this case, the
   appointment is made for a fresh period of twelve years.

   "Article IV.
   The Judges of the Judicial Arbitration Court are equal and
   rank according to the date on which their appointment was
   notified. The Judge who is senior in point of age takes
   precedence when the date of notification is the same. The
   Deputy Judges are assimilated, in the exercise of their
   functions, with the Judges. They rank, however, below the
   latter.

   "Article V.
   The Judges enjoy diplomatic privileges and immunities in the
   exercise of their functions, outside their own country. Before
   taking their seat, the Judges and Deputy Judges must swear,
   before the Administrative Council, or make a solemn
   affirmation to exercise their functions impartially and
   conscientiously.

   "Article VI.
   The Court annually nominates three Judges to form a special
   delegation and three more to replace them should the necessity
   arise. They may be re-elected. They are balloted for. The
   persons who secure the largest number of votes are considered
   elected. The delegation itself elects its President, who, in
   default of a majority, is appointed by lot. A member of the
   delegation cannot exercise his duties when the Power which
   appointed him, or of which he is a national, is one of the
   parties. The members of the delegation are to conclude all
   matters submitted to them, even if the period for which they
   have been appointed Judges has expired.

   "Article VII.
   A Judge may not exercise his judicial functions in any case in
   which he has, in any way whatever, taken part in the decision
   of a National Tribunal, of a Tribunal of Arbitration, or of a
   Commission of Inquiry, or has figured in the suit as counsel
   or advocate for one of the parties. A Judge cannot act as
   agent or advocate before the Judicial Arbitration Court or the
   Permanent Court of Arbitration, before a Special Tribunal of
   Arbitration or a Commission of Inquiry, nor act for one of the
   parties in any capacity whatsoever so long as his appointment
   lasts. …

   "Article X.
   The Judges may not accept from their own Government or from
   that of any other Power any remuneration for services
   connected with their duties in their capacity of members of
   the Court.

   "Article XI.
   The seat of the Judicial Court of Arbitration is at The Hague,
   and cannot be transferred, unless absolutely obliged by
   circumstances, elsewhere. …

   "Article XII.
   The Administrative Council fulfills with regard to the
   Judicial Court of Arbitration the same functions as to the
   Permanent Court of Arbitration.

   "Article XIV.
   The Court meets in session once a year. The session opens the
   third Wednesday in June and lasts until all the business on
   the agenda has been transacted. …

   "Article XVII. The Judicial Court of Arbitration is competent
   to deal with all cases submitted to it, in virtue either of a
   general undertaking to have recourse to arbitration or of a
   special agreement.

   "Article XXXII.
   The Court itself draws up its own rules of procedure, which
   must be communicated to the Contracting Powers. After the
   ratification of the present Convention the Court shall meet as
   early as possible in order to elaborate these rules, elect the
   President and Vice-President, and appoint the members of the
   delegation.

   "Article XXXIII.
   The Court may propose modifications in the provisions of the
   present Convention concerning procedure. These proposals are
   communicated through the Netherland Government to the
   Contracting Powers, which will consider together as to the
   measures to be taken."

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:
   The sequent International Naval Conference
   at London in 1908-1909.

   The action of the Peace Conference which contemplated the
   establishment of an International Prize Court (embodied in the
   Twelfth Convention described above) had a sequel in the next
   year, resulting from the suggestion by the British Government
   that, preliminary to the creation of such a court, the prior
   holding of an International Naval Conference was desirable,
   for the purpose which it explained in the following words:
   "Having regard to the importance attached by his Majesty’s
   Government to the setting up of that Court, they decided to
   take the initiative in inviting the co-operation of the Powers
   whose belligerent rights would be most directly affected, in
   formulating in precise terms a set of rules relative to the
   law of prize, which should be recognized as embodying
   doctrines held to be generally binding as part of the existing
   law of nations." In connection with this suggestion a list of
   questions was submitted to the several Governments consulted,
   "on which his Majesty’s Government, after careful examination,
   considered that an understanding should if possible be
   reached, and which would therefore appropriately constitute
   the programme of a special naval conference to meet in
   London."

{722}

   The questions were as follows:

   "(a.)
   Contraband, including the circumstances under which particular
   articles can be considered as contraband; the penalties for
   their carriage; the immunity of a ship from search when under
   convoy; and the rules with regard to compensation where
   vessels have been seized but have been found in fact only to
   be carrying innocent cargo;

   "(b.)
   Blockade, including the questions as to the locality where
   seizure can be effected, and the notice that is necessary
   before a ship can be seized;

   "(c.)
   The doctrine of continuous voyage in respect both of
   contraband and of blockade;

   "(d.)
   The legality of the destruction of neutral vessels prior to
   their condemnation by a Prize Court;

   "(e.)
   The rules as to neutral ships or persons rendering ‘unneutral
   service’ (‘assistance hostile’);

   "(f.)
   The legality of the conversion of a merchant-vessel into a
   war-ship on the high seas;

   "(g.)
   The rules as to the transfer of merchant-vessels from a
   belligerent to a neutral flag during or in contemplation of
   hostilities;

   "(h.)
   The question whether the nationality or the domicile of the
   owner should be adopted as the dominant factor in deciding
   whether property is enemy property."

   Responses to the British invitation by the greater naval
   Powers were favorable, and the resulting International Naval
   Conference had sittings in London from December 4, 1908, until
   February 26, 1909. The Powers sending representatives to take
   part in it were Great Britain, France, Germany, Russia,
   Austria-Hungary, Italy, the United States, Japan, Spain,
   Holland. A report of the proceedings and conclusions arrived
   at was made public on the 22d of March. On two, only, of the
   questions, proposed by Great Britain, no agreement was
   reached, and these were left open,—namely; "the legality of
   the conversion of a merchant-vessel into a war-ship on the
   high seas, and the question whether the nationality or the
   domicile of the owner should be regarded as the dominant
   factor in deciding the character, neutral or enemy, of
   property." Original differences on other questions were
   compromised.

   A serious difficulty in the undertakings of the Conference was
   occasioned by the fact that the Constitution of the United
   States is held to preclude any right of appeal from decisions
   of its Supreme Court. What was done to overcome this
   difficulty is explained in the report of the British Delegates
   as follows: "The Conference was asked to express its
   acceptance of the principle that, as regards countries in
   which such constitutional difficulty arose, all proceedings in
   the International Prize Court should be treated as a rehearing
   of the case de novo, in the form of an action for
   compensation, whereby the validity of the judgments of the
   national courts would remain unaffected, whilst the duty of
   carrying out a decision of the International Court ordering
   the payment of compensation would fall upon the government
   concerned. The proposal was further coupled with the
   suggestion that the jurisdiction of the International Prize
   Court might be extended, by agreement between two or more of
   the signatory Powers, to cover cases at present excluded from
   its jurisdiction by the express terms of the Prize Court
   Convention, and that in the hearing of such cases that court
   should have the functions, and follow the procedure, laid down
   in the Draft Convention relative to the creation of a Judicial
   Arbitration Court, which was annexed to the Final Act of the
   Second Peace Conference of 1907.

   "Great hesitation was felt in approaching these questions. It
   was undeniable that they lay wholly outside the programme
   which the Conference had been invited to discuss, and to which
   the Powers accepting the invitation had expressly assented. It
   was, however, not disputed that so much of the United States
   proposal as related to the difficulties in the way of the
   ratification of the Prize Court Convention was in so far
   germane to the labours of the Conference, as these also were
   avowedly directed to preparing the way for the more general
   acceptance of the Prize Court Convention. As it must clearly
   be desired by all countries interested in the establishment of
   the International Prize Court that the United States should be
   one of the Powers submitting to its jurisdiction and bound by
   its decisions, the Conference thought it right,
   notwithstanding its lack of formal authority, to go so far as
   to express the wish (‘vœu’) which stands recorded in the final
   Protocol of its proceedings, and of which the substance is
   that the attention of the various Governments represented is
   called by their delegates to the desirability of allowing such
   countries as are precluded by the terms of their constitution
   from ratifying the Prize Court Convention in its present form,
   to do so with a reservation in the sense of the first part of
   the United States proposal. On the other hand, the question of
   setting up the Judicial Arbitration Court, which seemed to
   have no necessary connexion with the Prize Court Convention,
   was decided by all the delegations, except that which had
   brought it forward, to be one which the Conference could not
   discuss."

      Parliamentary Papers, 1909:
      Papers by Command, 4554.
      Also,
      London Times, March 22, 1909.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:
   Central American Peace Conference at Washington.
   General Treaty of Peace and Amity.
   Convention establishing a Central American Court of Justice.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.
   Waning of the Military Passion in France.

   Two very striking indications of the cooling in the French
   people of the militant passion which made them in former times
   one of the most warlike of the European races have been
   afforded within the past three years. The first appeared in
   the winter of 1907, when a Paris newspaper of great
   circulation collected votes from its readers on the question,
   "Who was the Greatest Frenchman of the Nineteenth Century?"
   Much interest in the query was excited, and more than
   15,000,000 [votes] were said to have been cast.
{723}
   From any prior generation the answer of a big majority would
   undoubtedly have been, "Napoleon Bonaparte"; but the French of
   the Twentieth Century have developed so different an estimate of
   human greatness that Louis Pasteur, the Man of Science, led
   the poll, receiving 1,838,103 votes; while Victor Hugo came
   next below him, by somewhat more than a hundred thousand
   votes, and Gambetta was put third in the list. Napoleon
   received only the fourth place of honor in the estimate of
   fifteen millions of the French of these days.

   About a year later the same change was betokened in a hardly
   less significant way, by a speech from the Prime Minister of
   France. The occasion of the address was the inauguration of a
   monument to M. Scheurer-Kestner, who had been vice-president
   of the French Senate when the Dreyfus iniquities began to be
   dragged out of darkness into light, and who was one of the few
   men in public life then who strove heroically to have the
   truth ascertained and justice done. Scheurer-Kestner was an
   Alsatian, and this fact gave Premier Clemenceau an opportunity
   to break silence on the sore subject of the loss of Alsace,
   which French statesmen have not ventured to refer to since the
   heart-breaking surrender of 1871. His breaking of that silence
   was meant to break, and assuredly does break, the long
   brooding of revengefulness in French hearts which has been a
   menace to the peace of Europe for nearly 40 years.

   "I do not fear," he said, "to call up the memory of that
   bloody past. I am mindful of the responsibility which belongs
   to my office, and I can speak without constraint of events
   which have entered into history. I can proclaim feelings which
   we cannot repudiate—which we cannot even hide without lowering
   ourselves." And this is his open proclamation of the feeling
   to which France has come, in its thought of Alsace:

   "We received France issuing from frightful trial. To rebuild
   her in her legitimate power of expansion as well as in her
   dignity as a great moral person, we have no need either to
   hate or to lie, nor even to recriminate. We look to the
   future. Sons of a great history, jealously careful of the
   lofty impulses native to us, in which the civilizing virtue of
   France was fashioned, we can look in quiet of soul on the
   descendants of strong races which for centuries have measured
   themselves with the men of our lands in battlefields beyond
   numbering. Two such great rival peoples, for the very honor of
   their rivalry, have a like interest to keep their respect, the
   one for the other."

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1909.
   German Opposition to the "Navy Fever,"
   in High Circles as well as Low.
   Views of Herr Von Holstein and Admiral Galster.

   How far the naval ambitions and costly naval policy of Germany
   are supported by public opinion is much of a question. It is
   certain that they are a cause of wide discontent in the
   industrial classes, and no less certain that the weightiest
   influence behind them is that of the Emperor, who stimulates
   the exertions of a powerful Navy League. That there is an
   effective disapproval of the policy in high political circles
   has been shown lately by the publication of some expressions
   on the subject by the late Herr von Holstein, who was for many
   years the chief of the Political Department of the German
   Foreign Office,—the mentor and prompter from behind the scenes
   of several successive Chancellors of the Empire. In some
   reminiscences of this important official, by an intimate
   friend, Herr von Rath, who published them in September, 1909,
   he is quoted as having, in 1907, denounced what he called
   "navy fever" in Germany in these strong words;

   "This dangerous disease is fed upon the fear of an attack by
   England, which is not in accordance with facts. The effect
   of the ‘navy fever’ is pernicious in three directions—in
   domestic politics on account of the intrigues of the Navy
   League, which also produce the greatest ill-feeling in South
   Germany; in the finances on account of the prohibitive
   expenditure; in foreign politics on account of the mistrust
   which these armaments awake. England sees in them a menace
   which keeps her bound to the side of France. At the same time,
   even with taxation strained to the utmost limit, the
   construction of a fleet able to cope with the united fleets of
   England and France is entirely out of the question. From the
   menace which everybody in England sees in German naval
   construction the present Liberal Government in England will
   not draw serious conclusions. It will be different when the
   Conservatives come into power. The danger of war between
   Germany on the one hand and England and France on the other is
   even today playing a part in the political calculations of
   other countries. Against armaments on land nobody will offer
   any objection, because they are justified by the needs of
   defence. In our naval armaments several Powers see a perpetual
   menace.

   "Even among Parliamentary Deputies there are many who condemn
   the ‘navy fever,’ but no one of them will take the
   responsibility of refusing to vote ships, a responsibility
   which would recoil upon him in the event of a defeat at sea.
   Anybody who to-day makes a stand against the prevailing ‘navy
   fever’ is attacked from all sides as wanting in patriotism,
   but a few years hence the justice of my opinion will be
   established."

   According to Herr von Rath, Herr von Holstein declared in
   February, 1909, three months before his death, that the navy
   question transcended all others in importance. He is said to
   have watched with approval the campaign which is still more or
   less vigorously carried on by Vice-Admiral Galster and others
   against the "big ship policy," and to have said, with
   reference to one of Admiral Galster’s pamphlets:—"The main
   thing is to expose the lying and treacherous fallacy expressed
   in the statement that every fresh ship is an addition to the
   power of Germany—when every fresh ship causes England, to say
   nothing of France, to build two ships."

   The Vice-Admiral Galster here referred to contends that
   submarines are more effective for defence than Dreadnoughts,
   and he labors to persuade his fellow countrymen to be
   satisfied with defensive armament, repudiating what creates
   suspicion of offensive designs.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.
   School Peace League, The American.

   "The American School Peace League [organized in 1908] aims to
   secure the cooperation of the educational public of America in
   the project for promoting international justice and equity. …
   It is hoped that every teacher in the country will subscribe
   to the purposes of the League by becoming a member. Much of
   the work will be done by committees, five of which have been
   organized up to the present time. …

{724}

   "The Committee on Meetings and Discussion aims to induce
   educational associations throughout the country to place the
   subject of internationalism on their programs. It also seeks
   to stimulate literary and debating societies, in colleges and
   schools, to study the subject. The Committee recommends to
   educational associations the establishment of International
   Committees, or Departments, for the purpose of making a
   detailed study of the relation of the International Movement
   to school instruction.

   "The Committee on Publications intends to build up a body of
   literature, dealing with the interrelation between peoples and
   nations along political, industrial, and social lines. To this
   end, the Committee purposes to issue, directly or indirectly,
   a series of publications for the young, that may be used in
   the geography, history, science, and literature classes; it
   also intends to make a collection of the present songs which
   illustrate the peace sentiment, and to stimulate the writing
   of new ones.

   "The Press Committee, which comprises some of the leading
   educational editors of the country, is prepared to acquaint
   teachers with the work of the League through the columns of
   the educational magazines.

   "The Committee on Teaching History will study the textbooks
   with reference to the space devoted respectively to war and to
   peace. It hopes to develop among teachers a sentiment which
   shall lay emphasis on the arts of peace, and on the industrial
   and social conditions of the people, rather than on campaigns,
   battles, and other military details. It further aims to
   arrange, if possible, courses in history to be given at summer
   schools and teachers’ institutes, with special attention to
   the growth of international friendship.

   "The International Committee intends to make a constructive
   study of international cooperation in activities which
   particularly affect educational work."

      Mrs. Fannie Fern Andrews, Secretary.
      Objects of the American School Peace League,

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.
   Evasion of the Conscription in Russia.

   According to statistics published in the spring of 1909 by the
   military organ, the Russky Invalid, the conscription of
   1908 took place in the following circumstances. The annual
   contingent had been fixed by the Duma at 456,481 men.
   Altogether 1,281,655 conscripts were called up for
   examination. Of this huge number 80,165 men failed to appear,
   including 20,693 Jews, out of a total of 64,005 Jews
   conscripted. The largest number of absentees was in the
   provinces of Suwalki, Lomja, Plotzk, and Kovno. It is from
   these provinces that a general exodus of Polish, Lithuanian,
   and Jewish youths to America is noticeable. The actual number
   found to be fit for military service in 1908 was 17,926 short
   of the contingent fixed by the Duma. This deficiency was
   composed of 943 Russians, 5,154 other Christians, 10,677 Jews,
   1,082 Mahomedans, and 70 other non-Christians. The recruiting
   stations noted a general falling off in the physique of the
   conscripts.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
   Changed Conditions in Europe making for Peace.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1909.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:
   International School of Peace.
   Mr. Ginn’s Great Fund for Peace Propagandism.

   Members of the various Boston peace organizations took part
   last evening [December 15] in the formation of an
   International School of Peace. The idea originated with Edwin
   Ginn, the publisher, and the ‘house warming’ took place at No.
   29 Beacon Street, where a room was appropriately adorned for
   the occasion with the flags of many nations and large
   portraits of Sumner and Cobden and other great international
   leaders.

   "Mr. Ginn welcomed the company in a speech wherein the motives
   and experience which prompted him to found the school were set
   forth. He explained what he hoped of the organization, how he
   had for years appealed to various millionaires to unite with
   him in some larger provision than any which existed for the
   systematic education of the people in peace principles, the
   response to which had been disappointing.

   "Mr. Ginn felt that some large beginning must be made by
   somebody; and so he had appropriated $50,000 a year to the
   work from now on, and provided in his will that the bulk of
   his estate, after proper provision for family and friends,
   should go to this cause, which he felt to be the greatest and
   most necessary cause in the world. This action had brought him
   multitudes of letters, he said, and clearly awakened much
   interest; and if it prompted others to do much more than he
   could do, that was what he wanted. The friends of the cause,
   especially its wealthy friends, had been strangely asleep to
   the pressing need for this work of popular education. It must
   be thoroughly organized to reach the schools and colleges, the
   churches and newspapers and business men. He gave
   illustrations of the awful cost and waste of the present
   military system, which he said violated every principle of
   good business, political economy, and common sense. …

   ‘The room is not only a bureau for the office force, but a
   reading-room and library, where the latest information
   touching the progress of the movement will always be furnished
   to teachers, preachers, and all who are interested. Regular
   conferences upon the different aspects of the movement will
   also be held there."

      The Boston Transcript,
      December 16, 1909.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
   The Second National Peace Congress in the United States,
   assembled at Chicago.

   The Second National Peace Congress in the United States held
   its session in Chicago, May 3-5, 1909. The attendance was
   large, the speaking of high quality and the prevailing spirit
   earnest in its repudiation of all reasoning or feeling that is
   tolerant of the barbarism of war. Respectful attention was
   given to an address by the German Ambassador to the United
   States, Count Bernstorff, who defended the attitude of his
   Government on the question of a limitation of armaments, but
   the expressions of the Congress on the subject were not toned
   to agreement with his plea. Among its resolutions was the
   following:

   "Resolved, That no dispute between nations, except such as may
   involve the national life and independence, should be reserved
   from arbitration, and that a general treaty of obligatory
   arbitration should be included at the earliest possible date.
   Pending such a general treaty, we urge upon our government,
   and the other leading Powers, such broadening of the scope of
   their arbitration treaties as shall provide, after the example
   of the Danish Netherlands treaty, for the reference to the
   Hague Court of all differences whatever not settled otherwise
   by peaceful means."

{725}

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
   The Annual Lake Mohonk Peace Conferences in the United States.

   The annual Peace Conferences at Lake Mohonk, in the United
   States, have been held with regularity. At the Fifteenth,
   convened in May, 1909, a strong resolution was adopted, asking
   the Government of the United States to consider "whether the
   peculiar position it occupies among the nations does not
   afford it a special opportunity to lead the way towards …
   carrying into effect the strongly expressed desire of the two
   Peace Conferences at The Hague, that the governments examine
   the possibility of an agreement as to the limitation of armed
   forces by land and sea, and of war budgets."

   Privately during the Conference there was discussion of the
   suggestion that if four or five of the great Powers—England,
   Germany, France, Italy, the United States, and Japan, and
   perhaps Spain and Russia—could join in establishing a Supreme
   Court of the nations, to which they would refer their
   difficulties, other nations would be compelled by the course
   of events to accept the tribunal and its decisions, and to
   come into participation in it on such terms as might later be
   agreed upon.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
   Exchange of Parliamentary Visits between France and Sweden.

   Seventy-six members of the French Parliament, representing the
   international arbitration group, visited Stockholm in July,
   1909, under the leadership of Baron d’Estournelles de
   Constant. The visit was paid in return for one made by the
   members of the three Scandinavian Parliaments to Paris some
   time before.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
   A World Petition for a General Treaty
   of Obligatory Arbitration.

   At the annual meeting of the International Peace Bureau at
   Brussels, October 9, 1909, the following resolution was
   adopted, expressing approval of the world-petition to the
   third Hague Conference in favor of a general treaty of
   obligatory arbitration:

   "Whereas, Public opinion, if recorded, will
   prove an influential factor at the third Hague Conference; and

   Whereas, The ‘world-petition to the third Hague
   Conference’ has begun to successfully establish a statistical
   record of the men and women in every country who desire to
   support the governments in their efforts to perfect the new
   international order based on the principle of the solidarity
   of all nations;

   Resolved, That the Commission and the General Assembly
   of the International Peace Bureau, meeting at Brussels October
   8 and 9, 1909, urgently recommend the signing of the
   ‘world-petition to the third Hague Conference.’"

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
   Evasion of Military Service in France.
   Spread of Anti-Militarism.

   According to returns of the recruiting for the French Army,
   published in the summer of 1909, there appears to be a steady
   increase in the evasion of service by young men at the times
   they are required by law to enter it. "Since 1906, when the
   number of refractory recruits amounted to 4,567, the figures
   have slowly risen, until they have now reached 11,782. The
   soldat insoumis may be punished in France by
   imprisonment of from one month to one year. But on about an
   average of every two years during the last 20 years Parliament
   has regularly voted an Amnesty Bill in favour of deserters and
   recalcitrant recruits or reservists." This is one supposed
   cause of the increasing evasions; but a more important
   influence working with it is the propagandism of anti-military
   doctrines, preached passionately by Gustav Hervé, accepted
   widely, it is said, among the primary teachers of the country,
   as well as in the ranks of the workingmen. The General
   Confederation of Labor is reported to be distributing annually
some thousands of "soldiers’ manuals" in which desertion is urged
   as a duty to humanity at large.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909 (October).
   American Proposal that the Prize Court now established be
   also a Court of Arbitral Justice.

   By reference to the proceedings of the Second Peace Conference
   at The Hague, as set forth above, it will be seen that the
   Conference gave favorable consideration to a draft Convention
   for the creation of a "Judicial Arbitration Court" (the text
   of which draft is given at the end of said proceedings), and
   that the Conference went so far as to declare the
   "advisability of adopting … and of bringing it into force as
   soon as an agreement has been reached respecting the selection
   of the judges and the constitution of the Court." It will be
   seen, also, that the Conference adopted measures for the
   creation of an International Prize Court, preliminary to which
   an International Naval Conference was held in London from
   December 4, 1908, until February 26, 1909. At that Conference
   a suggestion was made that "the jurisdiction of the
   International Prize Court might be extended, by agreement
   between two or more of the signatory Powers, to cover cases at
   present excluded from its jurisdiction by the express terms of
   the Prize Court Convention, and that in the hearing of such
   cases that Court should have the functions and follow the
   procedure laid down in the draft Convention relative to the
   creation of a Judicial Arbitration Court, which was annexed to
   the Final Act of the Second Peace Conference, of 1907."

   In line with this suggestion, it was made known, in the later
   part of the past year, that the Government of the United
   States, through its State Department, had proposed in a
   circular note to the Powers, that the Prize Court should be
   invested with the jurisdiction and functions of the proposed
   Judicial Arbitration Court. The difficulties in selecting
   judges for that contemplated Court, which caused the creation
   of it to be postponed in 1907, would thus be happily
   surmounted, and, as remarked by Secretary Knox, there would be
   at once given "to the world an international judicial body to
   adjudge cases arising in peace, as well as controversies
   incident to war."

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
   Attitude of the Workingmen.

   At the Twentieth International Congress of Miners, held in
   Berlin, in May, 1909, there were strong declarations for
   disarmament, and one Belgian delegate, M. Maroille, said
   significantly: If it were better organized the International
   Federation of Miners could by itself render wars impossible.
   They need not do anything violent or illegal; they had only to
   remain quiet, so very quiet that war could not be carried on.

{726}

WAR.

      See (in this Volume)
      Red Cross Society.

WARD, SIR JOSEPH GEORGE:
   Prime Minister of New Zealand.

      See (in this Volume)
      NEW ZEALAND A. D. 1906-1909.

WARD, SIR JOSEPH GEORGE:
   At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

      See (in this Volume)
      BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

WARD, SIR JOSEPH GEORGE:
   Testimony on the Working of Woman Suffrage in New Zealand.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

WARSAW, DISTURBANCES IN.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905, and 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

WASHBURN, Reverend. Dr. George:
   President of Robert College.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: TURKEY, &c.

WASHINGTON, BOOKER T.:
   His work at Tuskegee Institute.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

WASHINGTON: A. D. 1908.
   Meeting of International Congress on Tuberculosis.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH. TUBERCULOSIS.

WASHINGTON MEMORIAL INSTITUTION, THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901.

WATER POWER TRUST:
   Threatened in the United States.
   Precautionary Measures taken.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

WATERS AND WATER POWER, CONSERVATION OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

WATERS-PIERCE OIL COMPANY.

      See (in this Volume)
      COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

WATERWAYS COMMISSION AND WATERWAYS TREATY.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

WATKINS, THOMAS H.:
   On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

WATSON, J. C.:
   Premier of Australia.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.

WATSON, Thomas E.:
   Nomination for President of the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
      and 1908 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

WAZEER, GRAND.

      See (in this Volume)
      MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.

WEALTH:
   Its Concentration in Great Britain.

   In a speech made in Parliament, on a motion to graduate the
   Income Tax, March 24, 1909, Mr. Chiozza-Money, who speaks with
   considerable authority on such subjects, made the following
   statements: "Statistics were available in Somerset House
   showing the product of the graduated scale of death duties
   imposed by Sir William Harcourt in 1894. Of the 700,000
   persons who died annually, only about 80,000 left sufficient
   property to need an inquisition by Somerset House. Out of the
   80,000 persons nearly the whole of the property was left by
   27,000 persons; and £200,000,000 worth of property was left by
   about 4,000 persons each year. This was not only a curious
   fact, but it was a constant fact in relation to this problem.
   He also showed that there had arisen a tendency among rich
   persons to devise part of their property before death in order
   to escape the death duties, with the result that a good deal
   of wealth did not come under the review of Somerset House.
   What he described as his own conservative estimate of the
   wealth of the United Kingdom was a total of about
   £11,500,000,000. Of that sum five millions of persons owned
   £10,900,000,000. One-ninth of the population owned 95 per
   cent. of the entire capital stock of the United Kingdom. Thus
   the whole of the country regarded as a business undertaking
   was in the hands of a handful of people. Taking the income of
   the country at 1,800 millions a year, there were about five
   million persons who took one-half and 39 millions the other
   half. Of the five million persons who took 900 millions of
   income about 1¼ million persons, or 250,000 families, took 600
   millions out of the 900 millions. From this state of facts the
   most terrible inequalities resulted, evidences of which could
   be seen along the Embankment and other parts of Westminster
   almost within a stone’s throw of that House."

WEALTH PROBLEM, THE.
   The Question of a Progressive Taxation.

   "At this moment we are passing through a period of great
   unrest—social, political and industrial unrest. It is of the
   utmost importance for our future that this should prove to be
   not the unrest of mere rebelliousness against life, of mere
   dissatisfaction with the inevitable inequality of conditions,
   but the unrest of a resolute and eager ambition to secure the
   betterment of the individual and the nation. … It is a prime
   necessity that if the present unrest is to result in permanent
   good the emotion shall be translated into action, and that the
   action shall be marked by honesty, sanity, and self-restraint.
   There is mighty little good in a mere spasm of reform. The
   reform that counts is that which comes through steady,
   continuous growth; violent emotionalism leads to exhaustion.

   "It is important to this people to grapple with the problems
   connected with the amassing of enormous fortunes, and the use
   of those fortunes, both corporate and individual, in business.
   We should discriminate in the sharpest way between fortunes
   well won and fortunes ill won; between those gained as an
   incident to performing great services to the community as a
   whole, and those gained in evil fashion by keeping just within
   the limits of mere law-honesty. Of course no amount of charity
   in spending such fortunes in any way compensates for
   misconduct in making them. As a matter of personal conviction,
   and without pretending to discuss the details or formulate the
   system, I feel that we shall ultimately have to consider the
   adoption of some such scheme as that of a progressive tax on
   all fortunes, beyond a certain amount, either given in life or
   devised or bequeathed upon death to any individual—a tax so
   framed as to put it out of the power of the owner of one of
   these enormous fortunes to hand on more than a certain amount
   to any one individual; the tax, of course, to be imposed by
   the National and not the State Government. Such taxation
   should, of course, be aimed merely at the inheritance or
   transmission in their entirety of those fortunes swollen
   beyond all healthy limits."

      President Roosevelt,
      Address at the Laying of the Corner Stone of the
      Office-Building of the House of Representatives,
      April 14, 1906.

WEAVER, JOHN: MAYOR OF PHILADELPHIA.

   See (in this Volume)
   MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

{727}

WEEKLY REST DAY.

      See (in this Volume)
      SUNDAY OBSERVANCE.

"WE FREES."

      See (in this Volume)
      SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.

WEI-HAI-WEI:
   Strategic Worthlessness of the Port.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY).

WEKERLE, ALEXANDER: PRIME MINISTER OF HUNGARY.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1908-1909.

WELSH COERCION ACT.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902.

WERMUTH, Herr:
   Secretary of the German Imperial Treasury.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

WEST AFRICA:
   White Colonization impossible in Present Conditions.

      See (in this Volume)
      AFRICA.

WEST INDIES, DANISH:
   Failure of Projected Sale to the United States.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1902.

WESTERN FEDERATION OF MINERS.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION. UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899-1907.

WET, C. R. de.

      See (in this Volume)
      SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

WEYLER, GENERAL Y NICOLAU:
   Suppression of Strike at Barcelona.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: SPAIN.

WEYLER, GENERAL Y NICOLAU:
   Spanish Minister of War.

      See (in this Volume)
      SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904.

WHITE, HENRY:
   American Delegate to the Algeciras Conference'
   on the Morocco Question.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

WHITE HOUSE, THE:
   Its Restoration.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

WHITE MOUNTAIN FOREST, PRESERVATION OF THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

WHITE SLAVE TRADE, MOVEMENT FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF THE.

   The movement for the suppression of what is now described as
   the White Slave Traffic, and which has grown into an important
   international organization, appears to have had its beginning
   in the formation of a committee at London, in 1880, "for the
   purpose of exposing and suppressing the [then] existing
   traffic in English, Scotch and Irish girls for foreign
   prostitution." This committee presented a memorial on the
   subject to Lord Granville, then Secretary for Foreign Affairs,
   setting out a statement of facts which "revealed the existence
   of systematic abduction to Brussels, and elsewhere on the
   Continent of Europe, of girls who were English subjects, and
   who, having been induced to go abroad under promise of
   obtaining employment or respectable situations, were on
   arrival taken to the office of the ‘Police des Mœurs’ for
   registration as prostitutes." The memorialists craved Lord
   Granville’s influence "in favour of measures which would
   render it impossible that British subjects, however humble,
   should in the future be subjected to such infamy and
   degradation, including the loss of their personal liberty."

   Such measures were taken, Parliament passing an Act which
   became law in 1885, with so much effectiveness that "the
   traffic was at once checked. The miscreants who were engaged
   in it were dismayed by its provisions, and within five years
   after the Act had come into operation the Burgomaster of
   Brussels, which had been the head-quarters of the traffic,
   questioned as to the effect produced by that measure, in April
   1890 wrote as follows: 'Comme suite à votre lettre du 15
   courant, j’ai l’honneur de vous faire connaître que depuis
   1880 aucune fille de nationalité Auglaise n’a été inscrite aux
   registres de Bruxelles.’ While, however, the traffic, so far
   as the United Kingdom was concerned, was thus almost
   extinguished, it seems to have increased and spread in certain
   districts of Eastern Europe to an extent which attracted the
   serious and alarmed attention of the Governments and public
   authorities of the countries immediately concerned. About the
   year 1898 the National Vigilance Society, headed by the late
   Duke of Westminster, then its President, resolved ‘to open
   definite measures for its mitigation—if possible, its
   suppression.’ This organization was fortunate in having for
   its Secretary and chief administrative officer Mr. William
   Alexander Coote, a man of remarkable energy and
   determination."

      Parliamentary Papers, 1907 (Cd. 3453).

   Mr. Coote went on a mission to the Continent and aroused the
   interest of the Governments most concerned. International
   conferences on the subject were held, in London, 1899, at
   Paris, 1902, and again at Paris in 1906, producing concerted
   action. In 1904 an International Agreement was signed at
   Paris, May 18, by the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain,
   Germany, Belgium, Denmark, Spain, France, Italy, the
   Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Sweden and Norway, and
   Switzerland, the first two articles of which were as follows:

   "Article 1.
   Each of the Contracting Governments undertakes to establish or
   name some authority charged with the co-ordination of all
   information relative to the procuring of women or girls for
   immoral purposes abroad; this authority shall be empowered to
   correspond direct with the similar department established in
   each of the other Contracting States.

   Article 2.
   Each of the Governments undertakes to have a watch kept,
   especially in railway stations, ports of embarkation, and
   en route, for persons in charge of women and girls
   destined for an immoral life. With this object instructions
   shall be given to the officials and all other qualified
   persons to obtain, within legal limits, all information likely
   to lead to the detection of criminal traffic. The arrival of
   persons who clearly appear to be the principals, accomplices
   in, or victims of, such traffic shall be notified, when it
   occurs, either to the authorities of the place of destination,
   or to the Diplomatic or Consular Agents interested, or to any
   other competent authorities."

      Parliamentary Papers, 1905,
      Treaty Series No. 24 (Cd. 2689).

   Meantime, in the United States, due attention was not given to
   the matter, until it was found that the abominable traffic had
   become organized to an appalling extent in the country,
   especially in connection with its foreign immigration, and had
   a principal seat in New York, with a suspected connivance on
   the part of men having political influence, if not official
   power. An investigation of the facts became one of the main
   objects of the Congressional Immigration Commission which
   pursued inquiries in Europe and America in 1909, and was the
   leading subject of the preliminary report made public by the
   Commission, December 10.
{728}
   In this report the Commission says that the white slave
   traffic is the most pitiful phase of the immigration question.
   The business has assumed large proportions, and has exerted an
   evil influence upon the country. The inquiry covered the
   cities of New York, Chicago, San Francisco, Seattle, Portland,
   Salt Lake, Ogden, Butte, Denver, Buffalo, Boston, and New
   Orleans. No attempt was made to investigate conditions in
   every important city. But the commission believes that enough
   evidence with reference to women of different races and
   nationalities, living under different conditions has been
   obtained from localities sufficiently scattered to warrant the
   reports being used as a basis for official action.

   Among other recommendations of the Commission is one that the
   transportation of persons from one State, Territory, or
   district, to another for the purpose of prostitution be
   forbidden under heavy penalties. The commission also expresses
   the opinion that the Legislatures of the several States should
   consider the advisability of enacting more stringent laws
   regarding prostitution. It is suggested that the Illinois
   statute regarding pandering be carefully considered. A number
   of suggestions of administrative changes and more rigid
   enforcement of existing regulations by the Department of
   Commerce and Labor, particularly by the Bureau of Immigration,
   and amendments of the Immigration act itself are submitted by
   the commission.

   Legislation on the lines recommended is now pending in
   Congress and in New York and other States, while the alleged
   organization of the traffic in the city of New York is being
   investigated by a special grand jury of one of the State
   Courts.

WICKERSHAM, GEORGE W.:
   Attorney-General.

      See (in this Volume )
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

WIJU.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

WILLIAM II., German Emperor:
   Statement of his Peace Policy based on Preparation for War.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

WILLIAM II., German Emperor:
   His speech at Tangier.

      See (in this Volume)
      EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

WILLIAM II., German Emperor:
   His published Interview with an Englishman and its Effect.

      See (in this Volume)
      GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

WILSON, James:
   Secretary of Agriculture.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905; 1905-1909; AND 1909 (MARCH).

WILSON, General John M.:
   On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

   See (in this Volume)
   LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1903.

WILSON, Woodrow:
   President of Princeton University.

      See (in this Volume)
      EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

WINE-GROWERS’ REVOLT, IN FRANCE.

      See (in this Volume)
      FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (MAY-JULY).

WINNIPEG: A. D. 1909.
   Meeting of British Association for the Advancement of Science.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.

WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY.

      See (in this Volume and in Volume VI.)
      SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

WISCONSIN: A. D. 1900-1909.
   Governor and Senator La Follette.

   The recognized "new movement" in American politics which has
   been putting a distinctive mark on the last decade, directed
   towards the emancipation of parties from a selfishly organized
   system, or "machine," had nowhere in the West a more vigorous
   starting than in Wisconsin; and nobody can doubt that the
   initial force given to it there came mostly from the energy of
   the leader it found in Robert Marion La Follette. He had
   entered politics when he entered the profession of law, in
   1880. From 1889 to 1901 he was a representative in Congress.
   At the end of that period he had been elected Governor of his
   State, and he held the office for three terms, resigning it in
   1905 to accept a seat in the Senate of the United States,
   where he exercises a degree of independence not common in that
   assembly. All this advancement in public service has gone with
   a personal leadership in politics, resisted unavailingly by
   the old party organization.

WISCONSIN: A. D. 1907.
   Enactment of Public Utilities Law.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC UTILITIES.

WISCONSIN STATE UNIVERSITY:
   Its Legislative Reference Department and Municipal
   Reference Bureau.

      See (in this Volume).
      MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

WITBOIS, THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      Africa: A. D. 1904-1905,
      and
      GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

WITTE, Sergius Yulievitch:
   As Russian Finance Minister and practically as Premier.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1904-1905.

WITTE, Sergius Yulievitch:
   Withdrawal from Premiership.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

WITTE, Sergius Yulievitch:
   Memorial to the Tsar on Religious Liberty and the Bondage
   of the Church to the State.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-AUGUST).

WITTE, Sergius Yulievitch:
   Russian Plenipotentiary for negotiating Treaty of Peace
   with Japan.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

WOLF’S HILL, The Capture of.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.

WOMEN, International Council of: A. D. 1909.
   Proceedings at Toronto.

   The International Council of Women was assembled at Toronto,
   Canada, in June, 1909, being then in the twenty-fifth year of
   its existence. Its large gatherings are undertaken but once in
   five years, executive meetings being held in years between.
   The Toronto session was opened on the 17th of June, and was
   prolonged interestingly for ten days. The delegates attending
   numbered 160, from all parts of Europe, America and
   Australasia, Great Britain sending the largest number. Germany
   comes next with 19, Sweden sends 7, Denmark 4, Italy 3,
   Austria-Hungary 5, Norway 10, Belgium 4, Greece 3, the
   Netherlands 11, Australasia 11, the United States 16, and
   Canada 11.

   Lady Aberdeen, the President of the Council, in her opening
   remarks, indicated the breadth of the ideas of service to the
   world which this international organization contemplates, when
   she said: "Having proved that we are truly representative of
   the women workers of the world and that within our various
   councils we have gathered organizations of women of all races,
   creeds, classes, and parties, what is the outcome?
{729}
   What do we stand for? What practical contribution can we offer
   to the world’s welfare?" Turning to the Canadian delegates,
   she answered these questions by alluding to the sympathy that
   the National Council of Canada had created between the women
   of the different provinces and the way in which it had made
   them recognize their true relationship to their country and
   the world. From this Lady Aberdeen went on to say:

   "Our International Council must indeed be of necessity the
   strongest peace society that can exist, for if the homes of
   the different countries of the world are brought in touch with
   one another and understand and believe in one another, there
   can be no more war. Again, the health movement which our
   national councils’ reports show us is going on in all
   countries of the world is one that has within itself
   potentialities far beyond the immediate objects it aims at.
   What are these medical and scientific congresses, these
   international conferences on tuberculosis, infant mortality,
   school hygiene, temperance, and the like doing? Are they not
   bringing the world’s thinkers and workers into line for the
   preservation of life, for the furtherance of a high and
   vigorous type of life based on knowledge, principle, and
   self-control, for international action in the interests of the
   world’s health? Here is work which concerns all women in all
   countries, and in which every society has an interest. … But …
   the keynote of our success and influence must always lie in
   the fact that we lay stress in being more than doing, in the
   spirit of our work more than the work itself, in the motive
   underlying our union, rather than in our actual federation."

   Peace and Arbitration, Woman Suffrage (favored by a majority
   of the delegates in attendance), the "White Slave Traffic,"
   so-called, Public Health, Education, Immigration, cheapened
   International Postage, were among the principal subjects of
   discussion taken up on successive days.

   The next quinquennial council was appointed to be held at
   Rome, in 1914, with executive meetings in Sweden in 1911 and
   in the Netherlands in 1913. Lady Aberdeen was reelected
   President.

WOMEN WORKERS:
   Legal Regulation of Hours and Conditions.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

WOOD, GENERAL LEONARD:
   Military Governor of Cuba.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.

WOODWARD, Dr. Robert S.:
   President of the Carnegie Institution of Washington.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

WORKMEN.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION.

WORKMEN’S COMPENSATION ACT, BRITISH.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR PROTECTION.

WORLD MOVEMENTS:
   Fichte’s Prophecy of a World Commonwealth.
   The Progress of a Century toward its Fulfilment.

   "Fichte says: ‘It is the vocation of our race to unite itself
   into one single body, all the parts of which shall be
   thoroughly known to each other, and all possessed of similar
   culture. Nature, and even the passions and vices of men have,
   from the beginning, tended towards this end: a great part of
   the way towards it is already passed, and we may surely
   calculate that this end, which is the condition of all further
   progress, will in time be attained. … Until the existing
   culture of every age shall have been diffused over the whole
   inhabited globe, and our race become capable of the most
   unlimited inter-communication with itself, one nation or one
   continent must pause on the great common path of progress, and
   wait for the advance of the others; and each must bring as an
   offering to the universal commonwealth, for the sake of which
   alone it exists, its ages of apparent immobility, or
   retrogression. When that first point shall have been attained,
   when every useful discovery made at one end of the earth shall
   be at once made known and communicated to all the rest, then,
   without further interruption, without halt or regress, with
   united strength and equal step, humanity shall move onward to
   a higher culture, of which we can at present form no
   conception.’

   "This was an end-of-the-eighteenth-century utterance, and
   events have followed it as if it were a resistless fiat
   compelling its own fulfilment, rather than the dictum of a
   philosopher. The nations have striven fiercely to carry
   forward the work which the great Seer pointed to as the
   essential condition of the higher progress. Inspired by varied
   aims, and carried forward by diverse means, the end has been
   ever the same. The missionary with his religious mandate, the
   devil-may-care adventurer seeking excitement, the restless
   military caste craving advancement, the trader thirsting for
   gain, all promote the ‘Divine plan.’ …

   "The pride of independent nationality must gradually give way
   to the pride of being members of the great confederations. The
   transition from Nationalism to internationalism will be
   brought about by a threefold pressure, and will be rendered
   easy by the system we have evolved with our great Colonies.
   There will be the pressure of the higher organisation on the
   lower, the larger upon the less; there will be racial
   pressure, as yellow and black begin to feel their power; and
   there will be commercial pressure. This irresistible pressure
   will be gradually recognised as a benevolent despotism forcing
   the practical recognition of the brotherhood of man.

   "With regard to commercial pressure. A glance ahead will show
   that the Western nations, in forcing their trade on yellow and
   black races, are educating the latter into formidable
   competitors. Like the Japs they will better the instruction,
   and, with their more favourable economic conditions, will
   flood the Western world with commodities at prices it cannot
   compete with. To avoid being dragged down to their lower level
   of subsistence the great world powers will be compelled to
   draw a ring-fence of tariffs round their possessions. In our
   case the British Empire contains nearly all climates and
   resources that will enable it to be entirely self-contained
   and self-supporting. The comparative free trade within the
   fence will starve isolated countries to come in.

{730}

   "There is no reason why an Empire such as ours should not be
   much more truly happy and prosperous than it has yet been, if
   we organise it scientifically. The loss of our abnormal
   position in foreign trade will be a blessing if we exercise
   foresight. In the furtherance of the World-purpose it was
   necessary that the progressive nations should for a time
   worship foreign trade as a fetich, and as the chief means of
   prosperity. Nothing else would have given them the needed
   stimulus, and forced them to such Herculean efforts to conquer
   and keep foreign markets. But when all foreign markets have
   been opened up, and we have unintentionally educated other
   races, not only to supply their own wants, but to swamp us
   with their manufactures, then we must readjust our ideas, and
   adopt less one-sided aims. In our ambition to be the Cheap
   John of the world, we have developed some of our resources
   abnormally, and neglected others. To foster foreign trade we
   converted a large part of our island home into black country,
   we have been prodigally wasteful of our mineral resources, and
   have neglected our agriculture. In striving for foreign
   markets we have neglected the best market in the world—the
   Home market—and have left ourselves miserably dependent on the
   foreigner. This is really incipient heart disease of the
   Empire.

   "It was providential that we adopted ‘free trade’ when we did,
   as it gives a moral justification for our annexations which no
   protective nation can show; but as the other great Powers
   extend their sway, and their tariff barriers, we shall cease
   to need our free trade justification. Then we can reconsider
   the case."

      E. W. Cook,
      The Organisation of Mankind
      (Contemporary Review, September, 1901).

WORLD MOVEMENTS:
   The Making of a World Constitution and the development
   of World Legislation.

   "In the relations of nations to one another, as proved by
   their treaties and code of international law, certain truths
   are recognized which involve the very nature of mankind as a
   created whole. That is, there is a world-constitution,
   unwritten, not called by that name, but existing as truly as
   the animal creation existed before it was named by man, and as
   independent of his recognition and his naming as the animal
   creation was independent of human recognition. Though that
   world-constitution has remained obscure and unrecognized, yet
   world progress toward its formal expression has been
   wonderfully rapid in recent years.

   "In the first place that constitution is bringing about the
   formal existence of an organ for the use and for the
   expression of the intelligence and the will of the world.
   Nations, repeatedly, in separate congresses, upon special
   subjects, have expressed their intelligence and their will,
   and have entrusted to the nations severally the duty of
   carrying out that will, as is most perfectly illustrated in
   the case of the Universal Postal Union. That is, the nations
   are creating a world legislative department.

   "In the next place, the establishment of the Hague Court of
   Arbitration is doubtless the beginning of the establishment of
   a judicial department which will include other duties than the
   settlement of causes dangerous to the peace of nations.
   Lastly, the formal establishment of some world-executive will
   not long lag behind the creation of the legislative and
   judicial departments. The world is moving rapidly toward
   political organization as one body, and the situation must
   soon reveal itself to present doubters."

      R. L. Bridgman,
      World-Organization secures World-Peace
      (Atlantic Monthly, September, 1904).

   "At the session of the Massachusetts Legislature of 1902 a
   petition was presented in favor of a world-legislature. That
   petition was referred to the Legislature of 1903 in order that
   the subject might receive further public consideration, and
   the chairman of the committee which heard the petitioners
   said, in each branch respectively, that the proposal was
   meritorious. According to the report, the petition is pending
   before the Legislature of 1903, with hundreds of signers,
   including some of the best citizens. The American Peace
   Society, by vote of its directors, signed the petition, while
   it also presented another petition of its own, asking for a
   movement for a world-conference or congress, with
   recommendatory powers, to meet at stated intervals, say once
   in seven years. Thus the proposal of world-organization is
   formally before the public.

   "Since the first petition was presented repeated instances
   have occurred to support the main argument for it,—that
   business exigencies of the world were becoming so urgent that
   world-organization, as a necessity, would precede the efforts
   of pure philanthropy or statesmanship for the same end. Early
   in the year came the Pan-American Congress. Among its
   proposals, suited for a world-scale, were these: a
   Pan-American bank; a custom-house congress, and an
   international customs commission; a statistical bureau of
   international scope; an international copyright law; an
   international commission to codify international law;
   international regulations to cover inventions and trademarks;
   a common treaty of extradition and protection against anarchy;
   international regulations for the world-wide practice of the
   liberal professions; an international archaeological
   commission; an international office as depositary of the
   archives of international conferences; an international
   regulation granting equal rights to all foreigners from any of
   the signatory countries, and some minor plans.

   "Other world-propositions which developed during the year
   included (in January) the organization of the International
   Banking Corporation, with power, under a Connecticut charter,
   of doing business all over the world; (early in the year)
   circulation by the Manchester (England) Statistical Society of
   a pamphlet advocating an international gold coinage; (in July)
   suggestion by Russia of an international conference to protect
   the nations against trusts and other private operations of
   capital; (in July) another plan for an international bank; (in
   August) meeting of the International Congress on Commerce and
   Industry; and (in December) the meeting of the International
   Sanitary Conference in Washington; to which may be added (in
   January, 1903) the meeting in New York of the International
   Customs Congress. For one year that is a notable record of
   progress toward world-organization in matters of business, not
   as matters of theory or of pure philanthropy. These instances
   illustrate the truth, which many persons still fail to
   realize, that the world is getting together at a rapid rate,
   and that, as a matter of self-interest, the nations must soon
   have a permanent legislative body as a means of establishing
   regulations for the benefit of all.

{731}

   "Pertinent to the case is the fact that world-legislation has
   occurred repeatedly, though no world-legislature has been
   organized. … In the case of the International Postal Union we
   have absolute world-legislation. … That is the most
   conspicuous and most successful illustration of
   world-legislation, because it embraces organized mankind, and
   because it is so eminently successful. …

   "Mention may be made of the International Conference in
   Washington, in 1885, for the establishment of a common prime
   meridian, at which twenty-six nations were represented. At the
   International Sanitary Conference in Vienna in 1892, fifteen
   nations were represented. At the Dresden International
   Sanitary Conference in 1893, nineteen nations were
   represented."

      R. L. Bridgman,
      A World-Legislature
      (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1903).

WORLD MOVEMENTS:
   The Passing of the Age of Colonial Dominion.
   The Coming of the Epoch of the "Open Door."

   The old notions of colonial dominion, which had pricked the
   ambition of nations since the sixteenth century, came
   practically to the end of their working in the last years of
   the nineteenth. The European partitioning of Africa, in the
   decade after 1884, the scramble for footings in China between
   1897 and the Boxer rising, and the Spanish-American War of
   1898, may be looked upon as the expiring operations of
   statesmanship on lines of "colonial policy," in the
   acquisitive sense. As certainly as anything in politics can be
   certain, the epoch of the founding and spreading of colonial
   dominions came then to its close.

   The colonial policy of that epoch meant colonial dominion
   necessarily, for the reason that the commerce-spreading
   nations of the West could not think of agreeing to open doors
   of trade with the feebler or more backward folk of the East.
   Each could make sure of marts in the great orient and oceanic
   region only by seizing and walling them in, behind well-locked
   doors, to keep the others out. Now, however, they have arrived
   at a state of things in the world which compels them to think
   of the "open door" for commerce, as a substitute for the
   colonial dependency, held under lock and key. Several changes
   have worked together in bringing this new situation about.

   Principally, of course, it results from the near approach to
   an exhaustion of the territory available for easy conquest and
   colony-making. Africa and the great archipelagos of the South
   Sea have all been divided up. Japan, with China making ready
   to stand with her, has undertaken a policing of Eastern Asia,
   to stop the staking out of lawless claims there. Moreover,
   confidence in the stability as well as belief in the
   usefulness of colonial dominion is much shaken of late, by
   increasing signs of relaxing bonds in the great British
   Empire, without much sign of harm to the prosperity or the
   power of the imperial nation itself. Several of the outlying
   dependencies of the British crown have grown to so much of
   independence that they have taken the doorkeeping of their
   commerce into their own hands and the sovereign mother country
   makes no objection or complaint.

   For many years past the commercial experience of England has
   been furnishing proof that trade and dominion, under the
   conditions of the present day, have little of necessary
   connection with each other; and now the Germans, within later
   years, have been adding to that proof. The few colonies they
   have laid hands on, in Africa and Oceanica, have been of less
   profit than expense to them; but, more rapidly than any other
   people, they have pushed their trade in regions where they
   have no political influence or control, by sheer energy and
   careful learning of the conditions to be met.

   The commercial mind, which has always dictated the policies of
   government, is being thus compelled to turn its thought to the
   "open door," and that, as a commercial aim, will evidently
   extinguish colonial undertakings hereafter. It ruled the
   settlement of the Chinese troubles of 1900 (thanks to John
   Hay); it has gone into the recent treaties of Japan with
   England, Russia and France; it gave a practicable solution to
   the Morocco problem, at the Algeciras conference; it furnished
   the ground in 1907 for an arrangement of long-troubled
   relations between England and Russia in Persia, Tibet, and
   Afghanistan.

   Manifestly, the commercial policy of the future is to be, not
   the policy of colonial dependencies, but the policy of open
   doors. Even the imperialists and the stand-patters of the
   United States will have to accept it; and in due time the
   tariff-walled nations, after practicing themselves
   sufficiently in the dictatorial opening of other people’s
   doors, will be ready to unlock their own.

WORLD MOVEMENTS:
   For and against War.

      See (in this Volume)
      WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR,
      and
      WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST.

World’s Prohibition Confederation.

      See (in this Volume)
      ALCOHOL PROBLEM; INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS.

WOS Y GIL, GENERAL:
   Revolutionary President of San Domingo.

      See (in this Volume)
      SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907

WRIGHT, DR. A. E.,
WRIGHT, DR. DOUGLAS;
   The Discoverers of Opsonins.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT. OPSONINS.

WRIGHT, Carroll D.:
   On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

      See (in this Volume)
      LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES; A. D. 1902-1903.

WRIGHT, GENERAL LUKE E.:
   Secretary of War.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

WRIGHT, ORVILLE AND WILBUR.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

WURTEMBERG: A. D. 1906.
   Displacement of Privileged Members from the Parliament.

      See (in this Volume)
      ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

WYNDHAM, G.:
   Chief Secretary for Ireland.

      See (in this Volume)
      ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

WYNNE, Robert J.:
   Postmaster-General.

      See (in this Volume)
      UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

{732}

Y.

YALU, BATTLES AT THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

YAMAGATA, Prince Aritomo.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE) and 1909 (OCTOBER).

YANGTZULING, BATTLE OF.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

YASHIMA, SINKING OF THE.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

YASS-CANBERRA.
   Chosen Site of the Capital of Australia.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

YELLOW FEVER.

      See (in this Volume)
      PUBLIC HEALTH.

YOUNG EGYPT.

      See (in this Volume)
      EGYPT. A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

YOUNG FINNS:

      See (in this Volume)
      FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

YOUNG TURKS.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

YOUNGHUSBAND, COLONEL GEORGE J.:
   Mission to Tibet.

      See (in this Volume)
      TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.

YOUSSUF IZEDDIN.

      See (in this Volume)
      TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

YUAN SHIH-KAI:
   His abrupt Dismissal from Office.

      See (in this Volume)
      CHINA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

YUKON DISTRICT, THE:
   Census, 1901.

      See (in this Volume)
      CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

YUSHIN-KAI.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1909.



ZAHLE MINISTRY.

      See (in this Volume)
      DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.

ZAIMIS, M.,
   High Commissioner of Crete.

      See (in this Volume)
      CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.

ZAMENHOF, DR.:
   Inventor of Esperanto.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: ESPERANTO.

ZANARDELLI, Giuseppe:
   Premier of Italy.

      See (in this Volume)
      ITALY: A. D. 1901 and 1903.

ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1903.
   Practical Ending of Slavery.

   The following remarks are from reports made by British
   consular officers in 1903. By decree of the Sultan of Zanzibar
   the legal status of slavery was annulled in 1897: "As I have
   anticipated in my former Reports, the number of slaves who
   have thought fit to present themselves for freedom to the
   Zanzibar Government has been very small. … It is as well known
   as ever throughout the Island of Zanzibar that a slave has
   only to appear and ask for freedom and it is immediately
   granted. But the slaves have long since discovered that
   freedom is not such ‘a bed of roses’ as was anticipated. They
   have learnt that practically they lose far more than they gain
   by leaving their owners to get freedom, and then having to
   find a new home and support themselves."

   "The slavery question may be said to be at an end in Pemba.
   Those slaves who still remain in a state of servitude are
   slaves only in name, and they continue to be so of their own
   free will, for there is not a man or a woman at this time in
   the island unaware of the fact that any slave can obtain
   manumission for the asking. A small number of slaves do apply
   for and obtain their freedom month by month, but the bulk of
   the servile population in Pemba appear to be content with
   their existing status."

ZASULICH, General.

      See (in this Volume)
      JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

ZAYISTAS.

      See (in this Volume)
      CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.

ZEEMAN, Peter.

      See (in this Volume)
      NOBEL PRIZES.

ZELAYA, JOSE CANTOS:
   President of Nicaragua.

      See (in this Volume)
      CENTRAL AMERICA: NICARAGUA: A. D. 1909.

ZEMSTVOS, RUSSIAN.

      See (in this Volume)
      RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905, and 1905-1907.

ZEPPELIN, Count.

      See (in this Volume)
      SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

ZICHY, Count.

      See (in this Volume)
      AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904; 1905-1906.

ZIEGLER ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS.

      See (in this Volume)
      POLAR EXPLORATION.

ZIL-ES-SULTAN.

      See (in this Volume)
      PERSIA: A. D. 1907-1908 (SEPTEMBER-JUNE).

ZULUS, The:
   Their revolt in 1906.

      See (in this Volume)
      South Africa.

{733}

COURSES FOR STUDY OR READING

PREPARED by C. W. CHASE

   As an aid to those possessors of this work who may wish to
   pursue in it regular courses of reading or study, the
   following directory, as it may be called, has been prepared by
   a gentleman whose acquaintance with the contents of the
   Volumes and with their arrangement is very thorough, and whose
   equipment of historical knowledge is large. This responds to a
   great number of requests and suggestions that have been coming
   to the publishers of "History for Ready Reference," ever since
   it began to make itself known as the best of compilations for
   "Topical Reading" in history, as well as for "Ready
   Reference," because drawn from the best historical writers in
   their own exact words.

   Those who make use of these "Studies" should bear in mind that
   the first five Volumes of "History for Ready Reference" cover
   all times, from the earliest, down to its publication in 1895,
   and are under one comprehensive arrangement, for which reason
   the numbering of pages in those Volumes is consecutive from
   the first to the last; whereas Volumes VI. and VII. deal with
   two succeeding periods, of Recent History, and have separately
   numbered pages. Hence reference in the "Studies" to pages in
   the first five Volumes is without mention of the number of the
   Volume.

   On revision of the original five-Volume work in 1901 some
   rearrangement of matter occurred which changed the page
   numbers. This necessitates the giving of both new and old
   numbers in the reference to every matter within those Volumes.
   For copies of the work purchased before 1901 the numbers are
   in parenthesis, and those for the later edition precede them.

   The following is a subject index to the "Studies" appended:

ALEXANDER’S CONQUESTS:
   Study X.

AMERICA:
   Study XXIII.

      (See, also, UNITED STATES, CANADA, and SPANISH AMERICA.)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY:
   Studies
   XIV.,
   XV.,
   XXVII.,
   XXXIV.,
   XXXV.,
   XXXVI.

BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA:
   Study IV.

CANADA:
   Study XLIX.

CHINA:
   Studies
   VII., LI.

CHRISTIANITY:
   Studies
   XVIII.,
   XIX.,
   XX.,
   XXIV.

CRUSADES:
   Study XXV.

EGYPT, ANCIENT:
   Study V.

ENGLAND:
   Studies
   XXVIII.,
   XXIX.,
   XXX.,
   XXXI.,
   XXXII.,
   XXXIII.,
   XXXV.,
   XXXVI.,
   XLII.,
   XLVIII.

EUROPE AT LARGE:
   Studies
   XII.,
   XIII.,
   XIV.,
   XVIII.,
   XIX.,
   XX.,
   XXII.,
   XXIII.,
   XXIV.,
   XXV.,
   XXVII.,
   XXXIV.,
   XXXV.,
   XXXVI.

FRANCE:
   Studies
   XIII.,
   XIV.,
   XVI.,
   XXIII.,
   XXIV.,
   XXV.,
   XXXIV.,
   XXXV.,
   XXXVI.,
   XLIII.

FRENCH REVOLUTION AND NAPOLEON:
   Studies
   XXXV
   XXXVI.

GERMANY:
   Studies
   XIII.,
   XIV.,
   XV.,
   XXIII.,
   XXIV.,
   XXVII.,
   XXXIV.,
   XXXV.,
   XXXVI.,
   XLIV.


GREAT BRITAIN.

   See ENGLAND.

GREECE, ANCIENT:
   Studies
   VIII.,
   IX.,
   X.

HISTORY AND ITS STUDY:
   Study I.

INDIA, ANCIENT:
   Study VII.

ITALY, MEDIÆVAL AND MODERN:
   Studies
   XIV.,
   XVII.,
   XXIII.,
   XXXV.,
   XXXVI.,
   LV.

JAPAN:
   Study L.

JEWS:
   Study VI.

MIDDLE AGES:
   Studies
   XIII.,
   XIV.,
   XV.,
   XVI.,
   XVII.

MOHAMMEDANISM:
   Studies
   XXI.,
   XXII.

MONASTICISM:
   Study XX.

NETHERLANDS:
   Study XXVI.

PAPACY:
   Study
   XIX.,
   XXIV.,
   XXV.

PRIMITIVE PEOPLES:
   Studies
   II.,
   III.

REFORMATION, PROTESTANT:
   Studies
   XXIV.,
   XXV.

RENAISSANCE:
   Study XXIII.

ROME, ANCIENT:
   Studies
   XI.,
   XII.,
   XIII.

RUSSIA:
   Study LII.

SPAIN:
   Studies
   XXVI.,
   XXXVI.

SPANISH AMERICA:
   Study LIV.

      (See, also, AMERICA.)

TURKISH EMPIRE:
   Study LIII.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
   Studies
   XXXVII.,
   XXXVIII.,
   XXXIX.,
   XL.,
   XLI.,
   XLV.,
   XLVI.,
   XLVII.

{734}

APPENDIX

COURSES FOR STUDY OR READING

   Note.

   The text of "History for Ready Reference" is made up of matter
   taken from the best writers and special students of all ages
   and all nations. Under the various topics in these Studies,
   therefore, the historical works referred to are those from
   which the matter of the text is taken; the figures following
   each citation indicating the pages in "History for Ready
   Reference" where the matter may be found,—the figures inclosed
   in parentheses showing where the same matter may be found in
   the first (1895) edition of the work. These extracts vary from
   a quarter of a column to five or six columns in length.

   [Transcriber's note—A colon (:) at the end of a line
   indicates the following line begins a subheading,
   a citation, or the citation title.]

STUDY I.

HISTORY AND ITS STUDY.

   "It is seldom appreciated what a very large share of the
   world’s literature is history of some sort. The primitive
   savage is probably the only kind of a man who takes no
   interest in it. But as soon as a spark of civilization
   illumines this primitive darkness men begin to take interest
   in other men,—not only beyond their immediate surroundings,
   but beyond the limits of their own generation. Interest in the
   past and provision for the future are perhaps essential
   differences between the civilized man and the savage.
   Accordingly as this care for the past and future increases,
   all literature divides itself into that which concerns the
   forces of nature, and that which concerns the history of man."

      PROFESSOR J. P. MAHAFFY.


1. VARIOUS VIEWS AS TO WHAT HISTORY IS:

   R. Flint:
   History of the Philosophy of History,
   1686-1687 (1648-1649).
   archive.org/details/historyphilosop00flingoog

   "With us the word ‘History,’ like its equivalents in all
   modern languages, signifies either a form of literary
   composition, or the appropriate subject matter of such
   composition,—either a narrative of events, or events which may
   be narrated."
      R. FLINT.

2. THE PROPER SUBJECTS AND OBJECTS OF HISTORY:

   E. A. Freeman:
   Practical Bearings of European History,
   1687-1688 (1648-1649).

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History (Essays),
   1692 (1658).

   "The perfect historian is he in whose work the character and
   spirit of an age is exhibited in miniature. … By judicious
   selection, rejection, and arrangement, he gives to truth those
   attractions which have been usurped by fiction. … He shows us
   the court, the camp, and the senate. But he also shows us the
   nation. He considers no anecdote, no peculiarity of manner, no
   familiar saying, as too insignificant for his notice, which is
   not too insignificant to illustrate the operation of laws, of
   religion, and of education, and to mark the progress of the
   human mind."
      T. B. MACAULAY.

3. THE PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY:

   R. Flint:
   Philosophy of History,
   1688 (1649).

4. HISTORY AS A SCIENCE;
   and
   HISTORY AS THE ROOT OF ALL SCIENCE:

   H. T. Buckle:
   History of Civilization in England,
   1688 (1649).
   www.gutenberg.org

   J. G. Droysen:
   Outline of the Principles of History,
   1689 (1650).
   archive.org/details/outlineofprincip01droy

   T. Carlyle:
   On History (Essays),
   1689-1690 (1650-1651).

   "There is, I speak humbly, in common with Natural Science, in
   the study of living History, a gradual approximation to a
   consciousness that we are growing into a perception of the
   workings of the Almighty ruler of the world. … The study of
   History is in this respect, as Coleridge said of Poetry, its
   own great reward, a thing to be loved and cultivated for its
   own sake. … For one great, insoluble problem of astronomy or
   geology, there are a thousand insoluble problems in the life,
   in the character, in the face of every man that meets you in
   the street. Thus, whether we look at the dignity of the
   subject matter, or at the nature of the mental exercise which
   it requires, or at the nature of the field over which the
   pursuit ranges, History, the knowledge of the adventures, the
   development, the changeful career, the varied growths, the
   ambitions, aspirations, and, if you like, the approximating
   destinies of mankind, claims a place second to none in the
   roll of Sciences."
      BISHOP STUBBS.

5. HOW TO STUDY HISTORY:

   A. B. Hart:
   How to Study History,
   1693 (1654).

6. THE EDUCATIONAL AND PRACTICAL VALUE OF HISTORY;
   ITS MORAL LESSONS:

   J. A. Froude:
   Short Studies on Great Subjects,
   1690 (1651).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   The Political Value of History,
   1690 (1651).

   C. K. Adams:
   Manual of Historical Literature,
   1690-1691 (1651-1652).

   W. Stubbs:
   The Study of Modern History,
   1691 (1652).

   "The effect of historical reading is analogous, in many
   respects, to that produced by foreign travel. The student,
   like the tourist, is transported into a new state of society.
   He sees new fashions. He hears new modes of expression. His
   mind is enlarged by contemplating the wide diversities of
   laws, of morals, and of manners."
      T. B. MACAULAY.

7. THE PROVINCE AND VALUE OF THE HISTORICAL ROMANCE:

   G. H. Lewes:
   Historical Romance,
   1692-1693 (1653-1654).

   A. Thierry:
   The Merovingian Era,
   1693 (1654).

   J. R. Seeley:
   History and Politics,
   1693 (1654).

   "To say that there is more real history in his (Scott’s)
   novels on Scotland and England than in the philosophically
   false compilations which still possess that great name, is not
   advancing anything strange in the eyes of those who have read
   and understood ‘Old Mortality,’ ‘Waverley,’ ‘Rob Roy,’ the
   ‘Fortunes of Nigel,’ and the ‘Heart of Midlothian.’"
      A. THIERRY.

   "We can hardly read the interesting Life of Lord Macaulay
   without perceiving that the most popular historical work of
   modern times owes its origin in a great measure to the
   Waverley Novels. Macaulay grew up in a world of novels: his
   youth and early manhood witnessed the appearance of the
   Waverley Novels themselves. He became naturally possessed by
   the idea which is expressed over and over again in his Essays,
   and which at last he realized with such wonderful success, the
   idea that it was quite possible to make history as interesting
   as romance."
      J. R. SEELEY.

{736}

8. THE IMPORTANCE OF A KNOWLEDGE OF UNIVERSAL HISTORY:

   O. Browning:
   The Teaching Of History In Schools,
   1604 (1655).

   "To know History is impossible; not even Mr. Freeman, not
   Professor Ranke himself, can be said to know history. … No
   one, therefore, should be discouraged from studying History.
   Its greatest service is not so much to increase our knowledge
   as to stimulate thought and broaden our intellectual horizon,
   and for this purpose no study is its equal."
      W. P. ATKINSON.


   STUDY II.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE DAWN OF HISTORY; PRIMITIVE PEOPLES.

I. THE THREE MARKED DIVISIONS OF THE HUMAN RACE
   WHEN THE EARLIEST HISTORIC RECORD BEGINS:

(a) The Aryan:
    144 (137), 145 (138) and
    Appendix A., Volume V. (Volume I).

(b) The Semitic:
    2963-2966 (2886-2889).

(c) The Turanian:
    3245, 1740, 2265 (3129, 1701, 2221).

2. THESE DIVISIONS WERE NOT PROPERLY RACIAL, BUT LINGUISTIC,
   THOUGH USAGE HAS GIVEN THEM A RACIAL SIGNIFICANCE:

   "Aryan in Scientific language is utterly inapplicable to race.
   It means language, and nothing but language … I have declared
   again and again that if I say ‘Aryas,’ I mean simply those who
   speak the ‘Aryan’ language."
      MAX MÜLLER.

   "The ‘Semitic race’ owes its name to a confusion of ethnology
   and philology. A certain family of speech, composed of
   languages closely related to one another, and presupposing a
   common mother tongue, received the title of ‘Semitic’ … But
   whatever justification there may have been for speaking of a
   Semitic family of languages, there was none for speaking of a
   Semitic race."
      A. H. SAYCE.

3. BIRTHPLACE OF THE ARYANS:

   C. F. Keary:
   The Dawn of History,
   144-145 (137-138).
   www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/52030.

   J. N. Larned:
   A Historical Sketch of Europe,
   1018 (990).

   J. Rhys:
   Race Theories,
   145 (138).

4. EARLY ARYAN MIGRATIONS:

   (a) To India.

   W. W. Hunter:
   History of India,
   1740-1741 (1701-1702).

   M. Duncker:
   History of Antiquity,
   1741-1742 (1702-1703).

   M. Williams:
   Religious Thought in India,
   1742 (1703).

   (b) To Greece.

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   2603 (2535).

   C. W. C. Oman:
   History of Greece,
   1604-1605 (1566-1567).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1019-1021 (991-993).

   D. G. Hogarth:
   Authority and Archaeology,
   Volume VI., 23-25.

   (c) To Italy.

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   1016-1017, 1845 (988-989, 1805).

   F. Haverfield:
   Authority and Archaeology,
   Volume VI., 25.

   (d) To Western Europe.

   J. Rhys:
   Celtic Britain,
   412 (402).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe, 1019 (991).

   (e) In General.

   Appendix A.
   at end of Volume V. (Volume I.).

   Ethnological Map,
   before Title Page, Volume I.

5. ORIGIN OF THE SEMITIC PEOPLES:

   George Adam Smith:
   Historical Geography of the Holy Land,
   2964-2965 (2887-2888).

6. THE VARIOUS DIVISIONS OF THE SEMITES:

   (a) In General.

   J. F. McCurdy:
   History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,
   2963-2964 (2886-2887).

   (b) The Babylonian.

   J F. McCurdy:
   History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,
   2965-2966 (2888-2889).

   Z. A. Ragozin:
   The Story of Chaldea,
   246-247 (239-240).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Recent Discoveries in Babylonia,
   Volume VI., 14-15.

   (c) The Canaanitic and Phoenician.

   F. Lenormant:
   Ancient History of East,
   2598-2599 (2530-2531).

   (d) The Hebraic.

   A. Kuenen:
   Religion of Israel,
   1936 (1895).

   H. Ewald:
   History of Israel,
   1937 (1896).

   S. R. Driver:
   Authority and Archaeology,
   Volume VI., 12.

7. DISTINCTIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF SEMITES, AND THEIR
   CONTRIBUTION TO THE WORLD CIVILIZATION:

   A. H Sayce:
   Babylonian Literature,
   246 (239).

   E. Renan:
   Studies in Religious History,
   2965 (2888).

   "We owe to the Semitic race neither political life, art,
   poetry, philosophy, nor Science. What, then, do we owe to
   them? We owe to them Religion. The whole world, if we except
   India, China, Japan, and tribes altogether savage, has adopted
   the Semitic religion."
      E. RENAN.

8. RELATION BETWEEN THE EARLY SEMITES AND THE PRIMITIVE CHINESE:

   R. K. Douglas:
   China,
   430-432 (416-418).

   T. de Lacouperie:
   History of Chinese Civilization,
   246 (239).

9. ORIGIN AND RACIAL CONNECTIONS OF
   THE PRIMITIVE EGYPTIAN PEOPLES:

   H. Brugsch Bey:
   Egypt under the Pharaohs,
   777 (750).

   G. Rawlinson.
   History of Ancient Egypt,
   777 (750).

   W. M. F. Petrie:
   Recent Research in Egypt,
   Volume VI., 18-20.

10. THE EARLIEST SEMITES KNOWN TO HISTORY:

   J. F. McCurdy:
   History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,
   2965-2966 (2888-2889).

   Max Müller:
   The Enormous Antiquity of the East,
   2966 (2889).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Babylonian Literature,
   246 (239).

   "The Babylonians were … the first of the Semites to enter the
   arena of history, and they did so by virtue of the
   civilization to which they attained in and through their
   settlement on the lower Euphrates and Tigris."
      J. F. MCCURDY.

{737}

   STUDY III.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


THE LIFE OF PRIMITIVE PEOPLES;
ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH.

1. GENERAL CHARACTER OF WORK OF EXCAVATION OF BURIED CITIES:

   W. M. F. Petrie.
   The Story of a "Tell,"
   782 (755).

   G. Smith:
   Assyrian Discoveries,
   149-150 (143).

   H. V. Hilprecht:
   Recent Research in Bible Lands,
   Volume VI., 12.

   Sunday School Times,
   Volume VI., 13.

2. PREHISTORIC CULTURE AND CIVILIZATION:

   (a) Babylonia.

   A. H. Sayce:
   Babylonian Literature,
   246 (239).

   J. F. McCurdy:
   History, Prophecy, and The Monuments,
   2965-2966 (2888-2889).

   S. R. Driver:
   Authority and Archaeology,
   Volume VI., 12.

   Perrot and Chipiez:
   Art in Chaldæa and Assyria,
   2969 (2892).

   "When civilization makes up its mind to reenter upon that
   country, nothing more will be needed for the reawakening in it
   of life and reproductive energy, than the restoration of the
   great works undertaken by the contemporaries of Abraham and
   Jacob."
      PERROT AND CHIPIEZ.

(b) Egypt.

   H. G. Tomkins:
   Studies on Times of Abraham,
   778-779 (751-752).

   W. M. F. Petrie:
   Recent Egyptian Exploration,
   Volume VI., 20, 21.

(c) Greece.

   C. W. C. Oman:
   History of Greece,
   1605, last column, (1567).

   P. Gardner:
   New Chapters in Greek History,
   1605-1606 (1567-1568).

   S. H. Butcher:
   Aspects of Greek Genius,
   1675 (1636).

   A. J. Evans:
   London Times,
   Volume VI., 23, 24.

   A. L. Frothingham:
   Archaeological Progress,
   Volume VI., 25.

(d) Italy and Rome.

   Padre de Cara:
   The Academy,
   1845 (1805).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1020-1021 (992-993).

   F. de Coulanges:
   The Ancient City,
   2731 (2657).

   Goldwin Smith:
   The Greatness of the Romans,
   2732-2733 (2658-2659).

   "It may seem a paradox, but we suspect that in their imperial
   ascendency is seen one of the earliest and not least important
   steps in that gradual triumph of intellect over force, even in
   war, which has been an essential part of the progress of
   civilization. The happy day may come when Science in the form
   of a benign old gentleman with a bald head and spectacles on
   nose, holding some beneficent compound in his hand, will
   confront a standing army, and the standing army will cease to
   exist. That will be the final victory of intellect. But in the
   meantime, our acknowledgments are due to the primitive
   inventors of military discipline. They shivered Goliath’s
   spear."
      GOLDWIN SMITH.

(e) India.

   W. W. Hunter:
   History of Indian People,
   1740-1741 (1701-1702).

(f) China.

   R. K. Douglas:
   China,
   430-432 (416-418).

3. Early Language and Literature:

(a) Babylonia and Assyria.

   A. H. Sayce:
   Fresh Light from the Monuments,
   150, 245-246, 664-665 (143, 238-239, 641-642).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Social Life of Assyrians and Babylonians,
   2044 (2000).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Races of the Old Testament,
   2963 (2886)

   A. Lefèvre:
   Race and Language,
   2971 (2894).

(b) Egypt.

   H. Brugsch-Bey:
   History of Egypt,
   777 (750).

   M. Duncker:
   History of Antiquity,
   777 (750).

   E. A. W. Budge:
   The Mummy,
   1684-1685 (1645-1646).

   A. Mariette-Bey:
   Monuments of Upper Egypt,
   2826 (2752).

(c) Phoenicia.

   Perrot and Chipiez:
   Art in Phoenicia,
   2601 end of last column, (2533).

(d) Greece

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   1674-1675 (1635-1636).

   W. E. Gladstone:
   Homer,
   1699-1700 (1660-1661).

   W. Leaf:
   Companion to the Iliad,
   1700 (1661).

   A. Lang:
   Homer and the Epic,
   1700 (1661).

   D. G. Hogarth:
   Authority and Archæology,
   Volume VI., 25.

(e) Italy and Rome.

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   1845 (1805).

   G. A. Simcox:
   History of Latin Literature,
   2734 (2660).

(f) India.

   M. Duncker:
   History of Antiquity,
   1741-1742 (1702-1703).

   M. Williams:
   Religious Thought in India,
   1742 (1703).

4. EDUCATION:

(a) Babylonia and Assyria.

   A. H. Sayce:
   Babylonian Literature,
   246, 697-698 (239, 674-675).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Social Life among the Babylonians,
   698 (675).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Fresh Light from the Monuments,
   150 (143).

   "The primitive Chaldeans were preeminently a literary people,
   and it is by their literary relics, by the scattered contents
   of their libraries, that we can know and judge them. As
   befitted the inventors of a system of writing, like the
   Chinese they set the highest value on education, even though
   examinations may have been unknown among them. Education,
   however, was widely diffused."
      A. H. SAYCE.

(b) Egypt.

   G. Maspero:
   Life in Ancient Egypt,
   697 (674).

   H. Brugsch-Bey:
   History of Egypt,
   697 (674).

   "In the education of youth the Egyptians were particularly
   strict; and ‘they knew,’ says Plato, ‘that children ought to
   be early accustomed to such gestures, looks, and motions, as
   are decent and proper; and not to be suffered either to hear
   or learn any verses and songs other than those which are
   calculated to inspire them with virtue.’"
      J. G. WILKINSON.

(c) Greece.

   (1) Athenian.

   Plato:
   Protagoras,
   701 (678).

   Aristotle:
   Politics,
   701-702 (678-679).

   J. P. Mahaffy:
   Old Greek Education,
   703 (680).

   J. A. St. John:
   The Hellenes,
   703-704 (680-681).

   W. W. Capes:
   University Life in Ancient Athens,
   5 (5).

   Guhl and Koner:
   Life of Greeks and Romans,
   1657 (1619).

   (2) Spartan.

   C. Thirlwall:
   History of Greece,
   704-5 (681-2).

(d) Alexandria.

   J. H. Newman:
   Historical Sketches,
   708 (685).

(e) Rome.

   J. J. Döllinger:
   Gentile and Jew,
   708-709 (685-686).

(f) Judæa.

   E. Schürer:
   History of Jewish People,
   700 (677).

   H. Graetz:
   History of the Jews,
   700-1 (677-678).

(g) China.

   W. A. P. Martin:
   The Chinese,
   698-699 (675-676).

(h) Persia.

   G. Rawlinson:
   The Five Great Monarchies,
   699-700 (676-677).

5. RELIGION:

(a) China.

   R. K. Douglas:
   China,
   432-433 (418-419).

(b) Egypt.

   A. B. Edwards:
   The Academy,
   305 (296).

(c) Greece.

   C. C. Felton:
   Greece, Ancient and Modern,
   804-805, 2453 (777-778, 2401).

{738}

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   2452 (2400).

   W. M. Leake:
   Topography of Athens,
   2451 (2399).

   C. Thirlwall:
   History of Greece,
   2451 (2399).

   G. Grote:
   History of Greece,
   680 (657).

(d) India.

   M. Williams:
   Religious Thought in India,
   1742 (1703).

   Hinduism,
   1743-1744 (1704-1705).

   J. T. Wheeler:
   History of India,
   406 (396).

(e) Persia.

   G. Rawlinson:
   Religions of the Ancient World,
   3788-3789 (3666-3667).

   M. Haug:
   Lectures on Zoroaster,
   3790 (3668).

(f) Rome.

   T. Arnold:
   History of Rome,
   2981 (2903).

   H. Macmillan:
   Roman Mosaics,
   2981 (2903).

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   195 (188).

   W. Ramsay:
   Roman Antiquities,
   196-197 (189-190).

   Guhl and Koner:
   Greeks and Romans,
   3743 (3623).

   N. Hawthorne:
   The Marble Faun,
   2476 (2417).

   Note.—In nearly all cases, in the Studies that follow, all
   chronological divisions previous to the sixth or seventh
   centuries B. C. must be regarded as approximate only. The
   dates given are those generally accepted by the best scholars
   of the present day.

STUDY IV.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA.

1. GEOGRAPHY:

   G. Rawlinson:
   Five Great Monarchies,
   2198 (2154).

   F. Lenormant:
   Ancient History of the East,
   2964 (2887).

   G. Adam Smith:
   Historical Geography of the Holy Land,
   2964 (2887).

2. CHALDEA-BABYLONIA:

   A. H. Sayce:
   Fresh Light from the Monuments,
   245-246 (239), and following authorities.

3. THE ACCADIANS, SUMERIANS, ELAMITES, AND CUSHITES:

   A. H. Sayce:
   Babylonian Literature,
   246, 698 (239, 675).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Fresh Light from the Monuments,
   150, 246 (143, 239).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Races of the Old Testament,
   2963 (2886).

   Z. A. Ragozin:
   Story of Chaldea,
   795(768).

   J. F. McCurdy:
   History, Prophecy, and Monuments,
   2965-2966 (2888-2889).

   Dr. Tiele:
   History of Babylonia,
   2967 (2890).

   F. Lenormant:
   Ancient History of the East,
   128-129 (121-122).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Contemporary Review,
   Volume VI., 14.

   4. THE ERA OF CITY STATES
   (5000 to 3800 B. C.):

   Z. A. Ragozin:
   Story of Chaldea,
   246-247 (239-240).

   5. CONQUESTS OF SARGON I.
   (3750 B. C.):

   Dr. Tiele:
   History of Babylonia,
   2967 (2890).

   F. Max Müller:
   Enormous Antiquity of the East,
   2966 (2889).

   Z. A. Ragozin:
   Story of Chaldea,
   247 (240).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Contemporary Review,
   Volume VI., 13, 14.

6. HAMMURABI ESTABLISHES THE FIRST BABYLONIAN EMPIRE
   (2250 B. C.):

   E. J. Simcox:
   Primitive Civilizations,
   2967(2890).

   J. F. McCurdy:
   History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,
   2967 (2890).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Ancient Empires of the East,
   247 (240).

7. THE CITY OF BABYLON:

   A. H. Sayce:
   Ancient Empires of the East,
   247 (240).

   G. Rawlinson:
   Herodotus,
   245 (238).

   W. B. Wright:
   Ancient Cities,
   2969-2970 (2893).

   B. T. A. Evetts:
   New Light on the Bible and Holy Land,
   2970-2971 (2893-2894).

8. THE KASSITE EMPIRE AND EGYPTIAN INVASIONS
   (1800-1250 B. C.):

   J. F. McCurdy:
   History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,
   2967 (2890).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Higher Criticism and Verdict of the Monuments,
   2968 (2891).

   A. Lefèvre:
   Race and Language,
   2968 (2891).

   G. Rawlinson:
   History of Ancient Egypt,
   779-780 (752-753).

9. ASSYRIA GAINS AND HOLDS SUPREMACY
   (1250-600 B. C.):

   Perrot and Chipiez:
   History of Art in Chaldea and Assyria,
   2968-2969 (2891-2892).

   L. von Ranke:
   Universal History,
   2969 (2892).

10. THE CITY OF NINEVEH:

   A. H. Sayce:
   Higher Criticism and the Monuments,
   2967-2968 (2891).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Fresh Light from the Monuments,
   150 (143).

   Z. A. Ragozin:
   Story of Chaldea,
   2415 (2363).

   Perrot and Chipiez:
   History of Art in Chaldea and Assyria,
   2969 (2892).

11. THE LAST BABYLONIAN EMPIRE
   (625-536 B. C.):

   E. A. W. Budge:
   Babylonian Life and History,
   2969 (2892).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Ancient Empires of East,
   247 (240).

   Introduction to Books of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther,
   2577-2578 (2510-2511).

   Ancient Empires of the East,
   2577 (2510).

12. BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN LIFE:

(a) Literature.

   A. H. Sayce:
   Fresh Light from the Monuments,
   245-246 (238-239).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Babylonian Literature,
   246, 697-698 (239, 674-675).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Social Life among the Babylonians,
   698 (675).

   A. V. Hilprecht:
   Sunday School Times,
   Volume VI., 15-16.

(b) Education.

   A. H. Sayce:
   Babylonian Literature,
   698 (675).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Social Life Among the Babylonians,
   698 (675).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Contemporary Review,
   Volume VI., 14.

(c) Trade and Commerce.

   M. Duncker:
   History of Antiquity,
   3207-3208 (3697).

   E. J. Lubbock:
   History of Money,
   2243 (2199).

   Sir J. Simcox:
   Primitive Civilizations,
   2243-2244 (2200).

(d) Treatment of Diseases.

   G. Rawlinson:
   Herodotus,
   2166 (2122).

   F. Lenormant:
   Chaldean Magic,
   2166-2167 (2122-2123).

{739}

13. THE PRE-EMINENT FIGURES IN BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN HISTORY:

                        B. C.
   Sargon I             3750
   Hammurabi            2250
   Tiglathpileser I.    1110-1090
   Tiglathpileser III.   745-727
   Sargon II             722-705
   Sennacherib           705-681
   Assurbanipal
     (Sardanapalus)      668-626
   Nebuchadnezzar        605-562

STUDY V.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

EGYPT.

1. ORIGIN OP THE NAME AND PEOPLE:

   H. Brugsch-Bey:
   History of Egypt,
   776 (749).

   R. S. Poole:
   Cities of Egypt,
   776 (749).

   G. Rawlinson:
   History of Ancient Egypt,
   777 (750).

   M. Duncker:
   History of Antiquity,
   777 (750).

   A. H. Keane:
   The African Races,
   17 (19).

2. HISTORICAL ANTIQUITY:

   H. Brugsch-Bey:
   History of Egypt,
   776-777 (750).

   W. M. F. Petrie:
   History of Egypt,
   777 (3743).

   W. M. F. Petrie:
   Address,
   Volume VI., 20-21.

3. PREHISTORIC CIVILIZATION:

   W. M. F. Petrie:
   Recent Egyptian Exploration,
   Volume VI., 20.

4. THE OLD AND MIDDLE EMPIRES
   (4700-2750 B. C.);

   F. Lenormant:
   Ancient History,
   777-778, 2127 (750-751, 2083).

   W. M. F. Petrie:
   Recent Research in Egypt,
   Volume VI., 18-19.

   W. M. F. Petrie:
   History of Egypt,
   777-778 (750-751).

   R. S. Poole:
   Cities of Egypt,
   2196, 3189 (2152, 3104).

5. THE PYRAMIDS, AND THE OBELISKS; "CLEOPATRA’S NEEDLES"

   F. Lenormant:
   Ancient History,
   777 (750).

   G. Rawlinson:
   Ancient Egypt,
   780 (753).

6. THE HYKSOS, OR SHEPHERD KINGS (2150-1700 B. C.),
   AND SOJOURN OF ABRAHAM:

   G. Rawlinson:
   History of Ancient Egypt,
   778 (751).

   E. Wilson:
   The Egypt of the Past,
   778 (751).

   E. A. W. Budge:
   The Dwellers on the Nile,
   1937 (1896).

   G. Rawlinson:
   Ancient Egypt,
   1937 (1896).

   E. Renan:
   The People of Israel,
   1937-1938 (1896-1897).

   A. H. Sayce:
   The Hittites,
   116, 1695 (109, 1656).

   H. Brugsch-Bey:
   Egypt under the Pharaohs,
   779 (752).

7. THE EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY; THE NEW EMPIRE
   (1600-1300 B. C.):

   G. Rawlinson:
   History of Ancient Egypt,
   779-780 (752-753).

   C. Bezold:
   Oriental Diplomacy,
   781 (754).

   A. Lefèvre:
   Race and Language,
   2968 (2891).

8. ISRAEL IN EGYPT
   (1750-1300 B. C.):

   E. A.W. Budge:
   Dwellers on the Nile,
   1937 (1896).

   G. Rawlinson:
   Ancient Egypt,
   1937 (1896).

   H. Brugsch-Bey:
   Egypt under the Pharaohs,
   1937 (1896).

   F. Lenormant:
   Ancient History,
   782 (755).

   R. S. Poole:
   Ancient Egypt,
   782 (755).

9. DECLINE OF EMPIRE OF THE PHARAOHS;
   ASSYRIAN CONQUEST (1200-525 B. C.):

   G. Rawlinson:
   History of Ancient Egypt,
   782-783 (755-6).

   Five Great Monarchies,
   783 (756).

10. THE PERSIAN CONQUEST
    (525-332 B. C.):

   G. Rawlinson:
   Five Great Monarchies,
   784 (757).

   P. Smith:
   Ancient History,
   784 (757).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Introduction to Books of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther,
   2578 (2511).

11. ANCIENT EGYPTIAN LIFE AND CULTURE:

   (a) Literature and Art.

   A. B. Edwards:
   The Academy,
   305 (296).

   Edinburgh Review:
   The Tel El-Amarna Tablets,
   780 (753).

   C. Bezold:
   Oriental Diplomacy,
   781 (754).

   W. M. F. Petrie:
   Recent Egyptian Exploration,
   Volume VI., 20-21.

   (b) Education.

   J. G. Wilkinson, and others,
   696-697 (673-674).

   (c) Trade and Commerce.

   Earliest Records of Trade,
   3207 (3696).

   Sir J. Lubbock:
   History of Money,
   2243 (2199).

   E. J. Simcox:
   Primitive Civilizations,
   2244 (2200).

   M. Duncker:
   History of Antiquity,
   2600 (2532).

   F. Lenormant:
   History of the East,
   129 (122).

   P. Gardner:
   New Chapters in Greek History,
   785-786 (758-759).

   C. Merivale:
   History of the Romans,
   3211-3213 (3700-3702).

   (d) Treatment of Diseases.

   G. Rawlinson and others,
   2164-2166 (2120-2122).

12. THE CONQUEST OF ALEXANDER AND THE KINGDOM OF THE PTOLEMIES
    (332-330 B. C.):

   C. Thirlwall:
   History of Greece,
   785 (758).

   J. P. Mahaffy:
   Story of Alexander’s Empire,
   2103 (2059).

   A. H. L. Heeren:
   Ancient History,
   2104 (2060).

   T. Timayenis:
   History of Greece,
   2106 (2062).

   S. Sharpe:
   History of Egypt,
   785, also 786 (758, 759).

   C. Merivale:
   History of the Romans,
   786 (759).

13. THE CITY OF ALEXANDRIA:

   J. P. Mahaffy:
   The Story of Alexander’s Empire,
   44-45 (37-38).

   A. Hirtius:
   The Alexandrian War,
   46 (39).

   J. J. Döllinger:
   History of the Church,
   2295-2296 (2247-2248).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall of Roman Empire,
   46, also 47 (39, 40).

   H. H. Milman:
   History of Latin Christianity,
   47 (40).

   Sir W. Muir:
   Annals of the Early Caliphate,
   2115 (2070).

   E. Kirkpatrick:
   Development of Superior Instruction,
   707-708 (684-685).

   Fraser’s Magazine:
   Historical Researches on the Burning of
   the Library of Alexandria by Saracens,
   2047-2048 (2003-2004).

   Fraser’s Magazine:
   The American Journal of Archaeology,
   Volume VI., 28.

14. THE MOSLEM CONQUEST
    (640-646 A. D.):

   Sir W. Muir:
   Annals of the Early Caliphate,
   2114-2115 (2069-2070).

15. EGYPT AND THE CRUSADES
    (1216-1254 A. D.):

   G. Procter:
   The Crusades,
   656-657 (633-634).

   T. L. Kington:
   History of Frederick II.,
   657 (634).

   F. P. Guizot.
   History of France,
   657-658 (634-635).

{740}

16. THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST
   (1517 A. D.):

   S. Lane-Poole:
   The Story of Turkey,
   3254 (3138).

17. OVERTHROW OF THE OTTOMAN POWER BY NAPOLEON
   (A. D. 1798):

   W. Massey:
   History of England,
   1354-1355 (1321-1322).

   J. G. Lockhart:
   Life of Napoleon,
   1357-1359 (1324-1326).

18. OVERTHROW OF FRENCH POWER BY ENGLAND,
    AND RESTORATION OF EGYPT TO TURKEY
    (1801-1802 A.D.):

   J. R. Green:
   History of English People,
   1368-1369 (1335-1336).

19. BANKRUPTCY OF THE STATE AND ENGLISH OCCUPATION
    (1875-1883):

   H. Vogt:
   The Egyptian War of 1882,
   792 (765).

   J. E. Bowen:
   Conflict of East and West in Egypt,
   792-794 (765-767).

   E. Dicey.
   Egypt,
   Volume VI., 198.

20. THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN CONDOMINIUM (1899):

   Great Britain, Papers by Command;
   Egypt,
   Volume VI., 201-203.


STUDY VI.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE JEWS.

1. THE NATIONAL NAMES:

   H. Ewald:
   History of Israel,
   1936 (1895).

   A. P. Stanley:
   History of Jewish Church,
   1936 (1895).

2. THE ORIGIN OF THE PEOPLE AND THEIR RACIAL CONNECTIONS:

   George Adam Smith:
   Historical Geography of the Holy Land,
   2964-2965 (2887-2888).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Races of the Old Testament,
   2963 (2886).

   J. F. McCurdy:
   History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,
   2963-2964 (2886-2887).

   A. Lefèvre:
   Race and Language,
   2971 (2804).

3. THE MIGRATION OF ABRAHAM
   (2200 B. C.):

   E. A. W. Budge:
   Dwellers on the Nile,
   1937 (1896).

   E. Wilson:
   Egypt of the Past,
   778 (751).

   H. Ewald:
   History of Israel,
   1937 (1896).

4. THE PRINCIPAL NATIONS WITH WHOM ISRAEL CAME IN CONTACT:

   (a) The Canaanites.

   A. H. Sayce:
   Fresh Light from the Monuments,
   365 (355).

   A. Kuenen:
   The Religion of Israel,
   1936 (1895).

   F. Lenormant:
   Ancient History of East,
   2599 (2531).

   (b) The Hittites.

   A. H. Sayce:
   The Hittites,
   1695 (1656).

   Padre de Cara:
   Civilità Cattolica,
   1845 (1805).

   (c) The Amorites.

   A. H. Sayce:
   The Hittites,
   116 (109).

   (d) The Moabites.

   A. H. Sayce:
   Fresh Light from the Monuments,
   2237 (2193).

   (e) The Philistines.

   F. W. Newman:
   History of the Hebrew Monarchy,
   2598 (2530).

   George Adam Smith:
   Historical Geography of the Holy Land,
   2598 (2530).

5. THE SOJOURN OF ISRAEL IN EGYPT
   (1750-1300 B. C.):

   H. Brugsch-Bey:
   Egypt under the Pharaohs,
   779, 1937 (752, 1896).

   E. A. W. Budge:
   Dwellers on the Nile,
   1937 (1896).

   E. Renan:
   The People of Israel,
   1937-1938 (1896-1897).

   G. Rawlinson:
   Ancient Egypt,
   1937 (1896).

6. THE EXODUS AND THE SETTLEMENT IN CANAAN
   (1300-1230 B. C.):

   E. Naville:
   The Store-City Pithom,
   1938 (1897).

   F. Lenormant:
   History of the East,
   782 (755).

   R. S. Poole:
   Ancient Egypt,
   782 (755).

   E. Naville:
   Route of the Exodus,
   1938-1939 (1897-1898).

   M. Duncker:
   History of Antiquity,
   1939-1940 (1898-1899).

7. THE JUDGES
   (1250-1075 B. C.):

   Dean Stanley:
   Lectures on Jewish Church,
   1940 (1899).

   S. Sharpe:
   History of the Hebrew Nation,
   1940-1941 (1899-1900).

   W. Robertson Smith:
   The Prophets of Israel,
   1941 (1900).

   Dean Stanley:
   Lectures on Jewish Church,
   701 (678).

8. JERUSALEM THE NATIONAL CAPITAL:

   T. Lewin:
   Jerusalem,
   1921 (1880).

   F. W. Newman:
   History of the Hebrew Monarchy,
   1922 (1881).

   Josephus:
   Antiquities,
   1922 (1881).

   L. von Ranke:
   Universal History,
   1942 (1901).

9. THE SINGLE MONARCHY
   (1075-950 B. C.):

   L. von Ranke:
   Universal History,
   1941-1942 (1900-1901).

   H. Graetz:
   History of the Jews,
   1943 (1902).

   E. Renan:
   The People of Israel,
   1943-1944 (1902-1903).

   H. Ewald;
   History of Israel,
   3210 (3699).

10. THE DIVIDED KINGDOM; ISRAEL, JUDAH
    (950-730 B. C.):

   Dean Stanley:
   Lectures on the Jewish Church,
   1944 (1903).

   W. Robertson Smith:
   The Prophets of Israel,
   1945 (1904).

   J. Wellhausen:
   History of Israel and Judah,
   1945 (1904).

   A. H. Sayce:
   LIFE AND TIMES OF ISAIAH,
   1945 (1904).

   Dean Stanley:
   Lectures on the Jewish Church,
   1946 (1905).

11. SAMARIA, THE CAPITAL CITY OF ISRAEL:

   Dean Stanley:
   Lectures on Jewish Church,
   1944 (1903).

   W. Robertson Smith:
   The Prophets of Israel,
   1944 (1904).

   H. Ewald:
   History of Israel,
   2871 (2796).

   H. Graetz:
   History of the Jews,
   2871-2872 (2796-2797).

   H. H. Milman:
   History of the Jews,
   2872 (2797).

12. THE KINGDOM OF JUDAH
    (724-598 B. C.):

   M. Arnold:
   Isaiah of Jerusalem,
   1946 (1905).

   J. Wellhausen:
   Israel and Judah,
   1946 (1905).

   S. R. Driver:
   Isaiah,
   1946-1947 (1905-1906).

   C. G. Montefiore:
   Lectures on Religion,
   1947-1948 (1906-1907).

   A. Kuenen:
   Religion of Israel,
   1948 (1907).

   J. Wellhausen:
   Israel and Judah,
   1945 (1904).

{741}

13. THE EXILE AND THE RESTORATION
   (598-332 B. C.):

   H. H. Milman:
   History of the Jews,
   1948-1949 (1907-1908).

   A. Kuenen:
   Religion of Israel,
   1949 (1908).

   P. H. Hunter:
   After the Exile,
   1949-1950 (1908-1909).

   M. Duncker:
   History of Antiquity,
   1950-1951 (1909-1910).

   J. J. Döllinger:
   Gentile and Jew,
   1952 (1911).

   H. H. Milman:
   History of the Jews,
   1952 (1911).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Ancient Empires of the East,
   2577 (2510).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Introduction to Books of Ezra, etc.,
   2577-2578 (2510-2511).

14. THE GREEK DOMINION AND THE MACCABEAN WAR
    (332-340 B. C.):

   J. P. Mahaffy:
   Story of Alexander’s Empire,
   2102-2103 (2058-2059).

   G. Rawlinson:
   Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy,
   2960 (2883).

   C. Thirlwall:
   History of Greece,
   2960 (2883).

   H. Ewald:
   History of Israel,
   1953 (1912).

   J. J. Döllinger:
   Gentile and Jew,
   1954 (1913).

   E. H. Palmer:
   History of Jewish Nation,
   1954 (1913).

   W. D. Morrison:
   Jews under Roman Rule,
   1954-1955 (1913-1914).

   J. H. Allen:
   Hebrew Men and Times,
   1955 (1914).

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   1956 (1915).

   E. Schürer:
   History of Jewish People,
   1957 (1916).

   T. Keim:
   History of Jesus of Nazara,
   1958 (1917).

   E. Schürer,
   History of the Jewish People,
   1677-1678 (1638-1639).

15. HEROD AND THE HERODIANS; ROMAN SUPREMACY
    (B. C. 40-A. D. 44):

   T. Keim:
   History of Jesus of Nazara,
   1958-1959 (1917-1918).

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   1960 (1919).

   H. H. Milman:
   History of the Jews,
   1960 (1919).

16. THE BIRTH OF JESUS AND THE FALL OF JERUSALEM
   (B. C. 8-A. D. 70):

   T. Keim:
   History of Jesus of Nazara,
   1960-1961 (1919-1920).

   E. de Pressensé:
   Jesus Christ,
   1961-1962 (1920-1921).

   C. Merivale:
   History of the Romans,
   1962 (1921).

   Besant and Palmer:
   Jerusalem,
   1962-1963 (1921-1922).

   H. H. Milman:
   History of the Jews,
   1963 (1922).

   "Nations that are fitted to play a part in universal history
   must die first that the world may live through them' A people
   must choose between the prolonged life, the tranquil and
   obscure destiny of one who lives for himself, and the
   troubled, stormy career of one who lives for humanity. The
   nation which revolves within its breast social and religious
   problems is always weak politically. Thus it was with the
   Jews, who in order to make the religious conquest of the world
   must needs disappear as a nation. They lost a material city;
   they opened the reign of the Spiritual Jerusalem."
      RENAN.


STUDY VII.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


EARLY HISTORY OF INDIA AND CHINA.


A. INDIA.

   1. THE NAME, AND ORIGINAL INHABITANTS:

   J. R. Seeley:
   The Expansion of England,
   1739-1740 (1701).

   H. G. Keene:
   History of Hindustan,
   1740 (1701).

   C. F. Keary:
   Dawn of History,
   144-145 (137-138).

   W. W. Hunter:
   History of Indian People,
   1740-1741 (1701-1702).

   See Maps of India,
   1748 (1708).

2. THE ARYAN CONQUEST
   (B. C. 1500-1400 (?)):

   M. Duncker:
   History of Antiquity,
   1741-1742 (1702-1703).

   M. Williams:
   Religious Life in India,
   1742 (1703).

3. THE INVASION AND CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT
   (B. C. 327-322):

   J. T. Wheeler:
   History of India,
   1742-1743 (1703-1704).

   C. A. Fyffe:
   History of Greece,
   2103 (2059).

   G. Rawlinson:
   Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy,
   2960 (2883).

4. THE SPREAD OF BUDDHISM
   (B. C. 312-):

   M. Williams:
   Hinduism,
   1743-1744 (1704-1705).

   V. Smith:
   London Times,
   Volume VI., 57-58.

5. TRADE AND COMMERCE:

   Mrs. Manning:
   Ancient and Mediaeval India,
   3208 (3697).

   M. Duncker:
   History of Antiquity,
   3208 (3697).

B. CHINA.

   1. THE NAME AND GEOGRAPHY OF THE COUNTRY:

   H. Yule:
   Cathay,
   428 (416).

   E. Reclus:
   The Earth and its Inhabitants,
   428-430.

   2. THE ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF THE PEOPLE:

   T. de Lacouperie:
   Babylonia and China,
   246 (239).

   T. de Lacouperie:
   History of Chinese Civilization,
   246 (239).

   R. K. Douglas:
   China,
   431-432 (416-418).

3. LIFE OF THE EARLY PEOPLE:

   (a) Religion.

   R. K. Douglas:
   China,
   432-433 (418-419).

   T. W. Rhys Davids:
   Buddhism,
   433 (419).

   (b) Education.

   W. A. P. Martin:
   The Chinese,
   699 (675-676).

   (c) Trade and Commerce.

   Sir J. Lubbock:
   History of Money,
   2244-2245 (2200-2201).

   E. J. Simcox:
   Primitive Civilizations,
   3215 (3704).

STUDY VIII.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

EARLY GREECE AND THE PERSIAN WARS.

   "Our interest in Ancient history, it may be said, lies not in
   large masses. It matters little how early the Arcadians
   acquired a political unity or what Nabis did to Mycenae; that
   which interests us is the Constitution of Athens, the repulse
   of Persia, the brief bloom of Thebes."
      S. H. BOTCHER.

1. THE LAND, AND ITS INFLUENCE UPON THE PEOPLE:

   C. Thirlwall:
   History of Greece,
   3192 (3107).

   E. Reclus:
   The Earth and its Inhabitants,
   1603 (1565).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Practical Bearings of European History,
   1604 (1566).

   F. B. Jevons:
   History of Greek Literature,
   1676-1677 (1637-1638).

   C. A. Fyffe:
   History of Greece,
   1606 (1568).

   E. Abbott:
   History of Greece,
   1606 (1568).

2. THE EARLIEST INHABITANTS:

   (a) In General.

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   2562-2563 (2496-2497).

   E. Abbott:
   History of Greece,
   2563 (2497).

{741}

   C. F. Keary:
   The Dawn of History,
   145 (138).

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   1674-1675 (1635-1636).

   (b) The Pelopids and Mycenae.

   G. Grote:
   History of Greece,
   2563 (2497).

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   2563 (2497).

   P. Gardner:
   New Chapters of Greek History,
   1605-1606 (1567-1568).

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   3241-3242 (3125-3126).

   The Nation:
   Dr. Schliemann’s Work,
   3242 (3126).

   (c) The Cretans and Knossos.

   G. Schömann:
   Antiquities of Greece,
   647 (624).

   A. J. Evans:
   London Times,
   Volume VI., 23-24.

   D. G. Hogarth:
   Authority and Archaeology,
   Volume VI., 24-25.

   A. L. Frothingham:
   Archaeological Progress,
   Volume VI., 25.

3. EARLY MIGRATIONS:

   (a) In General.

   C. W. C. Oman:
   History of Greece,
   1605 (1567).

   E. Abbott:
   History of Greece,
   146-147 (139-140).

   (5) Dorians and Ionians.

   C. O. Müller:
   History of Dorian Race,
   687, 1682 (664, 1643).

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   687 (664).

   G. Schömann:
   Antiquities of Greece,
   687 (664).

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   3100 (3018).
   194-195 (187-188).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1020-1021 (992-993).

   (c) Æolians.

   G. Schömann:
   Antiquities of Greece,
   9-10.

   E. Abbott:
   History of Greece,
   146-147 (139-140).

4. THE EARLY CITY STATES, AND POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS:

   C. A. Fyffe:
   History of Greece,
   1606 (1568).

   Thucydides:
   History,
   151-153 (144-146).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1019 (991).

   Z. A. Ragozin:
   Story of Chaldea,
   246-247 (239-240).

   L. von Ranke:
   Universal History,
   1607 (1569).

   Perrot and Chipiez:
   Chaldea and Assyria,
   2968, top of second column, (2891).

   F. B. Jevons:
   History of Greek Literature,
   1676, second column, (1637).

   P. Gardner:
   New Chapters in Greek History,
   189, second column, (182).

   M. Duncker:
   History of Greece,
   3189-3190 (3105).

5. THE RENOWNED LAWGIVERS:

   (a) Lycurgus.

   E. Abbott:
   History of Greece,
   3100-3102 (3018-3020).

   C. H. Hanson:
   The Land of Greece,
   3103 (3021).

   (b) Draco.

   G. Grote:
   History of Greece,
   153 (146).

   (c) Solon.

   C. F. Hermann:
   Political Antiquities of Greece,
   155 (148).

   W. Wachsmuth:
   Historical Antiquities of the Greeks,
   155-156 (148-149).

   G. Grote:
   History of Greeks,
   673 (649-650).

6. THE RISE OF ATHENS:

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   194-195 (187-188).

   Thucydides:
   History,
   151-153 (144-146).

   W. W. Leake:
   Topography of Athens,
   151 (144).
   See Maps, 152 (145).

   E. Bulwer-Lytton:
   Athens, 154 (147).

7. THE PISISTRATIDÆ AND CONSTITUTION OF CLEISTHENES
   (560-507 B. C.):

   E. Abbott:
   History of Greece,
   156 (149).

   C. Thirlwall:
   History of Greece,
   156-157 (149-50).

8. CONTEST WITH SPARTA FOR SUPREMACY
   (509-506 B. C.):

   C. H. Hanson:
   The Land of Greece,
   3102 (3021).

   C. Thirlwall:
   History of Greece,
   156-157 (149-150).

   C. W. Cox:
   The Greeks and Persians,
   157 (150).

9. THE IONIAN REVOLT AND PERSIAN WARS
   (B. C. 500-479):

   (a) In General.

   Herodotus:
   Story of the Persian War,
   1607-1608 (1569-1570).

   P. Smith:
   Ancient History of the East,
   2579 (2512).

   P. Smith:
   History of the World, 1609 (1571).

   L. von Ranke:
   Universal History,
   157-159 (150-152).

   G. Rawlinson:
   Ancient History,
   2580 (2513).

   (b) Marathon.

   G. Grote:
   History of Greece,
   1609 (1571).

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   1609-1610 (1571-1572).

   (c) Thermopylae.

   Herodotus:
   History,
   1610-1611 (1572-1573).

   B. G. Niebuhr:
   Ancient History,
   160-161 (153-154).

(d) Platæa and Mycale.

   Herodotus:
   History,
   1612, 1613 (1574, 1575).

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   1613 (1575).

   B. G. Niebuhr:
   Ancient History,
   160-161 (153-154).

10. THE CONFEDERACY OF DELOS AND END OF PERSIAN WARS
   (B. C. 477-461):

   G. W. Cox:
   History of Greece.
   1613 (1575).

   W. W. Lloyd:
   The Age of Pericles,
   1614 (1576).

   T. Keightley:
   History of Greece,
   164 (157).

   J. Fiske:
   Greek Federations,
   1137 (1109).

11. POLITICAL RESULTS OF PERSIAN WARS:

   G. Grote:
   History of Greece,
   163 (155-156).

   Aristotle:
   Constitution of Athens,
   163-164 (156-157).

   "None of these men were enervated by wealth or hesitated to
   resign the pleasures of life. … And when the moment came they
   were minded to resist and suffer, rather than to fly and save
   their lives; they ran away from the word of dishonor, but on
   the battlefield their feet stood fast, and in an instant, at
   the height of their fortune, they passed away from the scene,
   not of their fear, but of their glory. Such was the end of
   these men; they were worthy of Athens; and the living may not
   desire to have a more heroic spirit although they may pray for
   a less fatal issue. … The sacrifice which they collectively
   made was individually repaid to them; for they received again
   each one for himself a praise which grows not old, and the
   noblest of all sepulchers—I speak not of that in which their
   remains are laid, but of that in which their glory survives,
   and is proclaimed always and on every fitting occasion both in
   word and deed. For the whole earth is the sepulcher of famous
   men; not only are they commemorated by columns and
   inscriptions in their own country, but in foreign lands there
   dwells also an unwritten memorial of them, graven not on
   stone, but in the hearts of men."

      From the Funeral Oration of Pericles,
      pages 175-178 (168-171).

STUDY IX.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE GOLDEN AGE OF GREECE.

   "To Greece we owe the love of Science, the love of Art, the
   love of Freedom; not Science alone, Art alone, or Freedom
   alone, but these vitally correlated with one another and
   brought into organic union. And in this union we recognize the
   distinctive features of the West. The Greek genius is the
   European genius in its first and brightest bloom. From a
   vivifying contact with the Greek spirit Europe derived that
   new and mighty impulse which we call Progress."
      S. H. BUTCHER.

I. ATHENS AFTER THE PERSIAN WARS:

   (a) The Rebuilding of the City.

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   161-152 (154-155).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1022-1023 (994-995).

   (b) The Enlargement of the Democracy.

   G. Grote:
   History of Greece,
   162-163 (155-156).

{743}

   Aristotle:
   The Constitution of Athens,
   163-164 (156-157).

   A. J. Grant:
   The Age of Pericles,
   1615 (1577).

   C. Thirlwall:
   History of Greece,
   132 (125).

   (c) Quarrels with Sparta.

   C. W. C. Oman:
   History of Greece,
   165-166 (158-159).

   C. Thirlwall:
   History of Greece,
   166-167 (159-160).

   A. J. Grant:
   Age of Pericles,
   1614 (1576).

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   1615-1616 (1577-1578).

2. THE RISE OF PERICLES
   (B. C. 466-429):

   C. W. C. Oman:
   History of Greece,
   165-166 (158-159).

   A. J. Grant:
   The Age of Pericles,
   1615 (1577).

3. THE AGE OF PERICLES
   (B. C. 445-429):

   (a) The Splendor of Athens.

   E. Abbott:
   Pericles,
   167-168 (160-161).

   E. Bulwer-Lytton:
   Athens,
   168 (161).

   (b) Art and the Domestic Life.

   E. E. Viollet-le-Duc:
   Habitations of Man in All Ages,
   168-169 (161-162).

   R. C. Jebb:
   Influence of Classical Greek Poetry,
   1676 (1637).

   (c) Education and Literature.

   Plato:
   Protagoras,
   701 (678).

   Aristotle:
   Politics,
   702 (679).

   J. P. Mahaffy:
   Old Greek Education,
   702-703 (679-680).

   O. Browning:
   Educational Theories,
   703 (680).

   J. A. St. John:
   The Hellenes,
   703-704 (680-681).

   F. B. Jevons:
   History of Greek Literature,
   1676-1677 (1637-1638).

   S. H. Butcher:
   Some Aspects of Greek Genius,
   1675 (1636).

   (d) Law and its Administration.

   Sir H. S. Maine:
   Ancient Law,
   170 (163).

   J. P. Mahaffy:
   Social Life in Greece,
   170-171 (163-164).

   (e) The Political Life.

   E. A. Freeman:
   Athenian Democracy,
   172 (165).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Comparative Politics,
   171-172 (164-165).

   S. H. Butcher:
   Some Aspects of Greek Genius,
   172 (165).

   J. S. Blackie:
   What does History Teach,
   173 (166).

   Pericles:
   Funeral Oration,
   175-178 (168-171).

4. THE GREAT PLAGUE AND DEATH OF PERICLES
   (B.C. 430-429):

   Thucydides:
   History,
   178 (171).

5. THE RISE OF THE DEMAGOGUES
   (429-421 B. C.):

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   178-179 (171-172).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Historical Essays,
   179 (172).

6. SOCRATES AS SOLDIER AND CITIZEN:

   F. J. Church:
   Trial and Death of Socrates,
   179-180 (172-173).

   E. Zeller:
   Socrates,
   705-706 (682-683).

7. THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR (B. C. 431-404):

   (a) First Period (431-421) to Peace of Nicias:

   Thucydides:
   History,
   1620 (1582).

   W. Mitford:
   History of Greece,
   1620-1621 (1582-1583).

   C. W. C. Oman:
   History of Greece,
   1622 (1584).

   T. Timayenis:
   History of Greece,
   1623-1924 (1585-1586).

   C. W. C. Oman:
   History of Greece,
   181 (174).

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   181 (174).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1023 (995).

   (b) Alcibiades; The Sicilian Expedition
   (B. C. 415-413):

   B. G. Niebuhr:
   Ancient History,
   1624-1625 (1586-1587).

   Y. Duruy:
   History of Greek People,
   182 (175).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Story of Sicily,
   182-183 (175-176).

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   1625-1627 (1587-15899).

   T. N. Talfourd:
   History of Greece,
   1629 (1591).

   W. Wachsmuth:
   Antiquities of the Greeks,
   184-185 (177-178).

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   185 (178).

   (c) Battle of Ægospotami; Overthrow of Athens
   (405 B. C.).

   G. Grote:
   History of Greece,
   185 (178).

   G. W. Cox:
   Athenian Empire,
   1629-1630 (1591-1592).

8. THE OVERTHROW OF DEMOCRACY:

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   185-186 (178-179).

   9. EXPEDITION OF CYRUS; RETREAT OF THE "TEN THOUSAND"
   (B. C. 401-400):

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   2581 (2514).

10. THE SUPREMACY OF THEBES
   (B. C. 379-362):

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   1631-1632 (1593-1594).

   Xenophon:
   Hellenica,
   1632 (1594).

   C. Sankey:
   The Spartan and Theban Supremacies,
   1632-1634 (1594-1596).

11. CHÆRONEA; END OF GREEK INDEPENDENCE
   (B. C. 338):

   B. G. Niebuhr:
   Ancient History,
   1634-1636 (1596-1598).

   W. W. Fowler:
   The City State,
   186-187 (179-180).

   P. Gardner:
   Greek History,
   189, first column, (182).

12. HELLENIC GENIUS, CULTURE, AND INFLUENCE:

   The Funeral Oration of Pericles,
   175-178 (168-171).

   P. Gardner:
   New Chapters in Greek History,
   189-190 (182-183).

   J. P. Mahaffy:
   Greek Life and Thought,
   188, 189, 706 (181, 182, 683).

   T. Davidson:
   Aristotle,
   704 and 705 (681, 682).

   J. P. Mahaffy:
   Old Greek Education,
   702-703 (679-680).

   O. Browning:
   Educational Theories,
   703 (680).

   The Nation:
   Free Schools in Greece,
   705 (682).

   W. W. Capes:
   University Life in Ancient Athens,
   706-707 (683-684).

   S. H. Butcher:
   Some Aspects of Greek Genius,
   1675 (1636).

   R. C. Jebb:
   Growth and Influence of Classical Greek Poetry,
   1675-1676 (1636-1637).

   F. B. Jevons:
   History of Greek Literature,
   1676-1677 (1637-1638).

   J. P. Mahaffy:
   The Greek World under Roman Sway,
   1680 (1641).

   L. E. Upcott:
   Introduction to Greek Sculpture,
   2956-2957.

   J. A. St. John:
   The Hellenes,
   1657 (1819).

   W. M. Leake:
   Topography of Athens,
   1657 (1619).

   W. W. Capes:
   University Life in Ancient Athens,
   5 (5).

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   1679 second column, (1640).


   "So long as Greece was free and the spirit of freedom animated
   the Greeks, so long their literature was creative and genius
   marked it. When liberty perished, literature declined. The
   field of Chæronea was fatal alike to the political liberty and
   to the literature of Greece."
      F. B. JEVONS.

{744}

STUDY X.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT.


1. MACEDONIA AND ITS EARLY HISTORY:

   G. Grote:
   History of Greece,
   2101 (2057).

   P. Smith:
   Ancient History of East,
   2579 (2512).

   G. Grote:
   History of Greece,
   1631 (1593).

2. RISE AND CAREER OF PHILIP OF MACEDON
   (B. C. 359-336):

   C. Thirlwall:
   History of Greece,
   1634 (1596).

   B. G. Niebuhr:
   Ancient History,
   1634-1636 (1596-1598).

   E. Curtius:
   History of Greece,
   1636 (1598).

   W. W. Fowler:
   The City-State,
   186-187 (179-180).

   A. H. L. Heeren:
   Politics of Ancient Greece,
   188 (181).

   "No alliance could save Greece from the Macedonian power, as
   subsequent events plainly showed. What was needed was a real
   federal union between the leading states, with a strong
   central controlling force; and Demosthenes’ policy was
   hopeless just because Athens could never be the center of such
   a union, nor could any other city. Demosthenes is thus the
   last, and in some respects the most heroic champion of the old
   Greek instinct for autonomy. He is the true child of the
   City-State, but the child of its old age and decrepitude."
      W. W. FOWLER.

3. THE CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT
   (B. C. 336-323):

   L. von Ranke:
   Universal History,
   1637 (1599).

   J. P. Mahaffy:
   Story of Alexander’s Empire,
   2102-2103 (2058-2059).

   C. A. Fyffe:
   History of Greece,
   2103 (2059).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Alexander,
   2103-2104 (2059-2060).

   J. T. Wheeler:
   History of India,
   1742-1743 (1703-1704).

   See Maps,
   2106-2107 (2062-2063).

4. THE EFFECTS OF THE MACEDONIAN CONQUESTS:

   E. Zeller:
   Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics,
   188 (181).

   J. P. Mahaffy:
   Greek Life and Thought,
   188-189 (181-182).

   P. Gardner:
   New Chapters in Greek History,
   189-190 (182-183).

   J. P. Mahaffy:
   Story of Alexander’s Empire,
   1640, first column, (1602).

   F. B. Jevons:
   History of Greek Literature,
   1676-1677 (1637-1638).

   R. S. Poole:
   Cities of Egypt,
   44 (37).

   J. P. Mahaffy:
   Story of Alexander’s Empire,
   44-45 (37-38).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1023-1024 (995-996).

5. The Division of Alexander’s Empire:

   (a) Preliminary Struggles to Battle of Ipsus
   (B.C. 323-301).

   J. P. Mahaffy:
   Story of Alexander’s Empire,
   1639-1640 (1601-1602).

   T. Keightley:
   History of Greece,
   1637-1639 (1599-1601).

   A. H. L. Heeren:
   Ancient History,
   2104 (2060).

   W. C. Taylor:
   Ancient History,
   2104-2105 (2060-2061).

   T. T. Timayenis:
   History of Greece,
   2105-2016 (2061-2062).

   C. Thirlwall:
   History of Greece,
   2106-2107 (2062-2063).

   (b) The Seleucidæ.

   G. Rawlinson:
   Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy,
   2960 (2883).

   C. Thirlwall:
   History of Greece,
   2960 (2883).

   B. G. Niebuhr:
   Ancient History,
   2960-2961 (2883-2884).

   P. Smith:
   History of the World,
   2961-2963 (2884-2886).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall of Roman Empire,
   2959-2960 (2882-2883).

   (c) The Ptolemies.

   S. Sharpe:
   History of Egypt,
   785 (758).

   P. Gardner:
   New Chapters in Greek History,
   785-786 (758-759).

   J. H. Newman:
   Historical Sketches,
   707-708 (684-685).

   J. P. Mahaffy:
   Story of Alexander’s Empire,
   44-45 (37-38).


6. THE ACHAIAN LEAGUE (E. C. 280-146):

   E. A. Freeman:
   Federal Government,
   1640-1641 (1602-1603).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Federal Government,
   1136 (1108).

   John Fiske:
   American Political Ideas,
   1137 (1109).

7. THE GALLIC INVASION
   (B. C. 280-279):

   C. Merivale:
   History of the Romans,
   1448-1449 (1415-1416).

   C. Thirlwall:
   History of Greece,
   1449 (1416).

   J. P. Mahaffy:
   Story of Alexander’s Empire,
   1442 (1409).

8. THE ROMAN CONQUEST (B. C. 214-146):

   C. Thirlwall:
   History of Greece,
   1641 (1603).

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   191 (184).

   E. S. Shuckburgh:
   History of Rome,
   2752-2753 (2678-2679).

   R. C. Jebb:
   Influence of Classical Greek Poetry,
   1678 (1639).

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   1680 (1641).

   "So too it was with Greece. As a people she ceased to be. When
   her freedom was overthrown at Chæronea, the page of her
   history was to all appearance closed. Yet from that moment
   'she was to enter on a larger life and on universal empire. …
   As Alexander passed conquering through Asia, he restored to
   the East, as garnered grain, that Greek civilization whose
   seeds had long ago been received from the East. Each conqueror
   in turn, the Macedonian and the Roman, bowed before conquered
   Greece and learnt lessons at her feet. To the modern world too
   Greece has been the great civilizer, the œcumenical teacher,
   the disturber and regenerator of slumbering societies. She is
   the source of most of the quickening ideas which remake
   nations and renovate literature and art. If we reckon up our
   secular possessions, the wealth and heritage of the past, the
   large share may be traced back to Greece. One half of life she
   has made her domain,—all, or well-nigh all, that belongs to
   the present order of things, and to the visible world.

      S. H. Butcher:
      Some Aspects of Greek Genius,
      page 1675 (1636).


STUDY XI.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

RISE OF ROME AND CONQUEST OF THE WORLD.

1. ORIGIN OF THE ROMAN PEOPLE:

   C. F. Keary:
   Dawn of History,
   144-145 (137-138).

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   37-38, 1844-1845, 2731 (30-31, 1804-1805, 2657).

   A. Tighe:
   Roman Constitution,
   1455-1456 (1422-1423).

   H. G. Liddell:
   History of Rome,
   1456 (1423).

   F. de Coulanges:
   The Ancient City,
   2731 (2657).

   E. A. Freeman:
   European History,
   2731-2732 (2658).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1024 (996).

   H. G. Liddell:
   History of Rome,
   2861 (2787).

   Padre de Cara:
   Civilità Cattolica,
   1845 (1805).

   Appendix A,
   3793-3794 (End Volume I.).

2. LATIUM AND THE LATIN NAME:

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   37-38, 1998 (30-31, 1954).

   T. Arnold:
   History of Rome,
   1997-1998 (1953-1954).

3. THE FOUNDING OF ROME, AND ITS CIVILIZATION
   (B. C. 753-):

   Sir H. Nicholas:
   Chronology of History,
   2734 (2660).

   E. A. Freeman:
   European History,
   2731-2732 (2658).

   Goldwin Smith:
   Greatness of the Romans,
   2733 (2659).

   G. A Simcox:
   History of Latin Literature,
   2734 (2660).

{745}

4. THE PATRICIANS AND PLEBS:

   E. A. Freeman:
   European History,
   2732 (2658).

   A. Tighe:
   The Roman Constitution,
   505 (491).

   F. de Coulanges:
   The Ancient City,
   2738 (2664).

5. ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS:

   (a) The King.

   Sir G. C. Lewis:
   Early Roman History,
   2734-2735 (2660-2661).

   W. W. Fowler:
   The City-State,
   2735 (2661).

   H. F. Pelham,
   Roman History,
   2735-2736 (2661-2662).

   (b) The Comitia Curiata, Comitia Centuriata,
   and Comitia Tributa.

   A. Tighe:
   The Roman Constitution,
   504, 505 (490, 491).

   H. G. Liddell:
   History of Rome,
   2739 (2665).

   W. Ihne:
   History of Rome,
   2739 (2665).

   (c) The Senate.

   A. Tighe:
   The Roman Constitution,
   2971 (2894).

   H. G. Liddell:
   History of Rome,
   2971-2972 (2894-2895).

   (d) The Consuls and Prætors.

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   2737 (2663).

   A. Tighe:
   Roman Constitution,
   633-634 (610-11).

   W. Ihne:
   History of Rome,
   634, 2744 (611, 2670).

   (e) The Censors.

   T. Arnold:
   History of Rome,
   412 (402-403).

   (f) The Tribunes.

   R. F. Horton:
   History of Romans,
   2737-2738, 2739 (2663-2664, 2665).

   W. Ihne:
   History of Rome,
   634, 2738, 2739 (611, 2664, 2665).

   F. de Coulanges:
   The Ancient City,
   2738 (2664).

6. THE LEGENDARY PERIOD OF THE KINGS
   (B. C. 753-510):

   Sir G. C. Lewis:
   Early Roman History,
   2734-2735 (2660-2661).

   T. Livy:
   History of Rome,
   2735 (2661).

   H. F. Pelham:
   Roman History,
   2735-2736 (2661-2662).

   A. J. Church:
   Stories from Livy,
   2736-2737 (2662-2663).

7. RISE OF THE REPUBLIC
   (B. C. 509-):

   (a) Struggle between Patricians and Plebeians
   (B. C. 509-286).

   R. F. Horton:
   History of Romans,
   2738 (2664).

   F. de Coulanges:
   Ancient City,
   2738 (2664).

   J. Hadley:
   Introduction to Roman Law,
   673 (650).

   J. L. Strachan-Davidson:
   Plebeian Privilege at Rome,
   2740 (2666).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1025 (997).

   (b) Laws establishing Privileges of the People.

      (1) The Valerian Laws (B. C. 509).

      T. Mommsen:
      History of Rome,
      2737 (2663).

      W. Ihne:
      History of Rome,
      2737 (2663).

      (2) The Publilian Laws
      (B. C. 472).

      H. G. Liddell:
      History of Rome,
      2739 (2665).

      W. Ihne:
      History of Rome,
      2739 (2665).

      (3) The Icilian Law
      (B. C. 456).

      J. L. Strachan-Davidson:
      Plebeian Privilege at Rome,
      2740 (2666).

      (4) The Terentilian Law and The Twelve Tables
      (B. C. 451-449)

      W. Ihne:
      History of Rome,
      2740-2741 (2666-2667).

      H. S. Maine:
      Ancient Law,
      2741 (2667).

      (5) The Valerio-Horatian Laws
      (B. C. 440).

      H. G. Liddell:
      History of Rome,
      2741 (2667).

      (6)
      The Canuleian Law
      (B. C. 445).

      V. Duruy:
      History of Rome,
      2741-2742 (2667-2668).

      (7) The Licinian Laws
      (B. C. 376-367).

      H. G. Liddell:
      History of Rome,
      2743 (2669).

      A. Stephenson:
      Agrarian Laws of Roman Republic,
      2743-2744 (2669-2670).

      (8) The Publilian Laws
      (B. C. 340).

      H. G. Liddell:
      History of Rome,
      2745 (2671).

      (9) The Hortensian Laws
      (B. C. 286).

      H. G. Liddell:
      History of Rome,
      2747 (2673).

      H. F. Pelham:
      Roman History,
      2747-2748 (2673-2674).

      T. Arnold:
      History of Rome,
      673 (650).

      T. Mommsen:
      History of Rome,
      2727-2728 (2653-2654).

8. THE EXPANSION OF ROME:

   W. Ihne:
   History of Rome,
   2739 (2665).

   R. F. Horton:
   History of Romans,
   2739, 2742 (2665, 2668).

   H. G. Liddell:
   History of Rome,
   2743 (2669).

   J. Michelet:
   The Roman Republic,
   2744-2745 (2671).

   W. Ihne:
   History of Romans,
   2745 (2671).

   F. de Coulanges:
   The Ancient City,
   2745 (2671).

   W. Ihne:
   History of Rome,
   2746-2747 (2672-2673).

   T. Arnold:
   History of Rome,
   2748 (2674).

9. GALLIC INVASION AND DESTRUCTION OF THE CITY
   (B. C. 390):

   J. Rhys:
   Celtic Britain,
   412 (402).

   C. Merivale:
   History of the Romans,
   1448-1449 (1415-1416).

   H. G. Liddell:
   History of Rome,
   2743 (2669).

10. UNION OF ITALY UNDER THE REPUBLIC
   (B. C. 275):

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   2748-2749 (2674-2675).

   J. N. Larned.
   Europe,
   1025 (997).

11. THE PUNIC WARS
   (B. C. 264-202):

   M. Duncker:
   History of Antiquity,
   402 (392).

   G. Grote:
   History of Greece,
   403 (393).

   T. Arnold:
   History of Rome,
   2749 (2675).

   W. B. Boyce:
   Introduction to Study of History,
   2750 (2676).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Outlines of History,
   2750 (2676).

   M. Creighton:
   History of Rome,
   2750-2751 (2676-2677).

   R. F. Horton:
   History of Romans,
   2751 (2677).

   R. F. Leighton:
   History of Rome,
   2751-2752 (2677-2678).

   R. B. Smith:
   Carthage and the Carthaginians,
   403-404, 2687-2690, 2752 (393-394, 2614-2617, 2678).

   H. F. Pelham:
   Roman History,
   2754 (2680).

12. DECLINE OF THE REPUBLIC
   (B. C. 200-45):

   E. S. Shuckburgh:
   History of Rome,
   2752-2753 (2678-2679).

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   2753-2754 (2680).

   H. F. Pelham:
   Roman History,
   2754-2755 (2680).

   W. T. Arnold:
   Roman Administration,
   2755 (2681).

   H. G. Liddell:
   History of Rome,
   2971-2972 (2894-2895).

   M. Creighton:
   History of Rome,
   2756-2757 (2682-2683).

13. ATTEMPTS AT REFORM; AGRARIAN LAWS; THE GRACCHI:

   G. Long:Decline of Roman Republic,
   27 (20).

   H. G. Liddell:
   History of Rome,
   27 (20).

   A. Stephenson:
   Agrarian Laws, etc.,
   2743-2744 (2669-2670).

   H. F. Pelham:
   Roman History,
   2755 (2681).

   G. Long:
   Decline of Roman Republic,
   2755-2756 (2681-2682).

   C. Merivale:
   Fall of Roman Republic,
   2756 (2682).

14. THE SOCIAL AND CIVIL WARS
   (B. C. 90-45):

   W. Ihne:
   History of Rome,
   2757-2758 (2683-2684).

   G. Long:
   Decline of Roman Republic,
   2758-2759 (2684-2685).

   C. Merivale:
   Roman Triumvirates,
   2759-2760 (2685-2686).

   W. Forsyth:
   Life of Cicero,
   2762 (2688).

{746}

15. JULIUS CAESAR; QUÆSTOR TO IMPERATOR
   (B. C. 69-45):

   W. W. Fowler:
   Julius Caesar,
   2761-2762 (2687-2688).

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   2762-2763 (2688-2689).

   J. Cæsar:
   Gallic Wars,
   1444-1445 (1411-1412).

   R. F. Horton:
   History of Romans,
   2763-2764 (2690).

   Plutarch: Cæsar,
   2764-2765 (2690-2691).

   C. Merivale:
   History of Romans,
   2767-2768 (2693-2694).

   V. Duruy:
   History of Rome,
   2768-2769 (2694-2695).

   J. A. Froude:
   Cæsar,
   2770-2771 (2696-2697).

   Goldwin Smith:
   Last Republicans of Rome,
   2771 (2697).

16. THE TRIUMVIRATES; RISE OF THE EMPIRE
   (B. C. 44-31):

   C. Merivale:
   History of the Romans,
   2772-2773 (2698).

   W. W. Capes:
   The Early Empire,
   2773-2775 (2699-2701).

   H. F. Pelham:
   Roman History,
   2775 (2701).

   C. Merivale:
   History of the Romans,
   355 (345).

17. CONQUEST OF THE WORLD:

   G. Long:
   Decline of Roman Republic,
   3053 (2973).

   J. Cæsar:
   Gallic War,
   1444-1445 (1411-1412).

   C. Thirlwall:
   History of Greece,
   1641 (1603).

   P. Smith:
   History of the World,
   2961-2963 (2884-2886).

   R. F. Horton:
   History of Romans,
   2236-2237 (2192-2193).

   A. Hirtius:
   The Alexandrian War,
   46 (39).

   J. Cæsar:
   Gallic War,
   329 (319).

   C. Merivale:
   History of the Romans,
   329-331, 1463-1464 (319-321, 1430-1431).

STUDY XII.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.


1. TRANSITION FROM THE REPUBLIC TO THE EMPIRE:

   W. W. Capes:
   The Early Empire,
   2773-2775 (2699-2701).

   C. Merivale:
   History of Romans,
   196, 355 (189, 345).

   W. Ramsay:
   Roman Antiquities,
   196 (189).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1032 (1004).

   C. Merivale:
   History of Romans,
   2773 (2699).

2. THE RISING INFLUENCE OF THE PRÆTORIAN GUARDS:

   W. Ihne:
   History of Rome,
   2040 (1996).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2040 (1996).

   W. Ramsay:
   Roman Antiquities,
   2655 (2583).

   C. Merivale:
   History of Romans,
   2655 (2583).

   B. G. Niebuhr:
   History of Rome,
   2776 (2702).

3. THE JULIAN AND CHRISTIAN ERA:

   Sir H. Nicholas:
   Chronology of History,
   357-358 (347-348)

   W. Hales:
   Analysis of Chronology,
   358, 1011 (348, 984).

   T. Keim:
   Jesus of Nazara,
   1960-1961 (1919-1920).

4. THE JULIAN LINE
   (B. C. 31-A. D. 70):

   T. De Quincey:
   The Cæsars,
   2782 (2708).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Fall of the Roman Empire,
   1975 (1934).

   B. G. Niebuhr:
   History of Rome,
   2775-2776 (2701-2702).

   Suetonius:
   Lives of the Twelve Cæsars,
   2776-2777 (2702-2703).

   C. Merivale:
   History of Romans,
   2777-2779 (2703-2705).

   T. Keightley:
   Roman Empire,
   2779-2780 (2705-2706).

5. NERO; THE BURNING OF ROME AND PERSECUTION OF CHRISTIANS
   (A. D. 64-68):

   T. De Quincey:
   The Cæsars,
   2780-2781 (2706-2707).

   F. W. Farrar:
   Early Days of Christianity,
   2781-2782 (2707-2708).

6. THE FLAVIAN LINE
   (A. D. 69-192):

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Fall of the Roman Empire,
   1159 (1129).

   (a) Vespasian-Domitian (69-96):

   Y. Duruy:
   History of Rome,
   2783-2785 (2709-2711).

   Besant and Palmer:
   Jerusalem,
   1962-1963 (1921-1922).

   H. H. Milman:
   History of the Jews,
   1963 (1922).

   C. Merivale:
   History of Romans,
   2632-2633 (2560-2561).

   E. Edwards:
   Memoirs of Libraries,
   2049-2050 (2005-2006).

   (b) Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian
   (A. D. 96-138).

   R. W. Browne:
   History of Rome,
   2785-2787 (2713).

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   1963-1964 (1922-1923).

   (c) The Antonines (138-192).

   F. W. Farrar:
   Seekers after God,
   2787-2788 (2714).

   E. Renan:
   English Conferences,
   2788 (2714).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2788-2789 (2714-2715).

   "If a man were called to fix the period in the history of the
   world during which the condition of the human race was most
   happy and prosperous, he would, without hesitation, name that
   which elapsed from the death of Domitian to the accession of
   Commodus. The vast extent of the Roman Empire was governed by
   absolute power, under the guidance of virtue and wisdom. The
   armies were restrained by the firm but gentle hand of four
   successive Emperors whose characters and authority commanded
   involuntary respect."
      E. GIBBON.

7. COMMODUS TO CONSTANTINE
   (A. D. 192-305):

   T. Keightley:
   Outlines of History,
   2789-2790 (2716).

   J. C. Robertson:
   History of Christian Church,
   2790 (2716).

   W.C. Taylor:
   Ancient History,
   2790-2791 (2716-2717).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2472-2473 (2413-2414).

   B. F. Westcott:
   History of Religious Thought,
   454 (440).

   G. Uhlhorn:
   Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,
   456 (442).

8. THE CONSTANTINES
   (A. D. 305-361):

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2793-2794, 2795-2796 (2719-2720, 2721-2722).

   Eusebius:
   Ecclesiastical History,
   2794 (2720).

   E. L. Cutts:
   Constantine the Great,
   2795 (2721).

9. CHRISTIANITY BECOMES THE STATE RELIGION
   (A. D. 323-):

   E. L. Cutts:
   Constantine the Great,
   2794-1795 (2720-2721).

   A. Neander:
   History of Christian Religion.
   2795 (2721).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Fall of Roman Empire,
   2795 (2721).

   G. P. Fisher:
   The Christian Church,
   465 (451).

   A. Carr:
   Christianity and Roman Empire,
   465-466 (451-2).

   H. H. Milman:
   History of Christianity,
   467 (453).

   J. N. Lamed:
   Europe,
   1035-1036 (1007-1008).

   "Shortly after the beginning of the fourth century there
   occurred an event which, had it been predicted in the days of
   Nero or even of Decius, would have been deemed a wild fancy.
   It was nothing less than the conversion of the Roman Emperor
   to the Christian faith. It was an event of momentous
   importance in the history of the Christian religion. The Roman
   Empire, from being the enemy and persecutor of the Church,
   thenceforward became its protector and patron. The Church
   entered into an alliance with the State, which was to prove
   fruitful of consequences, both good and evil, in the
   subsequent history of Europe. Christianity was now to reap the
   advantages and incur the dangers arising from the friendship
   of earthly rulers, and from a close connection with the civil
   authority."
      G. P. FISHER.

{747}

   "This important crisis in the history of Christianity almost
   forcibly arrests attention to contemplate the change wrought
   in Christianity by its advancement into a dominant power in
   the State. By ceasing to exist as a separate community, and by
   advancing its pretensions to influence the general government
   of mankind, Christianity, to a certain extent, forfeited its
   independence. It was no longer a republic, governed
   exclusively—as far, at least, as its religious concerns—by
   its own internal policy. The interference of the civil power
   in some of its most, private affairs, the promulgation of its
   canons and even, in some cases, the election of its bishops,
   by the State, was the price which it must inevitably pay for
   its association with the ruling power."
      H. H. MILMAN.

10. THE NEW CAPITAL OF THE EMPIRE
   (A. D. 330):

   E. L. Cutts:
   Constantine the Great,
   519 (505).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   520-521 (506-507).

   G. Finlay:
   Greece under Romans,
   521 (507).

11. JULIAN, TO THE DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE
   (A. D. 361-395):

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2796 (2722).

   P. Godwin:
   History of France,
   1445 (1412).

   G. Rawlinson:
   Seventh Oriental Monarchy,
   2582 (2515).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Fall of Roman Empire,
   2799 (2724-2725).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Dynasty of Theodosius,
   2799-2800 (2725-2726).

12. REVIVAL AND FINAL OVERTHROW OF PAGANISM
   (A. D. 361-395):

   G. Uhlhorn:
   Conflict of Christianity and Heathenism,
   2796-2798 (2722-2724).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2800-2801 (2726-2727).

   J. B. Carwithen:
   History of Christian Church,
   2801 (2727).

13. THE DIVIDED EMPIRE
   (A. D. 395-):

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   2801 (2727).

   R. H. Wrightson:
   Respublica Romana,
   2801-2802 (2727-2728).

   G. Finlay:
   Greece under the Romans,
   2803-2804 (2729-2730).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1037 (1009).

14. THE BARBARIAN INVASIONS
   (A. D. 400-):

   W. Smith:
   Note to Decline and Fall,
   1591-1592 (1553-1554).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   1592 (1554).

   J. G. Sheppard:
   Fall of Rome,
   3714-3715 (3594-3595).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   1592-1593 (1554-1555).

   C. A. Scott:
   Ulfilas,
   1594 (1556).

   J. C. L. de Sismondi:
   Fall of Roman Empire,
   1595 (1557).

   W. C. Perry:
   The Franks,
   1431 (1397-1398).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   1431 (1398).

   J. B. Bury:
   Later Roman Empire,
   2805 (2731).

   E. A. Freeman:
   European History,
   2805-2806 (2731-2732).

   F. Guizot:
   History of Civilization,
   2806 (2732).

   C. J. Stillé:
   Mediæval History,
   2806-2807 (2732-2733).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Fall of Roman Empire,
   2807-2808, 2808-2809 (2733-2734, 2734-2735).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2808 (2734).

   R. W. Church:
   Beginning of Middle Ages,
   2809 (2735).

   J. Bryce:
   Holy Roman Empire,
   2809-2810 (2735-2736).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1038-1040 (1010-1012).

15. CAUSES AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE:

   G. B. Adams:
   Civilization during Middle Ages,
   2807 (2733).

   R. W. Church:
   Beginning of Middle Ages,
   2810 (2736).

   J. R. Seeley:
   Roman Imperialism,
   2810-2811 (2736-2737).

   C. Merivale:
   History of Romans,
   2811-2812 (2738).

   A. Thierry:
   Merovingian Era,
   2812 (2738).

   W. Stewart:
   The Church in Fourth Century,
   470-471 (456-457).

   C. Merivale:
   Epochs of Church History,
   471 (457).

   E. Hatch:
   Organization of Christian Churches,
   471 (457).

16. CIVILIZATION OF THE LATER REPUBLIC AND EMPIRE:

   (a) Education.

   J. J. I. Döllinger:
   Gentile and Jew,
   708-709 (685-686).

   E. Kirkpatrick:
   Development of Superior Education,
   709-710 (686-687).

   F. Guizot:
   History of Civilization,
   710-711 (688).

   E. Edwards:
   Memoirs of Libraries,
   2048-2049 (2005).

   Guhl and Koner:
   Life of Greeks and Romans,
   2049 (2005).

   T. H. Horne:
   Study of Bibliography,
   2050 (2006).

   Historic Researches regarding Library of Alexandria,
   2047-2048 (2003-2004).

   (b) Religion.

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   195 (188).

   W. Ramsay:
   Roman Antiquities,
   196-197 (189-190).

   (c) Law.

   E. Reich:
   Græco-Roman Institutions,
   2726-2727, 2728-2729 (2652-2653, 2655).

   Sir F. Pollock:
   Oxford Lectures,
   2728 (2654).

   T. W. Dwight:
   Introduction to Maine’s Ancient Law,
   www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/22910
   2727 (2653).

   J. Austin:
   Lectures on Jurisprudence,
   2728-2729 (2654-2655).

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   2727-2728 (2653-2654).

   J. Hadley:
   Introduction to Roman Law,
   673 (650).

   (d) Trade and Commerce.

   C. Merivale:
   History of Rome,
   3211-3213 (3702).

   H. Pigeonneau:
   History of French Commerce,
   3213-3215 (3702-3704).

   H. Fox Bourne:
   Romance of Trade,
   2245-2246 (2201-2202).

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   2248 (2204).

   (e) Medical Science.

   Pliny:
   Natural History,
   2171-2172 (2127-2128).

   W. Whewell:
   Inductive Sciences,
   2172-2173 (2129).

   Roswell Park:
   History of Medicine,
   2173(2129).

   (f) Slavery.

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   2753-2754 (2680).

   W. R. Brownlow:
   Slavery and Serfdom,
   2990 (2912).

STUDY XIII.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


FROM THE BARBARIAN INVASIONS TO CHARLEMAGNE
(A. D. 400-800).

1. ORIGIN AND MIGRATIONS OF THE BARBARIC NATIONS:

   C. F. Keary:
   Dawn of Civilization,
   144-145 (137-138).

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   42, 483 (35, 469).

   T. Smith:
   Arminius,
   1464-1465 (1431-1432).

   Appendix A.,
   3793-3796 (End of Volume I.).

2. GAUL AND THE GAULS:

   J. Rhys:
   Celtic Britain,
   412 (402).

   C. Merivale:
   History of Romans,
   1448-1449 (1416).

   H. G. Liddell:
   History of Rome,
   2743 (2669).

   W. Ihne:
   History of Rome,
   2746-2747 (2672-2673).

   C. Thirlwall:
   History of Greece,
   1449 (1416).

   J. P. Mahaffy:
   Story of Alexander’s Empire,
   1442 (1409).

   J. Cæsar:
   Gallic Wars,
   1444-1445 (1411-1412).

   P. Godwin:
   History of France,
   1445, 1448 (1412, 1415).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   1445-1446 (1412-1413).

   H. Pigeonneau:
   History of French Commerce,
   3213-3215 (3702-3704).

{748}

3. THE GOTHS:

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and her Invaders.
   1592 (1554).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   1592-1593 (1554-1555).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   1593 (1555).

   C. A. A. Scott:
   Ulfilas,
   1594 (1556).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Fall of the Roman Empire,
   1595-1596 (1557-1558).

   G. Finlay:
   Greece under the Romans,
   1596-1597 (1558-1559).

   (a.) The Ostrogoths and Theodoric.

   H. Bradley:
   Story of the Goths,
   1594 (1556).

   J. G. Sheppard:
   Fall of Rome.
   1728 (1689).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   1598 (1560).

   H. Bradley:
   Story of the Goths,
   1598-1599 (1560-1561).

   H. Bradley:
   Story of the Goths,
   2812-2813 (2738-2739).

   V. Duruy:
   History of Rome,
   2813 (2739).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   2814-2815 (2740-2741).

   J. G. Sheppard:
   Fall of Rome,
   1600 (1562).

   (b) The Visigoths and Alaric.

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Fall of Roman Empire,
   1594-1595 (1556-1557).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   1594, 1595 (1556, 1557).

   H. Bradley:
   Story of the Goths,
   1597 (1559).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Fall of Roman Empire,
   2807-2808 (2733-2734).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   1597 (1559).

   H. Bradley:
   Story of the Goths,
   1598, 1599 (1560, 1561).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Fall of Roman Empire,
   1598 (1560).

   R. W. Church:
   Beginning of Middle Ages,
   1599-1600 (1561-1562).

4. BREAKING OF THE RHINE BARRIER
   (A. D. 406-500):

   J. B. Bury:
   Later Roman Empire,
   2805 (2731).

   E. A. Freeman:
   European History,
   2805-2806 (2731-2732)

   F. Guizot:
   History of Civilization,
   2806 (2732).

   C. J. Stillé:
   Mediæval History,
   2806-2807 (2732-2733).

   G. B. Adams:
   Civilization during Middle Ages,
   2807 (2733).

5. THE HUNS AND ATTILA:

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   1726 (1687).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Fall of Roman Empire,
   1594-1595 (1556-1557).

   R. W. Church:
   Beginning of the Middle Ages,
   1726 (1687).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   1727 (1688).

   J. G. Sheppard:
   Fall of Rome,
   1727 (1688).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   1727 (1688).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   1727-1728 (1689)

   Sir E. Creasy:
   Fifteen Decisive Battles,
   1728 (1689).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   1728-1729 (1689-1690).

6. THE VANDALS AND GENSERIC:

   J. G. Sheppard:
   Fall of Rome,
   3714-3715 (3594-3595).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   1445-1446, 3053-3054, 3715 (1412-1413, 2973-2974, 3595).

   G. Finlay:
   Greece under the Romans,
   3716 (3596).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   3716 (3596).

7. THE FRANKS AND CLOVIS:

   W. C. Perry:
   The Franks,
   1430-1431 (1397-1398).

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   1431 (1398).

   P. Godwin:
   History of France,
   1445 (1412).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   3207 (3121).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   French under the Merovingians,
   1432 (1399).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   42-43 (35-36).

   R. W. Church:
   Beginning of Middle Ages,
   1432 (1399).

   P. Godwin:
   History of France,
   1433 (1400).

   S. Baring Gould:
   The Church in Germany,
   472 (458).

8. THE REIGN OF JUSTINIAN
   (A. D. 527-565):

   G. Finlay:
   Greece Under the Romans,
   2814 (2740).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   2814-2415 (2740-2701).

   J. Hadley:
   Introduction to Roman Law,
   637-638 (614-615).

9. THE MEROVINGIAN DYNASTY
   (A. D. 448-752):

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   The French under the Merovingians,
   1432 (1399).

   R. W. Church:
   Beginning of the Middle Ages,
   1432 (1399).

   W. C. Perry:
   The Franks,
   202, 1432-1433 (195, 1399-1400).

   P. Godwin:
   History of France,
   202 (195).

   T. Smith:
   Arminius,
   1465-1466 (1432-1435).

   P. Godwin:
   History of France,
   1466 (1435).

   A. Thierry:
   The Merovingian Era,
   1446 (1413).

10. THE LOMBARDS:

   J. G. Sheppard:
   Fall of Rome,
   2076 (2032).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Fall of Roman Empire,
   2077 (2033).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2077 (2033).

   P. Godwin:
   History of France,
   2077-2078 (2033-2034).

11. CIVILIZATION AT BEGINNING OF THE MIDDLE AGES:

   (a) Political and Social.

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   2224 (2180).

   G. B. Adams:
   Civilization during the Middle Ages,
   2224-2225 (2180-2181).

   B. Bosanquet:
   Civilization of Christendom,
   2225 (2181).

   A. Thierry:
   Formation of the Tiers État,
   1446-1448 (1413-1415).

   W. Robertson:
   Charles the Fifth,
   2990-2991 (2913).

   (i) Religion.

   W. Stewart:
   Church of the Fifth Century,
   470-471 (456-457).

   C. Merivale:
   Early Church History,
   471 (457).

   E. Hatch:
   Organization of Christian Churches,
   471 (457).

   G. Stokes:
   The Celtic Church,
   472 (458).

   M. Creighton:
   The Papacy,
   2818 (2744).

   I. Gregory Smith:
   Christian Monasticism,
   2239-2240 (2195-2196).

   Count de Montalembert:
   Monks of the West,
   2240-2241 (2196-2197).

   (c) Education.

   J. A. Symonds:
   Renaissance in Italy,
   710 (687).

   F. Guizot:
   History of Civilization,
   710-711 (687-688).

   A. T. Drane:
   Christian Schools,
   711-712 (688-689).

12. THE RISE OF FEUDALISM:

   W. Stubbs:
   Constitutional History of England,
   1145-1146 (1117-1118).

   E. Emerton:
   The Middle Ages,
   1146 (1118).

   Schröder:
   Deutsehen Rechtsgeschichte,
   1146-1147.

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1047-1048 (1019-1020).

   A. Thierry:
   Formation of the Tiers État,
   1446-1448 (1413-1415).

{749}

STUDY XIV.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE RISE OF THE MODERN NATIONS.

1. THE FRANKS:

   R. W. Church:
   Beginning of the Middle Ages,
   1432 (1399).

   T. Smith:
   Arminius,
   1465-1466 (1432-1435).

   P. Godwin:
   History of France,
   1466 (1435).

   F. Guizot:
   History of Civilization.
   2163 (2119).

   W. C. Perry:
   The Franks,
   1432-1433 (1399-1400).

   S. Baring Gould:
   The Church in Germany,
   472 (458).

   E. L. Cutts:
   Charlemagne,
   472-473 (458-459).

2. THE BURGUNDIANS:

   J. G. Sheppard:
   The Fall of Rome,
   3714-3715 (3594-3495).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   338 (328).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   The French under the Merovingians,
   339 (329).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   339 (329).

3. THE SAXONS:

   W. Stubbs:
   Constitutional History of England,
   2884-2885 (2809-2810).

   R. G. Latham:
   The Germany of Tacitus,
   2885 (2810).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   2885 (2810).

4. THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE
   (A. D. 800-814):

   C. J. Stillé:
   Mediæval History,
   1467-1468 (1436-1437).

   R. W. Church:
   Beginning of the Middle Ages,
   1434 (1401).

   E. Emerton:
   Study of the Middle Ages,
   1434-1435 (1401-1402).

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1435 (1402)

   Sir J. Stephen:
   History of France,
   1436 (1403).

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1468 (1437).

   A. T. Drane:
   Christian Schools and Scholars,
   712 (689).

   F. Guizot:
   History of Civilization,
   2911 (2836).

   Eginhard:
   Life of Charlemagne,
   474 (460).

   J. B. Mullinger:
   Schools of Charles the Great,
   474 (460).

   "Gibbon has remarked, that of all the heroes to whom the title
   of ‘The Great’ has been given, Charlemagne alone has retained
   it as a permanent addition to his name. The reason may perhaps
   be that in no other man were ever united, in so large a
   measure, and in such perfect harmony, the qualities, which, in
   their combination, constitute the heroic character,—such as
   energy, or love of action; ambition, or the love of power;
   curiosity, or the love of knowledge; and sensibility, or the
   love of pleasure. Not, indeed, the love of forbidden,
   unhallowed, or of enervating pleasure, but the keen relish for
   those blameless delights by which the burdened mind and jaded
   spirits recruit and renovate their powers. … His lofty
   stature, his open countenance, his large and brilliant eyes,
   and the dome-like structure of his head, imparted, as we learn
   from Eginhard, to all his attitudes the dignity which becomes
   a King, relieved by the graceful activity of a practised
   warrior. … Whether he was engaged in a frolic or a
   chase—composed verses or listened to homilies—fought or
   negotiated—cast down thrones or built them up—studied,
   conversed, or legislated, it seemed as if he, and he alone,
   were the one wakeful and really living agent in the midst of
   an inert, visionary, and somnolent generation."
      SIR JAMES STEPHEN.

5. THE BEGINNINGS OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY:

   F. Lenormant:
   Ancient History,
   3245 (3129).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   1726 (1687).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Fall of Roman Empire,
   1594-1595 (1556-1557).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   1728-1729 (1689-1690).

   J. G. Sheppard:
   Fall of Rome,
   242-243 (235-236).

   G. P. R. James:
   History of Charlemagne,
   243 (236).

   L. Leger:
   History of Austro-Hungary,
   205 (198).

6. DISSOLUTION OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE
   (A. D. 814-877):

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1436-1438 (1403-1405).

   H. H. Milman:
   History of Latin Christianity,
   1468 (1437).

   S. Menzies:
   History of Europe,
   1468-1469 (1437-1438).

7. THE TREATY OF VERDUN
   (A. D. 843):

   P. Godwin:
   History of France,
   3735 (3615).

   H. Hallam:
   Middle Ages,
   3736 (3616).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Historical Geography of Europe,
   1469 (1438).

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1436-1438 (1403-1405).

8. THE BEGINNINGS OF THE MODERN EUROPEAN NATIONS
   (A. D. 843-1000):

   (a) France.

   P. Godwin:
   History of France,
   1187 (1157).

   E. A. Freeman:
   The Franks and Gauls,
   1187 (1157).

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   1187-1188 (1157-1158).

   G. W. Kitchin:
   History of France,
   1188 (1158).

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1436-1438 (1403-1405).

   E. A. Freeman:
   The Franks and Gauls,
   1438 (1405).

   Sir F. Palgrave:
   History of Normandy and England,
   1188 (1158).

   G. W. Kitchin:
   History of France,
   1188-1189 (1158-1159).

   E. de Bonnechose:
   History of France,
   1189 (1159).

   E. A. Freeman:
   The Franks and Gauls,
   1189 (1159).

   E. Lavisse:
   Political History of Europe,
   1189 (1159).

   G. W. Kitchin:
   History of France,
   3274 (3158).

   (b) Germany.

   T. Smith:
   Arminius,
   1464-1465 (1431-1432).

   C. J. Stillé:
   Mediæval History,
   1467-1468 (1436-1437).

   R. W. Church:
   Beginnings of Middle Ages,
   1434 (1401).

   E. Emerton:
   Study of Middle Ages,
   1434 (1401).

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1436-1438 (1403-1405).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Franks and Gauls,
   1438 (1405).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Historical Geography of Europe,
   1469 (1438).

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   1470 (1439).

   A. W. Grübe:
   Heroes of History,
   1470 (1439).

   C. W. Koch:
   The Revolutions of Europe,
   1470-1471 (1439-1440).

   L. Ranke:
   History of Reformation,
   1471-1472 (1440-1441).

   (c) Italy.

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2816 (2742).

   J. G. Sheppard:
   Fall of Rome,
   2076 (2032).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Fall of Roman Empire,
   2077 (2033).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2077 (2033).

   P. Godwin:
   History of France,
   2077-2078 (2033-2034).

   S. Menzies:
   History of Europe,
   1468-1469 (1437-1438).

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1847-1848 (1807-1808).

   A. F. Villemain:
   Life of Gregory VII.,
   2820 (2746).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   1848 (1808).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Italian Republics,
   1848 (1808).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Historical Geography of Europe,
   1849 (1809).

{750}

STUDY XV.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

GERMANY TO THE END OF THE MIDDLE AGES
   (A. D. 1000-1450).

1. GENERAL CONDITIONS AT CLOSE OF THE TENTH CENTURY:

   J. I. von Döllinger:
   European History,
   2820-2821 (2746-2747).

   Cardinal J. H. Newman:
   Essays,
   2485-2486 (2426-2427).

   W. B. Boyce:
   Introduction to the Study of History,
   1472-1473 (1441-1442).

   S. A. Dunham:
   History of the Germanic Empire,
   2730 (2656).

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   2730 (2656).

   J. H. Allen:
   Christian History,
   1473 (1442).

2. BEGINNING OF THE CONTEST BETWEEN THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY:

   G. B. Adams:
   Civilization during the Middle Ages,
   1473-1474 (1442-1443).

   Count de Montalembert:
   Monks of the West,
   2486-2487 (2427-2428).

   J. Alzog:
   Manual of Church History,
   2487 (2428).

   Hinschius:
   Investiturstrcit,
   2488-2489 (3794-3796).

   W. R. W. Stephens:
   Hildebrand,
   396-397 (386-387).

   C. T. Lewis:
   History of Germany,
   2887 (2812).

   J. H. Allen:
   Christian History,
   1474 (1443).

   J. J. I. Döllinger:
   History of the Church,
   1474-1475 (1443-1444).

3. RISE OF THE COLLEGE OF ELECTORS
   (A. D. 1125-1272):

   K. Lamprecht:
   History of Germany,
   1475-1476 (3759-3760).

   T. Carlyle:
   Frederick the Great,
   1476-1477 (1445).

   T. Carlyle:
   Frederick the Great,
   316-317 (306).

4. THE DISINTEGRATION OF THE EMPIRE:

   J. Jastrow:
   Deutschen Einheitstraum,
   1477-1478 (3761-3672).

   C. Beard:
   Martin Luther,
   487 (473).

   W. J. Wyatt:
   History of Prussia,
   487-488 (473-474).

5. RISE OF THE HOHENSTAUFEN; THE GUELFS AND GHIBELLINES:

   U. Balzani:
   The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
   1478 (1445).

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   1652 (1614).

   P. M. Thornton:
   The Brunswick Accession,
   1652-1653 (1614-1615).

   A. Gallenga:
   Italy,
   1014-1015 (986-987).

   Sir A. Halliday:
   Annals of the House of Hanover,
   2888 (2813).

   T. A. Trollope:
   Commonwealth of Florence,
   1857-1858 (1817-1818).

6. THE TWO GREAT FREDERICKS:

   (a) Frederick I., Barbarossa (A. D. 1152-1190).

   O. Browning:
   Guelphs and Ghibellines,
   1478-1479 (1445-1446).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   The Italian Republics,
   1851-1852 (1811-1812).

   U. Balzani:
   The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
   1852 (1812).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   The Italian Republics,
   1852 (1812).

   U. Balzani:
   The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
   1852-1853 (1812-1813).

   W. Menzel:
   History of Germany,
   1853 (1813).

   M. Creighton:
   History of the Papacy,
   2492-2493 (2432-2433).

   The Republic of Venice,
   3726 (3606).

   (b) Frederick the Second
   (A. D. 1220-1250).

   E. A. Freeman:
   European History,
   1480 (1447).

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1854 (1814).

   A. B. Pennington:
   Emperor Frederick II.,
   1854-1855 (1814-1815).

   T. L. Kington:
   Frederick the Second,
   1855-1856 (1815-1816).

   G. Procter:
   History of the Crusades,
   657, first column, (634).

   Besant and Palmer:
   Jerusalem,
   1926, second column, (1885).

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1481-1482 (1448-1449).

   "We have seen the Roman Empire revived in A. D. 800, by a
   prince whose vast dominions gave ground to his claim of
   universal monarchy; again erected, in A. D. 962, on the
   narrower but firmer basis of the German Kingdom. We have seen
   Otto the Great and his successors during the three following
   centuries, a line of monarchs of unrivalled vigor and
   abilities, strain every nerve to make good the pretensions of
   their office against the rebels in Italy and the
   ecclesiastical power. The Roman Empire might, and, so far as
   practical utility was concerned, ought now to have been
   suffered to expire; nor could it have ended more gloriously
   than with the last of the Hohenstaufen. That it did not so
   expire, but lived on 600 years more, till it became a piece of
   antiquarianism hardly more venerable than ridiculous,—till, as
   Voltaire said, all that could be said about it was that it was
   neither Holy, nor Roman, nor an Empire,—was owing partly
   indeed to the belief, still unshaken, that it was a necessary
   part of the world’s order, yet chiefly to its connection,
   which was by this time indissoluble, with the German Kingdom.
   The Germans had confounded the two characters of their
   sovereign so long, and had grown so fond of the style and
   pretensions of a dignity whose possession appeared to exalt
   them above the other peoples of Europe, that it was now too
   late for them to separate the local from the universal
   monarch."
      JAMES BRYCE.

7. THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE
   (ABOUT A. D. 1250):

   History of the Hanseatic League,
   1663 (1626).

   R. Schröder:
   Der Deutschen Rechtsgeschichte,
   1663-1664.

   K. Lamprecht:
   Deutsche Geschichte,
   1664-1665.

8. THE RISE OF THE HAPSBURGS:

   Sir R. Comyn:
   History of the Western Empire,
   1482-1483 (1449-1450).

   W. Coxe:
   History of the House of Austria,
   206 (199).

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1481-1482 (1448-1449).

   Sir R. Comyn:
   The Western Empire,
   206-207 (199-200).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   1710 (1671).

   The Legend of Tell and Rütli,
   3127, first column, (3043).

9. A CENTURY OF CONFUSION:

   C. T. Lewis:
   History of Germany,
   1484 (1451).

   S. A. Dunham:
   The Germanic Empire,
   1484-1485 (1451-1452).

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   1485-1486 (1452-1543).

   L. von Ranke:
   The Reformation in Germany,
   1486 (1453).

10. THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE:

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1435 and 2725 (1402 and 2652).

   L. von Ranke:
   History of the World,
   2725-2726.

   W. von Giesebrecht:
   The German Empire,
   2726.

   F. A. Gregorovius:
   History of Rome,
   2726.

   C. W. Koch:
   Revolutions of Europe,
   1471, second column, (1440).

   L. von Ranke:
   History of the Reformation,
   1471-1472 (1440-1441).

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1481-1482 (1448-1449).

   L. von Ranke:
   History of the Reformation,
   1486 (1453).

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1541 (1507).

{751}

   "On August 1, the French Envoy at Regensburg announced to the
   Diet that his master, who had consented to become Protector of
   the Confederate princes, no longer recognized the existence of
   the Empire. Francis II. resolved at once to anticipate this
   new Odoacer, and by a declaration, dated August 6, 1800,
   resigned the imperial dignity. … Throughout, the term German
   Empire (deutsches Reich) is employed. But it was the crown of
   Augustus, of Constantine, of Charles, of Maximilian, that
   Francis of Hapsburg laid down, and a new era in the world’s
   history was marked by the fall of its most venerable
   institution. One thousand and six years after Leo, the Pope,
   had crowned the Frankish King, eighteen hundred and
   fifty-eight years after Cæsar had conquered at Pharsalia, the
   Holy Roman Empire came to its end."
      JAMES BRYCE.

STUDY XVI.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

FRANCE TO THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES
(A. D. 1000-1453).

1. GENERAL CONDITIONS AT THE BEGINNING OF THE PERIOD
   (ABOUT A. D. 1000):

   E. de Bounechose:
   History of France,
   1189 (1159).

   E. A. Freeman:
   The Franks and the Gauls,
   1189 (1159).

   E. Lavisse:
   Political History of Europe,
   1189 (1159).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   France under the Feudal System,
   1189-1190 (1159-1160).

   G. W. Kitchin:
   History of France,
   1190 (1161).

   M. Arnold:
   Schools and Universities,
   717-718 (694-695).

2. THE RISE OF FREE CITIES AND OF THE COMMUNES:

   Achille Luchaire:
   The French Communes,
   1190-1193 (3748-3750).

   W. Stubbs:
   Constitutional History of England,
   505-506 (491-492).

   F. P. Guizot:
   History of France,
   506 (492).

3. CONSOLIDATION AND EXPANSION OF THE KINGDOM
   (A. D. 1100-1225):

   C. M. Yonge:
   History of France,
   1193 (1162).

   Mrs. J. R. Green:
   Henry the Second,
   826 (799).

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   1193-1194 (1162).

   E. Smedley:
   History of France,
   2551 (2485).

   W. Stubbs:
   Constitutional History of England,
   828 (801).

   See Maps between pages 1200-1201 (1168-1169).

4. THE NOTABLE REIGN OF SAINT LOUIS, LOUIS IX.
   (1226-1270):

   G. Masson:
   St. Louis,
   1194 (1163).

   A. L. la Marche:
   France under Saint Louis,
   1194-1196 (3750-3753).

   Saint Louis of France,
   1196 (1164).

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   1197 (1165).

   H. H. Milman:
   Latin Christianity,
   1197 (1165).

   F. P. Guizot;
   History of France,
   657-658 and 658-659 (634-635 and 635-636).

   Origin of the Houses of Valois and Bourbon,
   1197, 3714 (1165, 3594).

   Duc d’Aumale:
   The House of Condé,
   314 (304).

   "St. Louis struck at the spirit of the Middle Age, and therein
   insured the downfall of its forms and whole embodiment. … He
   undermined Feudalism, because he hated injustice; he warred
   with the Middle Age, because he could not tolerate its
   disregard of human rights; and he paved the way for
   Philip-le-Bel’s struggle with the Papacy, because he looked
   upon religion and the Church as instruments for man’s
   salvation, not as tools for worldly aggrandizement. The first
   calm, deliberate, consistent opposition to the centralizing
   power of the great See was that offered by its truest friend
   and honest ally, Louis of France. … He is perhaps the only
   monarch on record who failed in most of what he undertook of
   active enterprise, who was under the control of the prejudices
   of his age, who was a true conservative, who never dreamed of
   effecting great social changes,—and who yet, by his mere
   virtues, his sense of duty, his power of conscience, made the
   most mighty and vital reforms."

5. PHILIP IV. AND THE STRUGGLE WITH THE PAPACY
   (A. D. 1285-1314):

   G. M. Bussey:
   History of France,
   1198 (1166).

   G. Trevor:
   Fall of the Western Empire,
   2494-2495 (2434-2435).

   A. R. Pennington:
   The Church in Italy,
   2495 (2435).

   G. W. Kitchin:
   History of France,
   3177 (3092).

6. THE PARLIAMENT OF PARIS AND THE STATES GENERAL:

   Sir James Stephen:
   History of France,
   2554-2555 (2488-2489).

   Lord Brougham:
   History of England and France,
   2555 (2489).

   Sir James Stephen:
   History of France,
   3108-3109 3026-3027).

   F. P. Guizot:
   History of France,
   3109 (3027).

   A. Thierry:
   The Tiers État,
   1202-1203 (1170-1171).

7. THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP OF VALOIS, PHILIP VI.
   (A. D. 1328):

   J. Michelet:
   History of France.
   1200 (1168).

   E. de Bonnechose:
   History of France,
   1200 (1168).

   J. Michelet:
   History of France,
   1200 (1168).

8. THE ONE HUNDRED YEARS WAR
   (A. D. 1327-1435):

   (a) The First Period (1327-1380).

   J. Froissart:
   Chronicles,
   1200-1201 (1168-1169).

   H. Hallam:
   Middle Ages,
   1201 (1169).

   F. Guizot:
   History of Civilization,
   2868 (2794).

   G. W. Kitchin:
   History of France,
   2868 (2794).

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   2868 (2794).

   G. W. Kitchin:
   History of France,
   1201 (1169).

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   1201 (1169).

   J. Michelet:
   History of France,
   1201-1202 (1169-1170).

   A. Thierry:
   The Tiers État,
   1202-1203 (1170-1171).

   Professor de Vericour:
   The Jacquerie,
   1204 (1172).

   F. P. Guizot:
   History of France,
   1204 (1172).

   E. Bonnechose:
   History of France,
   1205 (1173).

   (b) The Second Period
   (1415-1435).

   A. J. Church:
   Henry the Fifth,
   1205-1206 (1173-1174).

   C. M. Yonge:
   English History,
   1206 (1174).

   F. P. Guizot:
   History of France,
   1207 (1175).

9. MISSION OF THE MAID OF ORLEANS
   (A. D. 1429-1431);

   A. de Lamartine:
   Joan of Arc,
   1207-1208 (1175-1176).

   S. Luce:
   Jeanne d’Arc,
   1208 (3755).

   A. de Lamartine:
   Joan of Arc,
   1208-1209 (1175-1176).

   Lord Mahon:
   Historical Essays,
   1209 (1177).

   J. O’Hagan:
   Joan of Arc,
   1209 (1177).

   T. de Quincey:
   Joan of Arc,
   1209-1210 (1177-1178).

   "Her ways and habits during the year she was in arms are
   attested by a multitude of witnesses. Dunois and the Duke of
   Alençon bear testimony to what they term her extraordinary
   talents for war, and to her perfect fearlessness in action;
   but in all other things she was the most simple of creatures.
   She wept when she first saw men slain in battle, to think that
   they should have died without confession. She wept at the
   abominable epithets which the English heaped upon her; but she
   was without a trace of vindictiveness. … In her diet she was
   abstemious in the extreme, rarely eating until evening, and
   then for the most part, of bread and water, sometimes mixed
   with wine. In the field, she slept in her armor; but when she
   came into a city, she always sought out some honorable matron,
   under whose protection she placed herself; and there is
   wonderful evidence of the atmosphere of purity which she
   diffused around her, her very presence banishing from men’s
   hearts all evil thoughts and wishes. Her conversation, when
   not of war, was entirely of religion. She confessed often, and
   received communion twice in the week."
      J. O’HAGAN.

{752}

10. THE EFFECTS OF THE ONE HUNDRED YEARS WAR:

   E. E. Crowe:
   History of France,
   1210 (1178).

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   1211 (1179).

   C. W. Oman:
   Warwick the King-Maker,
   846-847 (819-820).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1065-1068 (1037-1040).

11. THE PRAGMATIC SANCTION OF CHARLES VII.
   (A. D. 1438):

   R. C. Trench:
   Church History,
   2500 (2440).

   M. Creighton:
   History of the Papacy,
   1210-1211 (1178-1179).

   "Such were the chief reforms of its own special grievances
   which France wished to establish. It was the first step in the
   assertion of the rights of National Churches to arrange for
   themselves the details of their own ecclesiastical
   organizations."
      M. CREIGHTON.

STUDY XVII.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


ITALY TO THE END OF THE MIDDLE AGES
(A. D. 1000-1450).


1. GENERAL CONDITIONS AT THE CLOSE OF THE TENTH CENTURY:

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1848 (1808).

   A. F. Villemain:
   Life of Gregory VII.,
   2820 (2746).

   H. H. Milman:
   Latin Christianity,
   2820 (2746).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   The Italian Republics,
   1848 (1808).

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   1848-1849 (1808-1809).

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   2725 (2652).

   L. von Ranke:
   History of the World,
   2725-2726.

   P. Godwin:
   History of France,
   2078, first column, (2034).

2. THE NORMAN SETTLEMENTS
   (A. D. 1000-1100):

   A. Thierry:
   Conquest of England,
   2418 (2366).

   Sir F. Palgrave:
   History of Normandy, etc.,
   2419-2420 (2367-2368).

   E. A. Freeman:
   The Norman Conquest,
   2421-2422 (2369-2370).

   Sir F. Palgrave:
   History of Normandy,
   2422 (2370).

   C. Thirlwall:
   History of Greece,
   2981-2982 (2903-2904).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Story of Sicily,
   2983 (2905).

   G. Finlay:
   The Byzantine Empire,
   2984 (2906).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2984 (2906).

   J. Michelet:
   History of France,
   1849 (1809).

   G. Procter:
   History of Italy,
   1849-1850 (1809-1810).

   H. H. Milman:
   Latin Christianity,
   2821 (2747).

   A. H. Johnson:
   The Normans in Europe,
   1850-1851 (1810-1811).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1051 (1023).

3. RISE OF THE FREE CITIES:

   P. Godwin:
   History of France,
   2077-2078 (2033-2034).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   The Italian Republics,
   1850 (1810).

   Hinschius:
   Investiturstreit,
   2488-2489 (3794-3796).

   H. E. Napier:
   Florentine History,
   3273 (3157).

   (a) Milan.

   W. Ihne:
   History of Rome,
   2746-2747 (2672-2673).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2226 (2182).

   G. B. Testa:
   War of Frederick I. against Lombardy,
   2226 (2182).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   2226-2227 (2182-2183).

   (b) Florence.

   H. E. Napier:
   Florentine History,
   1160 (1130).

   T. A. Trollope:
   Commonwealth of Florence,
   1160-1161 (1130-1131).

   B. Duffy:
   The Tuscan Republics,
   1161 (1131).

   (c) Pavia.

   G. B Niebuhr:
   History of Rome,
   2070 (2026).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2077 (2033).

   (d) Pisa.

   L. Pignotti:
   History of Tuscany,
   2605-2606 (2537-2538).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Italian Republics,
   2606-2607 (2538-2539).

   (e) Venice.

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   3722 (3602).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   3722 (3602).

   G. Finlay:
   Byzantine Empire,
   3722-3723 (3602-3603).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Italian Republics,
   3724-3725 (3604-3605).

4. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE STATES OF THE CHURCH:

   J. N. Murphy:
   The Chair of Peter,
   2492 (2432).

   H. E. Napier:
   Florentine History,
   3273 (3157).

   M. Creighton:
   History of the Papacy,
   2493 (2433).

5. CONDITIONS IN ROME.

   J. I. Döllinger:
   European History,
   2821 (2747).

   H. H. Milman:
   Latin Christianity,
   2821 (2747).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2822 (2748).

6. STRUGGLE OF THE ITALIAN REPUBLICS WITH THE EMPERORS:

   (a) With Frederick I., Barbarossa (A. D. 1154-1183).

   O. Browning:
   Guelphs and Ghibellines,
   1478-1479 (1445-1446).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   The Italian Republics,
   1851-1852 (1811-1812).

   U. Balzani:
   The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
   1852 (1812).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   The Italian Republics,
   1852 (1812).

   U. Balzani:
   The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
   1852-1853 (1812-1813).

   W. Menzel:
   History of Germany,
   1853 (1813).

   (b) With Frederick the Second
   (A. D. 1220-1250).

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1854 (1814).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Italian Republics,
   1137-1138 (1109-1110).

   E. A. Freeman:
   European History,
   1479 (1446).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Frederick the Second,
   1480, first column (1447).

   J. A. Symonds:
   The Revival of Learning,
   720 (697).

   (c) The Results of the Contest.

   J. Burckhardt:
   The Renaissance in Italy,
   1856-1857 (1816-1817).

   O. Browning:
   Guelfs and Ghibellines,
   1856 (1816).

   E. Smedley:
   History of France,
   1858-1859 (1818-1819).

   J. A. Symonds:
   Florence and the Medici,
   1163 (1133).

7. THE GUELFS AND GHIBELLINES:

   U. Balzani:
   The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
   1478 (1445).

   H. Hallam:
   Middle Ages,
   1652 (1614).

   Sir A. Halliday:
   Annals of House of Hanover,
   1652 (1614).

   T. A. Trollope:
   Commonwealth of Florence,
   1857-1858 (1817-1818).

   R. W. Church:
   Dante,
   1858 (1818).

   N. Machiavelli:
   History of Florence,
   1161-1162 (1131-1132).

{753}

   O. Browning:
   Guelphs and Ghibellines,
   1162 (1132).

   T. A. Trollope:
   The Commonwealth of Florence,
   1162-1163 (1132-1133).

8. THE AGE OF THE DESPOTS
   (A. D. 1250-1500):

   J. Burckhardt:
   The Renaissance in Italy,
   1856-1857 (1816-1817).

   T. A. Trollope:
   The Commonwealth of Florence,
   1857-1858 (1817-1818).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Historical Geography of Europe,
   1859 (1819).

   J. A. Symonds:
   The Renaissance in Italy,
   1859 (1819).

   J. Yeats:
   Growth of Commerce,
   2249, second column, (2205).

   A. von Reumont:
   Lorenzo de’ Medici,
   2250 (2206).

   T. A. Trollope:
   Commonwealth of Florence,
   2250 (2206).

   J. A. Symonds:
   The Renaissance,
   2463-2464.

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1074-1045 (1046-1047).

9. CONTINUED CONTESTS BETWEEN THE GUELFS AND GHIBELLINES:

   W. Hunt:
   History of Italy,
   1860-1861 (1820-1821).

   H. E. Napier:
   Florentine History,
   1861 (1821).

   G. Procter:
   History of Italy,
   1862-1863 (1822-1823).

10. RIENZI; THE LAST OF THE TRIBUNES
   (A. D. 1347-1354):

   Professor de Vericour:
   Rienzi, 2822-2824 (2748-2750).

   W. W. Story:
   The Castle of St. Angelo,
   2824-2825 (2750-2751).

11. THE INFAMOUS "FREE COMPANIES"
   (ABOUT A. D. 1340-1390):

   T. A. Trollope:
   Commonwealth of Florence,
   1865-1866 (1825-1826).

   W. P. Urquhart:
   Life of F. Sforza,
   1866 (1826).

   Sir John Hawkwood,
   1866 (1826).

12. DEVELOPMENT OF THE CITY PRINCIPALITIES:

   (a) Florence.

   (1) The Passing of the Republic.

   J. A. Symonds:
   Florence and the Medici,
   1163 (1133).

   C. Balbo:
   Life of Dante,
   1164 (1134).

   W. P. Urquhart:
   Life of F. Sforza,
   1165 (1135).

   T. B. Macaulay:
   Machiavelli,
   1166 (1136).

   G. Boccaccio:
   The Decameron,
   1166 (1136).

   J. E. T. Rogers:
   History of Agriculture,
   292-293 (283-284).

   T. A. Trollope:
   Commonwealth of Florence,
   1166-1167 (1136-1137).

   H. E. Napier:
   Florentine History,
   1167 (1137).

   (2) The Medici.

   J. A. Symonds:
   Florence and the Medici,
   1167-1168 (1137-1138).

   T. A. Trollope:
   Commonwealth of Florence,
   1168-1169 (1138-1139).

   W. B. Scaife:
   Florentine Life,
   1169 (1139).

   W. Hunt:
   History of Italy,
   1169 (1139).

   A. von Reumont:
   Lorenzo de’ Medici,
   1169-1170 (1139-1140).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Italian Republics,
   1170-1171 (1140-1141).

   P. Villari:
   Machiavelli,
   1171-1172 (1141-1142).

   Mrs. Oliphant:
   Makers of Florence,
   1172 (1142).

   H. A. Taine:
   Italy, Florence, and Venice,
   1172-1173 (1142-1143).

   (3) Savonarola.

   O. T. Hill:
   Savonarola’s Triumph of the Cross,
   1173-1175 (1143-1145).

   H. E. Napier:
   Florentine History,
   1176 (1146).

   J. A. Symonds:
   Studies in Italy,
   1176-1177 (1146-1147).

   Mrs. Oliphant:
   Makers of Florence,
   1172 (1142).

   "Florence was as near a pagan city as it was possible for its
   rulers to make it. … Society had never been more dissolute,
   more selfish, or more utterly deprived of any higher aim.
   Barren scholarship, busy over grammatical questions, and
   elegant philosophy, snipping and piecing its logical systems,
   formed the top-dressing to that half-brutal,
   hall-superstitious ignorance of the poor. The dilettante world
   dreamed hazily of a restoration of the worship of the pagan
   gods; Cardinal Bembo bade his friend beware of reading St.
   Paul’s Epistles, lest their barbarous style should corrupt his
   taste. … Thus limited intellectually, the age of Lorenzo was
   still more hopeless morally, full of debauchery, cruelty and
   corruption, violating oaths, betraying trusts, believing in
   nothing but Greek manuscripts, coins, and statues, caring for
   nothing but pleasure. This was the world in which Savonarola
   found himself."
      MRS. OLIPHANT.

   (b) Milan.

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Italian Republics,
   1851, second column, (1811).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   1852, second column, (1812).

   J. A. Symonds:
   Age of Despots,
   2227-2228 (2183-2184).

   W. Robertson:
   Charles the Fifth,
   2228 (2184).

   A. von Reumont:
   Lorenzo de’ Medici,
   2228-2229 (2184-2185).

   (c) Pisa.

   J. T. Bent:
   Genoa,
   2606-2607 (2538-2539).

   J. A. Symonds:
   Studies in Italy,
   50-51 (43-44).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   522-523 (508-509).

   G. Procter:
   History of Italy,
   1862-1863 (1822-1823).

   W. Hunt:
   History of Italy,
   1868 (1828).

   J. N. Murphy:
   The Chair of St. Peter,
   2498 (2438).

   (d) Genoa.

   J. T. Bent:
   Genoa,
   1452-1453, 2606-2607 (1419-1420, 2538-2539).

   J. A. Symonds:
   Renaissance in Italy,
   2227, second column, (2183).

   J. T. Bent:
   Genoa,
   1454, 2251-2252 (1421, 2207-2208).

   G. B. Malleson:
   Genoese History,
   1454 (1421).

   J. N. Larned:
   Venice and Genoa,
   3220 (3709).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Italian Republics,
   1454 (1421).

   (e) Venice.

   G. Finlay:
   Byzantine and Greek Empires,
   3726 (3606).

   The Republic of Venice,
   3726 (3606).

   E. Pears:
   The Fall of Constantinople,
   3726 (3606).

   W. C. Hazlitt:
   The Venetian Republic,
   3727 (3607).

   J. Yeats:
   The Growth of Commerce,
   3727 (3607).

   G. Finlay:
   Byzantine and Greek Empires,
   523-524 (509-510).

   F. A. Parker:
   Fleets of the World,
   3728 (3608).

   J. T. Bent:
   Genoa,
   3729 (3609).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Italian Republics,
   1869 (1829).

STUDY XVIII.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCH: FROM PENTECOST TO GREGORY THE GREAT
(A. D. 30(?)-600).


1. JUDÆA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA:

   E. de Pressensé:
   Jesus Christ,
   1961-1962 (1920-1921).

   E. Schürer:
   The Jewish People,
   1678 (1639).

   A. Edersheim:
   Life of Jesus,
   446 (432).

   H. W. Hulbert:
   Historical Geography,
   446 (432).

{754}

2. HEROD AND THE HERODIANS
   (B. C. 40-A. D. 44):

   T. Keim:
   Jesus of Nazara,
   1958-1959 (1917-1918).

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   1960 (1919).

   H. H. Milman:
   History of the Jews,
   1960 (1919).

3. THE BIRTH OF JESUS:

   T. Keim:
   Jesus of Nazara,
   1960-1961 (1919-1920).

   W. Hales:
   Analysis of Chronology,
   1011 (984).

4. PENTECOST, AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FIRST CHURCHES:

   G. Y. Lechler:
   The Apostolic Times,
   447 (433).

   A. Sabatier:
   The Apostle Paul,
   447 (433).

   J. B. Lightfoot:
   The Apostolic Age,
   448 (434).

   W. Moeller:
   The Christian Church,
   448 (434).

   J. E. Wiltsch:
   Statistics of the Church,
   448 (434).

   J. B. Lightfoot:
   The Apostolic Age,
   449 (435).

   W. Moeller:
   The Christian Church,
   449 (435).

5. THE APOSTOLIC PERIOD (A. D. 30(?)-100):

   (a) The Church at Antioch.

   C. Thirlwall:
   History of Greece,
   2107, 2960 (2063, 2883).

   W. Moeller:
   The Christian Church,
   448 (434).

   J. J. von Döllinger:
   European History,
   449 (435).

   W. M. Ramsay:
   The Church in the Roman Empire,
   449 (435).

   W. Moeller:
   The Christian Church,
   449 (435).

   B. Weiss:
   Introduction to the New Testament,
   450 (436).

   G. B. Brown:
   From Schola to Cathedral,
   450 (436).

   (b) The Missions of St. Paul.

   G. P. Fisher:
   The Christian Church,
   450 (436).

   A. Sabatier;
   The Apostle Paul,
   450-451 (436-437).

   A. Sabatier;
   The Apostle Paul,
   451, second column, (437).

   J. B. Lightfoot:
   Biblical Essays,
   451 (437).

   W. M. Ramsay:
   The Church in the Roman Empire,
   451 (437).

   C. T. Cruttwell:
   Literary History of Early Christianity,
   191-192 (184-185).

   (c) The Church at Rome.

   W. Moeller:
   The Christian Church,
   453 (439).

   G. Salmon:
   Infallibility of the Church,
   2476 (2417).

   J. J. I. Döllinger:
   History of the Church,
   2476-2477 (2417-2418).

   F. W. Farrar:
   Early Days of Christianity,
   2781-2782 (2707-2708).

   J. B. Lightfoot:
   The Apostolic Age,
   453 (439).

   (d) The Church at Alexandria.

   R. S. Poole:
   The Cities of Egypt,
   44 (37).

   E. Kirkpatrick:
   Development of Superior Education,
   708 (685).

   A. Neander:
   History of the Christian Church,
   452 (438).

   J. P. Mahaffy:
   Alexander’s Empire,
   2973 (2896).

   (e) The Destruction of Jerusalem.

   J. B. Lightfoot:
   The Apostolic Age,
   449 (435).

   C. Merivale:
   History of the Romans,
   1962 (1921).

   Besant and Palmer:
   Jerusalem,
   1963 (1922).

   H. H. Milman:
   History of the Jews,
   1963 (1922).

   J. B. Lightfoot:
   The Apostolic Age,
   461 (447).

   (f) St. John, and the Church at Ephesus.

   E. Abbott:
   History of Greece,
   146, second column, (139).

   J. T. Wood:
   Discoveries at Ephesus,
   1008-1009 (981-2)

   C. Merivale:
   History of the Romans,
   1009 (982).

   J. B. Lightfoot;
   Biblical Essays,
   451-452 (437-438).

   "For Christians are not distinguished from the rest of mankind
   either in locality or in speech, or in customs. … They dwell
   in their own countries as the lot of each is cast, but only as
   sojourners; they bear their share in all things as citizens,
   and they endure all hardships as strangers. Every foreign
   country is a fatherland to him and every fatherland is
   foreign. … Their existence is on earth, but their citizenship
   is in heaven. They obey the established laws, and they surpass
   the laws in their own lives. They love all men, and they are
   persecuted by all. War is urged against them as aliens by the
   Jews, and persecution is carried on against them by the
   Greeks, and yet those that hate them cannot tell the reason of
   their hostility."
      THE EPISTLE TO DIOGNETUS (ABOUT A. D. 150).

6. THE PERIOD OF CHURCH DEVELOPMENT (A. D. 100-312):

   G. B. Brown:
   From Schola to Cathedral,
   455 (441).

   B. F. Westcott:
   Religious Thought in the West,
   453-454, 454 (439-440, 440).

   J. F. Hurst:
   History of the Christian Church,
   454 (440).

   G. Uhlhorn:
   Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,
   454 (440).

   W. M. Ramsay:
   The Church in the Roman Empire,
   455 (441).

   J. H. Kurtz:
   Church History,
   457 (443).

   G. A. Jackson:
   The Fathers of the Third Century,
   457 (443).

   See Map between pages 446-7 (432-3),
   and Appendix D, 3806-3810 (End of Volume I.).

7. CHARACTERISTICS OF EARLY CHURCH AND CHRISTIANS:

   G. Uhlhorn:
   Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,
   454 (440).

   J. B. Lightfoot:
   Translation Epistle to Diognetus,
   454 (440).

   R. W. Church:
   Gifts of Civilization,
   455 (441).

   J. B. Lightfoot:
   Apostolic Age,
   457 (443).

   G. P. Fisher:
   Christian Church,
   459 (445).

   W. M. Ramsay:
   The Church in the Roman Empire,
   456 (442).

   H. Hayman:
   Diocesan Synods,
   456 (442).

   W. Moeller:
   History of the Christian Church,
   457 (443) .

   G. A. Jackson:
   Fathers of the Third Century,
   457 (443).

   J. H. Kurtz:
   Church History,
   459 (445).

8. THE RISE OF ECCLESIASTICISM:

   W. D. Killen:
   The Old Catholic Church,
   458 (444).

   J. B. Lightfoot:
   The Apostolic Age,
   458 (444).

   C. Gore:
   The Mission of the Church,
   458 (444).

   A. Neander:
   The Christian Religion,
   458 (444).

9. GROWTH OF GREAT CHURCH CENTRES:

   F. W. Puller:
   Primitive Saints,
   458 (444).

   (a) Alexandria.

   C. T. Cruttwell:
   Literary History of Early Christianity,
   459-460 (445-446).

   J. B. Heard:
   Alexandrian Theology,
   460 (446).

   W. Moeller:
   Christian Church,
   460 (446).

   C. Bigg:
   The Christian Platonists,
   460-461 (446-447).

   F. C. Baur:
   Church of the First Three Centuries,
   1589 (1551).

   (b) Rome.

   W. Moeller:
   The Christian Church,
   462 (448).

   R. Lanciani:
   Pagan and Christian Rome,
   462-463 (448-449).

   E. de Pressensé:
   Early Years of Christianity,
   463 (449).

   (c) Carthage.

   C. T. Cruttwell:
   Literary History of Early Christianity,
   461-462 (447-448).

   J. I. von Döllinger:
   European History,
   462 (448).

{755}

10. THE PERSECUTIONS:

   G. Uhlhorn:
   The Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,
   456 (442).

   G. B. Brown:
   From Schola to Cathedral,
   455 (442).

   (а) Under Nero
   (A. D. 64-68).

   F. W. Farrar:
   Early Days of Christianity,
   2781-2782 (2707-2708).

   (b) Under Domitian
   (A. D. 93-96).

   V. Duruy:
   History of Rome,
   2784 (2710).

   (c) Under Trajan
   (A. D. 112-116).

   R. W. Browne:
   History of Rome,
   2786, first column, (2712).

   (d) Under Marcus Aurelius
   (A. D. 175-178).

   F. W. Farrar:
   Seekers after God,
   2788 (2714).

   (e) Under Decius
   (about A. D. 250).

   J. C. Robertson:
   History of Christian Church,
   2790 (2716).

   (f) Under Diocletian
   (A. D. 303-5).

   S. Eliot:
   History of the Early Christians,
   2792-2793 (2718-2719).

   The Ante-Nicene Churches,
   Appendix D, 3806 (End of Volume I.).

11. THE CHURCH FATHERS:

   J. F. Hurst:
   History of the Christian Church,
   454 (440).

   W. Moeller:
   The Christian Church,
   456-457 (442-443).

   J. H. Kurtz:
   Church History,
   457 (443).

   G. A. Jackson:
   Fathers of the Third Century,
   457 (443).

   W. Moeller:
   The Christian Church,
   460 (446).

   A. Plummer:
   Church of the Early Fathers,
   461 (447).

   J. I. von Döllinger:
   European History,
   462 (448).

   E. de Pressensé:
   Early Years of Christianity,
   463 (449).

   W. Stewart:
   Church in the Fourth Century,
   468 (454).

   G. T. Stokes:
   The Celtic Church,
   472 (458).

   W. Stewart:
   Church in the Fourth Century,
   471 (456-457).

   T. W. Allies:
   The Holy See,
   2482 (2423).

12. THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH BECOMES THE CHURCH OF THE EMPIRE
   (A. D. 323):

   G. P. Fisher:
   History of the Christian Church,
   465 (451).

   A. Carr:
   The Church and the Roman Empire,
   465-466 (451-452).

   Eusebius:
   Ecclesiastical History,
   2794 (2720).

   E. L. Cutts:
   Constantine the Great,
   2794-2795 (2721).

   A. Neander:
   History of the Christian Church,
   2795 (2721).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Fall of the Roman Empire,
   2795 (2721).

   H. H. Milman:
   History of Christianity,
   466-467, 467-468 (452-453, 453-454).

13. THE EASTERN, OR GREEK CHURCH:

   E. L. Cutts:
   Constantine the Great,
   519 (505).

   G. Finlay:
   Greece under the Romans,
   520 (506).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   2801 (2727).

   H. F. Tozer:
   The Church and the Eastern Empire,
   468-469 (454-455).

   R. W. Church:
   The Gifts of Civilization,
   469 (455).

   J. C. Lees:
   The Greek Church,
   470 (456).

14. THE ARIAN CONTROVERSY, AND COUNCIL OF NICÆA
   (A. D. 325):

   The Councils of the Church,
   644 (621).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Fall of the Roman Empire,
   138 (131).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   138-139 (131-132).

   R. W. Bush:
   St. Athanasius,
   2411 (2359).

   W. Moeller:
   Christian Church,
   466 (452).

   T. Hodgkin:
   The Dynasty of Theodosius,
   2799, second column, (2725).

   E. L. Cutts:
   Charlemagne,
   1150 (1120).

   P. Schaff:
   History of Christian Church,
   1150 (1120).

15. THE REVIVAL OF PAGANISM, AND FORMAL ESTABLISHMENT OF
CHRISTIANITY (A. D. 361-395):

   G. Uhlhorn:
   Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,
   2796-2798 (2722-2724).

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   Fall of the Roman Empire,
   2798, first column, (2724).

   J. B. S. Carwithen:
   History of the Christian Church,
   2801 (2727).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2800-2801 (2726-2727).

16. THE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE PROVINCES:

   E. de Pressensé:
   Early Years of Christianity,
   463 (449).

   C. A. A. Scott:
   Ulfilas,
   464, 1594 (450, 1556).

   R. W. Church:
   Beginning of the Middle Ages,
   1432 (1399).

   S. Baring-Gould;
   The Church in Germany,
   472 (458).

   C. Merivale:
   Church History,
   464 (450).

   R. W. Church:
   Gifts of Civilization,
   465 (451).

   A. Plummer:
   Church of the Early Fathers,
   464 (450).

   Appendix D, 3807-3810 (End of Volume I.).

17. THE FALL OF IMPERIAL, RISE OF ECCLESIASTICAL ROME:

   J. Watt:
   The Latin Church,
   471 (457).

   C. Merivale:
   Early Church History,
   471 (457).

   E. Hatch:
   Organization of the Christian Churches,
   471 (457).

   G. T. Stokes:
   The Celtic Church,
   472 (458).

   J. J. I. von Döllinger:
   History of the Church,
   2481 (2421-2482).

   C. Gore:
   Leo the Great,
   2481 (2422).

STUDY XIX.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


THE ESTABLISHMENT AND GROWTH OF THE PAPACY.

1. THE ROMAN CHURCH CLAIM OF DESCENT FROM ST. PETER:

   G. Salmon:
   Infallibility of the Church,
   2476 (2417).

   J. J. I. von Döllinger;
   History of the Church,
   2476-2477 (2417-2418).

   Cardinal Gibbons:
   The Faith of Our Fathers,
   2477-2478 (2418-2419).

   Abbé Guettée:
   The Papacy,
   2478-2479 (2419-2420).

   S. Cheetham:
   History of the Church,
   2480 (2421).

   G. F. Seymour:
   Christian Unity,
   2480 (2421).

   E. de Pressensé:
   Early Years of Christianity.
   463 (449).

2. THE RISE OF THE EPISCOPATE:

   W. D. Killen:
   The Old Catholic Church,
   458 (444).

   C. Gore:
   Mission of the Church,
   458 (444).

   J. B. Lightfoot;
   The Apostolic Age, 458 (444).

   A. Neander:
   The Christian Religion,
   458 (444).

   E. Hatch:
   Organization of the Christian Churches,
   471 (457).

   C. Gore:
   Leo the Great,
   2481 (2422).

{756}

3. The PATRIARCHATES:

   J. H. Egar:
   Christendom; Ecclesiastical and Political,
   466 (452).

   J. E. T. Wiltsch:
   Statistics of the Church,
   466 (452).

   J. C. Lees:
   The Greek Church,
   470, first column, (456).

   C. Merivale:
   Early Church History,
   471 (457).

4. THE EARLY BISHOPS OF ROME
   (A. D. 42-600):

   J. J. I. von Döllinger:
   History of the Church,
   2480-2481 (2421-2422).

   C. Gore:
   Leo the Great,
   2481 (2422).

   J. H. Egar:
   Ecclesiastical and Political Christendom,
   476 (462).

   V. Duruy:
   Middle Ages,
   476 (462).

5. ORIGIN OF THE PAPAL TITLE:

   A. P. Stanley:
   The Eastern Church,
   2480 (2421).

   R. W. Bush:
   St. Athanasius,
   2411 (2359).

6. CAUSES THAT LED TO THE SUPREMACY OF THE ROMAN CHURCH:

   J. Watt:
   The Latin Church,
   471 (457).

   C. Merivale:
   Church History,
   471 (457).

   E. Hatch:
   The Christian Churches,
   471 (457).

   C. Gore:
   Leo the Great,
   2481 (2422).

   S. Cheetham:
   The Christian Church,
   2479, last column, 2480 (2421).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe, 1045 (1017).

7. GREGORY THE GREAT
   (A. D. 590-604):

   V. Duruy:
   The Middle Ages,
   475-476 (461-462).

   J. Barmby:
   Gregory the Great,
   2481-2482 (2422-2423).

   T. W. Allies:
   The Holy See,
   2482 (2423).

   M. Creighton:
   History of the Papacy,
   2818 (2744).

   C. Merivale:
   Early Church History,
   476 (462).

   V. Duruy:
   The Middle Ages,
   476-477 (462-463).

   J. F. Rowbotham:
   History of Music,
   2280-2281.

8. FROM GREGORY TO CHARLEMAGNE
   (A. D. 600-800):

   The Succession of Popes,
   2482-2483 (2423-2424).

   (a) The Rise of Papal Sovereignty at Rome.

   G. Finlay:
   The Byzantine Empire,
   2483 (2424).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2483 (2424).

   J. E. Darras:
   History of the Catholic Church,
   2483 (2424).

   P. Godwin:
   History of France,
   2483 (2424).

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   2483 (2424).

   C. J. Stillé;
   Mediæval History,
   1467, second column, (1436).

   (b) The Iconoclastic Controversy.

   J. L. von Mosheim:
   Ecclesiastical History,
   1732 (1692-1693).

   J. C. Lees:
   The Greek Church,
   470 (456).

   (c) The Forged Donation of Constantine, and False Decretals.

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2484 (2425).

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   2484 (2425).

   J. Alzog:
   Manual of Church History,
   2484 (2425).

   J. E. Riddle:
   History of the Papacy,
   2485 (2426).

9. THE ALLIANCE BETWEEN THE PAPACY AND THE FRANKS:

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire
   (1846-1806). [sic]

   R. W. Church:
   Beginning of the Middle Ages,
   1846-1847 (1806-1807).

   C. J. Stillé:
   Studies in Mediaeval History,
   1467-1468 (1436-1437).

   E.Emerton:
   The Middle Ages,
   1434-1435 (1401-1402).

10. FROM CHARLEMAGNE TO HILDEBRAND; DEGRADATION OF THE HOLY SEE
   (A. D. 300-1073):

   Cardinal J. H. Newman:
   Essays,
   2485-2486 (2426-2427).

   A. F. Villemain:
   Life of Gregory VII.,
   2820 (2746).


   Abbé J. E. Darras:
   The Catholic Church,
   2820 (2746).

   C. W. Koch:
   The Revolutions of Europe,
   1471 (1439-1440).

   J. I. von Döllinger:
   European History,
   2820-2821 (2746-2747).

   J. H. Allen:
   Christian History,
   1473 (1442).

   G. B. Adams:
   Civilization during Middle Ages,
   1473-1474 (1442-1443).

   E. L. Cutts:
   Charlemagne,
   1150 (1120).

   P. Schaff;
   History of the Christian Church,
   1150 (1120).

   "Such are a few of the most prominent features of the
   ecclesiastical history of these dreadful times, when, in the
   words of St. Bruno, 'the world lay in wickedness, holiness had
   disappeared, justice had perished, and truth had been buried;
   Simon Magus lording it over the Church, whose bishops and
   priests were given to luxury and fornication.’ Had we lived in
   such deplorable times … we should have felt for certain, that
   if it was possible to retrieve the Church, it must be by some
   external power; she was helpless and resourceless; and the
   civil power must interfere, or there was no hope."
      CARDINAL J. H. NEWMAN.

11. HILDEBRAND AND REFORM
   (A. D. 1073-1086):

   Count de Montalembert:
   Monks of the West,
   2486-2487 (2427-2428).

   J. Alzog:
   Manual of History,
   2487-2488 (2428).

   G. B. Adams:
   Civilization during Middle Ages,
   1473-1474 (1442-1443).

   J. N. Murphy:
   The Chair of Peter,
   2492 (2432).

   (а) Papal Elections.

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   2491-2492 (2431-2432).

   (b) Celibacy.

   Sir James Stephen:
   Hildebrand,
   2488 (2429).

   (c) Investitures.

   Hinschius:
   Investiturstreit,
   2488-2489 (3794-3796).

   (d) At Canossa.

   W. Moeller:
   The Christian Church,
   2490 (2430).

   W. R. W. Stephens:
   Hildebrand and His Times,
   396-397 (386-387).

   W. S. Lilly:
   The Turning-Point of the Middle Ages,
   2490-2491 (2430-2431).

   J. H. Allen:
   Christian History,
   1474 (1442).

   H. H. Milman:
   Latin Christianity,
   2821 (2747).

   (e) The Concordat of Worms.

   J. Sime:
   History of Germany,
   1474 (1443).

   J. J. I. Döllinger:
   History of the Church,
   1474-1475 (1443-1444).

   R. C. Trench:
   Mediæval Church History,
   2491 (2431).

12. THE POPES AND THE HOHENSTAUFEN
   (A. D. 1138-1250):

   J. C. L. Sismondi:
   The Italian Republics,
   1850 (1810).

   M. Creighton:
   History of the Papacy,
   2492-2493 (2432-2433).

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   2493-2494 (2433-2434).

   U. Balzani:
   The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
   1478 (1445).

   O. Browning:
   Guelphs and Ghibellines,
   1478-1479 (1445-1446).

   E. A. Freeman:
   European History,
   1479 (1446).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Frederick the Second,
   1479-1480 (1446-1447).

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1854 (1814).

   T. L. Kington:
   Frederick the Second,
   1855-1856 (1815-1816).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1050 and 1054 (1022, 1026).

13. THE "BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY"
   (A. D. 1294-1378):

   G. Trevor:
   Rome,
   2494-2495 (2434-2435).

   L. Pastor:
   History of the Popes,
   2495-2496 (2435-2436).

   M. Creighton:
   History of the Papacy,
   2496 (2436).

{757}

14. THE "GREAT SCHISM"
   (A. D. 1378-1417):

   W. W. Story:
   Castle St. Angelo,
   2497 (2437).

   J. N. Murphy:
   The Chair of Peter,
   2498 (2438).

   L. Pastor:
   History of the Popes,
   2498 (2438).

   J. Alzog:
   Manual of Church History,
   2498-2499 (2438-2439).

15. THE DARKEST AGE OF THE PAPACY
   (A. D. 1417-1517):

   R. C. Trench:
   Mediæval Church History,
   2500 (2440).

   R. L. Poole:
   Wycliffe and Reform Movements,
   2501 (2441).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   2501 (2441).

   H. A. Taine:
   English Literature,
   2501-2502 (2441-2442).

   J. A. Symonds:
   Renaissance in Italy,
   2502, 2503 (2442, 2443).

16. EVE OF THE GREAT REFORMATION;

   T. Kolde:
   Martin Luther,
   2504.

   L. Ranke:
   History of the Reformation,
   2504-2505 (2443-2444).

   G. P. Fisher:
   The Reformation,
   2505 (2444).

   Cardinal N. Wiseman:
   Lectures on Catholic Church,
   2505-2506 (2444-2445).

   J. N. M. D’Aubigné:
   Story of the Reformation,
   2506 (2445).

17. THE INQUISITION
   (A. D. 1203-1525):

   J. A. Symonds:
   The Catholic Reaction,
   1789-1791 (1750-1752).

STUDY XX.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


MONASTICISM AND THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS.


1. MONASTICISM:

   I. Gregory Smith:
   Christian Monasticism,
   468 (454).

   E. Schürer:
   The Jewish People,
   1014 (3745).

   Charles Kingsley:
   The Hermits,
   119-120 (112-113).

   I. Gregory Smith:
   Christian Monasticism,
   2239-2240 (2195-2196).

   Count de Montalembert:
   Monks of the West,
   2240-2241 (2196-2197).

   A. Jessop:
   The Coming of the Friars,
   2241-2242 (2197-2198).

   Count de Montalembert:
   Monks of the West,
   2050-2051 (2006-2007).

   F. Madan:
   Books in Manuscript,
   2051-2052 (2007-2008).

   F. Guizot:
   History of Civilization,
   711 (688).

   A. T. Drane:
   Christian Schools,
   711-712 (688-689).

2. THE BENEDICTINES
   (ABOUT A. D. 500):

   (a) The Original Order.

   C. J. Stillé:
   Mediæval History,
   288 (279).

   (b) The Congregations of Cluny.

   R. C. Trench:
   Mediæval History,
   495 (481).

3. THE CARTHUSIANS
   (ABOUT A. D. 1075):

   J. E. Darras:
   The Catholic Church,
   405 (395).

   M. A. Schimmelpenninck:
   La Grande Chartreuse,
   405 (395).

4. THE CISTERCIANS
   (ABOUT A. D. 1100):

   (a) The Original Order.

   K. Norgate:
   England under the Angevin Kings,
   487 (472-473).

   C. J. Stillé:
   Mediæval History,
   491-492 (477-478).

   H. Stebbing:
   The Universal Church,
   492 (478).

   G. W. Cox:
   The Crusades,
   653 (630).

   (b) The Trappists
   (about 1150).

   C. Lancelot:
   La Grande Chartreuse,
   3237-3238 (3121-3122).

   (c) Port Royal
   (A. D. 1204-1710).

   J. Tulloch:
   Pascal,
   2637 (2565).

   J. B. Perkins:
   France under Mazarin,
   2637-2639 (2565-2567).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   2639 (2567).

   Duke of Saint Simon:
   Memoirs,
   2640 (2568).

   J. J. I. Döllinger:
   European History,
   2640 (2568).

5. THE AUGUSTINIANS, OR AUSTIN CANONS
   (ABOUT A. D. 1150):

   K. Norgate:
   England under the Angevin Kings,
   197 (190).

   E. L. Cutts:
   Middle Ages,
   2656 (2584).

6. THE CARMELITE FRIARS
   (ABOUT A. D. 1150):

   J. L. von Mosheim:
   Ecclesiastical History,
   401 (391).

7. THE DOMINICANS
   (ABOUT A. D. 1200):

   J. Alzog:
   Manual of Church History,
   2196 (2152).

   J. A. Symonds:
   Renaissance in Italy,
   1789-1791 (1750-1752).

8. THE FRANCISCANS
   (ABOUT A. D. 1225):

   J. Alzog:
   Manual of Church History,
   2196 (2152).

   E. L. Cutts:
   Middle Ages,
   2196 (2152).

   A. M. F. Robinson:
   End of the Middle Ages,
   285 (276).

   J. L. von Mosheim:
   Ecclesiastical History,
   286 (277).

   M. Creighton:
   The Papacy,
   2493, first column, (2433).

   See
   "The Recollects,"
   2700 (2627).

9. THE CAPUCHINS
   (ABOUT A. D. 1500):

   J. Alzog:
   Manual of Church History,
   399 (389).

10. THE THEATINES
   (ABOUT A. D. 1525):

   A. W. Ward:
   The Counter-Reformation,
   3189 (3104).

   L. von Ranke:
   History of the Popes,
   3189 (3104).

11. THE LAZARISTS
   (ABOUT A. D. 1625):

   J. Alzog:
   Universal History,
   2039 (1995).

12. HOSPITALLERS OF ST. JOHN OF JERUSALEM
   (A. D. 1118-):

   T. Keightley:
   The Crusaders,
   1701-1702 (1662-1663).

   F. C. Woodhouse:
   Military Religious Orders,
   1702 (1663).

   G. Finlay:
   The Byzantine and Greek Empires,
   1702 (1663).

   W. H. Prescott:
   Reign of Philip II.,
   1703-1704 (1664-1665).

   F. C. Woodhouse;
   Military Religious Orders,
   1704-1705 (1665-1666).

13. THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARS
   (ABOUT A. D. 1120):

   T. Keightley:
   The Crusaders,
   3176 (3091).

   C. G. Addison:
   The Knights Templars,
   3176 (3091).

   G. W. Kitchin:
   History of France,
   3177 (3092).

   A. P. Marras:
   Secret Fraternities of the Middle Ages,
   1438-1439 (1405-1406).

   R. A. Vaughn:
   Hours with the Mystics,
   2826-2827 (2752-2753).

14. THE TEUTONIC KNIGHTS
   (ABOUT A. D. 1190):

   F. C. Woodhouse:
   Military Religious Orders,
   3185-3186 (3100-3101).

   G. F. Maclear:
   Apostles of Mediæval Europe,
   2684-2685 (2612-2613).

{758}

15. THE SOCIETY OF JESUS
   (A. D. 1540-):

   (a) Loyola, and the Founding of the Order.

   L. Häusser:
   The Reformation,
   1928-1929 (1887-1888).

   G. B. Nicolini:
   The Jesuits,
   1929 (1888).

   A. T. Drane:
   Christian Schools,
   731 (708).

   G. Compayré:
   History of Pedagogy,
   731-732 (708-709).

   O. Browning:
   Educational Theories,
   732 (709).

   (b) Early Jesuit Missions.

   A Historical Sketch of the Jesuits,
   1929-1930 (1888-1889).

   W. P. Greswell:
   The Dominion of Canada,
   1930 (1889).

   F. Parkman:
   The Jesuits in North America,
   1930-1931 (1889-1890).

   R. Mackenzie:
   America,
   371-372 (361-362).

   The Hundred Years of Christianity in Japan,
   1915-1916 (1875-1876).

   D. Murray:
   The Story of Japan,
   1916 (1876).

   (c) Changes in the Statutes of the Order.

   L. von Ranke:
   History of the Popes,
   1931-1932 (1890-1891).

   (d) Expulsion of the Order from France
   (A. D. 1595).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   1246, first column, (1214).

   (e) Controversy with the Jansenists
   (A. D. 1653-1715).

   J. B. Perkins:
   France and Mazarin,
   2637-2639 (2565-2567).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   2639 (2567).

   (f) General Suppression of the Society throughout Europe
   (A. D. 1757-1775).

   H. M. Stephens:
   The Story of Portugal,
   1932-1933 (1891-1892).

   W. H. Jervis:
   History of the Church of France,
   1933-1934 (1892-1893).

   (g) Suppression of the Order by the Pope (A. D. 1773),
   and Restoration (A. D. 1814).

   The Jesuits and Their Expulsion,
   1934-1935, and 1935 (1893-1894, and 1894).

   Clement XIV. and the Jesuits,
   1935 (1894).

   "Himself without home or country, and not holding the
   doctrines of any political party, the Disciple of Jesus
   renounced everything which might alienate him among varying
   nationalities, pursuing various political aims. Then he did
   not confine his labors to the pulpit and the confessional; he
   gained an influence over the rising generation by a systematic
   attention to education, which had been shamefully neglected by
   the other orders. It is a true saying, that ‘he who gains the
   youth possesses the future’; and by devoting themselves to the
   education of youth, the Jesuits secured a future to the Church
   more surely than by any other scheme that could have been
   devised. What the schoolmasters were for the youth, the
   confessors were for those of riper years; what the clerical
   teachers were for the common people, the spiritual directors
   and confidants were for great lords and rulers—for the Jesuits
   aspired to a place at the side of the great, and at gaining
   the confidence of Kings."
      L. HÄUSSER.

STUDY XXL
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


THE RISE AND CONQUESTS OF MOHAMMEDANISM.

1. ARABIA AND THE ARABS; THE SARACENS;

   A. H. Sayce;
   Races of the Old Testament,
   2963 (2886).

   G. Rawlinson:
   Notes to Herodotus,
   128 (121).

   F. Lenormant:
   Ancient History.
   128-129 (121-122).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Ancient Arabia,
   129-130 (122-123).

   E. Gibbon;
   Decline and Fall,
   2878 (2803).

   H. H. Milman:
   Note to Gibbon,
   2878 (2803).

   H. Yule:
   Cathay,
   3215-3216, and 3216-3217 (3704-3705, and 3705-3706).

2. The Birth and Career of Mohammed
   (A. D. 570-632):

   E. A. Freeman:
   Conquests of the Saracens,
   2112 (2067).

   Sir W. Muir:
   Life of Mahomet,
   2112-2113 (2067-2068).

   J. W. H. Stobart
   Islam and Its Founder,
   1843 (1803).

   Sir H. Nicholas:
   Chronology of History,
   1011 (984).

   S. Lane-Poole:
   Studies in a Mosque,
   2194 (2150).

3. THE FIRST CALIPHATE; FROM ABU BEER TO ALI
   (A. D. 632-661);

   See
   Caliph,
   363 (353).

   R. D. Osborn:
   Islam under the Khalifs,
   1735 (1696).

   (а) Conquest of Syria.

   George Adam Smith:
   Geography of Holy Land,
   3141-3142 (3057-3058).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2113-2114 (2068-2069).

   W. Irving:
   Mahomet and His Successors,
   1923 (1882).

   (b) Conquest of Persia.

   G. Rawlinson:
   Seventh Oriental Monarchy,
   2114 (2069).

   (c) Conquest of Egypt.

   Sir W. Muir:
   Annals of Early Caliphate,
   2114-2115 (2069-2070).

   Researches on Burning of Library of Alexandria,
   2047-2048 (2003-2004).

   (d) Conquest of Northern Africa.

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   2442 (2390)

   H. E. M. Stutfield:
   El Maghreb,
   2133-2134 (2089-2090).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Conquest of Saracens,
   2115 (2070).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2115 (2070).

4. THE OMEYYAD CALIPHATE
   (A. D. 661-750)

   E. A. Freeman:
   Conquests of the Saracens,
   2116 (2071).

   Sir W. Muir:
   Annals of the Early Caliphate,
   2116-2117 (2071-2072).

5. THE SUBJUGATION OF THE TURKS
   (A. D. 710):

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall, 3246 (3130).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall, 2117 (2072).

6. THE CONQUEST OF SPAIN (A. D. 711-13),
   AND BATTLE OF TOURS (732):

   R. W. Church:
   Beginning of the Middle Ages,
   1599-1600 (1561-1562).

   H. Coppée:
   The Conquest of Spain,
   3054 (2974).

   P. Godwin:
   History of France,
   2117-2118, 2119 (2072-2075, 2076).

7. THE DIVIDED CALIPHATE; THE OMEYYADS AND ABBASSIDES
   (A. D. 715):

   Sir W. Muir:
   Annals of the Early Caliphate,
   2118 (2075).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Conquests of the Saracens,
   2119, 2120 (2076, 2077).

   E. H. Palmer:
   Haroun Alraschid,
   2119 (2076).

   T. Nöldeke:
   Eastern History,
   2120 (2077).

8. TURKISH SUPREMACY, AND ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SULTANATE
   (A. D. 1000-):

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall.
   3247 (3131).

   A. Vambéry:
   History of Bokhara,
   3247, 3249 (3131, 3133).

   R. D. Osborn:
   Islam under Khalifs of Bagdad,
   3247-3248 (3131-3132).

   E. Pears:
   The Fall of Constantinople,
   3248 (3132).

   G. Finlay:
   The Byzantine and Greek Empires,
   3348 (3133).

{759}

   9. RISK OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE (A. D. 1250-):

   Besant and Palmer:
   Jerusalem,
   3867 (3793-3763).

   J. F. Michaud:
   History of the Crusades,
   3867 (3793).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   3349-3350 (3133-3131).

10. CIVILIZATION OF THE SARACENS:

   (a) Education.

   J. W. Draper.
   Intellectual Development of Europe,
   713 (690).

   Westminster Review:
   Intellectual Revival,
   713-714 (690-691).

   (b) Medical Science.

   J. H. Baas:
   History of Medicine,
   3173-3174 (3130).

   G. F. Fort:
   Medical Economy of Middle Ages,
   2174 (2130).

   P. V. Renouard:
   History of Medicine,
   3174 (2130).

   (c) Commerce.

   H. Yule:
   Cathay,
   3215-3217 (3704-3706).

   G. Finlay:
   The Byzantine Empire,
   3217-3218 (3706-3707).

STUDY XXII.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE CRUSADES.

   "‘You,’ continued the eloquent pontiff [Urban II.], ‘you, who
   hear me, and who have received the true faith, and been
   endowed by God with power, and strength, and greatness of
   soul,—whose ancestors have been the prop of Christendom, and
   whose Kings have put a barrier against the progress of the
   infidel,—I call upon you to wipe off these impurities from the
   face of the earth, and lift your oppressed fellow Christians
   from the depths into which they have been trampled.’ Palestine
   was, he said, a land flowing with milk and honey, and precious
   in the sight of God, as the scene of the grand events which
   have saved mankind. That land, he promised, should be divided
   among them. Moreover, they should have full pardon for all
   their offenses against God or man. ‘Go then,’ he added, ‘in
   expiation of your sins; and go assured that, after this world
   shall have passed away, imperishable glory shall be yours in
   the world to come.’ The enthusiasm was no longer to be
   restrained, and loud shouts interrupted the speaker; the
   people exclaiming as with one voice, ‘Dieu le veult! Dieu le
   veult!’"
      C. MACKAY.

1. CAUSES OF THE MOVEMENTS:

   W. Irving:
   Mahomet and His Successors,
   1923 (1882).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Conquests of the Saracens,
   2120 (2077).

   G. Finlay:
   Byzantine and Greek Empires,
   649 (626).

2. PREACHING OF POPE URBAN II., AND PETER THE HERMIT:

   C. Mackay:
   Popular Delusions,
   649-50 (626-627).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   650 (627).

3. THE FIRST CRUSADE
   (A. D. 1096-1099):

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   650-651 (627-628).

   Besant and Palmer:
   Jerusalem,
   1923-1924 (1882-1883).

   T. Keightley:
   The Crusaders,
   651-652 (628-629).

   H. F. Brown:
   Venice,
   3725-3726 (3605-3606).

   4. THE LATIN KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM
   (A. D. 1099-1291):

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   1924 (1883).

   T. Keightley:
   The Crusaders,
   1924 (1883).

   C. Mills:
   The Crusades,
   1924-1925 (1883-1884).

   G. W. Cox:
   The Crusades,
   1925 (1884).

5. THE SECOND CRUSADE
   (A. D. 1147-1149):

   H. von Sybel:
   The Crusades,
   652-653 (629-630).

   G. W. Cox:
   The Crusades,
   653 (630).

   C. M. Yonge:
   History of France,
   1193 (1161-1162).

   K. Norgate:
   England under the Angevin Kings,
   127-128 (120-121).

6. THE THIRD CRUSADE
   (A. D. 1188-1192):

   J. F. Michaud:
   The Crusades,
   653 (630).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   653-654 (630-631).

   G. W. Cox:
   The Crusades,
   654 (631).

7. THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CRUSADES
   (A. D. 1196-1203):

   G. W. Cox:
   The Crusades,
   654 (631).

   E. Pears:
   The Fall of Constantinople,
   654-655 (631-632).

8. THE CONQUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE
   (A D. 1204):

   G. Finlay:
   The Byzantine and Greek Empires,
   3726 (3606).

   E. Pears:
   The Fall of Constantinople,
   3726, and 350-351 (3606 and 340-341).

   G. Finlay:
   History of Greece,
   351 (341).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   351-352 (341-342).

   G. Finlay:
   History of Greece,
   6 and 2730 (6 and 2656).

   G. Finlay:
   Byzantine and Greek Empires,
   1649-1650 (1611-1612).

9. MINOR CRUSADING MOVEMENTS:

   (a) The Children’s Crusade (A. D. 1212).

   Besant and Palmer:
   Jerusalem,
   655-656 (632-633).

   (b) Against the Albigenses (A. D. 1209-1229).

   G. Rawlinson:
   Seventh Oriental Monarchy,
   2127-2128 (2083-2084).

   J. L. Mosheim:
   Christianity.
   2128 (2084).

   H. H. Milman:
   Latin Christianity,
   39 (32).

   J. Alzog:
   Manual of Church History,
   39 (32).

   Sir J. Stephen:
   History of France,
   39 (32).

   E. Smedley:
   History of France,
   39-40 (32-33).

   Sir James Stephen:
   History of France,
   40 and 41 (33 and 34).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Historical Geography of Europe,
   40-41 (33-34).

   (c) Against the Livonians
   (about A. D. 1200).

   G. F. Maclear:
   Apostles of Mediaeval Europe,
   2075 (2031).

   (d) Against the Prussians
   (about A. D. 1250-).

   G. F. Maclear:
   Apostles of Mediæval Europe,
   2684-2685 (2612-2613).

   T. Carlyle:
   Frederick the Great,
   2685 (2613).

   (e) Against the Almohades
   (A. D. 1212).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Conquest of the Saracens,
   49 (42.)

   H. Coppée:
   Conquest of Spain by the Moors,
   3058 (2977).

   10. THE SIXTH CRUSADE
   (A. D. 1216-1229):

   G. Procter:
   The Crusades,
   656-657 (633-634).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Emperor Frederick the Second,
   1480 (1446-1447).

   Besant and Palmer:
   Jerusalem,
   1926 (1885).

11. THE SEVENTH CRUSADE
   (A. D. 1248-1254):

   F. P. Guizot:
   History of France,
   657-658 (634-635).

   J. F. Michaud:
   The Crusades,
   658 (635).

12. FINAL MOVEMENTS
   (A. D. (1270-1299):

   F. P. Guizot:
   HISTORY OF FRANCE,
   658-659 (635-636).

   G. Procter:
   The Crusades,
   1927-1928 (1886-1887).

   W. Stubbs:
   Mediaeval and Modern History,
   1928 (1887).

   C. G. Addison:
   The Knights Templars,
   659 (636).

{760}

13. THE EFFECTS OF THE CRUSADES:

   E. Gibbon;
   Decline and Fall,
   659 (636).

   H. Hallam;
   The Middle Ages,
   659 (636).

   W. Robertson;
   Progress of Society in Europe,
   659 (636).

   W. Stubbs;
   Mediæval and Modern History,
   660 (637).

   F. Guizot:
   History of Civilization,
   660-661 (637-638).

   "The principle of the Crusades was a savage fanaticism; and
   the most important effects were analogous to the cause. Each
   pilgrim was ambitious to return with his sacred spoils, the
   relics of Greece and Palestine; and each relic was preceded
   and followed by a train of miracles and visions. The belief of
   the Catholics was corrupted by new legends, their practice by
   new superstitions; and the establishment of the inquisition,
   the mendicant orders of monks and friars, the last abuse of
   indulgences, and the final progress of idolatry, flowed from
   the baleful fountain of the holy war."
      E. GIBBON.


STUDY XXIII.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


THE RENAISSANCE—THE BIRTH OF THE MODERN AGE
(A. D. 1400-1500).

1. THE GENERAL MEANING OF THE TERM:

   J. A. Symonds:
   Renaissance in Italy,
   2703-2704 (2630-2631).

   P. Villari:
   Niccolo Machiavelli,
   2704 (2631).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1077-1079 (1049-1051).

2. THE LEADING INFLUENCE OF ITALY IN THE AWAKENING:

   J. A. Symonds:
   Renaissance in Italy,
   1872-1873, 1874-1875 (1832-1833, 1834-1835).

   Vernon Lee:
   Euphorion,
   1874 (1834).

   H. A. Taine:
   Italy, Florence, and Venice,
   1173 (1143).

   "When Machiavelli called Italy 'the corruption of the world,'
   he did not speak rhetorically. An impure and worldly clergy;
   an irreligious, though superstitious, laity; a self-indulgent
   and materialistic middle class: an idle aristocracy, excluded
   from politics and unused to arms; a public given up to
   pleasure and money getting; a multitude of scholars, devoted
   to trifles, and vitiated by studies which clashed with the
   ideals of Christianity—from such elements in the nation
   proceeded a widely spread and ever-increasing degeneracy. …
   Religion expired in laughter, irony, and license. Domestic
   simplicity yielded to vice, whereof the records are precise
   and unmistakable. The virile virtues disappeared. What
   survived of courage assumed the forms of ruffianism, ferocity,
   and treasonable daring. Still, simultaneously with this
   decline in all the moral qualities which constitute a powerful
   people, the Italians brought their arts and some departments
   of their literature to a perfection that can only be
   paralleled by Ancient Greece. The anomaly implied in this
   statement is striking; but it is revealed to us by evidence
   too overwhelming to be rejected.
      J. A. SYMONDS.

3. OTHER GREATLY CONTRIBUTING CAUSES:

   (a) The Capture of Constantinople by the Turks (A. D. 1453):

   C. C. Felton:
   Greece, Ancient and Modern,
   524 (510).

   Demetrios Bikelas:
   The Byzantine Empire,
   352 (342).

   J. N. Larned:
   The Greek Revival,
   1077-1078 (1050).

   (b) The Invention of Printing (A. D. 1456).

   J. N. Larned:
   The Invention of Printing,
   1077 (1049).

   H. Bouchot:
   The Printed Book,
   2660 (2588).

   W. Blades:
   Books in Chains,
   2660-2661 (2588-2589).

   (c) The Marvelous Results of Exploration and Discovery.

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1078-1079 (1050-1051).

   J. A. Blanqui:
   History of Political Economy,
   3730-3731 (3610-3611).

      (1) The Early Successes of the Portuguese.

      C. R. Markham:
      The Sea Fathers,
      2644 (2572).

      J. Yeats:
      Growth of Commerce,
      2644-2645 (2572-2573).

      J. W. Draper:
      Intellectual Development of Europe,
      2645 (2573).

      (2) The Spanish Discoveries.

      H. H Bancroft:
      History of the Pacific States,
      55 (48).

      Sir A. Helps:
      The Spanish Conquest,
      55-56 (48-49).

      C. R. Markham:
      The Sea Fathers,
      56 (49).

      W. Irving:
      Life of Columbus,
      57-58 (50-51).

      J. Fiske:
      The Discovery of America,
      60 (53).

      J. Winsor:
      Narrative and Critical History of America,
      61-62 (54-55).

      (3) The English Discoveries.

      G. Bancroft:
      History of the United States,
      58 (51).

      H. Harrisse:
      Discovery of North America,
      59.

      H. Harrisse:
      Discovery of North America,
      61 (3678).

4. THE EFFECTS OF THE RENAISSANCE:

   (a) In Italy.

   H. A. Taine:
   History of English Literature,
   2502 (2442).

   W. Hunt:
   History of Italy,
   1870 (1830).

   Mrs. Oliphant:
   Makers of Florence,
   1172 (1142).

   H. A. Taine:
   Italy, Florence, and Venice,
   1172-1173 (1142-1143).

   (b) In France.

   J. A Symonds:
   Renaissance in Italy,
   1872-1873 (1832-1833).

   Mrs. Mark Pattison:
   The Renaissance of Art,
   1216-1217 (1184-1185).

   A. Tilley:
   Literature of the French Renaissance,
   1217 (1185).

   (c) In Germany.

   M. Arnold:
   Schools on the Continent,
   727 (704).

   (d) In England.

   H. A. Taine:
   English Literature,
   851-852 (824-825).

   J. A. Symonds:
   Shakespeare's Predecessors,
   852-853 (825-826).

5. THE INFLUENCE OF THE RENAISSANCE:

   (a) Upon Art.

   R. N. Wornum:
   Epochs of Painting,
   2462-2463.

   J. A. Symonds:
   Renaissance in Italy,
   2463-2454.

   R. Westmacott:
   Handbook of Sculpture,
   2957-2958.

   J. A. Symonds:
   Renaissance in Italy,
   3732 (3612).

   W. B. Scaife:
   Florentine Life,
   1169 (1139).

   (b) Upon Education.

   G. Compayré:
   History of Pedagogy,
   725 (702).

   M. Arnold:
   Schools on the Continent,
   727 (704).

   D. Campbell:
   The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
   728-729 (705-706).

   A. Lang:
   Oxford,
   729-730 (706-707).

   (c) Upon Music.

   W. J. Henderson:
   The Story of Music,
   2284.

   H. G. B. Hunt:
   A History of Music,
   2284.

   (d) Upon the Foundation of Libraries.

   J. A. Symonds:
   The Renaissance in Italy,
   2052-2053 (2008-2009).

   G. W. Greene:
   Historical Studies,
   2053 (2009).

   E. Edwards:
   Statistics of Libraries,
   2054 (2010).

   (e) Upon Trade and Commerce.

   J. N. Larned:
   Modern Trade Routes, etc.,
   3224-3228 (3713-3717).

   J. A. Blanqui:
   History of Political Economy,
   3730-3731 (3610-3611).

   D. Campbell:
   The Puritan in Holland,
   2299 (2251).

{761}

STUDY XXIV.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


THE GREAT REFORMATION
(A. D. 1517-).

1. STATE OF RELIGION AT THE CLOSE OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY:

   Vernon Lee:
   Euphorion,
   1874 (1834).

   R. L. Poole:
   Wyclif and Reform,
   2501 (2441).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   2501 (2441).

   H. A. Taine:
   English Literature,
   2502 (2442).

   J. A. Symonds:
   Renaissance in Italy,
   2502 (2442).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1081-1082 (1053-1054).

2. REFORMERS BEFORE THE REFORMATION:

   (a) The Albigenses
   (A. D. 1209-1229).

      (1) Their Origin and Beliefs.

      H. Hallam:
      The Middle Ages,
      2561 (2495).

      H. H. Milman:
      Latin Christianity,
      39 (32).

      A. Neander:
      The Christian Church,
      39 (32).

      Sir J. Stephen:
      History of France,
      39 (32).

      R. C. Trench:
      Mediæval Church,
      409 (399).

      R. C. Trench:
      Mediæval Church,
      3762-3763 (3641-3642).

      (2) Their Extermination.

      E. Smedley:
      History of France,
      39-40 (32-33).

      Sir J. Stephen:
      History of France.
      40 (33).

      E. E. Crowe:
      History of France,
      41 (34).

      E. A. Freeman:
      Historical Geography of Europe,
      41 (34).

      Sir J. Stephen:
      History of France,
      41 (34).

   (b) Wyclif and the Lollards
   (about A. D. 1375-1400).

   A. M. F. Robinson:
   End of Middle Ages,
   285 (276).

   C. Ullmann;
   Reformers before the Reformation,
   285-286 (276-277).

   B. Herford:
   Story of Religion in England,
   841-842 (814-815).

   R. L. Poole:
   Wyclif and Reform,
   842 (815).

   J. A. Froude:
   History of England,
   842 (815).

   J. Gairdner:
   English History,
   842 (815).

   C. H. Pearson:
   English History,
   843-844 (816-817).

   J. R. Green:
   History of English People,
   844 (817).

   (c) Hus and the Bohemian Reformation
   (A. D. (1405-1434).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1072-1073 (1044-1045).

   R. C. Trench:
   Mediæval Church,
   296-297 (287-288).

   B. Taylor:
   History of Germany,
   297-298 (288-289).

   (d) Savonarola
   (A. D. 1490-1498).

   Mrs. Oliphant:
   Makers of Florence,
   1172 (1142).

   O. T. Hill:
   Introduction to Savonarola’s Triumph of the Cross,
   1173-1175 (1143-1145).

3. THE IMMEDIATE CAUSES OF THE REFORM OUTBREAK:

   G. P. Fisher:
   The Christian Church,
   1489-1490 (1456-1457).

   L. Ranke:
   History of Reformation,
   2504-2505 (2443-2444).

   G. P. Fisher:
   The Reformation,
   2505 (2444).

   Cardinal Wiseman:
   Doctrines of Catholic Church,
   2505-2506 (2444-2445).

   T. Kolde:
   Martin Luther,
   2503-2504.

   J. N. M. D’Aubigné:
   Story of the Reformation,
   2506 (2445).

4. LUTHER’S PROTEST AND THE AWAKENING OF GERMANY
   (A. D. 1517):

   F. Seebohm:
   The Protestant Revolution,
   2506-2507 (2445-2446).

   L. Ranke:
   History of the Reformation,
   2507 (2446).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1081-1082 (1053-1054).

5. THE NINETY-FIVE THESES:

   Full Text of Luther’s Manifesto,
   2507-2509 (2446-2448).

6. LUTHER BURNS THE PAPAL BULL (1520);
   THE DIET AT WORMS (1521):

   S. Baring-Gould;
   The Church in Germany,
   1490 (1457).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   2509-2511 (2448-2450).

   J. A. Froude:
   Luther,
   2512-2513 (2451-2452).

   "The presence in which he [Luther, at the Diet] found himself
   would have tried the nerves of the bravest of men; the
   Emperor, sternly hostile, with his retinue of Spanish priests
   and nobles; the Archbishops and bishops, all of the opinion
   that the stake was the only fitting place for so insolent a
   heretic; the dukes and barons, whose stern eyes were little
   likely to reveal their sympathy, if sympathy any of them felt.
   Only one of them, George of Frundsberg, had touched Luther on
   the shoulder as he passed through the ante-room. ‘Little monk,
   little monk,’ he said, ‘thou hast work before thee that I, and
   many a man whose trade is war, never faced the like of. If thy
   heart is right, and thy cause good, go on, in God’s name. He
   will not forsake thee.’ … There was a pause, and then Eck said
   that he had spoken disrespectfully; his heresies had already
   been condemned at the Council at Constance; let him retract on
   these special points, and he should have consideration for the
   rest. He required a plain Yes or No from him ‘without horns.’
   The taunt roused Luther’s blood. His full brave self was in
   the reply. ‘I will give you an answer,’ he said, ‘which has
   neither horns nor teeth. Popes have erred and Councils have
   erred. Prove to me out of Scripture that I am wrong, and I
   submit. Till then my conscience binds me. Here I stand. I can
   do no more. God help me. Amen.’ All day long the storm raged.
   Night had fallen, and torches were lighted before the sitting
   closed. Luther was dismissed at last. When he had reached his
   lodging again, he flung up his hands. ‘I am through!’ he
   cried. ‘I am through! If I had a thousand heads they should be
   struck off one by one before I would retract.’"
      J. A. FROUDE.

7. ZWINGLI, AND THE REFORMATION IN SWITZERLAND
   (A. D. 1519-1531):

   G. Waddington:
   The Reformation,
   2511 (2450).

   Hug and Stead:
   Switzerland,
   2511-2512 (2450-2451).

   Hug and Stead:
   Switzerland,
   3130-3131 (3046-3047).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1087-1088 (1059-1060).

8. THE REFORMATION MOVEMENT IN FRANCE:

   M. Creighton:
   The Papacy,
   1210-1211 (1178-1179).

   A. Tilley:
   The French Renaissance,
   1217 (1185).

   G. P. Fisher:
   The Reformation,
   2513-2514 (2452-2453).

   R. Heath:
   The Reformation in France,
   2514 (2453).

9. THE REVOLT IN THE NETHERLANDS:

   J. E. T. Rogers:
   The Story of Holland,
   2302 (2254).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   2302-2303 (2254-2255).

   C. Ullmann:
   Reformers before the Reformation,
   326 (316).

   W. E. Griffis:
   Influence of the Netherlands,
   326 (316).

   D. Campbell:
   The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
   728-729 (705-706).

   G. P. Fisher:
   The Reformation,
   2303 (2255).

   J. L. Motley:
   The Dutch Republic,
   2303-2304 (2255-2256).

10. GROWTH OF THE LUTHERAN MOVEMENT IN GERMANY
   (A. D. 1522-1529):

   W. Coxe:
   House of Austria,
   2515-2516 (2454-2455).

   G. P. Fisher:
   The Reformation,
   2516 (2455).

11. ORIGIN OF THE NAME "PROTESTANT"
   (A. D.1529):

   P. Bayne:
   Martin Luther,
   2516-2517 (2455-2456).

12. THE FINAL BREACH; THE "AUGSBURG CONFESSION"
   (A. D. 1530):

   J. Michelet:
   Life of Luther,
   2517 (2456).

   J. Alzog:
   Manual of Church History,
   2517-2518 (2456-2457).

   W. Robertson:
   Charles V.,
   1493-1494 (1460-1461).

   J. N. Earned:
   Europe,
   1086-1087 (1058-1059).

{762}

13. CALVIN, AND HIS ECCLESIASTICAL STATE:

   J. Tulloch:
   Leaders of the Reformation,
   1450 (1417).

   R. Heath:
   Reformation in France,
   2514 (2453).

   L. Häusser:
   The Reformation,
   1451-1452 (1417-1419).

14. THE BEGINNING OF THE COUNTER-REFORMATION
   (ABOUT A. D. 1535):

   "I intend to use this term Counter-Reformation to denote the
   reform of the Catholic Church, which was stimulated by the
   German Reformation, and which, when the Council of Trent had
   fixed the dogmas and discipline of Latin Christianity, enabled
   the Papacy to assume a militant policy in Europe, whereby it
   regained a large portion of the provinces that had previously
   lapsed to Lutheran and Calvinistic dissent. … The centre of
   the world-wide movement which is termed the
   Counter-Reformation was naturally Rome. Events had brought the
   Holy See once more into a position of prominence. It was more
   powerful as an Italian State now, through the support of Spain
   and the extinction of national independence, than at any
   previous period of history."
      J. A. SYMONDS.

   J. A. Symonds:
   The Italian Renaissance,
   1883-1884 (1843-1844).

   A. W. Ward:
   The Counter-Reformation,
   2518 (2457).

   J. A. Symonds;
   The Catholic Reaction,
   2518-2519 (2457-2458).

15. TWO EFFECTIVE AGENTS OF THE ROMAN CHURCH:

   (a) The Council of Trent
   (A. D. 1545-1563).

   L. Häusser:
   The Reformation,
   2519-2520 (2458-2459).

   L. von Ranke:
   History of the Popes,
   2520-2521 (2459-2460).

   A. W. Ward:
   The Counter-Reformation,
   2521 (2460).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1092 (1064).

   (b) The Society of Jesus (A. D. 1540-).

   L. Häusser:
   The Reformation,
   1928-1929 (1887-1888).

   G. B. Nicolini:
   History of the Jesuits,
   1929 (1888).

   L. von Ranke:
   History of the Popes,
   1931-1932 (1890-1891).

16. PROGRESS OF LUTHERANISM IN GERMANY
   (A. D. 1530-1620):

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1086-1087 (1058-1059).

   W. Robertson:
   Charles V.,
   1493-1494 (1460-1461).

   S. A. Dunham:
   The Germanic Empire,
   1494-1495 (1461-1462).

   S. Baring-Gould:
   The Story of Germany,
   118-119 (111-112).

17. WAR WITH THE EMPEROR
   (A. D. 1546-1561):

   C. D. Yonge:
   Three Centuries of Modern History,
   1495-1496 (1462-1463).

   J. Alzog:
   Universal Church History,
   1496-1497 (1463-1464).

   W. Menzel:
   History of Germany,
   1497-1498 (1464-1465).

18. INTERNAL DISSENSIONS AND THE CATHOLIC REACTION:

   W. Zimmerman:
   History of Germany,
   1498-1499 (1465-1466).

   O. Kämmel:
   German History,
   2521-2522 (3766-3767).

STUDY XXV.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


THE REFORM MOVEMENT AND RELIGIOUS WARS IN FRANCE.


1. THE COMPARATIVE INDEPENDENCE OF THE GALLICAN CHURCH:

   H. Hallam;
   The Middle Ages,
   1197 (1165).

   H. H. Milman:
   Latin Christianity,
   1197 (1165).

   M. Creighton:
   The Papacy,
   1210-1211 (1178-1179).

   F. P. Guizot:
   History of France,
   1219-1220 (1187-1188).

   W. H. Jervis:
   The Church of France,
   1220 (1188).

   "The long contest for Gallican rights had lowered the prestige
   of the popes in France, but it had not weakened the Catholic
   Church, which was older than the monarchy itself, and, in the
   feelings of the people, was indissolubly associated with it.
   The College of the Sorbonne, or the Theological Faculty at
   Paris, and the Parliament, which had together maintained
   Gallican liberty, were united in stern hostility to all
   doctrinal innovations."
      G. P. FISHER.

2. BEGINNING OF THE PROTESTANT REFORM MOVEMENT
   (ABOUT A. D. 1520):

   A. Tilley:
   The French Renaissance,
   1217 (1185).

   G. P. Fisher:
   The Reformation,
   2513-2514 (2452-2453).

   R. Heath:
   The Reformation in France,
   2514 (2453).

   W. Hanna:
   The Wars of the Huguenots,
   2292-2293 (2244-2245).

   E. de Bonnechose:
   History of France,
   1225-1226 (1193-1194).

3. THE RISE OF THE HUGUENOTS
   (ABOUT A. D. 1560):

   L. Häusser:
   The Reformation,
   1229 (1197).

   H. M. Baird:
   The Rise of the Huguenots,
   1230 (1198).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1089 (1061).

4. BEGINNING OF THE CIVIL WARS; THE GUISES, CONDÉS, ET AL.:

   G. Masson:
   The Huguenots,
   1230 (1198).

   W. Besant:
   Gaspard de Coligny,
   1230-1232 (1198-1200).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1097-1098 (1069-1070).

5. ROCHELLE, AND HENRY OF NAVARRE:

   W. Hanna:
   The Wars of the Huguenots,
   2292-2293 (2244-2245).

   W. Hanna:
   The Wars of the Huguenots,
   1232-1233 (1200-1201).

   L. Häusser:
   The Reformation,
   1233-1234 (1201-2120).

6. THE MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW’S DAY
   (A. D. 1572):

   J. A. Froude:
   History of England,
   1236 (1204).

   T. Wright:
   History of France,
   1236 (1204).

7. THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CIVIL WARS
   (A. D. 1572-1576):

   F. P. Guizot:
   History of France,
   1236-1237 (1204-1205).

   E. E. Crowe:
   History of France,
   1237-1238 (1205-1206).

   S. A. Dunham:
   History of Poland,
   2615-2616 (2547).

8. THE CATHOLIC LEAGUE AND THE POPE’S BULL
   (A. D. 1576):

   W. H. Jervis:
   The Church of France,
   1238-1239 (1206-1207).

   G. W. Kitchin:
   History of France,
   1239 (1207).

9. HENRY OF NAVARRE, AND THE BATTLE OF COUTRAS
   (A. D. 1584-1589):

   Duc d’Aumale:
   Princes of Condé,
   1240-1241 (1209).

   W. Hanna:
   Wars of the Huguenots,
   1241 (1209).

   V. Duruy:
   History of France,
   1241-1242 (1209-1210).

   "The struggle lasted but an hour, yet within that hour the
   Catholic army lost 3000 men, more than 400 of whom were
   members of the first families in the Kingdom; 3000 men were
   made prisoners. Not more than a third part of their entire
   army escaped. The Huguenots lost only about 200 men. … Before
   night fell Navarre wrote a few lines to the French King, which
   ran thus:

   ‘Sire, my Lord and Brother,—Thank God, I have beaten your
   enemies and your army.' It was but too true that the poor
   King’s worst enemies were to be found in the very armies that
   were marshalled in his name."
      W. HANNA.

{763}

   10. HENRY BECOMES HENRY IV. OF FRANCE; THE BATTLE OF IVRY
   (A. D. 1589):

   Henry the Fourth of France,
   1242-1243 (1210-1211).

   "My friends, if you share my fortune this day, I share yours.
   I am resolved to conquer or to die with you. Keep your ranks
   firmly, I beg; if the heat of the combat compels you to quit
   them, think always of the rally; it is the gaining of the
   battle. If you lose your ensigns, pennons, and banners, do not
   lose sight of my white plume; you will find it always on the
   road of honor and victory.’
      HENRY OF NAVARRE.

11. HENRY’S ABJURATION OF PROTESTANTISM
   (A. D. 1593):

   Duc d’Aumale:
   The Princes of Condé,
   1244-1245 (1212-1213).

   H. M. Baird:
   The Huguenots,
   1245 (1213).

   Sir J. Stephen:
   History of France,
   1245 (1213).

12. THE SIEGE OF PARIS; INTERFERENCE OF PHILIP II.
   (A. D. 1590-1598):

   J. L. Motley:
   The United Netherlands,
   1243-1244 (1211-1212).

   T. H. Dyer;
   Modern Europe,
   1245-1247 (1213-1215).

13. FROM THE EDICT OF NANTES (1598)
    TO ASSASSINATION OF THE KING (1610):

   H. M. Baird:
   The Huguenots,
   1247-1248 (1215-1216).

   W. Hanna:
   Wars of the Huguenots,
   1248 (1216).

   A. de Bonnechose;
   History of France,
   1248 (1216).

   "For the benefit of the Protestants the cardinal concession of
   the Edict was liberty to dwell anywhere in the royal
   dominions, without being subjected to inquiry, vexed,
   molested, or constrained to do anything contrary to their
   conscience. As respects public worship, while perfect equality
   was not established, the dispositions were such as to bring it
   within the power of a Protestant in any part of the Kingdom to
   meet his fellow-believers for the holiest acts, at least from
   time to time. … Scholars of both religions were to be admitted
   without distinction of religion to all universities, colleges,
   and schools throughout France. The same impartiality was to
   extend to the reception of the sick in the hospitals, and to
   the poor in the provision made for this relief. More than
   this, the Protestants were permitted to establish schools of
   their own in all places where their worship was authorized."
      H. M. BAIRD.

14. THE RISE OF RICHELIEU, AND DISTRACTION OF THE KINGDOM:

   Voltaire:
   Ancient and Modern History,
   1248-1249 (1216-1217).

   J. B. Perkins:
   France under Mazarin,
   1251 (1219).

   G. W. Kitchin:
   History of France,
   1251-1252 (1220).

15. THE HUGUENOT REVOLT
   (A. D. 1627-1628):

   C. D. Yonge:
   France under the Bourbons,
   1252-1253 (1220-1221).

   A. D. White:
   The Statesmanship of Richelieu,
   1253 (1221).

   R. Heath:
   The Reformation in France,
   1253 (1221).

16. ACCESSION OF LOUIS XIV., AND RENEWED PERSECUTION
   OF THE HUGUENOTS (A. D. 1661):

   J. C. Morison:
   Reign of Louis XIV.,
   1265 (1233).

   S. Smiles:
   The Huguenots,
   1265-1266 (1233-1234).

17. REVOCATION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES (1685),
   AND EXODUS OF THE HUGUENOTS (1681-1688):

   A. de Lamartine:
   Memoirs of Celebrated Characters,
   1269 (1237).

   R. L. Poole:
   Huguenots of the Dispersion,
   1269-1270 (1237-1238).


STUDY XXVI.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS—THE INQUISITION.

1. CONQUEST OF SPAIN BY THE ARAB MOORS
   (A. D. 711-713):

   H. Coppée:
   Conquest of Spain,
   3054 (2974).

   S. A. Dunham:
   History of Spain,
   3056-3057 (2976-2977).

2. RISE OF THE CHRISTIAN STATES:

   H. Coppée:
   Conquest of Spain,
   3055 (2975).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Conquest of the Saracens,
   3055 (2975).

   S. A. Dunham:
   History of Spain,
   2291 and 3056 (2243, 2976).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Historical Geography of Europe,
   3058 (2977).

3. UNION OF CASTILE AND ARAGON:

   E. E. Hale:
   The Story of Spain,
   3060 (2979).

   C. H. Pearson:
   English History,
   3061-3062 (2980-2981).

   H. Hallam:
   Middle Ages,
   3062-3063 (2981-2982).

4. RISE AND FALL OF THE MOORISH KINGDOM OF GRANADA:

   C. M. Yonge:
   The Christians and Moors of Spain,
   3059-3060 (2978-2979).

   H. Coppée:
   Conquest of Spain,
   3061 (2980).

   H. Coppée:
   Conquest of Spain,
   3063-3064 (2982-2983).

   W. H. Prescott:
   Ferdinand and Isabella,
   3064 (2983).

5. THE EARLY SPANISH CORTES AND THE SANTA HERMANDAD:

   W. H. Prescott:
   Ferdinand and Isabella,
   639-640 (616-17).

   H. Hallam:
   Middle Ages,
   640-641 (617-618).

   W. H. Prescott:
   Ferdinand and Isabella,
   1698-1699 (1659-1660).

6. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE INQUISITION:

   J. A. Symonds:
   Renaissance in Italy,
   1789-1791 (1750-1752).

   J. I. von Döllinger:
   The Jews in Europe,
   1966 (1925).

   H. T. Buckle:
   History of Civilization,
   2270-2271 (2226-2227).

7. EARLY HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS:

   J. L. Motley:
   Rise of the Dutch Republic,
   2298 (2250).

   W. T. McCullagh:
   The Free Nations,
   2298-2299 (2250-2251).

   D. Campbell:
   The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
   2299 (2251).

   C. M. Yonge:
   Cameos of History.
   2300 (2252).

8. RELATIONS WITH BURGUNDY; THE STATES GENERAL:

   C. M. Davies:
   History of Holland.
   2300 (2252).

   J. L. Motley:
   The Dutch Republic,
   2300-2301 (2252-2253).

9. MARRIAGE OF MARY OF BURGUNDY TO MAXIMILIAN OF AUSTRIA
   (A. D. 1477):

   Philip de Commines:
   Memoirs,
   2301 (2253).

   C. M. Davies:
   History of Holland,
   2301-2302 (2254).

10. RISE OF THE AUSTRO-SPANISH DYNASTY:

   W. H. Prescott:
   Ferdinand and Isabella,
   3065-3066 (2984-2985).

   J.E.T. Rogers:
   The Story of Holland,
   2302 (2254).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   2302-2303 (2254-2255).

   J. Bigland:
   History of Spain,
   3066 (2985).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   3066-3067 (2985-2986).

   W. H. Prescott:
   Philip II.,
   3067 (2986).

11. BEGINNING OF THE REFORMATION IN THE NETHERLANDS:

   G. P. Fisher:
   The Reformation,
   2303 (2255).

   J. L. Motley:
   The Dutch Republic,
   2303-2304 (2255-2256).

{764}

12. THE ACCESSION AND HORRIBLE CHARACTER OF PHILIP II.
   (A. D. 1555):

   C. M. Davies:
   History of Holland,
   2304 (2256).

   T. C. Grattan:
   History of the Netherlands,
   2304-2305 (2256-2257).

   C. Gayarré:
   Philip II.,
   2305, 3068 (2257, 2987).

13. PHILIP II. AND THE CATHOLIC REACTION:

   G. Procter:
   History of Italy,
   2520 (2459).

   L. von Ranke:
   History of the Popes,
   2520-2521 (2459-2460).

   O. Kämmel:
   History of Germany,
   2521-2522.

14. BEGINNING OF ORGANIZED RESISTANCE TO THE TYRANNY OF PHILIP
   (A. D. 1562):

   W. H. Prescott:
   The Reign of Philip II.,
   2305-2306 (2257-2258).

   J. L. Motley:
   The Dutch Republic,
   2306 (2258).

   T. C. Grattan:
   History of the Netherlands,
   2306-2307 (2258-2259).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   2307 (2259).

   F. Schiller:
   The Revolt of the Netherlands,
   2307 (2259).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1094-1095 (1066-1067).

15. THE DUKE OF ALVA AND HIS COUNCIL OF BLOOD
   (A. D. 1567):

   L. Häusser:
   The Reformation,
   2307-2308 (2259-2260).

   J. L. Motley:
   The Dutch Republic,
   2309-2310 (2261-2262).

16. THE STUPENDOUS DEATH-SENTENCE
   (A. D. 1568):

   J. L. Motley:
   The Dutch Republic,
   2310 (2262).

   "Upon the 16th February, 1568, a sentence of the Holy Office
   condemned all the inhabitants of the Netherlands to death as
   heretics. From this universal doom only a few persons,
   especially named, were excepted. A proclamation of the King,
   dated ten days later, confirmed this decree of the
   Inquisition, and ordered it to be carried into instant
   execution, without regard to age, sex, or condition. This is
   probably the most concise death-warrant that was ever framed.
   Three millions of people, men, women, and children, were
   sentenced to the scaffold in three lines; and as it was well
   known that these were not harmless thunders, like some bulls
   of the Vatican, but serious and practical measures which it
   was intended should be enforced, the horror which they
   produced may be easily imagined."
      J. L. MOTLEY.

17. BEGINNING OF THE FORTY YEARS’ WAR
   (A. D. 1568):

   C. D. Yonge:
   Modern History,
   2310-2311 (2262-2263).

   J. L. Motley:
   The Dutch Republic,
   2311-2312
   (2263-2264).

   A. Young:
   History of the Netherlands,
   2312-2313 (2264-2265).

18. THE RECALL OF ALVA, AND THE SIEGE OF LEYDEN
   (A. D. 1573-1574):

   C. M. Davies:
   History of Holland,
   2313-2314 (2265-2266).

   D. Campbell:
   The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
   729 (706).

19. THE PACIFICATION OF GHENT, AND THE UNION OF BRUSSELS
   (A. D. 1575-1577):

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   2314-2316 (2266-2268).

   J. E. T. Rogers:
   The Story of Holland,
   2316-2317 (2268-2269).

   J. L. Motley:
   The Dutch Republic,
   2317-2318 (2269-2270).

20. THE ASSASSINATION OF WILLIAM OF ORANGE,
    AND BIRTH OF THE REPUBLIC (A. D. 1584-1585):

   T. Grattan:
   History of the Netherlands,
   2318 (2270).

   J. L. Motley:
   The United Netherlands,
   2318-2320 (2270-2272).

   "Thus constituted was the commonwealth upon the death of
   William the Silent. The gloom produced by that event was
   tragical. Never in human history was a more poignant and
   universal sorrow for the death of any individual. The despair
   was, for a brief season, absolute; but it was soon succeeded
   by more lofty sentiments. … Even on the very day of the
   murder, the Estates of Holland, then sitting at Delft, passed
   a resolution ‘to maintain the good cause, with God’s help, to
   the uttermost, without sparing gold or blood.’ … The next
   movement, after the last solemn obsequies had been rendered to
   the Prince, was to provide for the immediate wants of his
   family. For the man who had gone into the revolt with almost
   royal revenues, left his estate so embarrassed that his
   carpets, tapestries, household linen—nay, even his silver
   spoons, and the very clothes of his wardrobe—were disposed of
   at auction for the benefit of his creditors."
      J. L. MOTLEY.

21. THE DOWNFALL OF ANTWERP
   (A. D. 1585):

   J. L. Motley:
   The Dutch Republic,
   125 (118).

   G. L. Craik:
   History of British Commerce,
   3107 (3025).

   J. N. Larned:
   The Flemings and Dutch,
   3226-3227 (3715-3716).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   2320 (2272).

22. THE UNITED PROVINCES AND ELIZABETH OF ENGLAND:

   Sir T. E. May:
   Democracy in Europe,
   2320-2321 (2272-2273).

   J. A. Froude:
   History of England,
   2321-2322 (2274).

   C. M. Davies:
   History of Holland,
   2322 (2274).

23. STEADY DECLINE OF SPANISH POWER, AND DEATH OF PHILIP II.
   (A. D. 1590-1598):

   Sir E. Cust:
   The Thirty Years’ War,
   2322-2323 (2274-2275).

   Sir T. E. May:
   Democracy in Europe,
   2323-2324 (2275-2276).

24. RISE OF DUTCH COMMERCE; THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
   (A. D. 1595-1620):

   W. T. McCullagh:
   Industrial History,
   2324 (2276).

   F. H. H. Guillemard:
   Malaysia,
   2124.

   J. N. Larned:
   The Flemings and the Dutch,
   3226-3228 (3715-3717).

25. JOHN BARNEVELDT, AND THE ARMINIAN CONTROVERSY
   (A. D. 1600-1620):

   C. M. Yonge:
   Cameos from English History,
   2324-2326 (2276-2278).

   D. Campbell:
   The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
   729 (706).

26. FINAL ESTABLISHMENT OF PEACE BETWEEN SPAIN AND
   THE UNITED PROVINCES
   (A. D. 1648):

   J. B. Perkins:
   France under Mazarin,
   2329-2330 (2281-2282).

   J. Geddes:
   John De Witt,
   2330 (2282).

27. PROSPERITY OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC, WHICH BECOMES HOLLAND
   (ABOUT A. D. 1660):

   D. Campbell:
   The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
   2332-2333 (2284-2285).

   O. Airy:
   The English Restoration,
   2333 (2285).

{765}

STUDY XXVII.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


THE THIRTY YEARS’ WAR
(A. D. 1618-1648).


   "The Thirty Years’ War was the last struggle which marked the
   progress of the Reformation. This war, whose direction and
   object were equally undetermined, may be divided into four
   distinct portions, in which the Elector Palatine, Denmark,
   Sweden, and France played in succession the principal part. It
   became more and more complicated until it spread over the
   whole of Europe. It was prolonged indefinitely by various
   causes.

   I. The intimate union between the two branches of the house of
   Austria and of the Catholic party,—their opponents, on the
   other hand, were not homogeneous.

   II. The inaction of England, the tardy intervention of France,
   the poverty of Denmark and Sweden, etc. The armies which took
   part in the Thirty Years’ War were no longer feudal militias,
   they were permanent armies, and lived at the expense of the
   countries which they laid waste."
      J. MICHELET.

1. CONDITIONS WHICH LED UP TO THE WAR:

   O. Kämmel:
   History of Germany,
   2521-2522 (3767).

   E. L. Godkin:
   History of Hungary,
   1717, first column, (1678).

   W. Zimmerman:
   History of Germany,
   1498-1499 (1465-1466).

   F. Schiller:
   The Thirty Years’ War,
   301-302 (293).

   J. Sime:
   History of Germany,
   1499-1500 (1466-1467).

   J. Michelet:
   Modern History,
   1500 (1467).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1099-1100 (1071-1072).

2. THE PROSTRATION OF PROTESTANTISM
   (A. D. 1618-1626):

   F. Kohlrausch:
   History of Germany,
   1500-1501 (1467-1468).

   B. Chapman:
   Gustavus Adolphus,
   1501-1502 (1469).

   S. R. Gardiner:
   Thirty Years’ War,
   1502 (1469).

   W. Coxe:
   House of Austria,
   1502-1504 (1469-1471).

3. THE SUPPRESSION OF BOHEMIA
   (A. D. 1621-1648):

   L. Häusser:
   The Great Reformation,
   302 (293).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1100 (1072).

   "No succor reached the unfortunate people; but neither did the
   victors attain their end. Protestantism and Hussite memories
   could not be slain, and only outward submission was extorted.
   … But a desert was created; the land was crushed for a
   generation. Before the war Bohemia had 4,000,000 inhabitants,
   and in 1648 there were but 700,000 or 800,000. In some parts
   of the country the population has not attained the standard of
   1620 to this day."
      L. HÄUSSER.

4. THE RISE OF PRUSSIA:

   C. F. Johnstone:
   Historical Abstracts,
   318 (308).

   H. von Treitschke:
   History of Germany,
   2685-2686 (3768-3769).

5. THE GROWING POWER OF SWEDEN:

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   2893-2894 (2818-2819).

   C. R. L. Fletcher:
   Gustavus Adolphus,
   2894-2896 (2819-2821).

   J. L. Stevens:
   Gustavus Adolphus,
   2896-2897 (2822).

6. THE SUPREMACY OF WALLENSTEIN
   (A. D. 1625-1630):

   G. B. Malleson:
   Battlefields of Germany,
   1504-1505 (1471-1472).

   J. Mitchell:
   Life of Wallenstein,
   1505-1506 (1472-1473).

   G. P. R. James:
   Dark Scenes of History,
   1506-1507 (1473-1474).

7. THE ADVENT OF GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS
   (A. D. 1630-1632):

   C. T. Lewis:
   History of Germany,
   1507-1508 (1475).

   F. Schiller:
   The Thirty Years’ War,
   1508 (1475).

   C. R. L. Fletcher:
   Gustavas Adolphus,
   1508-1509 (1475-1476).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1100-1101 (1072-1073).

8. THE DECISIVE BATTLE AT LEIPSIG (BREITENFELD)
   (A. D. 1631):

   B. Chapman:
   Gustavus Adolphus,
   1509-1510 (1477).

   C. R. L. Fletcher:
   Gustavus Adolphus,
   1510 (1477).

   "The battle of Breitenfeld was an epoch in war, it was an
   epoch in history. It was an epoch in war, because first in it
   was displayed on a great scale the superiority of mobility
   over weight. It was an epoch in history, because it broke the
   force upon which the revived Catholicism had relied for the
   extension of its empire over Europe. Germany might tear
   herself to pieces for yet another half-generation, but the
   actual result of the Thirty Years’ War was as good as
   achieved."
      C. R. L. FLETCHER.

9. RECALL OF WALLENSTEIN;
   THE BATTLE OF LÜTZEN;
   DEATH OF GUSTAVUS
   (A. D. 1632):

   C. M. Yonge:
   English History,
   1510-1511 (1477-1478).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   1511-1512 (1478-1479).

   C. T. Lewis:
   History of Germany,
   1512 (1479).

10. RICHELIEU BECOMES AN ACTIVE FACTOR IN THE WAR:

   J. Mitchell:
   Life of Wallenstein,
   1512-1513 (1480).

   H. M. Hozier:
   Turenne,
   1513 (1480).

   G. B. Malleson:
   Battlefields of Germany,
   1513-1514 (1480-1481).

11. SUCCESSES OF THE SWEDISH ARMY UNDER TORSTENSON
   (A. D. 1640-1642):

   L. Häusser:
   The Reformation,
   1514-1515 (1481-1482).

12. THE FINAL CAMPAIGNS OF THE WAR
   (A. D. 1645-1648):

   H. M. Hozier:
   Turenne,
   1515-1516 (1482-1453).

   T. O. Cockayne:
   Life of Turenne,
   1516 (1483).

   F. Schiller:
   The Thirty Years’ War,
   1516-1517 (1483-1484).

13. THE HORRORS OF THE THIRTY YEARS’ WAR:

   R. C. Trench:
   Gustavus Adolphus,
   1517-1518 (1484-1485).

   H. von Z-Südenhorst:
   History of Germany,
   1518 (3770).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1101 (1073).

   "This, which had been a civil war at the first, did not
   continue such for long, or rather it united presently all the
   dreadfulness of a civil war and a foreign. It was not long
   before the hosts which trampled the German soil had in large
   part ceased to be German; every region of Europe sending of
   its children, and, as it would seem, of those whom it must
   have been gladdest to be rid of, to swell the ranks of the
   destroyers. … Under conditions like these it is not wonderful
   that the fields were left untilled; for who would sow, what he
   could never reap? What wonder that famine, thus invited,
   should before long have arrived? … Persons were found dead in
   the fields with grass in their mouths, while the tanner’s and
   knackers’ yards were beset for the putrid carcasses of beasts.
   Men climbed up the gibbets and tore down the bodies which were
   suspended there, and devoured them. Prisoners were killed that
   they might be eaten. Children were enticed from home. …
   Putting all together, it is not too much to say that the
   crowning horrors of Samaria, of Jerusalem, of Saguntum, found
   their parallels, and often worse than their parallels, in
   Christian Germany only two centuries ago. … Of the population
   it was found that three-fourths, in some parts a far larger
   proportion, had perished … or fled to Switzerland, to Holland,
   and to other countries never to return from them again."
      R. C. TRENCH.

14. THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA (A. D. 1648);

   G. W. Kitchin:
   History of France,
   1518-1519 (1486).

   A. Gindely:
   The Thirty Years’ War,
   1519 (1486).

   F. Kohlrausch:
   History of Germany,
   1519-1520 (1486-1487).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1101 (1073).

15. RESULTS OF THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA:

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1520 (1487).

   S. A. Dunham:
   The Germanic Empire,
   1520-1521 (1487-1488).

   S. E. Turner:
   The Germanic Constitution,
   683-684 (660-661).

   S. A. Dunham:
   The Germanic Empire,
   684 (661).

   See Map of Germany at Peace of Westphalia,
   1518-1519 (1486-1487).

{766}

   "Both Lutherans and Calvinists were declared free from all
   jurisdiction of the Pope or any Catholic prelate. Thus the
   last link which bound Germany to Rome was snapped, the last of
   the principles by virtue of which the Empire had existed was
   abandoned. … The Peace of Westphalia was therefore an
   abrogation of the sovereignty of Rome, and of the theory of
   Church and State with which the name of Rome was associated. …
   The Peace of Westphalia is an era in imperial history not less
   clearly marked than the Coronation of Otto the Great, or the
   death of Frederick II. … Properly, indeed, it was no longer an
   Empire at all, but a Confederation, and that of the loosest
   sort. … There were 300 petty principalities between the
   Alps and the Baltic, each with its own laws, and its own
   courts, its little armies, its separate coinage, its tolls and
   custom-houses on the frontier, its crowd of meddlesome and
   pedantic officials. This vicious system, which paralyzed the
   trade, the literature, and the political thought of Germany,
   had been forming itself for sometime, but did not become fully
   established until the Peace of Westphalia, by emancipating the
   princes from imperial control, had made them despots in their
   own territories."
      JAMES BRYCE.

16. THE RELATIONS OF AUSTRIA, GERMANY, AND FRANCE
    AFTER THE THIRTY YEARS’ WAR:

   H. von Treitschke:
   History of Germany,
   1521-1522 (3770-3771).

   L. Häusser:
   History of Germany,
   1522 (3771).

   H. von Sybel:
   The French Revolution,
   1522-1523 (1488-1489).


STUDY XXVIII.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


THE MAKING OF ENGLAND
(A. D. 449-1200).


1. BRITAIN:

   C. F. Keary:
   Dawn of History,
   144-145 (137-138).

   T. Wright:
   Celt, Roman, and Saxon,
   329 (319).

   J. Cæsar:
   Gallic War,
   329 (319).

   C. Merivale:
   History of the Romans,
   329-331 (319-321).

   H. M. Scarth:
   Roman Britain,
   331 (321).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   332 (322).

   J. R. Green:
   The Making of England,
   332 (322).

2. ENGLAND:

   W. Stubbs:
   Constitutional History of England,
   121 (114).

   E. A. Freeman:
   The Norman Conquest,
   121 (114).

   T. Hodgkin:
   Italy and Her Invaders,
   2885 (2810).

   W. Stubbs:
   Constitutional History of England,
   806 (779).

   E. A. Freeman:
   The English People,
   807 (780).

   J. R. Green:
   The Making of England,
   807-808 (780-781).

3. IRELAND:

   M. Haverty:
   History of Ireland,
   1794-1795 (1754-1755).

   E. Lawless:
   The Story of Ireland,
   1795 (1755).

   T. Wright:
   Celt, Roman, and Saxon,
   1795 (1755).

4. SCOTLAND:

   W. F. Skene:
   Celtic Scotland,
   2913-2914 (2838-2839).

   J. Rhys:
   Celtic Britain,
   2914 (2839).

   E. A. Freeman:
   The Norman Conquest,
   2914 (2839).

   W. F. Skene:
   Celtic Scotland,
   2914-2915 (2839-2840).

5. THE ANGLO-SAXON CONQUEST
   (A. D. 470-630):

   F. Palgrave:
   The Anglo-Saxons,
   808 (781).

   J. M. Lappenberg:
   England under the Anglo-Saxon Kings,
   808-809 (781-782).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Old English History,
   809 (782).

   Thomas Fuller:
   Church History of Britain,
   810 (782-783).

   G. F. Maclear:
   The Conversion of the West,
   810 (783).

   E. A. Freeman:
   The Norman Conquest,
   810 (783).

   J. R. Green:
   The Making of England,
   811 (784).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1042 (1014).

6. THE CONVERSION OF IRELAND; ITS SCHOOLS AND MISSIONARIES:

   Sir C. G. Duffy:
   Irish History,
   1795-1796 (1755-1756).

   Count de Montalembert:
   Monks of the West,
   1796 (1756).

   G. F. Maclear:
   Conversion of the West,
   474 (460).

   R. C. Trench:
   Mediæval Church History,
   474-475 (460-461).

   J. E. T. Wiltsch:
   Statistics of the Church,
   475 (461).

   A. T. Drane:
   Christian Schools,
   711-712 (688-689).

   "The rapid extension of the monastic institute in Ireland, and
   the extraordinary ardour with which the Irish cœnobites
   applied themselves to the cultivation of letters, remain
   undisputed facts. ‘Within a century after the death of St.
   Patrick,’ says Bishop Nicholson, ‘the Irish seminaries had so
   increased that most parts of Europe sent their children to be
   educated here, and drew thence their bishops and teachers.’
   The whole country for miles round Leighlin was denominated the
   ‘land of Saints and Scholars.’ By the ninth century Armagh
   could boast of 7000 students, and the schools of Cashel,
   Dindaleathglass, and Lismore vied with it in renown."
      A. T. DRANE.

7. THE SAXON HEPTARCHY:

   E. A. Freeman:
   The Norman Conquest,
   811 (784).

   F. Gneist:
   The English Constitution,
   811 (784).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Old English History,
   812 (785).

   W. F. Skene:
   Celtic Scotland,
   2914-2915 (2839-2810).

8. THE DANISH INVASIONS, AND ALFRED THE GREAT:

   R. G. Latham:
   Nationalities of Europe,
   2891 (2816).

   A. Thierry:
   Conquest of England by the Normans,
   2418 (2366).

   G. W. Dasent:
   The Story of Burnt Njal,
   2418 (2366).

   E. A. Freeman:
   The Norman Conquest,
   812-813 (785-786).

   M. J. Guest:
   History of England,
   813 (786).

   Thomas Hughes:
   Alfred the Great,
   813-814 (786-787).

   S. R. Gardiner:
   English History,
   815-816 (788-789).

   J. A. Giles:
   Alfred the Great,
   713 (690).

   "Alfred is the most perfect character in history. … No other
   man on record has ever so thoroughly united all the virtues
   both of ruler and of the private man. In no other man on
   record were so many virtues disfigured by so little alloy. A
   saint without superstition, a scholar without ostentation, a
   warrior all whose wars were fought in the defense of his
   country, a conqueror whose laurels were never stained by
   cruelty, a prince never cast down by adversity, never lifted
   up to insolence in the day of triumph—there is no other name
   in history to compare with his. … The virtue of Alfred, like
   the virtue of Washington, consisted in no marvelous displays
   of superhuman genius, but in the simple, straight-forward
   discharge of the duty of the moment."
      E. A. FREEMAN.

9. THE DANISH CONQUEST
   (A. D. 970-1042):

   Sir E. S. Creasy:
   History of England,
   816 (789).

   Gardiner and Mullinger:
   History of England,
   816 (789).

   W. Stubbs:
   Constitutional History of England,
   817 (790).

   M. Haverty:
   History of Ireland,
   1796 (1756).

   S. Bryant:
   Celtic Ireland,
   1796-1797 (1756-1757).

   T. D. McGee:
   History of Ireland,
   1797 (1757).

10. THE SAXON RESTORATION TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST
   (A. D. 1042-1066):

   A. H. Johnson:
   The Normans in Europe,
   817-818 (790-791).

   R. Vaughan:
   Revolutions of English History,
   819 (792).

   E. A. Freeman:
   The Norman Conquest,
   819 (792).

{767}

11. FORMATION OF THE SCOTTISH KINGDOM,
    AND ITS RELATION TO ENGLAND:

   W. F. Skene:
   Celtic Scotland,
   2915 (2840).

   E. A. Freeman:
   The Norman Conquest,
   2916 (2840-2841).

   W. F. Skene:
   Celtic Scotland,
   2916 (2841).

12. WILLIAM OF NORMANDY, AND HIS CLAIMS TO THE ENGLISH CROWN:

   J. R. Green:
   The Conquest of England,
   2417 (2365).

   E. A. Freeman:
   The Norman Conquest,
   2417 (2365).

   A. H. Johnson:
   The Normans in Europe,
   818 (791).

   Sir F. Palgrave:
   Normandy and England,
   818 (791).

   E. A. Freeman:
   William the Conqueror,
   818 (791).

13. THE BATTLE OF HASTINGS (A. D. 1066) AND NORMAN CONQUEST:

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   819 (792).

   E. A. Freeman:
   The Norman Conquest,
   820 (793).

   A. Thierry:
   The Conquest of England,
   820 (793).

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages.
   820-821 (793-794).

   C. Kingsley:
   Hereward the Wake,
   821 (794).

14. THE DOMESDAY BOOK
   (A. D. 1086):

   E. Fischel:
   The English Constitution,
   821 (794).

   T. Taswell-Langmead:
   English Constitutional History,
   821-822 (794-795).

   Stuart Moore:
   A Study of Domesday Book,
   822 (795).

   I. Taylor:
   Domesday Survivals,
   822 (795).

15. SCOTLAND AND THE CONQUEST:

   J. H. Burton:
   History of Scotland,
   2916-2917 (2841-2842).

   Sir Walter Scott:
   Tales of a Grandfather,
   2917 (2842).

16. REIGNS OF THE SONS OF THE CONQUEROR
    (A. D. 1087-1154):

   S. Turner:
   History of England,
   823-824 (796-797).

   C. H. Pearson:
   England during the Middle Ages,
   824 (797).

   J. H. Round:
   Geoffrey de Mandeville,
   824-825 (797-798).

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   3106-3107 (3024-3025).

   E. W. Robertson:
   Scotland’s Early Kings,
   2918 (2842-2843).

17. THE ANGEVIN KINGS (PLANTAGENETS);
   HENRY II. (A. D. 1154-1189):

   Sir F. Palgrave:
   England and Normandy,
   121-122 (114-115).

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   122 (115).

   K. Norgate:
   England under the Angevins,
   127-128 (120-121).

   Mrs. J. R. Green:
   Henry II.,
   826 (799).

   K. Norgate:
   England under the Angevins,
   826 (799).

   C. H. Pearson:
   England during the Middle Ages,
   1798-1799 (1758-1759).

18. HENRY’S CONFLICT WITH THE CHURCH; BECKET
   (A. D. 1162-1170):

   J. Campbell:
   Lives of the Lord Chancellors,
   826-827 (799-800).

   F. W. Maitland:
   Henry II. and the Criminous Clerks,
   827 (800).

   A. P. Stanley:
   Memorials of Canterbury,
   827-828 (800-801).

   H. C. Lea:
   Studies in Church History,
   289 (280).

   Pollock and Maitland:
   English Law,
   1975.

   J. B. Thayer:
   Older Modes of Trial,
   2000-2001 (1956-1957).

   W. Forsyth:
   Trial by Jury,
   2001 and 2002 (1957-1958).

   "He [Henry II.] was a foreign King who never spoke the English
   tongue, who lived and moved for the most part in a foreign
   camp, surrounded with a motley host of Brabançons and
   hirelings. … It was under the rule of a foreigner such as
   this, however, that the races of conquerors and conquered in
   England first learnt to feel that they were one. It was by his
   power that England, Scotland, and Ireland were brought to some
   vague acknowledgment of a common suzerain lord, and the
   foundations laid of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
   Ireland. It was he who abolished feudalism as a system of
   government, and left it little more than a system of land
   tenure. It was he who defined the relations established
   between Church and State, and decreed that in England
   churchman as well as baron was to be held under the common
   law. … His reforms established the judicial system whose main
   outlines have been preserved to our own day. It was through
   his ‘Constitutions’ and his ‘Assizes’ that it came to pass
   that over all the world the English-speaking races are
   governed by English and not by Roman law. It was by his genius
   for government that the servants of the royal household became
   transformed into Ministers of State. It was he who gave
   England a foreign policy which decided our continental
   relations for seven hundred years. The impress which the
   personality of Henry II. left upon his time meets us wherever
   we turn."
      MRS. J. R. GREEN.

19. RICHARD CŒUR DE LION
   (A. D. 1189-1199):

   M. Burrows:
   History of England,
   828 (801).

   W. Stubbs: Constitutional History of England,
   828 (801).

   J. F. Michaud:
   The Crusades,
   653 (630).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   653-654 (630-631).

   G. W. Cox:
   The Crusades,
   654 (631).


STUDY XXIX.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


ENGLAND FROM MAGNA CARTA TO ACCESSION OF THE TUDORS
   (A. D. 1215-1485).

1. KING JOHN AND MAGNA CARTA
   (A. D. 1215):

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   1193-1194 (1162).

   W. Stubbs:
   Constitutional History of England,
   828 (801).

   M. A. Hookham:
   Margaret of Anjou,
   122-123 (116).

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   828-829 (801-802).

2. THE BATTLE OF BOUVINES
   (A. D. 1214):

   G. W. Kitchin:
   History of France,
   315 (305).

   F. P. Guizot:
   History of France,
   315 (305).

3. MAGNA CARTA
   (A. D. 1215, JUNE 15):

   S. Turner:
   England during the Middle Ages,
   824 (797).

   J. R. Green:
   The English People,
   829 (802).

   W. Stubbs:
   Constitutional History of England,
   829-830 (802-803).

   R. Gneist:
   The English Constitution,
   834, first column, (807).

   T. P. Taswell-Langmead:
   English Constitution,
   888

   Full Text of the Great Charter,
   830-834 (803-807).

   "The Great Charter although drawn up in the form of a royal
   grant, was really a treaty between the King and his subjects.
   … It is the collective people who really form the other high
   contracting party in the great capitulation. … The Great
   Charter is the first great public act of the nation, after it
   has realized its identity. … The whole of the constitutional
   history of England is little more than a commentary on Magna
   Carta."
      W. STUBBS.

{768}

4. THE EVOLUTION OP THE ENGLISH PARLIAMENT
   (A. D. 1216-):

   E. A. Freeman:
   Growth of the English Constitution,
   2552-2553 (2486-2487).

   (a) Under Henry III. (A. D. 1216-1272).

      R. Gneist:
      The English Constitution,
      834 (807).

      Simon de Montfort,
      834-836 (807-809).

      W. Stubbs:
      Constitutional History of England,
      836 (809).

   (b) Under Edward I. (A. D. 1272-1307).

      S. R. Gardiner:
      English History,
      836 (809).

      W. Stubbs:
      The Early Plantagenets,
      836-837 (809-810).

      T. F. Tout:
      Edward the First,
      837 (810).

      É. Boutmy:
      The English Constitution,
      837-838 (810-811)

      J. N. Larned:
      Europe,
      1061-1062 (1033-1034).

5. GROWTH OF THE COMMON LAW UNDER HENRY III. AND EDWARD I.:

   T. P. Taswell-Langmead:
   English Constitution,
   838 (811).

   See Law, Common,
   2005-2007 (1960-1963).

6. CONQUEST OF SCOTLAND AND WALES BY EDWARD I.:

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   2919-2920 (2844-2845).

   W. Stubbs:
   The Early Plantagenets,
   3764-3765 (3643-3644).

7. RESISTANCE TO PAPAL AGGRESSIONS
   (A. D. 1200-1400):

   C. H. Pearson:
   England during Middle Ages,
   838 (811).

   T. P. Taswell-Langmead:
   English Constitution,
   838 (811).

   W. Stubbs:
   Constitutional History of England,
   838-839 (811-812).

8. Renewal of the Wars with Scotland; Bannockburn
   (A. D. 1314):

   M. MacArthur:
   History of Scotland,
   2920 (2845).

   J. H. Burton:
   History of Scotland,
   2920-2921 (2845-2846).

   W. Denton:
   England in the 15th Century,
   2921-2922 (2846-2847).

   P. F. Tytler:
   History of Scotland,
   2922 (2847).

9. THE NOTABLE REIGN OF EDWARD III.
   (A. D. 1327-1377):

   (a) His Wars with the Scots.

   W. Robertson:
   History of Scotland,
   2922 (2847).

   Sir Walter Scott:
   History of Scotland,
   2922-2923 (2847-2848).

   W. Warburton:
   Edward III.,
   2923-2924 (2848-2849).

   Sir Walter Scott:
   Tales of a Grandfather,
   2924 (2849).

   J. R. Green:
   The English People,
   291 (282).

   (b) The One Hundred Years War
   (A. D. 1337-1453).

   J. Froissart:
   Chronicles,
   1200-1201 (1168-1169).

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   1201 and 2868 (1169, 2794).

   G. W. Kitchin;
   History of France,
   1201 (1169).

   H. Hallam:
   Middle Ages,
   1201 (1169).

   F. P. Guizot:
   History of France,
   1204 (1172).

   C. H. Pearson:
   English History,
   839 (812).

   (c) The Black Death
   (A. D. 1348-1349).

   J. E. T. Rogers:
   History of Agriculture,
   292-293 and 1970 (283-284 and 1929).

   G. Boccaccio:
   The Decameron,
   1166 (1136).

   J. Michelet:
   History of France,
   1201-1202 (1169-1170).

   J. E. T. Rogers:
   History of Agriculture,
   840 (813).

10. CHAUCER, AND THE NEW ENGLISH LANGUAGE
   (A. D. 1340-1400):

   B. Ten Brink:
   English Literature,
   840-841 (813-814).

   G. P. Marsh:
   History of the English Language,
   841 (814).

11. WYCLIF, AND THE TRANSLATION OF THE BIBLE
   (A. D. 1384):

   J. A. Froude:
   History of England,
   842 (815).

   J. Gairdner:
   English History,
   842 (815).

12. THE LOLLARDS, AND WAT TYLER REBELLION
   (A. D. 1375-):

   C. Ullmann:
   Reformers before the Reformation,
   285-286 (276-277).

   B. Herford:
   Story of Religion in England,
   841-842 (814-815).

   S. R. Gardiner:
   English History,
   842-843 (815-816).

   J. Gairdner:
   Houses of Lancaster and York,
   843 (816).

   C. H. Pearson:
   English History,
   843-844 (816-817).

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   844 (817).

   Professor de Vericour:
   Wat Tyler,
   844 (817).

   J. N. Larned:
   England under Richard II.,
   1068-1069 (1040-1041).

13. THE HOUSE OF LANCASTER
   (A. D. 1399-1471):

   J. Gairdner:
   The Houses of Lancaster and York,
   844-845 (817-818).

   J. H. Burton:
   History of Scotland,
   2925 (2850).

   J. Gairdner:
   Houses of Lancaster and York,
   3765 (3644).

   W. Stubbs:
   Constitutional History of England,
   845 (818).

14. HENRY V. (1413-1422) AND AGINCOURT:

   A. J. Church:
   Henry the Fifth,
   1205-1206 (1173-1174).

   C. M. Yonge:
   English History,
   1206-1207 (1174-1175).

   F. P. Guizot:
   History of France,
   1207 (1175).

   A. J. Church:
   Henry the Fifth,
   1207 (1175).

15. HENRY VI. (1422-1471) AND END OF HUNDRED YEARS’ WAR:

   A. de Lamartine:
   Joan of Arc,
   1207-1208 and 1208-1209 (1175-1176).

   Lord Mahon:
   Historical Essays,
   1209 (1177).

   J. O’Hagan:
   Joan of Arc,
   1209 (1177).

   E. E. Crowe:
   History of France,
   1210 (1178).

   C. W. Oman:
   Warwick, the Kingmaker,
   846-847 (819-820).

16. THE WARS OF THE ROSES
   (A. D. 1455-1485):

   Mrs. Hookham:
   Life of Margaret of Anjou,
   847 (820).

   J. S. Brewer:
   Reign of Henry VIII.,
   848 (821).

   W. Denton:
   England in the 15th Century,
   848 (821).

   É. Boutmy:
   The English Constitution,
   848 (821).

   J. Gairdner:
   Henry VII.,
   1801 (1761).

17. THE HOUSE OF YORK (A. D. 1461-1485);
    THE "NEW MONARCHY":

   Sir J. Mackintosh:
   History of England,
   848-849 (821-822).

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   849 (822).

   C. M. Yonge:
   English History.
   849 (822).

   J. Gairdner:
   Life of Richard III.,
   849-850 (822-823).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1069-1071 (1041-1043).

18. ADVANCE IN CIVILIZATION, 14TH TO 16TH CENTURIES:

   (a) The Renaissance in England.

   H. A. Taine:
   English Literature,
   851-852 (824-825).

   J. A. Symonds:
   Shakespere’s Predecessors,
   852-823 (825-826).

   A. Lang:
   Oxford,
   729-730 (706-707).

{769}

   (b) The State of Learning.

   B. Ten Brink:
   English Literature,
   840-841 (813-814).

   H. C. M. Lyte:
   The University of Oxford,
   722 (699).

   A. Lang:
   Oxford,
   722-723 (699-700).

   V. A. Huber:
   English Universities,
   723-724 (700-701).

   J. Mullinger:
   The University of Cambridge,
   724 (701).

   W. Everett:
   On the Cam,
   724 (701).

   F. Seebohm:
   The Oxford Reformers,
   730-731 (707-708).

   C. Knight:
   History of England,
   2009 (1965).

   (c) Caxton, and the Introduction of Printing.

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   2662-2663 (2590-2591).

   J. H. Slater:
   Book Collecting,
   2663 (2591).

   T. A. Romer:
   Copyright Law,
   2009-2010 (1965-1966).

   (d) Trade and Commerce.

   L. Levi:
   British Commerce,
   3222 (3711).

   W. Cunningham:
   Growth of English Industry,
   3222 (3711).

   J. Michelet:
   History of France,
   1156 (1126).


STUDY XXX.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


ENGLAND: THE TUDORS (A. D. 1485-1603).


1. THE ACCESSION OF THE TUDORS; HENRY VII. (A. D. 1485-1509):

   J. Forster:
   Historical Essays,
   850 (823).

   J. Gairdner:
   Henry the Seventh,
   853 (826).

   J. H. Burton:
   History of Scotland,
   2926-2927 (2851-2852).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1089 (1061).

2. THE FIRST ENGLISH VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY
   (A. D. 1497-1498):

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   58 (51).

   H. Harrisse:
   The Discovery of America,
   61 (3678).

   "The discovery of the continent of North America and the first
   landing on its east coast were accomplished, not by Sebastian
   Cabot, but by his father John, in 1197, under the auspices of
   King Henry VII. … The voyage of 1498, also accomplished under
   the British flag, was likewise carried out by John Cabot
   personally … and the exploration embraced the northeast coast
   of the present United States, as far as Florida."
      HENRY HARRISSE.

   "Under this patent John Cabot, taking with him his son
   Sebastian, embarked in quest of new islands and a passage to
   Asia by the northwest. On the 24th day of June [1497], almost
   fourteen months before Columbus came in sight of the main, and
   more than two years before Amerigo Vespucci sailed west of the
   Canaries, he discovered the western Continent, probably in the
   latitude of about 56°, among the dismal cliffs of Labrador. He
   ran along the coast for many leagues, it is said for even 300,
   and landed on what he considered to be the territory of the
   Grand Cham."
      GEORGE BANCROFT.

3. HENRY VIII. (1509-1547) AND CARDINAL WOLSEY:

   Sir R. Comyn:
   The Western Empire,
   1218 (1186).

   M. Creighton:
   Cardinal Wolsey,
   854 (827).

4. THE FIELD OF THE CLOTH OF GOLD (A. D. 1520):

   J. Michelet:
   Modern History,
   1222 (1190).

   J. S. Brewer:
   Henry VIII.,
   1148 (1119).

5. HENRY VIII., AND THE DIVORCE QUESTION:

   G. P. Fisher:
   The Christian Church,
   854-855 (827-828).

   Sir J. Mackintosh:
   Sir Thomas More,
   855-856 (828-829).

   Sir J. Mackintosh:
   History of England,
   858-859 (831-832).

6. THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND
   (A. D. 1530-):

   (a) Origin of the Term "Protestant."

   P. Bayne:
   Martin Luther,
   2516-2517 (2455-2456).

   (b) Henry’s Rupture with Rome.

   G. P. Fisher:
   The Christian Church,
   855 (828).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1089-1090 (1061-1062).

   (c) The Establishment of the Church of England.

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History of England,
   856 (829).

   J. Tulloch:
   Christian Philosophy,
   856-857 (829-830).

   G. G. Perry:
   The Reformation in England,
   857 (830).

   "The Reformation in England was singular amongst the great
   religious movements of the sixteenth century. It was the least
   heroic of them all—the least swayed by religious passion, or
   moulded and governed by spiritual and theological necessities.
   From a general point of view, it looks at first little more
   than a great political change. The exigencies of royal
   passion, and the dubious impulses of statecraft, seem its
   moving and really powerful springs. … The lust and avarice of
   Henry, the policy of Cromwell, and the vacillations of the
   leading clergy, attract prominent notice; but there may be
   traced beneath the surface a widespread evangelical fervour
   amongst the people, and, above all, a genuine spiritual
   earnestness and excitement of thought at the universities.
   These higher influences preside at the first birth of the
   movement. They are seen in active operation long before the
   reforming task was taken up by the Court and the bishops."
      J. TULLOCH.

   (d) The Suppression of the Monasteries.

   H. Hallam:
   History of England,
   857-858 (830-831).

   G. G. Perry:
   Reformation in England,
   858 (831).

   F. A. Gasquet:
   Henry VIII. and the Monasteries,
   858 (831).

   (e) The Reaction; The "Six Articles."

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   859 (832).

   (f) The Establishment of Protestantism under Edward VI.
      (A. D. 1547-1553).

   D. Hume:
   History of England,
   859-860 (832-833).

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   860 (833).

7. THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF HENRY VIII.:

   (a) Scotland.

   J. H. Burton:
   History of Scotland,
   2926-2927 (2851-2852).

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   2927 (2852).

   Sir W. Scott:
   History of Scotland,
   2927 (2852).

   D. Hume:
   History of England,
   2927-2928 (2852-2853).

   D. Wilson:
   Memories of Edinburgh,
   2928 (2853).

   (b) Ireland.

   M. Haverty:
   History of Ireland,
   2471 (2412).

   J. A. Froude:
   History of England,
   1801-1802 (1761-1762).

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   1802-1803 (1762-1763).

   (c) France.

   W. Robertson:
   Reign of Charles V.,
   1880-1882 (1840-1842).

   F. P. Guizot:
   History of France,
   1225 (1193).

   E. de Bonnechose:
   History of France,
   1225-1226 (1193-1194).

8. THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND:

   W. Robertson:
   History of Scotland,
   2928-2929 (2853-2854).

   L. von Ranke:
   History of England,
   2929-2930 (2854-2855).

   J. Cunningham:
   Church History of Scotland,
   2930 (2855).

   M. Creighton:
   The Age of Elizabeth,
   2930-2931 (2855-2856).

{770}

9. "BLOODY" MARY, AND CATHOLIC ASCENDENCY
   (A. D. 1553-1558):

   Sir J. Mackintosh:
   History of England,
   860-861 (833-834).

   T. Fuller:
   Church History of Britain,
   861 (834).

   R. Southey:
   Book of the Church,
   861-862 (834-835).

   Sir J. Mackintosh:
   History of England,
   862 (835).

   J. A. Froude:
   History of England,
   862 (835).

   H. Hallam:
   Constitutional History of England,
   862 (835).

   W. H. Jervis:
   History of France,
   1228 (1196).

10. THE ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH; THE ELIZABETHAN AGE
   (A. D. 1558-1603):

   (a) The Final Establishment of Protestantism.

   D. Hume:
   History of England,
   862-863 (835-836).

   C. Beard:
   The Reformation,
   863 (836).

   (b) The Civil Government.

   M. Burrows:
   History of England,
   863 (836).

   H. Hallam:
   Constitutional History of England,
   863-864 (836-837).

   E. Fischel:
   The English Constitution,
   2993 (2915).

   D. Campbell:
   The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
   2027 (1983).

   Austin Abbott:
   Capital Punishment,
   2027 (1983).

   (c) The State of Literature.

   W. Hazlitt:
   Literature of the Age of Elizabeth,
   864 (837).

   J. A. Symonds:
   Elizabethan and Victorian Poetry,
   864-865 (837-838).

   (d) The Rise of the Great Schools of England.

   H. Coleridge:
   Biographia Borealis,
   731 (708).

   F. Seebohm:
   The Oxford Reformers,
   730-731 (707-708).

   T. Hughes:
   The Public Schools of England,
   733-735 (710-712).

   Our Public Schools—Their Discipline,
   735 (712).

   (e) Trade and Commerce.

   C. Gross:
   The Gild Merchant,
   2197 (2153).

   J. N. Larned:
   Commercial Progress,
   3228-3229 (3718).

   Lord Mahon:
   History of England,
   1748-1749 (1710).

11. THE ACT OF SUPREMACY, AND ACT OF UNIFORMITY:

   M. Burrows:
   History of England,
   865 (838).

   D. Neal:
   History of the Puritans,
   865-866 (838-839).

12. THE RISE OF PURITANISM
   (About A. D. 1560):

   J. A. Froude:
   History of England,
   866 (839).

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History of England,
   866-867 (840).

   H. O. Wakeman:
   The Church and the Puritans,
   867 (840).

13. FIRST USE OF THE TERM "PROTESTANT"
   (A. D. 1564):

   T. Fuller:
   Church History of Britain,
   867 (840).

   P. Heylyn:
   Ecclesia Restaurata,
   867 (840).

14. ELIZABETH AND THE CATHOLICS:

   H. Hallam:
   Constitutional History of England,
   867 (840).

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   867-868 (840-841).

   J. L. Motley:
   The United Netherlands,
   868 (841).

15. MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS:

   D. Wilson:
   Memorials of Edinburgh,
   2928 (2853).

   M. Mac Arthur:
   History of Scotland,
   2931-2932 (2856-2857).

   E. S. Beesly:
   Queen Elizabeth,
   2932 (2857).

   J. Skelton:
   Historical Essays,
   2932-2933 (2857-2858).

   T. F. Henderson:
   The Casket Letters,
   2933 (2858).

   S. H. Burke:
   Historical Portraits,
   2933-2934 (2858-2859).

   A. C. Swinburne:
   Mary Queen of Scots,
   2934 (2859).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1095-1096 (1067-1068).

16. MARY AND THE CATHOLIC CONSPIRACIES; HER EXECUTION
   (A. D. 1587):

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   868-869 (841-842).

   J. A. Froude:
   History of England,
   869 (842).

17. THE EFFECT OF MARY’S EXECUTION; THE SPANISH ARMADA
   (A. D. 1588):

   R. Southey:
   Lives of British Admirals,
   869 (842).

   S. A. Dunham:
   Spain and Portugal,
   869 (842).

   J. L. Motley:
   The United Netherlands,
   869-870 (842-843).

   H. R. Clinton:
   From Crécy to Assye,
   870-871 (843-844).

   W. Camden:
   History of Queen Elizabeth,
   871-872 (844-845).

   "The flame of patriotism never burnt purer; all Englishmen
   alike, Romanists, Protestant Episcopalians, and Puritans, were
   banded together to resist the invader. Every hamlet was on the
   alert for the beacon-signal. … Philip’s preparations had been
   commensurate with the grandeur of his scheme. … A vast
   armament, named, as if to provoke Nemesis, the ‘Invincible
   Armada,’ on which for three years the treasures of the
   American mines had been lavished, at length rode the seas,
   blessed with Papal benediction and under the patronage of the
   Saints. … The 129 vessels were armed with 2430 brass and iron
   guns of the best manufacture, and carried 5000 seamen. Parma’s
   army amounted to 30,000 men—Spaniards, Portuguese, Italians,
   and Walloons; and 19,000 Castilians and Portuguese, with 1000
   gentlemen volunteers, were coming to meet him. … The overthrow
   of this armament was effected by the navy and the elements. …
   More than two-thirds of the expedition perished; and of the
   remnant that again viewed the hills of Spain all but a few
   hundred returned only to die."
      H. R. CLINTON.

18. PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND:

   M. C. Taylor:
   John Knox,
   2934 (2859).

   T. Carlyle:
   Heroes and Hero Worship,
   2934-2935 (2859-2860).

   J. Tulloch:
   John Knox,
   2935 (2860).

   W. Robertson:
   History of Scotland,
   2935 (2860).

   J. Cunningham:
   Church History of Scotland,
   2935-2936 (2860-2861).

   T. M’Crie:
   Scottish Church History,
   2936 (2861).

   J. Cunningham:
   Church History of Scotland,
   2936-2937 (2861-2862).

   Sir W. Scott:
   History of Scotland,
   2937 (2862).

19. THE ACCESSION OF THE STUARTS; JAMES I.
   (A. D. 1603):

   J. Forster:
   Historical Essays,
   872 (845).

   "His [James’] mother was Marie Stuart, or Mary, Queen of
   Scots, born of her marriage with Lord Darnley. He came to the
   English throne at a time when the autocratic spirit of the
   Tudors, making use of the peculiar circumstances of their
   time, had raised the royal power and prerogative to their most
   exalted pitch; and he united the two Kingdoms of Scotland and
   England under one sovereignty. The noble inheritance fell to a
   race who, comprehending not one of the conditions by which
   alone it was possible to be retained, profligately misused
   until they lost it utterly. … What is called the Great
   Rebellion can have no comment so pregnant as that which is
   suggested by the character and previous career of the first of
   the Stuart Kings."
      J. FORSTER.

{771}

STUDY XXXI.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


ENGLAND: JAMES I. AND CHARLES I.; THE GREAT REBELLION
   (A. D. 1603-1649).


I. THE ACCESSION OF THE STUARTS
   (A. D. 1603):
*
   J. H. Burton:
   History of Scotland,
   2925 (2850).

   M. Noble:
   Genealogy of the House of Stuart,
   2925 (2850).

   J. Forster:
   Historical Essays,
   872 (845).

   T. P. Taswell-Langmead:
   English Constitutional History,
   3107 (3025).

   A. V. Dicey:
   The Privy Council,
   3107-3108 (3025-3026).

2. THE REIGN OF JAMES I.
   (A. D. 1603-1625):

   T. McCrie:
   Scottish Church History,
   872-873 (845-846).

   D. Hume:
   History of England,
   873 (846).

   H. Hallam:
   Constitutional History of England,
   874 (847).

   J. Cunningham:
   Church History of Scotland,
   2937 (2862).

3. THE SETTLEMENTS IN AMERICA:

   (a) In Virginia (A. D. 1606-).

   John Fiske:
   Beginnings of New England,
   3748 (3627).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   3748-3749 (3627-3628).

   H. C. Lodge:
   English Colonies in America,
   3749 (3628).

   (b) The Independents or Separatists.

   J. A. Goodwin:
   The Pilgrim Republic,
   2690-2691 (2617-2618).

   G. Punchard:
   History of Congregationalism,
   2691 (2618).

   J. Hunter:
   The Founders of New Plymouth,
   1737 (1698).

   D. Masson:
   Life of John Milton,
   1737 (1698).

   (c) The Plymouth, Massachusetts, Colony
   (A. D. 1620).

   J. Fiske:
   The Beginnings of New England,
   1738 (1699).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   1738-1739 (1699-1700).

   F. B. Dexter:
   The Pilgrim Church,
   2141-2142 (2097-2098).

   (d) The Massachusetts Bay Company
   (A. D. 1630).

   J. B. Moore:
   Governors of Massachusetts Bay,
   2145-2146 (2101-2102).

   S. A. Drake:
   Around the Hub,
   2146-2147 (2102-2103).

   R. C. Winthrop:
   Boston Founded,
   2147 (2103).

4. CHARLES I. (A. D. 1625-1649);
   THE GREAT REBELLION:

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History of England,
   874 (847).

   C. D. Yonge:
   History of France,
   1252-1253 (1220-1221).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   1805 (1765).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1103-1104 (1075-1076).

   "He [Charles I.] seems to have learned from the theologians
   whom he most esteemed that between him and his subjects there
   could be nothing of the nature of mutual contract; that he
   could not, even if he would, divest himself of his despotic
   authority; and that, in every promise which he made, there was
   an implied reservation that such promise might be broken in
   case of necessity, and that of the necessity he was the sole
   judge."
      T. B. MACAULAY.

5. THE PETITION OF RIGHT
   (A. D. 1628):

   H. Hallam:
   Constitutional History of England,
   874 and 875 (847, 848).

   Full Text of the Petition of Right,
   875-876 (848-849).

   "Our English Constitution was never made, in the sense in
   which the Constitutions of many other countries have been
   made. There never was any moment when Englishmen drew out
   their political system in the shape of a formal document,
   whether as the carrying out of any abstract political theories
   or as the imitation of the past or present system of any other
   nation. There are indeed certain great political documents,
   each of which forms a land mark in our political history.
   There is the Great Charter [1215], the Petition of Right
   [1628], and the Bill of Rights [1689]. But not one of these
   gave itself out as the enactment of anything new. All claimed
   to set forth, with new strength, it might be, and with new
   clearness, those rights of Englishmen which were already old.
   … The life and soul of English law has ever been precedent; we
   have always held that whatever our fathers once did their sons
   have a right to do again."
      E. A. FREEMAN.

   "Lord Chatham called these three [Magna Carta, the Petition of
   Right, and the Bill of Rights] ‘The Bible of the English
   Constitution,’ to which appeal is to be made on every grave
   political question."
      SIR E. S. CREASY.

6. THE BURNING QUESTION OF TAXATION:

   T. Carlyle:
   Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,
   877 (850).

   T. B. Macaulay:
   Essays.—Hampden,
   878-879 (851-852).

7. BUCKINGHAM AND LAUD:

   C. M. Yonge:
   English History,
   876-877 (849-850).

   F. P. Guizot:
   The English Revolution,
   877-878 (850-851).

8. PRESBYTERIANS AND INDEPENDENTS:

   J. Rushworth:
   Historical Collections,
   879 (852).

   W. Godwin:
   History of the Commonwealth,
   879 (852).

   D. Masson:
   Life of John Milton,
   1737 (1698).

9. THE SCOTTISH NATIONAL COVENANT
   (A. D. 1638):

   T. Fuller:
   Church History of Britain,
   2937-2938 (2862-2863).

   J. H. Burton:
   History of Scotland,
   2938 (2863).

   J. Taylor:
   The Scottish Covenanters,
   2938 (2863).

   A. P. Stanley:
   The Church of Scotland,
   2938-2939 (2863-2864).

   Full text of the National Covenant,
   2939-2942 (2864-2867).

10. THE BISHOPS’ WARS:

   M. MacArthur:
   History of Scotland,
   2942-2943 (2867-2868).

   T. Carlyle:
   Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,
   879-880 (852-853).

11. WENTWORTH’S SYSTEM OF "THOROUGH":

   R. Hassencamp:
   History of Ireland,
   1805-1806 (1765-1766).

   R. Browning:
   Thomas Wentworth,
   1806 (1766).

12. THE LONG PARLIAMENT (1640-1641);
    EXECUTION OF STRAFFORD:

   T. B. Macaulay:
   Essays.—Hampden,
   880 (853).

   G. B. Smith:
   History of the English Parliament,
   2553 (2487).

   J. R. Green:
   The English People,
   880-881 (853-854).

   H. D. Traill:
   Lord Strafford,
   881 (854).

   R. Browning:
   Thomas Wentworth,
   881-882 (855).

   Text of the Articles of Impeachment of Strafford,
   882 (855).

13. RISE OF PERMANENT PARTIES; CAVALIERS AND ROUNDHEADS:

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History of England,
   882-883 (855-856).

   D. Masson:
   Life of John Milton,
   2828 (2754).

14. THE GRAND REMONSTRANCE
   (A. D. 1641):

   D. Masson:
   Life of John Milton,
   883 (856).

   J. Forster:
   Historical Essays,
   883 (856).

   Full Text of the Grand Remonstrance,
   883-893 (856-866).

15. THE BEGINNING OF CIVIL WAR
   (A. D. 1642):

   D. Hume:
   History of England,
   893-894 (866-867).

   T. Carlyle:
   Letters and Speeches of Cromwell,
   894 (867).

   D. Masson:
   Life of John Milton,
   894-895 (867-868).

   F. Harrison:
   Oliver Cromwell,
   895 (868).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1104-1105 (1076-1077).

{772}

16. EARLY ENGAGEMENTS AND CROMWELL’S IRONSIDES;

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   895-896 (868-869).

   T. Carlyle:
   Letters and Speeches of Cromwell,
   896 (869).

   F. Harrison:
   Oliver Cromwell,
   896 (869).

   "These were the men who ultimately decided the war, and
   established the Commonwealth. On the field of Marston, Rupert
   gave Cromwell the name of Ironside, and from thence this
   famous name passed to his troopers. There are two features in
   their history which we need to note. They were indeed ‘such
   men as had some conscience in their work’; but they were also
   much more. They were disciplined and trained soldiers. They
   were the only body of ‘regulars ’ on either side. The
   instinctive genius of Cromwell from the very first created the
   strong nucleus of a regular army, which at last in discipline,
   in skill, in valor, reached the highest perfection ever
   attained by soldiers either in ancient or modern times."
      FREDERIC HARRISON.

17. THE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY, AND SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT
   (A. D. 1643):

   D. Masson:
   Life of Milton,
   896-897 (869-870).

   J. Forster:
   Statesmen of the Commonwealth,
   897-898 (870-871).

   Text of the Solemn League and Covenant,
   898-899 (871-872).

18. THE CATHOLIC RISING AND MASSACRES IN IRELAND
   (A. D. 1641):

   L. von Ranke:
   History of England,
   1806-1807 (1766-1767).

   W. A. O’Connor:
   The Irish People,
   1807 (1767).

   M. Hickson:
   Ireland in 17th Century,
   1807 (1767).

   N. L. Walford:
   Parliamentary Generals,
   896 (869).

   J. R. Green:
   English People,
   896 (869).

19. PROGRESS OF THE WAR; MARSTON MOOR
   (A. D. 1644):

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History of England,
   899 (872).

   Earl of Clarendon:
   History of the Rebellion,
   899-900 (872-873).

   N. L. Walford:
   Parliamentary Generals,
   900 (873).

   C. R. Markham:
   Life of Lord Fairfax,
   900 (873).

   C. Knight:
   The History of England,
   900 (873).

20. FROM MARSTON MOOR TO NASEBY:

   F. Harrison:
   Oliver Cromwell,
   901 (874).

   H. Hallam:
   Constitutional History of England,
   901 (874).

   N. L. Walford:
   Parliamentary Generals,
   901 (874).

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   902 (875).

   T. Carlyle:
   Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,
   902 (875)

21. CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR
   (A. D. 1645-1648):

   H. Hallam:
   Constitutional History of England,
   902 (875).

   C. R. Markham:
   Life of Lord Fairfax,
   903 (876).

   W. Chambers:
   Stories of Old Families,
   2943 (2868).

   B. M. Cordery:
   King and Commonwealth,
   903 (876).

   J. A. Picton:
   Oliver Cromwell,
   903-904 (876-877).

   J. K. Hosmer:
   Life of Sir Henry Vane,
   904-905 (877-878).

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   905 (878).

22. THE SECOND CIVIL WAR, AND BATTLE OF PRESTON
   (A. D. 1648):

   F. Harrison:
   Oliver Cromwell,
   906 (879).

   H. Hallam:
   Constitutional History of England,
   906 (879).

   F. P. Guizot:
   The English Revolution,
   906 (879).

23. PRIDE’S PURGE, AND THE RUMP PARLIAMENT:

   W. Godwin:
   History of the Commonwealth,
   906-907 (879-880).

   J. K. Hosmer:
   Life of Sir Henry Vane,
   907 (880).

   D. Neal:
   History of the Puritans,
   907 (880).

24. TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF CHARLES I.
   (A. D. 1649):

   C. Knight:
   History of England,
   907-908 (880-881).

   F. Harrison:
   Oliver Cromwell,
   908 (881).

   W. Godwin:
   History of the Commonwealth,
   908-909 (881-882).

   S. R. Gardiner:
   History of the Great Civil War,
   909 (882).

   Text of the Act arraigning the King,
   909-910 (882-883).

   "As the head of the King rolled on the scaffold the old Feudal
   Monarchy expired forever. In January, 1649, a great mark was
   set in the course of the national life—the Old Rule behind it,
   the New Rule before it. Parliamentary government, the consent
   of the Nation, equality of rights, and equity in the law—all
   date from this great New Departure. The Stuarts indeed
   returned for one generation, but with the sting of the old
   monarchy gone, and only to disappear almost without a blow.
   The Church of England returned; but not the Church of Laud or
   of Charles. The peers returned, but as a meek House of Lords
   with their castles razed, their feudal rights and their
   political power extinct. It is said that the regicides killed
   Charles I. only to make Charles II. King. It is not so. They
   killed the old Monarchy; and the restored monarch was by no
   means its heir, but a royal Stadtholder or Hereditary
   President."
      FREDERIC HARRISON.

25. THE EIKON BASILIKE (FEBRUARY, 1649):

   D. Masson:
   Life of John Milton,
   910 (883).

   T. Carlyle:
   Life, by Froude,
   910-911 (883-884).


STUDY XXXII.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


ENGLAND: FROM THE COMMONWEALTH TO CLOSE OF STUART DYNASTY
(A. D. 1649-1714).


1. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE COMMONWEALTH
   (A. D. 1649):

   D. Masson:
   Life of John Milton,
   910 (883).

   D. Masson:
   Life of John Milton,
   2043 (1999).

   J. A. Picton:
   Oliver Cromwell,
   2043 (1999).

2. CROMWELL IN IRELAND
   (A. D. 1649-1650):

   N. L. Walford:
   Parliamentary Generals,
   1807-1808 (1767-1768).

   B. M. Cordery:
   King and Commonwealth,
   1808 (1768).

   T. Carlyle:
   Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,
   1808-1809 (1768-1769).

   J. P. Prendergast:
   The Cromwellian Settlement,
   1809-1810 (1769-1770).

3. THE SCOTTISH REVOLT; DUNBAR AND WORCESTER
   (A. D. 1650-1651):

   J. H. M. d’Aubigné:
   The Protector,
   2943-2944 (2868-2869).

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   2944 (2869).

   C. Knight:
   History of England,
   2945 (2870).

   D. Hume:
   History of England,
   2945 (2870).

   F. P. Guizot:
   Oliver Cromwell,
   2945-2946 (2870-2871).

4. PASSAGE OF THE NAVIGATION ACTS
   (A. D. 1651):

   D. Campbell:
   The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
   2332-2333 (2284-2285).

   G. L. Craik:
   British Commerce,
   2293 (2245).

   E. G. Scott:
   Constitutional Liberty in English Colonies,
   3286-3287 (3170-3171).

{773}

5. WAR WITH THE DUTCH REPUBLIC
   (A.D. 1652-1624):

   D. Hume:
   History of England,
   911-912 (884-885).

   J. F. Blight:
   History of England,
   912 (885).

6. CROMWELL AND THE PARLIAMENTS
   (A. D. 1651-1653):

   J. R. Green:
   Short History of England,
   911 (884).

   F. Harrison:
   Oliver Cromwell,
   912-913 (885-886).

   T. Carlyle:
   Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,
   913 (886).

   F. P. Guizot:
   Oliver Cromwell,
   913 (886).

7. THE PROTECTORATE
   (A. D. 1653-1660):

   Full Text of the Instrument of Government,
   914-918 (887-891).

   D. Masson:
   Life of John Milton,
   913-914 (886-887).

   F. Harrison:
   Oliver Cromwell,
   918 (891).

   H. Hallam:
   Constitutional History of England,
   918 (891).

   B. M. Cordery:
   King and Commonwealth,
   919 (892).

   "His [Cromwell’s] wish seems to have been to govern
   constitutionally, and to substitute the empire of the laws for
   that of the sword. But he soon found that, hated as he was,
   both by Royalists and Presbyterians, he could be safe only by
   being absolute. … Those soldiers who would not suffer him to
   assume the kingly title, stood by him when he ventured on acts
   of power as high as any English King has ever attempted. The
   government, therefore, though in form a republic, was in truth
   a despotism, moderated only by the wisdom, the sobriety, and
   the magnanimity of the despot."
      T. B. MACAULAY.

8. THE RESTORATION; CHARLES II.
   (A. D. 1660-1685):

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History of England,
   919-920 (892-893).

   F. P. Guizot:
   The Restoration,
   920 (893).

   C. Dickens:
   History of England,
   920-921 (893-894).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   921 (894).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1105-1106 (1077-1078).

   J. Lingard:
   History of England,
   1810 (1770).

9. THE STATE OF THE CHURCH FOLLOWING THE RESTORATION:

   O. Airy:
   The English Restoration,
   921 (894).

   J. Stoughton:
   History of Religion,
   921 (894).

   J. Lingard:
   History of England,
   921-922 (894-895).

   E. Calamy:
   The Nonconformist’s Memorial,
   922 (895).

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History of England,
   2946(2871).

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   2946 (2871).

10. THE WARS WITH HOLLAND
   (A.D. 1665-1678):

   O. Airy:
   The English Restoration,
   2333 (2285).

   G. P. R. James.
   Life of Louis XIV.,
   2333-2334 (2285-2286).

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   2334 (2286).

   J. Lingard:
   History of England,
   2335 (2287).

   C. M. Yonge:
   Landmarks of History,
   2335-2336 (2287-2288).

   O. Airy:
   The English Restoration,
   2336 (2288).

   J. R. Brodhead:
   History of New York,
   2336-2337 (2288-2289).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   2414 (2362).

   J. A. Stevens:
   The English in New York,
   2383 (2330-2331).

   J. R. Brodhead:
   History of New York,
   2384-2385 (2332-2333).

11. CATHOLICISM AND THE TEST ACT
   (A. D. 1673):

   J. Lingard:
   History of England,
   922-923 (895-896).

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   923-924 (896-897).

   J. Stoughton:
   History of Religion,
   924 (897).

12. TITUS OATES, AND THE ALLEGED POPISH PLOT
   (A. D. 1678-1679):

   A. B. Buckley:
   History of England,
   924 (897).

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History of England,
   924 (897).

   A. Carrel:
   The Counter-Reformation,
   925 (898).

   C. Butler:
   Memoirs of English Catholics,
   925 (898).

   H. Hallam:
   Constitutional History of England,
   930 (903).

13. THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT
    (A. D. 1679):

   D. Hume:
   History of England,
   925 (898).

   E. Fischel:
   The English Constitution,
   925-926 (898-899).

   W. Blackstone:
   Commentaries,
   2014 (1970).

   Full Text of the Act,
   926-929 (899-902).

14. WHIGS AND TORIES
   (ABOUT A. D. 1680):

   D. Hume:
   History of England.
   930 (903).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   2698 (2625).

   G. Burnet:
   History of My Own Time,
   3772 (3651).

15. JAMES II. (A. D. 1685-1689);
    THE REVOLUTION:

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   930 (903).

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History of England,
   931 (904).

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   931 (904).

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History of England,
   931-932 (904-905).

   Sir J. Mackintosh:
   History of the Revolution,
   932 (905).

16. THE REVOLUTION:

   W. H. Torriano:
   William the Third,
   933 (906).

   Sir J. Mackintosh:
   History of the Revolution,
   933-934 (906-907).

   R. Vaughan:
   England under the Stuarts,
   934-935 (907-908).

17. WILLIAM AND MARY
   (A. D. 1689-1702):

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   934 (907).

   Sir J. Mackintosh:
   History of the Revolution,
   934 (907).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1106-1107 (1078-1079).

   H. D. Traill:
   William the Third,
   934 (907).

   H. Hallam:
   Constitutional History of England,
   935-936 (908-909).

   Full Text of the Bill of Rights,
   987-989 (910-912).

18. THE WAR IN IRELAND;
    THE BATTLE OF THE BOYNE AND PEACE OF LIMERICK:

   E. Hale:
   The Fall of the Stuarts,
   1810-1811 (1770-1771).

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History of England,
   1811 (1771).

   W. H. Torriano:
   William the Third,
   1811-1812 (1771-1772).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   1812-1813 (1772-1773).

   W. K. Sullivan:
   Two Centuries of Irish History,
   1813-1814 (1773-1774).

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   1814 (1774).

19. THE CHURCH AND THE REVOLUTION:

   J. Rowley:
   The Settlement of the Constitution,
   936 (909).

   E. Hale:
   The Fall of the Stuarts,
   2948-2949 (2873-2874).

   J. Cunningham:
   Church History of Scotland,
   2949 (2874).

20. WAR WITH FRANCE;
    BEACHY HEAD, AND LA HOGUE
   (A. D. 1690-1692):

   W. H. Torriano:
   William the Third,
   939 (912).

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History of England,
   939 (912).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   939-940 (912-13).

   G. P. R. James:
   Life of Louis XIV.,
   1275 (1243).

   J. W. Gerard:
   The Peace of Utrecht,
   1275-1276 (1243-1244).

{774}

21. FOUNDING OF THE BANK OF ENGLAND
   (A. D. 1694):

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History of England,
   2253-2254 (2209-2210).

   W. Bagehot:
   Lombard Street,
   2254-2255 (2210-2211).

   "It was indeed not easy to guess that a bill, which purported
   only to impose a new duty on tonnage for the benefit of such
   persons as should advance money towards carrying on the war
   was really a bill creating the greatest commercial institution
   that the world had ever seen."
      T. B. MACAULAY.

22. THE ACT OF SETTLEMENT
   (A. D. 1701):

   J. Rowley:
   Settlement of the Constitution,
   940-941 (913-914).

   H. Hallam:
   Constitutional History of England,
   941 (914).

   "According to the tenor and intention of the Act of Settlement
   all prior claims of inheritance, save that of the issue of
   King William and the Princess Anne, being set aside and
   annulled, the Princess Sophia became the source of a new royal
   line. The throne of England and Ireland, by virtue of the
   paramount will of Parliament, stands entailed upon the heirs
   of her body, being protestants. In them the right is as truly
   hereditary as it ever was in the Plantagenets or the Tudors.
   But they derive it not from those ancient families. The blood
   indeed of Cerdic and of the Conqueror flows in the veins of
   his present majesty [George IV.]. Our Edwards and Henries
   illustrate the almost unrivalled splendor and antiquity of the
   house of Brunswick. But they have transmitted no more right to
   the allegiance of England than Boniface of Este or Henry the
   Lion. That rests wholly on the Act of Settlement, and resolves
   itself into the sovereignty of the legislature."
     H. HALLAM.

23. THE REIGN OF QUEEN ANNE
   (A. D. 1702-1714):

   H. D. Traill:
   William the Third,
   941 (914).

   L. Stephen:
   English Thought in 18th Century,
   941-942 (914-915).

   E. Gosse:
   Eighteenth Century Literature,
   942 (915).

24. THE WARS OF THE SPANISH SUCCESSION
   (1702-1714):

   Earl Stanhope:
   Reign of Queen Anne,
   3074 (2993).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   3074-3075 (2993-2994).

   J. W. Gerard:
   The Peace of Utrecht,
   1526 (1492).

   G. B. Malleson:
   Prince Eugene of Savoy,
   1526 (1492).

   A. Alison:
   Life of Marlborough,
   1526-1527 (1492-1493).

   G. Saintsbury:
   Marlborough,
   2341 (2293).

   G. B. Malleson:
   Eugene of Savoy,
   2341-2342 (2293-2294).

   L. Creighton:
   Life of Marlborough,
   2342 (2294).

   G. Saintsbury:
   Marlborough,
   2342-2343 (2294-2295).

   R. Johnson:
   History of the French War,
   2362 (2314).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   379-380 (369-370).

   W. Russell:
   History of Modern Europe,
   3712-3713 (3592-3593).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1110-1111 (1082-1083).

25. THE UNION OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND
   (A. D. 1707):

   Earl Stanhope:
   History of England,
   2952-2953 (2877-2878).

   Sir W. Scott:
   Tales of a Grandfather,
   2953 (2878).

   J. Rowley:
   Settlement of the Constitution,
   2953-2954 (2878-2879).

26. FALL OF THE WHIGS AND MARLBOROUGH
   (A. D. 1710-1712):

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   943-944 (916-917).

   R. B. Brett:
   Footprints of Statesmen,
   944 (917).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   England in the 18th Century,
   944-945 (917-918).

27. END OF THE STUART LINE
   (A. D. 1714):

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   945 (918).

   E. E. Morris:
   The Early Hanoverians,
   945-946 (918-919).

28. BEGINNINGS OF ENGLISH COMMERCIAL SUPREMACY:

   D. Campbell:
   The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
   2332-2333 (2284-2285).

   R. L. Poole:
   The Huguenots,
   1270 (1238).

   Earl Stanhope:
   History of England,
   1748-1749 (1709-1710).

   J. E. T. Rogers:
   Economic Interpretation of History,
   3228-3230 (3717-3719).

   E. Eggleston:
   Commerce in the Colonies,
   3230 (3719).

   Lord Campbell:
   Lives of the Chief Justices,
   2017 (1973).


STUDY XXXIII.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


ENGLAND: FROM GEORGE I. TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

1. ACCESSION OF GEORGE I.
   (A. D. 1714):

   L. Mariotti:
   Italy,
   1014-1015 (986-987).

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   1652 (1614).

   P. M. Thornton:
   The Brunswick Accession,
   1652-1653 (1614-1615).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   945 (918).

   E. E. Morris:
   The Early Hanoverians,
   946 (919).

2. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT:

   J. Morley:
   Walpole,
   946-947 (919-920).

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   947 (920).

3. THE EVOLUTION OF THE CABINET:

   A. C. Ewald:
   The Crown and Its Advisers,
   2681 (2609).

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History of England,
   354 (344).

   John Morley:
   Walpole,
   354 (344).

   A. Y. Dicey:
   The Privy Council,
   354-355 (344-345).

   "George I. cared very little for his new Kingdom, and knew
   very little about its people or its institutions. … His
   expeditions to Hanover threw the management of all domestic
   affairs almost without control into the hands of his English
   ministers. If the two first Hanoverian Kings had been
   Englishmen instead of Germans, if they had been men of talent
   and ambition, or even men of strong and commanding will
   without much talent, Walpole would never have been able to lay
   the foundations of government by the House of Commons and by
   Cabinet so firmly that even the obdurate will of George III.
   was unable to overthrow it. Happily for the system now
   established, circumstances compelled the first two sovereigns
   of the Hanoverian line to strike a bargain with the English
   Whigs, and it was faithfully kept until the accession of the
   third George. The King was to manage the affairs of Hanover,
   and the Whigs were to govern England. It was an excellent
   bargain for England."
      JOHN MORLEY.

4. THE SOUTH SEA BUBBLE, AND THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME:

   Lord Mahon:
   History of England,
   3051-3052 (2971-2972).

   J. W. Monette:
   The Valley of the Mississippi,
   2089 (2045).

   S. A. Drake:
   Making of the Great West,
   2089-2090 (2045-2046).

   Viscount Bury:
   Exodus of the Western Nations,
   1279-1280 (1247-1248).

   L. Stephen:
   Swift,
   1816 (1776).

{775}

5. TROUBLES WITH SPAIN
   (A. D. 1726-1731):

   C. W. Koch:
   Revolutions of Europe,
   3079 (2998).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   3079-3080 (2998-2999).

6. ACCESSION OF GEORGE II. (1727);
   WALPOLE’S ADMINISTRATION:

   J. E. T. Rogers:
   Historical Gleanings,
   947-948 (920-921).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   948 (921).

7. THE WAR OP JENKINS’ EAR
   (A. D. 1739-1741):

   E. E. Morris:
   Early Hanoverians,
   949 (922).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   949 (922).

8. THE RISE OF PITT,—LORD CHATHAM:

   Sir E. Creasy:
   Eminent Etonians,
   950 (923).

   R. B. Brett:
   Footprints of Statesman,
   950 (923).

9. WAR OF THE AUSTRIAN SUCCESSION
   (A. D. 1740-1748):

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   225 (218).

   J. Graham:
   History of the United States,
   2362-2363 (2314-2315).

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   2363-2364 (2315-2316).

   J. G. Palfrey:
   History of New England,
   2364 (2316).

   T. C. Haliburton:
   English in America,
   2364-2365 (2316-2317).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of Europe,
   951 (924).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of Europe,
   28-29 (21-22).

   H. Tuttle:
   History of Prussia,
   29 (22).

10. THE LAST RISING OF THE JACOBITES
   (A. D. 1745-1746):

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   2954 (2879).

11. ADOPTION OF THE GREGORIAN CALENDAR
   (A. D. 1751):

   W. Hales:
   Analysis of Chronology,
   357 (347).

   Sir H. Nicholas:
   Chronology of History,
   357 (347).

12. THE SEVEN YEARS’ WAR
   (A. D. 1754-1763):

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   951-952 (924-925).

   A. R. Ropes:
   Causes of the Seven Years’ War,
   952 (925).

   B. A. Hinsdale:
   The Old Northwest,
   2445-2446 (2393-2394).

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   3755 (3634).

   T. J. Chapman:
   The French in the Allegheny Valley,
   2446-2447 (2394-2395).

   C. B. Brackenbury:
   Frederick the Great,
   1529 (1495).

   T. Carlyle:
   Friedrich II. of Prussia,
   1529 (1495).

   Lord Mahon:
   History of England,
   1529-1530 (1495-1496).

   Justin McCarthy:
   The Four Georges,
   952 (925).

   T. B. Macaulay:
   William Pitt,
   952-953 (925-926).

   F. W. Longman:
   The Seven Years’ War,
   954 (927).

   C. B. Brackenbury:
   Frederick the Great,
   1535-1536 (1501-1502).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   2975 (2898).

   T. Carlyle:
   Friedrich II. of Prussia,
   2975-2976 (2898-2899).

   Frederick II.:
   The Seven Years’ War,
   2976 (2899).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1114-1115 (1086-1087).

13. ACCESSION OF GEORGE III.
   (A. D. 1760):

   J. Fiske:
   The American Revolution,
   954-955 (927-928).

   Sir T. E. May:
   Constitutional History of England,
   955-956 (928-929).

14. THE GREAT STRUGGLE OF THE PEOPLE WITH ABSOLUTISM:

   (a) The Fight for the Freedom of the Press.

   C. H. Timperley:
   Encyclopedia of Typography,
   2667-2668 (2595-2596).

   J. Grant:
   The Newspaper Press,
   2668 (2596).

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History of England,
   2669 (2597).

   C. H. Timperley:
   Encyclopaedia of Typography,
   2671-2672 (2599-2600).

   (1) The Case of John Wilkes.

   W. Massey:
   History of England,
   956-957 (930).

   W. F. Rae:
   John Wilkes,
   958-959 (931-932).

   (2) The Junius Letters.

   Lord Mahon:
   History of England,
   959-960 (933).

   Cushing:
   Initials and Pseudonyms,
   960 (933).

   J. W. Ross Brown:
   Criminal Law of Libel,
   2028-2029 (1984-1985).

   "It may be doubted whether Junius had any confidant or trusted
   friend. When dedicating his collected letters to the English
   people, he declares: ‘I am the sole depository of my own
   secret, and it shall perish with me.’"
      LORD MAHON.

   (3) The Surrender of Parliament.

   W. Massey:
   History of England,
   961-962 (934-935).

   T. P. Taswell-Langmead:
   English Constitutional History,
   962 (935).

   (b) Remarkable Increase of Capital Offenses.

   Sir T. E. May:
   Constitutional History of England,
   2028 (1984).

   J. F. Dillon:
   Jurisprudence of England,
   2029 (1985).

   (c) Arbitrary Taxation.

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   3295 (3178-3179).

   B. A. Hinsdale:
   The American Government,
   3295 (3179).

   J. Fiske:
   War of Independence,
   3297-3298 (3182).

   J. Morley:
   Edmund Burke,
   3298 (3182).

   (d) The Stamp Act.

   J. G. Palfrey:
   History of New England,
   3299 (3183).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   3303 (3186-3187).

   W. Wirt:
   Life of Patrick Henry,
   3303-3305 (3189).

   J. Fiske:
   The American Revolution,
   3305-3306 (3189-3190).

   (e) Declaration of Rights of Stamp Act Congress.

   R. Frothingham:
   Rise of the Republic,
   3306-3307 (3190-3191).

   Full Text of the Stamp Act,
   3299-3302 (3183-3186).

15. THE MINISTRY OP LORD NORTH; THE AMERICAN WAR:

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   960-961 (933-934).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   962-963 (935-936).

   J. Morley:
   Edmund Burke,
   963 (936).

   E. A. Freeman:
   The English People,
   963 (936).

16. EARLY WAR MEASURES:

   H. S. Randall:
   Life of Jefferson,
   3346-3347 (3230-3231).

   Lord Mahon:
   History of England,
   3347 (3231).

   E. J. Lowell:
   Hessians in the Revolution,
   3347-3348 (3231-3232).

   For Details of the American War,
   see Study XXXVIII.

17. CATHOLIC RELIEF AND THE GORDON RIOTS
   (A. D. 1778-1780):

   J. G. Bourinot:
   Constitutional History of Canada,
   388-389 (378-379).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   963-964 (936-937).

   Sketches of Popular Tumults,
   964-965 (937-938).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   1818-1819 (1778-1779).

{776}

18. LEGISLATIVE INDEPENDENCE FOR IRELAND
   (A. D. 1782):

   J. H. McCarthy:
   Ireland since the Union,
   1817 (1777).

   W. F. Collier:
   History of Ireland,
   1817-1818 (1777-1778).

   J. E. T. Rogers:
   Ireland,
   1818 (1778).

19. THE FALL OF LORD NORTH’S MINISTRY:

   J. Fiske:
   American Revolution,
   965 (938).

   W. Massey:
   History of England,
   965-966 (938-939).

   H. O. Wakeman:
   Life of Fox,
   966-967 (939-940).

20. CLOSE OF AMERICAN WAR; THE TREATY OF PARIS
   (A. D. 1783):

   The Diplomacy of the United States,
   3398-3399 (3282-3283).

   E. Fitzmaurice:
   The Earl of Shelburne,
   3399-3400 (3283-3284).

   John Fiske:
   Critical Period,
   3400-3401 (3284-3285).

   J. Q. Adams:
   Life of John Adams,
   3401-3402 (3285-3286).

   F. Wharton:
   Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence,
   3402 (3286).

   J. Bigelow:
   Life of Franklin,
   3402-3403 (3286-3287).

   Text of the Treaty of Peace,
   3403-3404 (3287-3288).

21. BRITISH RULE IN INDIA:

   (a) Establishment of the Empire.

   J. M. Ludlow:
   British India,
   1752 (1713).

   H. Martineau:
   British Rule in India,
   1752-1753 (1713-1714).

   J. Mill:
   British India,
   1753-1754 (1714-1715).

   J. R. Seeley:
   Expansion of England,
   1754 (1715).

   "The words ‘wonderful,’ ‘strange,’ are often applied to great
   historical events, and there is no event to which they have
   been applied more freely than to our [the English] conquest of
   India. But the event was not wonderful in a sense that it is
   difficult to discover adequate causes by which it could have
   been produced. If we begin by remarking that authority in
   India had fallen on the ground through the decay of the Mogul
   Empire, that it lay there waiting to be picked up by somebody,
   and that all over India in that period adventurers of one kind
   or another were founding Empires, it is really not surprising
   that a mercantile corporation which had money to pay a
   mercenary force should be able to compete with other
   adventurers, nor yet that it should outstrip all its
   competitors by bringing into the field English military
   science and generalship, especially when it was backed over
   and over again by the whole power and credit of England and
   directed by English statesmen. … England did not, in a strict
   sense, conquer India; but certain Englishmen, who happened to
   reside in India at the time when the Mogul Empire fell, had a
   fortune like that of Hyder Ali or Runjeet Singh and rose to
   supreme power there."
     J. R. SEELEY.

   (b) The Administration of Clive.

   T. B. Macaulay:
   Lord Clive,
   1754-1756 (1715-1717).

   C. Knight:
   History of England,
   1756 (1717).

   Sir W. Hunter:
   India,
   1756-1758 (1717-1719).

   (c) Passing of the East India Company; Warren Hastings.

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   1759-1760 (1720-1721).

   H. Martineau:
   British Rule in India,
   1760-1761 (1721-1722).

   Sir A. Lyall:
   Warren Hastings,
   1761 (1722).

   Sir J. Strachey:
   Hastings and the Rohillas,
   1762 (1723).

   L. J. Trotter:
   Warren Hastings,
   1762-1763 (1723-1724).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   1763-1764 (1724-1725).

   Sir A. Lyall:
   British Dominion in India,
   1764-1765 (1725-1726).

   (d) The Permanent Settlement.

   J. M. Ludlow:
   British India,
   1765 (1726).

   Sir J. Strachey:
   India,
   1765-1766 (1726-1727).

   (e) The Impeachment of Warren Hastings.

   T. B. Macaulay:
   Warren Hastings,
   1766-1768 (1727-1729).

   Sir A. Lyall:
   Warren Hastings,
   1768 (1729).

22. RISE OF THE YOUNGER PITT:

   Lord Rosebery:
   Pitt,
   968 (941).

   W. Bagehot:
   William Pitt,
   968-969 (941-942).

   Sir T. E. May:
   Constitutional History of England
   969 (942).

23. POPULAR FEELING TOWARD THE FRENCH REVOLUTION:

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   969-970 (942-943).

   Goldwin Smith:
   Three English Statesman,
   970 (943).

   G. W. Cooke:
   History of Party,
   970 (943).

24. A PERIOD OF REVOLUTIONARY INVENTION:

   S. Walpole:
   History of England,
   643-644 (620-621).

   S. Smiles:
   Lives of Boulton and Watt,
   3109-3110 (3027-3028).

   Life of James Watt,
   3110-3111 (3028-3029).

25. THE RISE OF THE PRESS:

   I. Thomas:
   Printing in America,
   2669-2670 (2598).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   2670 (2598).

   T. B. Macaulay:
   Life of Addison,
   2670 (2598).

   E. Gosse:
   Eighteenth Century Literature,
   2670-2671 (2598-2599).

   A. Dobson:
   Eighteenth Century Essays,
   2671 (2599).

   F. Hudson:
   Journalism in the United States,
   2672 (2600).

   C. Pebody:
   English Journalism,
   2672-2873 (2601)


STUDY XXXIV.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


EUROPE: FROM THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA (1648)
TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION (1789).


1. THE GENERAL SITUATION AT CLOSE OF THIRTY YEARS’ WAR:

   A. Gindely:
   The Thirty Years’ War,
   1519 (1486).

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1520 (1487).

   S. A. Dunham:
   The Germanic Empire,
   1520-1521 (1487-1488).

   H. von Treitschke:
   History of Germany,
   1521-1522 (3770-3771).

   J. B. Perkins:
   France under Mazarin,
   2329-2330 (2281-2282).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1101 (1073).

   See Map between pages
   1518-1519 (1486-1487).

2. THE RISE OF PRUSSIA:

   T. Carlyle:
   Frederick the Great,
   316-317 (306-307).

   H. Tuttle:
   History of Prussia,
   317-318 (307-308).

   T. Carlyle:
   Frederick the Great,
   2684-2685 (2613).

   C. F. Johnstone:
   Historical Abstracts,
   318 (308).

   G. B. Malleson:
   The Battlefields of Germany,
   318-320 (308-310).

   H. von Treitschke:
   History of Germany,
   2685-2686 (3768-3769).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   2686 (2613).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1107-1108 (1079-1080).

{777}

3. THE WARS OF THE FRONDE IN FRANCE:

   J.B. Perkins:
   France under Mazarin,
   1258 (1226).

   H. M. Hozier:
   Turenne,
   1258-1259 (1226-1227).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   1260 (1228).

   C. M. Yonge:
   English History,
   1260-1262 (1228-1230).

   J. B. Perkins:
   France under Mazarin,
   306 (297).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe, 1102
   (1074).

4. THE TREATY OF THE PYRENEES
   (A. D. 1659):

   T. Wright:
   History of France,
   1262 (1230).

   T. O. Cockayne:
   Life of Turenne,
   1262-1263 (1231).

   O. Airy:
   The English Restoration,
   1263 (1231).

   G. W. Kitchin:
   History of France,
   1263-1264 (1231-1232).

   J. Dunlop:
   Memoirs of Spain,
   1264(1232).

5. LOUIS XIV. ASSUMES THE GOVERNMENT OF FRANCE
   (A. D. 1661):

   F. P. Guizot:
   History of France,
   1255, second column, (1223).

   Sir J. Stephen:
   History of France,
   1257-1258 (1225-1226).

   J. C. Morison:
   Reign of Louis XIV.,
   1264-1265 (1232-1233).

   "What the age of Pericles was in the history of the Athenian
   Democracy, what the age of the Scipios was in the history of
   the Roman Republic, that was the reign of Louis XIV. in the
   history of the old monarchy of France. … It is not only the
   most conspicuous reign in the history of France—it is the most
   conspicuous reign in the History of Monarchy in general. … His
   court was an extraordinary creation. He made it the microcosm
   of all that was most brilliant and prominent in France. Every
   order of merit was invited there and received courteous
   welcome. … But Louis XIV.’s reign has better titles than the
   adulations of courtiers and the eulogies of wits and poets to
   the attention of posterity. It marks one of the most memorable
   epochs in the annals of mankind. It stretches across history
   like a great mountain range, separating ancient France from
   the France of modern times. On the farther slope are
   Catholicism and Feudalism in their various stages of splendor
   and decay—the France of crusade and chivalry, of St. Louis
   and Bayard. On the hither side are free-thought, industry, and
   centralization—the France of Voltaire, Turgot, and Condorcet.
   When Louis came to the throne, the Thirty Years’ War still
   wanted six years of its end, and the heat of theological
   strife was at its intensest glow. When he died, the religious
   temperature had cooled nearly to the freezing point, and a new
   vegetation of science and positive inquiry was overspreading
   the world."
      J. C. MORISON.

6. THE ADMINISTRATION OF COLBERT
   (A. D. 1661-1683):

(a) Some other Tariff Measures.

   J. A. Blanqui:
   History of Political Economy,
   3730-3731 (3610-3611).

   W. T. McCullagh:
   Industrial History,
   3147-3148 (3063-3064).

   D. Campbell:
   The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
   2332-2333 (2284-2285).

   M. Chamberlain:
   The Revolution Impending,
   3286-3287 (3170-3171).

   (h) The System of Colbert.

   Lady Dilke:
   France under Colbert,
   1266-1267 (1234-1235).

   J. A. Blanqui:
   History of Political Economy,
   3148-3149 (3064-3065).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   1267-1268 (1235-1236).

7. THE DUTCH REPUBLIC:

   A. L. Pontalis:
   John de Witt,
   2330-2332 (2282-2284).

   D. Campbell:
   The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
   2332-2333 (2284-2285).

   O. Airy:
   The English Restoration,
   2333 (2285).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1106-1107 (1078-1079).

8. WARS WITH FRANCE AND ENGLAND:

   T. B Macaulay:
   Sir William Temple,
   2335 (2287).

   J. Lingard:
   History of England,
   922-923 (895-896).

   C. M. Yonge:
   Landmarks of History,
   2335-2336 (2287-2288).

   O. Airy:
   The English Restoration,
   2336 (2288).

   J. R. Brodhead:
   History of New York,
   2336-2337 (2288-2289).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   2337-2338 (2289-2290).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1109-1110 (1081-1082).

9. THE PEACE OF NIMEGUEN
   (A. D. 1678-1679):

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   2414 (2362).

   O. Airy:
   The English Restoration,
   2414-2415 (2362-2363).

   J. C. Morison:
   Reign of Louis XIV.,
   2338 (2290).

10. FRENCH ABSORPTION OF ALSACE AND LORRAINE
   (A. D. 1679-1681):

   G. B. Malleson:
   Battlefields of Germany,
   1513-1514 (1480-1481).

   G. W. Kitchin:
   History of France,
   1518-1519 (1485-1486).

   W. Coxe:
   House of Austria,
   1519 (1486).

   J. B. Perkins:
   France under Mazarin,
   2086-2087 (2042-2043).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   1268-1269 (1236-1237).

11. LOUIS XIV.’S PERSECUTION OF THE HUGUENOTS:

   S. Smiles:
   History of the Huguenots,
   1265-1266 (1233-1234).

   A. de Lamartine:
   Bossuet,
   1269 (1237).

   R. L. Poole:
   Huguenots of the Dispersion,
   1270 (1237-1238).

12. WAR OF THE LEAGUE OF AUGSBURG
    (A. D. 1689-1697):

   E. Hale:
   Fall of the Stuarts,
   1271 (1239).

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History of England,
   1271 (1239).

   W. K. Sullivan:
   Irish History,
   1813 (1773).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   1271-1272 (1239-1240).

   H. D. Traill:
   William the Third,
   1272-1273 (1240-1241).

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History of England,
   1273-1274 (1241-1242).

   G. P. R. James:
   Life of Louis XIV.,
   1275 (1243).

13. THE PEACE OF RYSWICK
   (A. D. 1697):

   J. W. Gerard:
   The Peace of Utrecht,
   1275-1276 (1243-1244).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   1276 (1244).

14. THE WAR OF THE SPANISH SUCCESSION
   (A. D. 1702-1714):

   See Study XXXII.

15. FURTHER RELIGIOUS PERSECUTIONS:

   (a) The Camisards.

   H. M. Baird:
   The Camisard Uprising,
   1276 (1244-1245).

   (b) The Port Royalists.

   J. Tulloch:
   Pascal,
   2637 (2565).

   J. B. Perkins:
   France under Mazarin,
   2637-2639 (2565-2567).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   2639 (2567).

   Duke of Saint Simon:
   Memoirs,
   2639-2640 (2568).

   J. I. von Döllinger:
   European History,
   2640 (2568).

16. THE PAPACY:

   L. von Ranke:
   History of the Popes,
   2524-2525 (2462-2463).

   A. R. Pennington:
   Epochs of the Papacy,
   2525-2526 (2463-2464).

17. DEATH OF LOUIS XIV., AND STATE OF THE KINGDOM
   (A. D. 1715):

   A. Thierry:
   The Tiers État,
   1278 (1246).

{778}

   Y. Duruy:
   History of France,
   1278-1279 (1246-1247).

   "When the reign, which was to crown … the ascendant march of
   the French monarchy, had falsified the unbounded hopes which
   its commencement had excited; when in the midst of fruitless
   victories and continually increasing reverses, the people
   beheld progress in all the branches of public economy changed
   into distress,—the ruin of the finances, industry, and
   agriculture—the exhaustion of all the resources of the
   country,—the impoverishment of all classes of the nation, the
   dreadful misery of the population, they were seized with a
   bitter disappointment of spirit, which took the place of the
   enthusiasm of their confidence and love."
      A. THIERRY.

   "Succeeding generations have remembered only the numerous
   victories, Europe defied, France for twenty years
   preponderant, and the incomparable splendor of the Court of
   Versailles, with its marvels of letters and arts, which have
   given to the 17th century the name of the age of Louis XIV. It
   is for history to show the price which France has paid for her
   King’s vain attempts abroad to rule over Europe, and at home
   to enslave the wills and consciences of men. … The weight of
   the authority of Louis XIV. had been crushing during his last
   years. When the nation felt it lifted, it breathed more
   freely; the court and the city burst into disrespectful
   demonstrations of joy; the very coffin of the great King was
   insulted."
       V. DURUY.

18. ACCESSION AND CHARACTER OF LOUIS XV.
   (A. D. 1715-1774);

   V. Duruy:
   History of France,
   1278-1279 (1246-1247).

   W. Smyth;
   The French Revolution,
   1280 (1248).

   J. B. Perkins:
   France under the Regency,
   1280-1281 (1248-1249).

19. POLAND;

   S. A. Dunham:
   History of Poland,
   2613 (2545).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   2100 (2056).

   W. Koch:
   Revolutions in Europe,
   2613-2614 (2545-2546).

   Westminster Review:
   Poland: Her History and Prospects,
   2614-2615 (2546-2547).

   Westminster Review:
   Poland: Her History and Prospects,
   2616-2617 (2548-2549).

   S. A. Dunham:
   History of Poland,
   2619-2620 (2551-2552).

20. RUSSIA:

   V. Thomsen:
   Russia and Scandinavia,
   2829 (2755).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Historical Geography of Europe,
   2830 (2756).

   C. F. Johnstone:
   Historical Abstracts,
   2830-2832 (2756-2758).

   A. Leroy-Beaulieu:
   Empire of the Tsars,
   2832 (2758).

   H. S. Edwards:
   The Romanoffs,
   2832-2833 (2758-2759).

   A. Rambaud:
   History of Russia,
   2833 (2759).

   Voltaire:
   History of Charles XII.,
   2835 (2761).

21. SWEDEN:

   (a) Early History.

   H. H. Howorth:
   History of Sweden,
   2890 (2815).

   R. G. Latham:
   Nationalities of Europe,
   2890-2891 (2825-2816).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Historical Geography of Europe,
   2891-2892 (2816-2817).

   T. Carlyle:
   Early Kings of Norway,
   2892 (2817).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   2893-2894 (2818-2819).

   C. R. Fletcher:
   Gustavus Adolphus,
   2894-2896 (2819-2821).

   J. L. Stevens:
   Gustavus Adolphus,
   2897 (2822).

   (b) From the Thirty Years’ War.

   J. Mitchell:
   Life of Wallenstein,
   1505-1506 (1473).

   G. P. R. James:
   Wallenstein,
   1506-1507 (1473-1474).

   F. Schiller:
   The Thirty Years’ War,
   1507-1508 (1475).

   B. Chapman:
   Gustavus Adolphus,
   1509-1510 (1477).

   C. M. Yonge:
   English History,
   1510-1511 (1478).

   L. Häusser:
   The Reformation,
   1514-1515 (1481-1482).

   E. C. Otté:
   Scandinavian History,
   2897-2899 (2824).

22. WARS OF CHARLES XII. OF SWEDEN:

   Voltaire:
   History of Charles XII.,
   2899-2900 (2824-2825).

   A. Crichton:
   Scandinavia,
   2900-2901 (2825-2826).

   W. C. Taylor:
   Modern History,
   2901-2903 (2826-2828).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   2903 (2828).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1111-1112 (1083-1084).

23. RAPID ADVANCE OF PRUSSIA:

   T. B. Macaulay:
   Frederic the Great,
   1524 (1490).

   H. von Sybel:
   Founding of the German Empire,
   1524-1525 (1490-1491).

   L. P. Ségur:
   Frederic William II.,
   1528 (1494).

24. WAR OF THE AUSTRIAN SUCCESSION
   (A. D. 1740-1748):

   See Study XXXIII.

25. THE SEVEN YEARS’ WAR
   (A. D. 1754-1763):

See Study XXXIII.

26. THE PARTITION OF POLAND:

   G. W. Kitchin:
   History of France,
   2621 (2553).

   H. von Sybel:
   First Partition of Poland,
   2621-2623 (2553-2555).

   T. Carlyle:
   Frederick the Great,
   2623 (2555).

   Sir J. Mackintosh:
   The Partition of Poland,
   2623-2624 (2555-2556).

   A. Rambaud:
   History of Russia,
   2624-2625 (2556-2557).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1115-1116 (1087-1088).

   See Maps between pages
   1114-1115 and 2622-2623 (1086-1087 and 2554-2555).

27. THE GENERAL ATTACK UPON THE JESUIT ORDER:

   H. M. Stephens:
   The Story of Portugal,
   1932-1933 (1891-1892).

   W. H. Jervis:
   The Church of France,
   1933-1934 (1892-1893).

   Clement XIV. and the Jesuits,
   1934-1935 (1893-1894).

28. EUROPE ON THE EVE OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION:

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1116-1117 (1088-1089).

   A. Sorel:
   Europe and the French Revolution,
   1283-1284 (3755-3756).

   E. J. Lowell:
   Eve of the French Revolution,
   1286-1287 (1253-1254).

   Sarah Tytler:
   Marie Antoinette,
   1287-1288 (1254-1255).

   F. A. Mignet:
   The French Revolution,
   1288-1289 (1255-1256).

   W. Bagehot:
   William Pitt,
   968-969 (941-942).

   T. E. May:
   Constitutional History of England,
   969 (942).

   C. T. Lewis:
   History of Germany,
   1536-1537 (1503).

   I. Butt:
   History of Italy,
   1892-1893 (1852-1853).

   A. Sorel:
   Europe and the French Revolution,
   3081-3082 (3804-3805).

   C. E. Mallet:
   The French Revolution,
   228-229 (221-222).


STUDY XXXV.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
(A. D. 1789-1796).


1. THE GOVERNMENT OF LOUIS XVI.:

   A. Thiers:
   The French Revolution,
   1285-1286 (1252-1253).

   E. J. Lowell:
   Eve of the French Revolution,
   1286-1287 (1253-1254).

   Sarah Tytler:
   Marie Antoinette,
   1287-1288 (1254-1255).

{779}

2. THE FRENCH PEOPLE AT THE OUTBREAK OF THE REVOLUTION:

   H. A. Taine:
   Ancien Régime,
   1289-1291 (1256-1258).

   T. H. Huxley:
   The Revolutionary Spirit,
   1291 (1258).

   Chancellor Pasquier:
   Memoirs,
   1291-1292 (1258-1259).

   H. von Holst:
   The French Revolution,
   1292 (3757).

   M. de la Rocheterie:
   Marie Antoinette,
   1292 (1259).

   "'I am miserable because too much is taken from me. Too much
   is taken from me because not enough is taken from the
   privileged. Not only do the privileged force me to pay in
   their place, but, again, they previously deduct from my
   earnings their ecclesiastical and feudal dues. When, out of my
   income of 100 francs, I have parted with 58 francs, or more,
   to the collector, I am obliged again to give 14 francs to the
   seignior, also more than 14 for tithes, and, out of the
   remaining 18 or 19 francs I have additionally to satisfy the
   exciseman.' … These, in precise terms, are the vague ideas
   beginning to ferment in the popular brain and encountered on
   every page of the records of the States-General. … The
   privileged wrought their own destruction."
      H. A. TAINE.

   "In 1791, long before the inauguration of the Reign of Terror,
   there were in a population of 650,000 [in Paris], 118,000
   paupers. Under the 'ancien regime' the immigrant proletariat
   from the country was by the law barred out from all ways of
   earning a livelihood except as common day laborers, and the
   wages of these were in 1788, on an average, 26 cents for men
   and 15 for women, while the price of bread was higher than in
   our times. What a gigantic heap of ferment!"
      H. VON HOLST.

3. THE STATES-GENERAL:

   Sir J. Stephen:
   History of France,
   3108-3109 (3027).

   F. P. Guizot:
   History of France,
   3109 (3027).

   Lord Brougham:
   History of England and France,
   2555 (2489).

   Bussey and Gaspey:
   History of France,
   1197, second column, (1165).

   A. Thierry:
   Formation of the Tiers État,
   1202-1203 (1170-1171).

   Voltaire:
   Modern History,
   1249, first column, (1216).

   F. A. Mignet:
   The French Revolution,
   1288-1289 (1255-1256).

   H. von Sybel:
   The French Revolution,
   1292-1293 (1259-1260).

4. THE THIRD ESTATE; THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
   (JUNE, 1789):

   W. Stubbs:
   Constitutional History of England,
   1014 (986).

   A. Thierry:
   Formation of the Third Estate,
   1014 (986).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   1293-1294 (1260-1261).

5. THE MOB IN ARMS;
   FALL OF THE BASTILLE
   (JULY 14, 1789):

   Chambers’ Miscellany:
   History of the Bastille,
   280 (271).

   H. A. Taine:
   The French Revolution,
   1294-1295 (1261-1262).

   Chancellor Pasquier:
   Memoirs,
   1295-1296 (1262-1263).

6. THE WORK OF THE ASSEMBLY;
   THE DECLARATION OF RIGHTS:

   B. Tuckerman:
   Life of Lafayette,
   1296-1297 (1264).

   H. M. Stephens:
   The French Revolution,
   1297-1298 (1264-1265).

   G. H. Lewes:
   Life of Robespierre,
   1298-1299 (1265-1266).

   G. H. Lewes:
   Life of Robespierre,
   1656 (1618).

7. THE ATTACK OF THE WOMEN ON VERSAILLES:

   T. Carlyle:
   The French Revolution,
   1299-1300 (1266-1267).

   F. A. Mignet:
   The French Revolution,
   1300-1301 (1267-1268).

8. THE NEW CONSTITUTION (A. D. 1789-1791):

   Sir T. E. May:
   Democracy in Europe,
   1301 (1268).

   W. O’C. Morris:
   The French Revolution,
   1301-1302 (1268-1269).

9. THE EMIGRATION OF THE NOBILITY:

   Chancellor Pasquier:
   Memoirs,
   1297 (1264).

   W. O’C. Morris:
   The French Revolution,
   1302, first column, (1269).

10. THE RISE OF THE CLUBS:

   F. A. Mignet:
   The French Revolution,
   1302 (1269).

   H. von Sybel:
   The French Revolution,
   1302 (1269).

   G. H. Lewes:
   Life of Robespierre,
   1302-1303 (1270).

   J. Michelet:
   The French Revolution,
   1303 (1270).

11. THE ATTITUDE OF FOREIGN POWERS;
    FLIGHT OF THE KING
    (A. D. 1791):

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   1303-1304 (1270-1271).

   H. von Sybel:
   The French Revolution,
   1304-1305 (1271-1272).

12. The GIRONDISTS:

   H. Van Laun:
   The Revolutionary Epoch,
   1306 (1273).

   A. de Lamartine:
   The Girondists,
   1306 (1273).

   H. von Sybel:
   The French Revolution,
   1306-1307 (1273-1274).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   1307 (1274).

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   1307-1308 (1274-1275).

13. WAR WITH AUSTRIA AND PRUSSIA;
    MOB RULE IN PARIS
    (A. D. 1792):

   A. Griffiths:
   Revolutionary Generals,
   1308-1309 (1275-1276).

   B. M. Gardiner:
   The French Revolution,
   1309-1310 (1276-1277).

   H. M. Stephens:
   The French Revolution,
   1310-1312 (1277-1279).

14. THE SEPTEMBER MASSACRES
    (A. D. 1792):

   A. de Lamartine:
   The Girondists,
   1312-1313 (1280).

   H. A. Taine:
   The French Revolution,
   1313-1314 (1280-1281).

15. THE PROCLAMATION OF THE REPUBLIC
    (SEPTEMBER 21, 1792):

   Sir A. Alison:
   History of Europe,
   1314-1316 (1283).

   C. MacFarlane:
   The French Revolution,
   1332 (1299).

   H. M. Stephens:
   The French Revolution,
   1332 (1299).

16. FIRST SUCCESSES OF THE REPUBLICAN ARMY:

   C. F. Johnstone:
   Historical Abstracts,
   2345-2346 (2297-2298).

   C. E. Mallet:
   The French Revolution,
   228-229 (221-222).

   H. von Sybel:
   The French Revolution,
   1537-1539 (1503-1505).

   C. A. Fyffe:
   Modern Europe,
   1316-1317 (1283-1284).

17. THE TRIAL, SENTENCE, AND EXECUTION OF LOUIS XVI.
   (JANUARY, 1793):

   F. A. Mignet:
   The French Revolution,
   1317-1318 (1284-1285).

   W. O’C. Morris:
   The First Empire,
   1318 (1285).

   T. Carlyle:
   The French Revolution,
   1319-1320 (1286-1287).

18. INCREASING ANARCHY;
    THE REVOLUTIONARY TRIBUNAL:

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   1320-1321 (1287-1288).

   H. M. Stephens:
   The French Revolution,
   1322-1324 (1289-1291).

{780}

19. THE INSURRECTION IN LA VENDÉE
   (A. D. 1793):

   A. Thiers:
   The French Revolution,
   1321-1322 (1288-1289).

   A. de Lamartine:
   The Girondists,
   1324-1325 (1292).

   F. A. Mignet:
   The French Revolution,
   1325 (1292).

   F. A. Mignet:
   The French Revolution,
   1327-1328 (1294-1295).

20. FORMATION OF EUROPEAN COALITION AGAINST FRANCE:

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   969-970 (942-943).

   Goldwin Smith:
   Three English Statesmen,
   970 (943).

   G. W. Cooke:
   History of Party,
   970 (943).

   H. von Sybel:
   The French Revolution,
   1318 (1285).

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   1318 (1285).

   Sir A. Alison:
   History of Europe,
   1324 (1291).

21. THE COMMITTEE OF PUBLIC SAFETY
   (AUGUST, 1793):

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   1325-1326 (1292-1293).

   L. Gronlund:
   Ça Ira,
   1326 (1293).

22. CHARLOTTE CORDAY;
    THE ASSASSINATION OF MARAT:

   B. M. Gardiner:
   The French Revolution,
   1326-1327 (1293-1294).

23. THE "REIGN OF TERROR";
    EXECUTION OF MARIE ANTOINETTE, AND MME. ROLAND
    (A. D. 1793):

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   1329-1331 (1296-1298).

   H. M. Stephens:
   The French Revolution,
   1331-1332 (1298-1299).

   Sir T. E. May:
   Democracy in Europe,
   1333 (1300).

   T. Carlyle:
   The French Revolution,
   1333-1334 (1300-1301).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1119-1120 (1091-1092).

24. ABANDONMENT OF CHRISTIANITY; THE WORSHIP OF REASON:

   C. MacFarlane:
   The French Revolution,
   1332 (1299).

   W. H. Jervis:
   The Gallican Church,
   1332-1333 (1299-1300).

   John Morley;
   Robespierre,
   1334-1335 (1301-1302).

   "Before the year ended [1793] the legislators of Paris voted
   that there was no God, and destroyed or altered nearly
   everything that had any reference to Christianity. … They
   decreed that on the 10th of November the ‘Worship of Reason’
   should be inaugurated at Notre Dame. A temple dedicated to
   ‘Philosophy’ was erected on a platform in the middle of the
   choir. A motley procession of citizens of both sexes, headed
   by the constituted authorities, advanced towards it; on their
   approach, the Goddess of Reason, impersonated by a well known
   figurante of the opera, took her seat upon a grassy throne in
   front of the temple; a hymn, composed in her honor by the poet
   Chenier, was sung by a body of young girls dressed in white
   and bedecked with flowers; and the multitude bowed the knee
   before her in profound adoration. It was the ‘abomination of
   desolation sitting in the holy place.’ … The example set by
   Paris, was faithfully repeated, if not surpassed in atrocity,
   throughout the provinces. Religion was proscribed, churches
   closed, Christian ordinances interdicted; the dreary gloom of
   atheistical despotism overspread the land."
      W. H. JERVIS.

25. PROGRESS OF THE WAR AGAINST THE COALITION
   (A. D. 1793-1794):

   W. O’C. Morris:
   The French Revolution,
   1328 (1295).

   Sir A. Alison:
   History of Europe,
   1328-1329 (1296).

   W. Massey:
   History of England,
   1336-1337 (1303-1304).

26. THE CLIMAX OF THE "REIGN OF TERROR" (A. D. 1794);
    THE 22D PRAIRIAL;

   John Morley:
   Robespierre,
   1337-1338 (1304-1305).

   H. von Sybel:
   The French Revolution,
   1338 (1305).

   A. Thiers:
   The French Revolution,
   1338 (1305).

   H. A. Taine:
   The French Revolution,
   1338 (1305).

   "It is estimated that, in the eleven western departments, the
   dead of both sexes and of all ages exceeded 400,000.
   Considering the programme and principles of the Jacobin sect,
   this is no great number; they might have killed a good many
   more. But time was wanting; during their short reign they did
   what they could with the instrument in their hands."
      H. A. TAINE.

27. FALL OF ROBESPIERRE; END OF THE "REIGN OF TERROR"
   (JULY, 1794):

   J. E. Symes:
   The French Revolution,
   1338-1339 (1305-1306).

   T. B. Macaulay:
   Barère’s Memoirs,
   1340 (1307).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   1340 (1307).

   Sergent Marceau:
   Reminiscences of a Regicide,
   1340 (1307).

   B. M. Gardiner:
   The French Revolution,
   1340-1341 (1307-1308).

28. PROGRESS OF THE FOREIGN WARS:

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   1341-1342 (1308-1309).

   H. Van Laun:
   The Revolutionary Epoch,
   1342-1343 (1309-1310).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   1345-1346 (1312-1313).

   Sir A. Alison:
   History of Europe,
   1346 (1313).

29. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE YEAR III.
    (A. D. 1795):

   F. A. Mignet:
   The French Revolution,
   1343-1344 (1310-1311).

   A. Thiers:
   The French Revolution,
   1344-1345 (1311-1312).

30. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE; THE DIRECTORY
   (A. D. 1795):

   J. G. Lockhart:
   Life of Napoleon,
   1346-1347 (1314).

   E. de Bonnechose:
   History of France,
   1347 (1314).

   "Within five days from the ‘Day of the Sections’ Buonaparte
   was named second in command of the army of the interior; and
   shortly afterwards, Barras finding his duties as Director
   sufficient to occupy his time, gave up the command-in-chief of
   the same army to his ‘little Corsican officer.’"
      J. G. LOCKHART.


STUDY XXXVI.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


FRANCE UNDER NAPOLEON
(A. D. 1795-1815).


1. NAPOLEON IN COMMAND
   (A. D. 1795):

   J. G. Lockhart:
   Life of Napoleon,
   1346-1347 (1313-1314).

   E. de Bonnechose:
   History of France,
   1347 (1314).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1120 (1092).

2. THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN
   (A. D. 1796-1797):

   C. A. Fyffe:
   Modern Europe,
   1347-1349 (1314-1316).

   Count de Melito:
   Memoirs,
   1349 (1316).

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   1349-1350 (1316-1317).

3. THE STATE OF ENGLAND:

   A. Alison:
   History of Europe,
   970-971 (943-944).

   T. Wright:
   History of France,
   1349 (1316).

   W. Bagehot:
   Lombard Street,
   2255 (2211).

4. THE OVERTHROW OF VENICE;
   PEACE OF CAMPO FORMIO:

   T. Mitchell:
   Rise of Napoleon,
   1350-1351 (1317-1318).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   1351-1352 (1318-1319).

   See Map between pages 2622-2623 (2554-2555).

{781}

5. THE COUP D’ÉTAT OF THE 18TH FRUCTIDOR
   (A. D. 1797):

   E. de Bonnechose:
   History of France,
   1352-1353 (1319-1320).

   A. Thiers:
   The French Revolution,
   1353 (1320).

   Chevalier O’Clery:
   The Italian Revolution,
   1353-1354 (1320-1321).

6. THE UNITED STATES AND THE REVOLUTION;
   THE X. Y. Z. LETTERS:

   E. Everett:
   Life of Washington,
   3422 (3306).

   H. C. Lodge:
   George Washington,
   3422 (3306).

   T. W. Higginson:
   The United States,
   3431 (3315).

   "The plan of this covert intercourse came through the private
   Secretary of M. de Talleyrand, then French Minister for
   Foreign Affairs; and the impudence of these three letters of
   the alphabet went so far as to propose" a bribe of 1,200,000
   francs. ‘You must pay money, a great deal of money,’ remarked
   Monsieur Y. The secret of these names was kept, but the
   diplomatic correspondence was made public, and created much
   wrath in Europe, as well as in America. … At last the insults
   passed beyond bearing, and it was at this time that ‘millions
   for defense, not one cent for tribute,’ first became a
   proverbial phrase, having been originally used by Charles C.
   Pinckney."
      T. W. HIGGINSON.

7. THE HELVETIC REPUBLIC:

   H. Zschokke:
   History of Switzerland,
   3133-3134 (3049-3050).

   C. A. Fyffe:
   Modern Europe,
   3134-3135 (3050-3051).

   Sir A. Alison:
   History of Europe,
   3135 (3051).

8. Napoleon in Egypt (A. D. 1798-1799);
   Battle of the Nile:

   W. Massey:
   History of England,
   1354-1355 (1321-1322).

   J. G. Lockhart:
   Life of Napoleon,
   1357-1359 (1326).

9. THE SECOND EUROPEAN COALITION
   (A. D. 1798-1799):

   H. Van Laun:
   The Revolutionary Epoch,
   1355-1357 (1322-1324).

   T. Wright:
   History of France,
   1359-1360 (1326-1327).

   Sir A. Alison:
   History of Europe,
   1360-1361 (1327-1328).

   Sir W. Scott:
   Life of Napoleon,
   1361 (1328).

   F. C. Schlosser:
   The Eighteenth Century,
   1361-1362 (1328-1329).

   J. Adolphus:
   History of England,
   1362 (1329).

10. END OF THE FIRST REPUBLIC;
    NAPOLEON FIRST CONSUL
    (A. D. 1799):

   C. K. Adams:
   Democracy in France,
   1362-1364 (1329-1331).

   F. A. Mignet:
   The French Revolution,
   1364 (1331).

   F. C. Schlosser:
   The Eighteenth Century,
   1364-1365 (1331-1332).

11. THE SECOND CONQUEST OF ITALY;
    PEACE OF LUNEVILLE
    (A. D. 1800-1801):

   R. H. Horne:
   Napoleon Bonaparte,
   1365-1366 (1332-1333).

   W. O’C. Morris:
   The French Revolution,
   1366-1367 (1333-1334).

   Sir W. Scott:
   Life of Napoleon,
   1367 (1334).

   Sir A. Alison:
   History of Europe,
   1539-1540 (1505-1506).

   C. T. Lewis:
   History of Germany,
   1540 (1506).

12. LOUISIANA WRESTED FROM SPAIN AND SOLD TO THE UNITED STATES
   (A. D. 1802-1803):

   M. Thompson:
   The Story of Louisiana,
   2093-2094 (2049-2050).

   C. F. Robertson:
   The Louisiana Purchase,
   2094 (2050).

   H. von Holst:
   Constitutional History of the United States,
   3443 (3327).

   T. M. Cooley:
   The Acquisition of Louisiana,
   3443-3444 (3327-3328).

   Henry Adams:
   History of the United States,
   3444 (3328).

13. THE "CONTINENTAL SYSTEM"; NAPOLEON’S DOMESTIC POLICIES:

   J. R. Green:
   The English People,
   1368-1369 (1335-1336).

   L. Levi:
   British Commerce,
   1379-1380 (1346-1347).

   Captain A. T. Mahan:
   Influence of Sea Power,
   1380-1381 (1347-1348).

   H. Martin:
   History of Europe,
   1369-1370 (1336-1337).

   C. A. Fyffe:
   Modern Europe,
   1370-1371 (1337-1338).

   P. Lanfrey:
   History of Napoleon,
   1371 (1338).

   M. Arnold:
   Schools on the Continent,
   738-739 (715-16).

   "The significance of the Peace of Luneville lay in this, not
   only that it was the close of the earlier revolutionary
   struggle in Europe; … but that it marked the concentration of
   all her energies in a struggle with Britain for the supremacy
   of the world. … The country [Britain] stood utterly alone
   while the Peace of Luneville secured France from all hostility
   on the Continent. … To strike at England’s wealth had been
   among the projects of the Directory; it was now the dream of
   the First Consul. … Her carrying trade must be annihilated if
   he closed every port against her ships. It was this gigantic
   project of a 'Continental System' that revealed itself as soon
   as Buonaparte became master of France."
      J. R. GREEN.

14. WAR DECLARED BY GREAT BRITAIN;
    NAPOLEON BECOMES EMPEROR:

   H. Martineau:
   History of England,
   1371-1373 (1338-1340).

   J. R. Seeley:
   History of Napoleon I.,
   1373-1374 (1340-1341).

   Chancellor Pasquier:
   Memoirs,
   1374 (1341).

   Sir W. Scott:
   Life of Napoleon,
   1374-1375 (1341-1342).

15. THIRD EUROPEAN COALITION;
    TRAFALGAR AND AUSTERLITZ
    (A. D. 1805):

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   1375 (1342).

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   1375-1376 (1342-1343).

   W. O’C. Morris:
   Napoleon,
   1376-1377 (1343-1344).

16. THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST PRUSSIA AND RUSSIA
    (A. D. 1806-1807):

   W. Menzel:
   History of Germany,
   1540-1541 (1506-1507).

   J. Bryce:
   Holy Roman Empire,
   1541 (1507).

   J. G. Lockhart:
   Life of Napoleon,
   1542-1544 (1510).

   Sir A. Alison:
   History of Europe,
   1544-1545 (1511).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   1545-1546 (1511-1512).

   A. Rambaud:
   History of Russia,
   1546-1547 (1513).

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   1547 (1513).

   C. Joyneville:
   Life of Alexander I.,
   1547-1548 (1514).

17. THE CHARACTER OF NAPOLEON’S EMPIRE AND RULE:

   W. O ’C. Morris:
   The French Revolution,
   1381-1382 (1348-1349).

   P. Lanfrey:
   History of Napoleon,
   1382 (1349).

   Sir H. L. Bulwer:
   Historical Characters,
   1382-1383 (1349-1350).

   Sir A. Alison:
   History of Europe,
   1383-1384 (1350-1351).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   2526 (2464).

   Sir A. Alison:
   History of Europe,
   2526-2527 (2464-2465).

   M. Talleyrand:
   Memoirs,
   2527-2528 (2465-2466)

18. THE PENINSULAR WAR
   (A. D. 1808-1814):

   M. M. Busk:
   History of Portugal,
   2647-2648 (2576).

   J. R. Seeley:
   Napoleon I.,
   3082-3083 (3000-3001).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   3083-3084 (3001-3002).

   P. Lanfrey:
   History of Napoleon I.,
   1384 (1351).

   H. R. Clinton:
   The War in the Peninsula,
   3084 (3002).

   C. Knight:
   History of England,
   3084-3085 (3002-3003).

   H. R. Clinton:
   War in the Peninsula,
   3087 (3005).

   The Times:
   Memoir of Wellington,
   3087-3089 (3007).

   T. Hamilton:
   The Peninsular Campaigns,
   3089-3090 (3907-3908).

   P. Lanfrey:
   History of Napoleon I.,
   3091 (3009).

{782}

   General Vane:
   The Peninsular War,
   3092 (3010).

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   3092-3093 (3010-3011).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1123 (1095).

19. THE RUSSIAN CAMPAIGN
    (A. D. 1812):

   J. R. Seeley:
   History of Napoleon,
   1385-1386 (1353).

   P. Lanfrey:
   History of Napoleon I.,
   1386 (1353).

   E. Labaume:
   The Campaign in Russia,
   1386 (1353).

   A. Rambaud:
   History of Russia,
   2842-2843 (2768-2769).

   L. Tolstoi:
   The Russian Campaign,
   2843-2844 (2769-2770).

   A. Thiers:
   History of the Empire,
   2844-2845 (2771).

   V. Duruy:
   History of France,
   2845-2846 (2771-2772).

   Sir R. Wilson:
   The Invasion of Russia,
   2846-2847 (2772-2773).

   E. Labaume:
   The Campaign in Russia,
   2847 (2773).

   A. Thiers:
   History of the Empire,
   1387 (1354).

20. THE GERMANIC UPRISING;
    BATTLE OF LEIPSIC
    (A. D. 1812-1813):

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   1555-1556 (1521-1522).

   W. Menzel:
   History of Germany,
   1556 (1522).

   J. Mitchell:
   The Fall of Napoleon,
   1557-1558 (1523-1524).

   J. G. Lockhart:
   Life of Napoleon,
   1558-1559 (1525).

   R. H. Horne:
   History of Napoleon,
   1560 (1526).

   C. T. Lewis:
   History of Germany,
   1561-1562 (1528).

   W. Hazlitt:
   Life of Napoleon,
   1562-1563 (1528-1529).

   A. Thiers:
   History of the Empire,
   1563 (1529).

   Sir A. Alison:
   History of Europe,
   1563-1564 (1530).

21. INVASION OF THE ALLIES;
    ABDICATION OF NAPOLEON
    (A. D. 1814):

   A. Rambaud:
   History of Russia,
   1387-1389 (1354-1356).

   J. Mitchell:
   The Fall of Napoleon,
   1389-1391 (1356-1358).

   Sir A. Alison:
   History of Europe,
   1895 (1855).

   W. R. Thayer:
   Dawn of Italian Independence,
   1895-1896 (1855-1856).

   I. Butt:
   History of Italy,
   1896-1897 (1856-1857).

   "The act of abdication was worded in the following terms: 'The
   Allied Powers having proclaimed that the Emperor Napoleon is
   the sole obstacle to the re-establishment of peace in Europe,
   the Emperor Napoleon, faithful to his oath, declares that he
   is ready to descend from the throne, to quit France, and even
   to relinquish life, for the good of the country, which is
   inseparable from the rights of his son, from those of the
   regency in the person of the Empress, and from the maintenance
   of the laws of the Empire. Done at our palace of Fontainbleau,
   4th April, 1814. Napoleon.'"
      J. MITCHELL.

22. THE POPE AND THE JESUITS:

   M. Talleyrand:
   Memoirs,
   2527-2528 (2465-2466).

   Fraser’s Magazine:
   The Jesuits,
   1935 (1894).

23. THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA
   (SEPTEMBER, 1814):

   C. A. Fyffe:
   Modern Europe,
   3745-3747 (3624-3626).

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   3747 (3626).

24. THE NEW GOVERNMENT;
    LOUIS XVIII.:

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   1391-1392 (1358-1359).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   1392 (1359).

25. THE "ONE HUNDRED DAYS";
    WATERLOO
    (A. D. JUNE 18, 1815):

   G. Hooper:
   Waterloo,
   1392-1394 (1359-1361).

   H. R. Clinton:
   Wellington’s Campaigns,
   1394-1396 (1361-1363).

   G. Hooper:
   Waterloo,
   1396-1397 (1363-1364).

   Baron de Jomini:
   The Campaign of Waterloo,
   1397-1398 (1364-1365).

   J. R. Seeley:
   Napoleon I.,
   1398-1399 (1365-1366).

   Sir A. Alison:
   History of Europe,
   1399-1400 (1366-1367).


STUDY XXXVII.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


THE AMERICAN COLONIES.


1. THE DISCOVERY OF NORTH AMERICA
   (A. D. 1498):

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   58 (51).

   H. Harrisse:
   Discovery of North America,
   59 (3678).

   H. Harrisse:
   Discovery of North America,
   61 (3678).

2. THE ABORIGINES:

   D. G. Brinton:
   The Lenape,
   84 (77).

   J. G. Palfrey:
   History of New England,
   84-85 (77-78).

   J. W. Powell:
   Ethnological Report,
   85 (78).

   J. R. Brodhead:
   History of New York,
   85 (78).

3. EARLIEST ENGLISH VENTURES:

   E. J. Payne:
   Elizabethan Seamen,
   74-75, 76 (67-69).

   E. Hayes:
   Sir Humphrey Gilbert,
   76 (69).

   I. N. Tarbox:
   Sir Walter Raleigh,
   77 (70).

   J. A. Doyle:
   English in America,
   76-77 (69-70).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   77-78 (70-71).

   J. G. Palfrey:
   History of New England,
   78-79 (71-72).

4. THE VIRGINIA COMPANY AND COLONY:

   J. Fiske:
   Beginnings of New England,
   3748 (3627).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   3748-3749 (3627-3628).

   H. C. Lodge:
   The English Colonies,
   3749 (3628).

   R. A. Brooke:
   Virginia,
   3749-3750 (3628-3629).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   3751 (3630).

   C. Campbell:
   The Colony of Virginia,
   3751-3752 (3630-3631).

   H. B. Adams:
   College of William and Mary,
   749-750 (726-727).

5. VIRGINIA UNDER THE STUARTS:

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   3752 (3631).

   R. Beverley:
   History of Virginia,
   3752-3753 (3632).

   J. E. Cooke:
   Virginia,
   3753 (3632).

   W. Ware:
   Nathaniel Bacon,
   3753-3755 (3632-3634).

6. THE MAYFLOWER AND THE PLYMOUTH COLONY
   (A. D. 1620):

   C. Deane:
   New England,
   2141 (2097).

   F. B. Dexter:
   The Pilgrim Church,
   2141-2142 (2097-2098).

   Goldwin Smith:
   The American Colonies,
   2142 (2098).

   J. G. Palfrey:
   History of New England,
   2143 (2099).

   W. T. Davis:
   Ancient Plymouth,
   2144-2145 (2100-2101).

7. THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COMPANY:

   H.C. Lodge:
   English Colonies,
   2145 (2101).

   J. G. Palfrey:
   History of New England,
   2145 (2101).

   J. B. Moore:
   Governors of New Plymouth,
   2146 (2101-2142).

   J. Fiske:
   Beginnings of New England,
   2148 (2104).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   2148-2149 (2104-2105).

8. FOUNDING OF BOSTON
   (A. D. 1630):

   S. A. Drake:
   Around the Hub,
   2146-2147 (2102-2103).

   R. C. Winthrop:
   Boston Founded,
   2147 (2103).

   G. G. Bush:
   Harvard,
   751 (728).

   The Oldest School in America,
   750-751 (727-728).

9. EARLY RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS;

   J. G. Palfrey:
   New England,
   2147 (2103).

   J. Fiske:
   Beginnings of New England,
   2147 (2103).

   G. E. Ellis:
   Early Massachusetts,
   2147-2148 (2103-2104).

   J. A. Doyle:
   The American Colonies,
   2149 (2105).

   J. S. Barry:
   Massachusetts,
   2149 (2105).

   G. E. Ellis:
   Early Massachusetts,
   2149-2150 (2105-2106).

   C. F. Adams:
   Massachusetts,
   2150-2151 (2106-2107).

{783}

10. THE DUTCH SETTLEMENTS:

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   79-80 (72-73).

   E. B. O’Callaghan:
   New Netherlands,
   2377 (2325).

   J. R. Brodhead:
   History of New York,
   2377-2378 (2325-2326).

   G. W. Schuyler:
   Colonial New York,
   2378-2379 (2326-2327).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of United States,
   677 (654).

   H. C. Lodge:
   English Colonies,
   2379-2380 (2327-2328).

   J. W. Gerard:
   William Kieft,
   2380 (2328).

   S. S. Randall:
   History of New York,
   2380 (2328).

   H. R. Stiles:
   History of Brooklyn,
   2381 (2329).

   Mrs. M. J. Lamb:
   The City of New York,
   2379, 2382 (2327, 2330).

11. THE BEGINNINGS OF CONNECTICUT
   (A. D. 1634):

   (a) The First Settlements.

   B. Trumbull:
   History of Connecticut,
   510 (496).

   C. W. Bowen:
   Boundary Disputes,
   510 (496).

   A. Johnston:
   Connecticut,
   510 (496).

   J. Fiske:
   The Beginnings of New England,
   510-511 (496-497).

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   513 (499).

   J. G. Palfrey:
   History of New England,
   513 (499).

   A. Johnston:
   A New England State,
   514-515 (500-501).

   (b) Constitution Making.

   A. Johnston:
   A New England State,
   511 (497).

   Public Records of Colony of Connecticut,
   511-513 (497-499).

   Full Text of the Fundamental Orders,
   511-513 (497-499).

   (c) The Fundamental Agreement, and the "Blue Laws."

   J. A. Doyle:
   The Puritan Colonies,
   513-514 (499-500).

   C. H. Levermore:
   New Haven,
   514 (500).

   J. H. Trumbull:
   The True Blue Laws,
   514 (3691-3692).

12. ROGER WILLIAMS, AND THE PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS:

   (a) The Persecution of Williams.

   S. G. Arnold:
   History of Rhode Island,
   2707 (2634).

   T. Durfee:
   Historical Discourse,
   2707-2708 (2634-2635).

   J. L. Diman:
   Orations and Essays,
   2708-2709 (2636).

   J. R. Bartlett:
   Letters of Roger Williams,
   2709 (2636).

   W. Gammell:
   Life of Roger Williams,
   2709-2710 (2636-2637).

   J. D. Knowles:
   Memoir of Roger Williams,
   2710-2711 (2637-2638).

   (b) Constitution of Providence Plantation.

   G. W. Greene:
   Rhode Island,
   2712 (2639).

   Stephen Hopkins:
   The Planting of Providence,
   2712-2714 (2639-2641).

   (c) First Baptist Church.

   W. R. Staples:
   The Town of Providence,
   2714 (2641).

13. THE FOUNDING OF RHODE ISLAND:

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   2711-2712 (2638-2639).

   O. S. Straus:
   Roger Williams,
   2712 (2639).

14. LORD BALTIMORE, AND MARYLAND:

   (a) The Planting of the Colony.

   J. McSherry:
   History of Maryland,
   2135 (2091).

   J. L. Bozman:
   Maryland,
   2135-2136 (2091-2092).

   J. G. Shea:
   Catholic Church in Colonial Days,
   2136-2137 (2092-2093).

   G. B. Keen:
   New Albion,
   2353 (2305).

   (b) Religious Troubles, and Toleration.

   J. A. Doyle:
   English in America,
   2137-2138 (2093-2094).

   G. L. Davis:
   American Freedom,
   2138 (2094).

   W. H. Browne:
   Maryland,
   2138 (2094).

   H. C. Lodge:
   The English Colonies,
   2138-2139 (2094-2095).

15. THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENT IN DELAWARE:

   J. R. Brodhead:
   History of New York,
   677 (654).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   677 (654).

   B. Ferris:
   Settlements on the Delaware,
   677-678 (654-655).

   G. W. Schuyler:
   Colonial New York,
   678 (655).

   E. H. Roberts:
   New York,
   678-679 (655-656).

16. EARLY HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA:

   (a) Rival Claims to Territory.

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   2354 (2306).

   W. H. Browne:
   Maryland,
   2135-2136 (2091-2092).

   C. H. Levermore:
   Republic of New Haven,
   2368 (2319).

   J. R. Brodhead:
   History of New York,
   2384-2385 (2332-2333).

   (b) The Territory and Government of Penn.

   Susan Coolidge:
   History of Philadelphia,
   2564-2565 (2498-2499).

   Scharf and Westcott:
   Philadelphia,
   2565 (2499).

   T. Clarkson:
   Memoirs of Penn,
   2565 (2499).

   W. H. Dixon:
   History of Penn,
   2566-2567 (2500-2501).

   B. A. Hinsdale:
   Old Northwest,
   2567 (2501).

   J. Dunlop:
   Controversy between Penn and Baltimore,
   2567-2568 (2501-2502).

   B. Fernow:
   The Middle Colonies,
   2568-2569 (2502-2503).

17. GENERAL REVIEW OP THE SETTLEMENT OF THE COLONIES, AND THEIR
    RELATION TO THE MOTHER COUNTRY, 3281-3286 (3165-3170).

18. FIRST CONFEDERATION OF COLONIES
    (A. D. 1643):

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   2357-2358 (2309-2310).

19. NEW AMSTERDAM BECOMES NEW YORK
    (A. D. 1664):

   J. A. Stevens:
   The English in New York,
   2382-2383 (2330-2331).

   R. L. Fowler:
   History of New York,
   2383 (2331).

   B. Tuckerman:
   Peter Stuyvesant,
   2384 (2332).

   J. R. Brodhead:
   History of New York,
   2384-2385 (2332-2333).

   J. R. Brodhead:
   History of New York,
   2336-2337 (2288-2289).

20. ATTEMPTED OVERTHROW OF CHARTERS;
    ANDROS;
    THE CHARTER OAK:

   J. G. Palfrey:
   History of New England,
   2385 (2333).

   G. L. Austin:
   History of Massachusetts,
   2153-2154 (2109-2110).

   Brooks Adams:
   Emancipation of Massachusetts,
   2154-2155 (2110-2111).

   H. C. Lodge:
   The English Colonies,
   2155-2156 (2111-2112).

   J. S. Barry:
   History of Massachusetts,
   2156-2157 (2112-2113).

   G. H. Hollister:
   History of Connecticut,
   515 (501).

   E. B. Sanford:
   History of Connecticut,
   515-516 (501-502).

   A. Johnston:
   Connecticut,
   516 (502).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   516-517 (502-503).

{784}

21. KING PHILIP’S WAR
    (A. D. 1674-1678):

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   2358-2359 (2310-2311).

   C. W. Elliott:
   New England History,
   2359 (2311).

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   2359-2360 (2311-2312).

   J. G. Palfrey:
   History of New England,
   2360 (2312).

   J. Fiske:
   Beginnings of New England,
   2360 (2312).

22. FIRST COLONIAL CONGRESS (A. D. 1690),
    AND KING WILLIAM’S WAR:

   R. Frothingham:
   Rise of the Republic,
   3287-3288 (3171-3172).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   376-377 (366-367).

   J. G. Palfrey:
   History of New England,
   377 (367).

   J. S. Barry:
   History of Massachusetts,
   377-378 (367-368).

23. THE SALEM WITCHCRAFT MADNESS
    (A. D. 1692-1693):

   J. G. Palfrey:
   History of New England,
   2157-2158 (2113-2114).

   C. W. Elliott:
   New England History,
   2158-2159 (2114-2115).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   2159 (2115).

   C. W. Upham:
   Salem Witchcraft,
   2159 (2115).

   J. R. Lowell:
   Witchcraft,
   2159 (2115).

24. THE CAROLINAS AND GEORGIA:

   J. A. Doyle:
   English in America,
   76-77 (69-70).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   77-78 (70-71).

   F. X. Martin:
   History of North Carolina,
   81 (74).

   J. H. Wheeler:
   North Carolina,
   2424 (2372).

   F. L. Hawks:
   History of North Carolina,
   2424-2425 (2372-2373).

   W. G. Simms:
   History of South Carolina,
   2425 (2373).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   2425-2426 (2373-2374).

   J. A. Doyle:
   English in America,
   2426 (2374).

   W. G. Simms:
   History of South Carolina,
   3047 (2967).

   R. Mackenzie:
   America,
   1457 (1424).

25. THE INTERCOLONIAL WARS;
    LOUISBURG:

   R. Johnson:
   The French War,
   2362 (2314).

   J. Grahame:
   History of the United States,
   2362-2363 (2314-2315).

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   2363-2364 (2315-2316).

   T. C. Haliburton:
   The English in America,
   2364-2365 (2316-2317).

26. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE OHIO VALLEY:

   R. G. Thwaites:
   The Colonies,
   3290 (3174).

   Viscount Bury:
   Exodus of Western Nations,
   3290 (3174).

   F. Parkman:
   Montcalm and Wolfe,
   3290-3291 (3174-3175).

   H. Hale:
   Iroquois Book of Rites,
   2444-2445 (2392-2393).

   B. A. Hinsdale:
   The Old Northwest,
   378-379 (368-369).

   B. A. Hinsdale:
   The Old Northwest,
   2445-2446 (2393-2394).

   J. Winsor
   Narrative and Critical History of America,
   2446 (2394).

   R. Mackenzie:
   America,
   2446-2447 (2394-2395).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   2975 (2898).

27. THE CONGRESS AT ALBANY
    (A. D. 1754):

   B. Franklin:
   Autobiography,
   3291 (3175).

   W. E. Foster:
   Stephen Hopkins,
   3291 (3175).

   Full Text Representation of the
   Present State of the Colonies,
   3291-3293 (3175-3177).

   Text of the Plan of Union,
   3293-3294 (3177-3178).

28. Mason and Dixon’s Line:

   W. H. Dixon:
   William Penn,
   2566-2567 (2500-2501).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   2571 (2505).

   B. A. Hinsdale:
   The Old Northwest,
   2571 (2505).

29. The Scotch-Irish:

   W. W. Henry:
   The Scotch-Irish,
   2912-2913 (2837-2838).

   T. Roosevelt:
   Winning of the West,
   2913 (2838).

   "Full credit has been awarded the Roundhead and the Cavalier
   for their leadership in our history; nor have we been
   altogether blind to the deeds of the Hollander and the
   Huguenot; but it is doubtful if we have wholly realized the
   importance of the part played by that stern and virile people,
   the Irish whose preachers taught the creed of Knox and Calvin.
   These Irish representatives of the Covenanters were in the
   West almost what the Puritans were in the Northeast, and more
   than the Cavaliers were in the South. … That these Irish
   Presbyterians were a bold and hardy race is proved by their at
   once pushing past the settled regions, and plunging into the
   wilderness as the leaders of the white advance. … They were
   fitted to be Americans from the very start; they were kinsfolk
   of the Covenanters; they deemed it a religious duty to
   interpret their own Bible, and held for a divine right the
   election of their clergy. For generations, their whole
   ecclesiastic and scholastic systems had been fundamentally
   democratic."
      T. ROOSEVELT.

30. EARLY WESTERN SETTLEMENTS:

   (a) The Northwest Territory.

   T. Roosevelt:
   Winning of the West,
   2429 (2377).

   W. F. Poole:
   The West from 1763 to 1783,
   2429-2430 (2377-2378).

(5) The Wyoming Valley.

   A. Johnston:
   Connecticut,
   2569-2570 (2503-2504).

   (c) Transylvania and Daniel Boone.

   N. S. Shaler:
   Kentucky,
   1981-1982 (1939-1940).

   (d) The Watauga Commonwealth.

   T. Roosevelt:
   Winning of the West,
   3179-3180 (3094-3095).

   (e) The State of Franklin, and Sevier.

   J. B. McMaster:
   History of the United States,
   3181-3182 (3096-3097).

   W. H. Carpenter:
   History of Tennessee,
   3182 (3097).

31. COLONIAL LIFE:

   (a) Religion.

   J. G. Palfrey:
   History of New England,
   2147 (2103).

   G. E. Ellis:
   Early Massachusetts,
   2147-2148 (2104).

   J. A. Doyle:
   American Colonies,
   2149 (2105).

   G. E. Ellis:
   Early Massachusetts,
   2149-2150 (2105-2106).

   C. F. Adams:
   Massachusetts,
   2150-2151 (2106-2107).

   J. Fiske:
   Beginnings of New England,
   2151 and 2153 (2107, 2109).

   J. Fiske:
   Beginnings of New England,
   309 (299).

   W. R. Staples:
   The Town of Providence,
   2714 (2641).

   D. Weston:
   Early Baptists,
   266-267 (3690).

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   2568 (2502).

   G. L. Davis:
   American Freedom,
   2138 (2094).

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   3755-3756 (3635).

   J. A. Russell:
   Catholic Church in the United States,
   2526 (2464).

   (b) Education.

   H. B. Adams:
   College of William and Mary,
   749-750 (726-727).

   The Oldest School in America,
   750-751 (727-728).

   G. G. Bush:
   Harvard,
   751 (728).

   R. G. Boone:
   Education in the United States,
   751-752 (728-729).

   J. L. Stewart:
   The University of Pennsylvania,
   752 (729).

   J. G. Palfrey:
   History of New England (Yale),
   752-753 (729-730).

{785}

   The College of New Jersey,
   753 (3799).

   Columbia College Handbook,
   753-754 (730-731).

   G. T. Curtis:
   Daniel Webster (Dartmouth),
   754-755 (3741-3742).

   R. A. Guild:
   Rhode Island College (Brown),
   755 (3693).

   (c) Printing and the Press.

   C. R. Hildeburn:
   Printing in New York,
   2668-2669 (2596-2597).

   I. Thomas:
   History of Printing,
   2669-2670 (2598).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   2670 (2598).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   2387 (2335).

   F. Hudson:
   Journalism in the United States,
   2672 (2600).

   J. Parton:
   Life of Franklin,
   2061-2062 (2017-2018).

   B. Samuel:
   The Father of American Libraries,
   2062-2063 (2018-2019).

   (d) Money and Banking.

   W. B. Weeden:
   Indian Money,
   2252-2253 (2208-2209).

   J. R. Snowden:
   Description of Coins,
   2253 (2209).

   J. J. Knox:
   United States Notes,
   2255-2256 (2212).

   W. G. Sumner:
   History of American Currency,
   2256 (2212).

   John Fiske:
   American Revolution,
   2256 (2212).

   (e) Trade and Commerce.

   J. E. T. Rogers:
   Economic Interpretation of History,
   3229-3230 (3718-3719).

   E. Eggleston:
   Commerce in the Colonies,
   3230 (3719).

   M. Chamberlain:
   Revolution Impending,
   3286-3287 (3170-3171).

   J. L. Bishop:
   American Manufactures,
   3289 (3173).

   G. L. Beer:
   Commercial Policy of England,
   3296-3297 (3180-3181).

   John Morley:
   Edmund Burke,
   3298 (3182).

   (f) Slavery.

   E. J. Payne:
   Elizabethan Seamen,
   74-75 (67-68).

   G. W. Williams:
   Negro Race in America,
   2998 (2920).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   3751 (3630).

   E. Washburn:
   Slavery in Massachusetts,
   2998-2999 (2920-2921).

   G. W. Greene:
   Rhode Island,
   2715 (2642).

   W. E. Foster:
   Stephen Hopkins,
   3002 (2924).

   J. A. Doyle:
   English in America.
   3047-3048 (2968).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of United States,
   3048 (2968).

   T. Clarkson:
   Abolition of the Slave Trade,
   3000 (2922).

   J. Fiske:
   Critical Period,
   3001 (2923).

   T. Jefferson:
   The State of Virginia,
   3001 (2923).

   J. E. Cooke:
   Virginia,
   3001 (2923).

   E. B. Sanford:
   Connecticut,
   3001-3002 (2923-2924).

   W. F. Poole:
   Anti-Slavery Opinions,
   3002 (2924).


STUDY XXXVIII.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.


1. RELATIONS BETWEEN THE COLONIES AND THE CROWN
   ON THE EVE OF THE REVOLUTION:

   M. Chamberlain:
   Revolution Impending,
   3286-3287 (3170-3171).

   G. L. Craik:
   British Commerce,
   2293 (2245).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   3288 (3172).

   H. W. Preston:
   American History,
   3288-3289 (3172-3173).

   J. L. Bishop:
   History of American Manufactures,
   3289 (3173).

   B. A. Hinsdale:
   The American Government,
   3295 (3179).

   G. L. Beer:
   Commercial Policy of England,
   3296-3297 (3180-3181).

   John Morley:
   Edmund Burke,
   3298 (3182).

   "Historians, in treating of the American rebellion, have
   confined their arguments too exclusively to the question of
   internal taxation, and the right or policy of exercising this
   prerogative. The true source of the rebellion lay deeper, in
   our traditional colonial policy. Just as the Spaniards had
   been excited to the discovery of America by the hope of
   obtaining gold and silver, the English merchants utilized the
   discovery by the same fallacious method, and with the same
   fallacious aspirations. … They only saw that a colonial trade
   had sprung up, and their jealousy blinded them to the benefits
   that accrued to themselves as a consequence of it. Their folly
   found them out. … The result of the whole transaction was the
   birth of a very strong sense in the minds of the colonists
   that the mother country looked upon them as a sponge to be
   squeezed. This conviction took more than a passing hold upon
   them. It was speedily inflamed into inextinguishable heat,
   first by the news that they were to be taxed without their own
   consent, and next by the tyrannical and atrocious measures by
   which it was proposed to crush their resistance."
      JOHN MORLEY.

2. THE QUESTION OF TAXATION:

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   3294-3295 (3178-3179).

   W. Tudor:
   Life of James Otis,
   3295-3296 (3179-3180).

   J. Fiske:
   The War of Independence,
   3297-3298 (3181-3182).

   T. Hutchinson:
   Province of Massachusetts Bay,
   3298-3299 (3182-3183).

3. THE STAMP ACT, AND THE STAMP ACT CONGRESS
   (A. D. 1765):

   J. G. Palfrey:
   History of New England,
   3299 (3183).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   3303 (3187).

   W. Wirt:
   Life of Patrick Henry,
   3303-3305 (3187-3189).

   W. W. Henry:
   Patrick Henry,
   3305 (3189).

   J. A. Stevens:
   The Stamp Act,
   3305 (3189).

   John Fiske:
   The American Revolution,
   3305-3306 (3189-3190).

   E. B. Sanford:
   History of Connecticut,
   517 (503).

   R. Frothingham:
   Rise of the Republic,
   3306-3307 (3190-3191).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   3317-3319 (3201-3203).

   Full Text of the Stamp Act,
   3299-3302 (3183-3186).

   "It was in the midst of this magnificent debate, while he
   [Patrick Henry] was descanting on the tyranny of the obnoxious
   act, that he exclaimed in a voice of thunder, and with the
   look of a god: ‘Caesar had his Brutus—Charles the First his
   Cromwell—and George the Third—("Treason!" cried the speaker.
   "Treason, treason!" echoed from every part of the house. It
   was one of those trying moments that is decisive of character.
   Henry faltered not for an instant; but rising to a loftier
   attitude, and fixing on the speaker an eye of the most
   determined fire, he finished his sentence with the firmest
   emphasis)—may profit by their example. If this be treason,
   make the most of it.’"
      W. WIRT.

4. EXAMINATION OF FRANKLIN BY THE HOUSE OF COMMONS
   (A. D. 1766):

   J. Bigelow:
   Life of Benjamin Franklin,
   3317 (3201).

   Full Text of the Questions and Answers from the
   "Parliamentary History of England,"
   3308-3317 (3192-3201).

   "What used to be the pride of the Americans?"

   "To indulge in the fashions and manufactures of
   Great Britain."

   "What is now their pride?"

   "To wear their old clothes over again, until they can
   make new ones."

{786}

5. THE "BOSTON MASSACRE," AND ITS RESULTS
   (A. D. 1770):

   J. K. Hosmer:
   Samuel Adams,
   311 (301).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   311-312 (301-302).

   R. Frothingham:
   Rise of the Republic,
   3321 (3205).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   3321 (3205).

6. THE TOWNSHEND ACTS, AND THE "BOSTON TEA PARTY":

   J. K. Hosmer:
   Samuel Adams,
   3319 (3203).

   C. J. Stillé:
   Life of John Dickinson,
   3319-3320 (3203-3204).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   3321-3322 (3206).

   J. Fiske:
   War of Independence,
   3322 (3206).

   J. K. Hosmer:
   Samuel Adams,
   3322-3323 (3206-3207).

   J. K. Hosmer:
   Samuel Adams,
   3324-3325 (3208-3209).

   A. Gilman:
   The Story of Boston,
   312 (302).

7. THE BOSTON PORT BILL AND ITS EFFECTS
   (A. D. 1774):

   W. M. Sloane:
   The French War and the Revolution,
   3325 (3209).

   R. Frothingham:
   The Siege of Boston,
   313-314 (303-304).

   E. G. Scott:
   Development of Constitutional Liberty,
   3325-3326 (3209-3210).

8. EXAMINATION OF GOVERNOR HUTCHINSON BY KING GEORGE
   (A. D. 1774):

   Diary of Thomas Hutchinson,
   Full Text of the Conversation.
   3326-3330 (3210-3214).

9. THE FIRST CONTINENTAL CONGRESS
   (A. D. 1774):

   R. Frothingham:
   Rise of the Republic,
   3330 (3214).

   J. C. Hamilton:
   History of the United States,
   3330-3331 (3214-3215).

   P. L. Ford:
   The First Congress,
   3331-3332 (3215-3216).

   M. Chamberlain:
   John Adams,
   3332 (3216).

   H. von Holst:
   Constitutional History of the United States,
   3332-3333 (3216-3217).

10. THE GENERAL SITUATION IN THE COLONIES, AND IN PARLIAMENT:

   R. Frothingham:
   The Siege of Boston,
   3333 (3217).

   H. B. Carrington:
   The American Revolution,
   3333 (3217).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   3334 (3218).

   Edmund Burke:
   His Great Speech in the House of Commons,
   3334-3337 (3218-3221).

   G. Pellew:
   John Jay,
   2388-2389 (2336-2337).

   B. J. Lossing:
   Life of Philip Schuyler,
   2389-2390 (2337-2338).

   M. L. Booth:
   History of New York,
   2390-2391 (2338-2339).

   H. S. Randall:
   Life of Jefferson,
   3756 (3635).

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   3049 (2969).

11. THE BEGINNING OF THE WAR
    (APRIL, 1775):

   R. Frothingham:
   The Siege of Boston,
   2160-2161 (2116-2117).

   T. W. Higginson:
   History of the United States,
   3338 (3222).

   G. E. Ellis:
   Battle of Bunker’s Hill,
   3338-3340 (3222-3224).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   3340-3341 (3225).

   J. Sparks:
   Life of Ethan Allen,
   3341 (3225).

   C. W. Elliott:
   New England History,
   3341-3342 (3225-3226).

   A. Johnston:
   History of the United States,
   3343 (3227).

   J. Winsor:
   Narrative and Critical History of America,
   3343 (3227).

   G. E. Ellis:
   The Battle of Bunker’s Hill,
   3343-3344 (3227-3228).

   "Allen sought and found the Commander’s bed-room, and when
   Captain Delaplace waked he … opened the door, with trousers in
   hand, and there the great gaunt Ethan stood, with a drawn
   sword in his hand. ‘Surrender!’ said Ethan. ‘To you?’ asked
   Delaplace. ‘Yes, to me, Ethan Allen.’ ‘By whose authority?’
   asked Delaplace. Ethan was growing impatient, and raising his
   voice, and waving his sword, he said: ‘In the name of the
   Great Jehovah, and of the Continental Congress.’ Delaplace
   little comprehended the words, but surrendered at once. Thus,
   on the morning of 10th of May, the strong fortress of
   Ticonderoga was taken by the border-men, and with it 44
   prisoners, 120 iron cannon, with swivels, muskets, balls, and
   some powder, without the loss of a single man. The surprise
   was planned and paid for by Connecticut, and was led by Allen,
   a Connecticut-born man, but was carried out by the ‘Green
   Mountain Boys.’"
      C. W. ELLIOTT.

12. WASHINGTON, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE CONTINENTAL ARMY:

   W. Irving:
   Life of Washington,
   3342 (3226).

   E. Everett:
   Life of Washington,
   3345 (3229).

   E. E. Hale:
   Naval History of the Revolution,
   3345-3346 (3229-3230).

13. WAR MEASURES OF PARLIAMENT;
    THE HESSIANS:

   H. S. Randall:
   Life of Jefferson,
   3346 (3230).

   Earl Stanhope:
   History of England,
   3347 (3231).

   E. J. Lowell:
   Hessians in the Revolution,
   3347-3348 (3231-3232).

14. INDEPENDENCE DECLARED
    (JULY 4, 1776):

   L. Sabine:
   Biographical Sketches,
   3337-3338 (3222).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   3340-3341 (3225).

   H. S. Randall:
   Life of Jefferson,
   3347 (3231).

   J. Q. Adams:
   Life of John Adams,
   3348-3349 (3232-3233).

   J. T. Morse, Jr.:
   Thomas Jefferson,
   3349-3350 (3233-3234).

   J. Fiske:
   American Revolution,
   3350 (3234).

   H. von Holst:
   Constitutional History of the United States,
   3352 (3236).

   Text of the Declaration, and Signers,
   3351-3352 (3235-3236).

15. THE WAR IN NEW YORK AND NEW JERSEY
    (A. D. 1776-1777):

   B. J. Lossing:
   History of the United States,
   3352-3353 (3237).

   H. C. Lodge:
   George Washington,
   3353-3354 (3238).

   J. Fiske:
   War of Independence,
   3354-3356 (3238-3240).

   H. P. Johnston:
   Campaign of 1776,
   3356 (3240).

   E. Lawrence:
   New York in the Revolution,
   3356-3357 (3240-3241).

16. THE CAMPAIGN ON THE DELAWARE
    (A. D. 1777):

   F. D. Stone:
   The Struggle for the Delaware,
   3361-3362 (3245-3246).

   G. Washington:
   Writings,
   3362-3363 (3246-3247).

   F. Kapp:
   Life of von Steuben,
   3363-3364 (3247-3248).

17. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE HUDSON;
    SURRENDER OF BURGOYNE
    (OCTOBER 15, 1777):

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   3365-3366 (3249-3250).

   Sir E. Creasy:
   Fifteen Decisive Battles,
   3366-3368 (3250-3252).

   E. Everett:
   Life of Washington,
   3368 (3252).

   G. Washington:
   Writings,
   3368 (3252).

18. FORMATION OF STATE GOVERNMENTS,
    AND ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION:

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   3360-3361 (3244-3245).

   J. Story:
   Commentaries on the Constitution,
   3368-3369 (3252-3253).

   H. von Holst:
   Constitutional History of the United States,
   3372 (3256).

   Full Text of the Articles of Confederation,
   3369-3372 (3253-3256).

{787}

19. THE FRENCH ALLIANCE:

   F. Wharton:
   Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States,
   3357 (3241).

   J. T. Morse, Jr.:
   Benjamin Franklin,
   3357-3358 (3241-3242).

   J. Marshall:
   Life of Washington,
   3358 (3242).

   W. G. Sumner:
   Finances of American Revolution,
   3359-3360 (3243-3244).

   B. Tuckerman:
   Life of Lafayette,
   3364-3365 (3249).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   3372-3373 (3257).

   S. Eliot:
   History of the United States,
   3376-3377 (3260-3261).

   F. Wharton:
   Diplomatic Correspondence of United States,
   3380-3381 (3264-3265).

20. INDIAN TROUBLES;
    CLARK’S CONQUEST OF THE NORTHWEST
    (A. D. 1778-1779)

   E. H. Roberts:
   New York,
   3374 (3258).

   E. Cruikshank:
   Story of Butler’s Rangers,
   3374-3375 (3258-3259).

   A. F. McDavis:
   Border Warfare of the Revolution,
   3375-3376 (3259-3260).

   W. L. Stone:
   Life of Joseph Brant,
   3376 (3260).

   T. Roosevelt:
   Winning of the West,
   2429 (2377).

   O. Turner:
   History of Pioneer Settlement,
   3382-3383 (3266-3267).

   A. T. Norton:
   Sullivan’s Campaign against the Iroquois,
   3383-3384 (3267-3268).

21. THE WAR IN THE SOUTH
    (A. D. 1778-1780):

   W. Irving:
   Life of Washington,
   3381 (3265).

   C. B. Hartley:
   Life of General Marion,
   3384-3385 (3268-3269).

   G. Tucker:
   History of the United States,
   3286-3287 (3270-3271).

   G. W. Greene:
   Life of Nathanael Greene,
   3389-3390 (3273-3274).

   W. G. Simms:
   History of South Carolina,
   3390 (3274).

   J. Fiske:
   War of Independence,
   3390-3391 (3274-3275).

22. WASHINGTON'S ANXIETIES AND MOVEMENTS
   (A. D. 1778-1780):

   W. Irving:
   Life of Washington,
   3377 (3261).

   G. Washington:
   Writings,
   3377-3378 (3261-3262).

   G. W. Greene:
   Life of Nathanael Greene,
   3378-3379 (3262-3263).

   H. C. Lodge:
   George Washington,
   3381-3382 (3265-3266).

   W. Irving:
   Life of Washington,
   3385-3386 (3269-3270).

   W. G. Sumner:
   History of American Currency,
   3386 (3270).

   "At the end of 1779 Congress was at its wit’s end for money.
   Its issues had put specie entirely out of reach, and the cause
   of the Revolution was in danger of being drowned under the
   paper sea. … In the spring or 1780 the bills were worth two
   cents on the dollar, and then ceased to circulate. The paper
   was now worth more for an advertisement or a joke than for any
   prospect of any kind of redemption. A barber’s shop in
   Philadelphia was papered with it; and a dog, coated with tar,
   and with the bills stuck all over him, was paraded in the
   streets."
      W. G. SUMNER.

23. The Arrival of Rochambeau
    (A. D. 1780):

   J. C. Hamilton:
   History of the United States,
   3387 (3271).

   T. Balch:
   The French in America,
   3387-3388 (3271-3272).

24. THE TREASON OF ARNOLD;
    AND MUTINY OF PENNSYLVANIA TROOPS:

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   8388-8389 (3272-3273).

   H. B. Carrington:
   Battles of the Revolution,
   3391-3392 (3275-3276).

25. THE VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN
    (A. D. 1781):

   B. Tuckerman:
   Life of Lafayette,
   3392-3393 (3276-3277).

   H. P. Johnston:
   The Yorktown Campaign,
   3393 (3277).

   H. B. Carrington:
   The American Revolution,
   3393-3394 (3277-3278).

   R. C. Winthrop:
   Address at Yorktown,
   3394-3395 (3278-3279).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   3395-3396 (3279-3280).

26. THE CESSION OF WESTERN TERRITORY TO THE UNION:

   A. Johnston:
   The United States,
   3396 (3280).

   H. B. Adams:
   Land Cessions to the United States,
   3396-3397 (3280-3281).

   B. A. Hinsdale:
   The Northwest,
   3397 (3281).

   27. PEACE NEGOTIATIONS:

   J. Marshall:
   Life of Washington,
   3397-3398 (3281-3282).

   Diplomacy of the United States,
   3398-3399 (3282-3283).

   E. Fitzmaurice:
   Life of the Earl of Shelburne,
   3399-3400 (3283-3284).

   E. B. Andrews:
   History of the United States,
   3400 (3284).

   J. Fiske:
   The Critical Period,
   3400-3401 (3284-3286).

   J. Q. Adams:
   Life of John Adams,
   3401-3402 (3285-3286).

   F. Wharton:
   Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence,
   3402 (3286).

   J. Bigelow:
   Life of Franklin,
   3402-3403 (3286-3287).

28. THE DEFINITIVE TREATY OF PEACE
    (SEPTEMBER, 1783):

   H. W. Preston:
   Documents of American History,
   3403-3404 (3287-3288).

   T. Pitkin:
   Political History of the United States,
   3409-3411 (3293-3295).

   T. Roosevelt:
   Winning of the West,
   3411-3412 (3295-3296).

29. THE DISSOLUTION OF THE CONTINENTAL ARMY:

   G. T. Curtis:
   The Constitution of the United States,
   3403 (3287).

   J. B. McMaster:
   History of the United States,
   3404-3405 (3288-3289).

30. GENERAL CONDITIONS FOLLOWING THE WAR:

   G. E. Ellis:
   Loyalists and their Fortunes,
   3202-3203 (3116-3117).

   J. B. McMaster:
   History of the United States,
   3405-3406 (3289-3290).

   A. Hamilton:
   The Federalist,
   3406-3407 (3290-3291).

   A. Johnston:
   History of American Politics,
   3407 (3291).

   J. R. Soley:
   Maritime Industries of America,
   3408 (3292).

   W. B. Weeden:
   Economic History of New England,
   3408 (3292).

   W. G. Sumner:
   Finances of the Revolution,
   3409 (3293).

   J. Schouler:
   History of the United States,
   2161 (2117).

   "Four years only elapsed, between the return of peace and the
   downfall of a government which had been framed with the hope
   and promise of perpetual duration. … But this brief period was
   full of suffering and peril. There are scarcely any evils or
   dangers, of a political nature, and springing from political
   and social causes, to which a free people can be exposed,
   which the people of the United States did not experience
   during that period."
      G. T. CURTIS.

   "It is not too much to say that the period of five years
   following the peace of 1783 was the most critical moment in
   all the history of the American people."
     JOHN FISKE.

31. PLANS FOR SETTLEMENT OF THE NORTHWEST TERRITORY:

   J. B. McMaster:
   History of the United States,
   2430-2431 (2378-2379).

   T. Donaldson:
   The Public Domain,
   2431 (2379)

{788}

   R. King:
   Ohio,
   2431 (2379).

   J. Winsor:
   Narrative and Critical History of America,
   2431-2432 (2380).

   T. Donaldson:
   The Public Domain,
   2434-2435 (2382-2383).

   Full Text of the Ordinance of 1787,
   2432-2434 (2382).


STUDY XXXIX.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


THE UNITED STATES:
UNION UNDER THE CONSTITUTION;
ADMINISTRATIONS OF WASHINGTON AND ADAMS.


1. FEDERAL GOVERNMENT:

   E. A. Freeman:
   History of Federal Government,
   1136 (1108).

   A. B. Hart:
   The Study of Federal Government,
   1136 (1108).

   J. N. Dalton:
   Federal States of the World,
   1138-1139 (1110-1111).

2. THE WEAKNESS OF THE CONFEDERATION:

   J. B. McMaster:
   History of the United States,
   3405-3406 (3289-3290).

   Alexander Hamilton:
   The Federalist,
   3405-3406 (3290-3291).

   A. Johnston:
   History of American Politics,
   3407 (3291).

   Text of the Articles of Confederation,
   3369-3372 (3253-3256).

3. THE MAKING OF THE CONSTITUTION
   (A. D. 1787):

   J. S. Landon:
   Constitutional History of United States,
   3412-3413 (3296-3297).

   K. M. Rowland:
   Life of George Mason,
   3413 (3297).

   W. C. Rives:
   Life of James Madison,
   3413-3414 (3297-3298).

   James Madison:
   Letters and Writings,
   3414-3415 (3298-3299).

   S. H. Gay:
   James Madison,
   3415-3416 (3299-3300).

   John Fiske:
   The Critical Period,
   3416 (3300).

   A. B. Hart:
   Formation of the Union,
   3416-3417 (3300-3301).

4. RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION, AND ELECTION OF PRESIDENT
   (A. D. 1789):

   J. S. Landon:
   Constitutional History of United States,
   3417-3418 (3301-3302).

   W. Irving:
   Life of Washington,
   3418 (3302).

   Text of the Constitution, with all Amendments,
   619-625 (596-602).

5. ORGANIZATION OF THE GOVERNMENT;
   FORMATION OF PARTIES:

   A. Johnston:
   History of American Politics,
   3418-3419 (3302-3303).

   Thomas Jefferson:
   Writings,
   3419-3420 (3303-3304).

   H. C. Lodge:
   Life of George Cabot,
   3420-3421 (3304-3305).

6. THE FIRST CENSUS (A. D. 1790):
   3421 (3305).

7. ORGANIZATION OF THE SUPREME COURT
   (A. D. 1789):

   J. S. Landon:
   Constitutional History of United States,
   3122-3123 (3039-3040).

   J. Bryce:
   The American Commonwealth,
   3123 (3040).

   E. A. Freeman:
   The English People,
   3123 (3040).

   "It [the Supreme Court] is, I believe, the only national
   tribunal in the world which can sit in judgment on a national
   law, and can declare an act of all the three powers of the
   Union to be null and void. No such power does or can exist in
   England. Any one of the three powers of the State,—King,
   Lords, or Commons,—acting alone, may act illegally, the three
   acting together cannot act illegally. An act of Parliament is
   final; it may be repealed by the power which enacted it; it
   cannot be questioned by any other power. For in England there
   is no written constitution; the powers of Parliament,—of King,
   Lords, and Commons, acting together,—are literally boundless.
   But in your Union, it is not only possible that President,
   Senate, or House of Representatives, acting alone, may act
   illegally; the three acting together may act illegally. …
   Congress may pass, the President may assent to a measure which
   contradicts the terms of the Constitution. If they so act,
   they act illegally, and the Supreme Court can declare such an
   act to be null and void. This difference flows directly from
   the difference between a written and unwritten constitution."
      E. A. FREEMAN.

8. The First Tariff Measure, and First Bank of the United States:

   J. T. Morse, Jr.:
   Life of Alexander Hamilton,
   3150 (3066).

   A. Hamilton:
   Report on Manufactures,
   3150-3152 (3066-3068).

   H. W. Domett:
   The Bank of New York,
   2256 (2212).

   J. A. Stevens:
   Albert Gallatin,
   2257-2258 (2213-2214).

9. FOUNDING OF THE FEDERAL CAPITAL
   (A. D. 1791):

   A. Johnston:
   History of American Politics,
   3419 (3303).

   J. Schouler:
   History of the United States,
   3767-3768 (3646-3647).

10. ADMISSION OF NEW STATES TO THE UNION:

   (a) Vermont (A. D. 1791).

   B. J. Lossing:
   Life of Philip Schuyler,
   3736-3737 (3616-3617).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   3737 (3617).

   Z. Thompson:
   History of Vermont,
   3737-3738 (3617-3618).

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   3738-3739 (3618-3619).

   (b) Kentucky (A. D. 1792).

   N. S. Shaler:
   Kentucky,
   1981-1982 (1939-1940).

   W. B. Allen:
   History of Kentucky,
   1982-1983 (1940-1941).

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   1983 (1941).

   (c) Tennessee (A. D. 1796).

   T. Roosevelt:
   Winning of the West,
   3179-3180 (3094-3095).

   J. Phelan:
   History of Tennessee,
   3180-3181 (3095-3096).

   J. B. McMaster:
   History of the United States,
   3181-3182 (3096-3097).

   W. H. Carpenter:
   History of Tennessee,
   3182 (3097).

11. SLAVERY; THE FIRST FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW
   (A. D. 1793):

   H. G. McDougall:
   Fugitive Slaves,
   3421-3422 (3305-3306).

   William Jay:
   Letter to Josiah Quincy,
   3422 (3306).

   J. W. Draper:
   History of the Civil War,
   3422-3423 (3306-3307).

   H. Von Holst:
   Constitutional History of the United States,
   3431-3432 (3315-3316).

12. RELATIONS WITH FRANCE;
    "CITIZEN" GENET;
    THE X. Y. Z. LETTERS:

   E. Everett:
   Life of Washington,
   3422 (3306).

   H. C. Lodge:
   George Washington,
   3422 (3306).

   T. W. Higginson:
   History of the United States,
   3431 (3315).

{789}

13. THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION
    (A. D. 1794):

    George Tucker:
    History Of The United States,
    2572-2573 (2506-2507).

14. STRAINED RELATIONS WITH GREAT BRITAIN;
    THE JAY TREATY
    (A. D. 1794-1795):

   G. Pellew:
   John Jay,
   3423-3424 (3307-3308).

   H. von Holst:
   Constitutional History of the United States,
   3424 (3308).

15. THIRD PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
    WASHINGTON’S FAREWELL ADDRESS
    (A. D. 1796):

   H. von Holst:
   Constitutional History of the United States,
   3430-3431 (3314-3315).

   W. Irving:
   Life of Washington,
   3424-3425 (3308-3309).

   Full Text of the Farewell Address,
   3425-3430 (3309-3314).

   "In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old
   and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the
   strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will
   control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our
   nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the
   destiny of nations. But if I may even flatter myself that they
   may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional
   good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of
   party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign
   intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended
   patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the
   solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.
   … Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I
   am unconscious of intentional error, I am, nevertheless, too
   sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may
   have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently
   beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which
   they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my
   Country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and
   that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its
   service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent
   abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon
   be to the mansions of rest."
      GEORGE WASHINGTON, FAREWELL ADDRESS.

16. THE DEATH OF WASHINGTON
    (DECEMBER 14, 1799):

   H. C. Lodge:
   George Washington,
   3439.

17. THE ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS
    (A. D. 1798):

   J. S. Landon:
   Constitutional History of the United States
   3432 (3316).

   H. C. Lodge:
   Alexander Hamilton,
   3434-3435 (3319).

   Text of the Naturalization Act,
   3432 (3316).

   Texts of the Alien Acts,
   3432-3434 (3316-3318).

   Text of the Sedition Act,
   3434 (3318).

18. THE KENTUCKY AND VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS:

   E. D. Warfield:
   The Kentucky Resolutions,
   3435 (3319).

   S. H. Gay:
   James Madison,
   3438-3439 (3322-3323).

   J. B. McMaster:
   History of the United States,
   3439 (3323).

   Text of the Kentucky Resolutions,
   3435-3437 (3321).

   Text of the Virginia Resolutions,
   3437-3438 (3321-3322).


STUDY XL.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


THE UNITED STATES:
THE THREE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATIONS
(A. D. 1801-1825).


1. THE FOURTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
   THOMAS JEFFERSON PRESIDENT:

   W. Whitelock:
   Life of John Jay,
   3440 (3324).

   Goldwin Smith:
   The United States,
   3440-3441 (3324-3325).

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   3441 (3325).

   A. Bradford:
   Federal Government,
   3441-3442 (3325-3326).

2. JOHN MARSHALL CHIEF JUSTICE:

   A. B. Magruder:
   John Marshall,
   3442-3443 (3326-3327).

3. WAR WITH THE BARBARY STATES:

   E. Schuyler:
   American Diplomacy,
   272 (263).

   J. Schouler:
   History of the United States,
   272-273 (263-264).

   Henry Adams:
   History of the United States,
   273 (264).

   S. Lane Poole:
   The Barbary Corsairs,
   273-274 (264-265).

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   274 (265).

4. OHIO ADMITTED TO THE UNION
   (A. D. 1802):

   T. Roosevelt:
   Winning of the West,
   2429 (2377).

   H. Hale:
   The Iroquois Book of Rites,
   2444-2445 (2392-2393).

   B. A. Hinsdale:
   The Old Northwest,
   2445-2446 (2393-2394).

   B. King:
   Ohio,
   2431 (2379).

   J. Winsor:
   Narrative and Critical History of America,
   2431-2432 (2380).

   T. Donaldson:
   The Public Domain,
   2434-2435 (2383).

   Full Text of the Ordinance of 1787,
   2432-2434 (2380-2382).

5. THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE
   (A. D. 1803):

   C. Gayarré:
   Louisiana,
   2090 (2046).

   Waring and Cable:
   New Orleans,
   647 (624).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   2091 (2047).

   G. W. Cable:
   The Creoles of Louisiana,
   2091-2092 (2047-2048).

   T. M. Cooley:
   The Acquisition of Louisiana,
   2092-2093 (2048-2049).

   M. Thompson:
   The Story of Louisiana,
   2093-2094 (2049-2050).

   C. F. Robertson:
   The Louisiana Purchase,
   2094 (2050).

   H. von Holst:
   Constitutional History of the United States
   3443 (3327).

   Henry Adams:
   History of the United States,
   3444 (3328).

   See maps between pages
   3342-3343 (3326-3327).

6. FEDERALIST SECESSION MOVEMENT
   (A. D. 1804):

   T. M. Cooley:
   The Acquisition of Louisiana,
   3444 (3328).

   C. F. Robertson:
   The Louisiana Purchase,
   3445 (3329).

   "The purchase, according to the Federal view of the
   Constitution, was perfectly legitimate. … But the Federalists
   in general took narrow and partisan views, and in order to
   embarrass the administration resorted to quibbles which were
   altogether unworthy the party which had boasted of Washington
   as its chief and Hamilton as the exponent of its doctrines. …
   The Federal leaders did not stop at cavils; they insisted that
   the unconstitutional extension of territory was in effect a
   dissolution of the Union, so that they were at liberty to
   contemplate and plan for a final disruption."
      JUDGE T. M. COOLEY.

7. THE BRITISH IMPRESSMENT OF SEAMEN:

   G. Tucker:
   History of the United States
   3444 (3328).

   Henry Adams:
   History of the United States,
   3444 (3328).

   Goldwin Smith:
   The United States,
   3444-3445 (3328-3329).

8. THE IMPEACHMENT OF JUDGE CHASE
   (A. D. 1804-1805):

   Henry Adams:
   John Randolph,
   3445-3446 (3330).

   J. Q. Adams:
   Memoirs,
   3446 (3330).

   J. Schouler:
   History of the United States,
   3446-3447 (3331).

9. THE LEWIS AND CLARK EXPEDITION
   (A. D. 1804-1805):

   The Nation:
   Review of Dr. Coues’ History,
   3447-3448 (3331-3332).

10. AARON BURR’S FILIBUSTERING SCHEME
   (A. D. 1806-1807):

   J. D. Hammond:
   History of Political Parties,
   3450-3451 (3334-3335).

{790}

11. THE QUESTION OF THE SLAVE TRADE:

   W. F. Poole:
   Anti-Slavery Opinions,
   3002 (2924).

   John Fiske:
   The Critical Period,
   3002-3003 (2924-2925).

   C. P. Lucas:
   The British Colonies,
   3003 (2925).

   E. Quincy:
   Life of Josiah Quincy,
   3451-3452 (3336).

12. TROUBLES WITH GREAT BRITAIN
   (A. D. 1804-1810):

   J. B. McMaster:
   History of the United States,
   3448-3449 (3332-3333).

   S. H. Gay:
   James Madison,
   3449-3450 (3333-3334).

   Henry Adams:
   History of the United States,
   3450 (3334).

   Henry Adams:
   History of the United States,
   3452-3453 (3336-3337).

   Goldwin Smith:
   The United States,
   3453 (3337).

   G. L. Rives:
   Thomas Barclay,
   3454 (3338).

13. SIXTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
    JAMES MADISON PRESIDENT (A. D. 1808):

   J. Schouler:
   History of the United States,
   3453 (3337).

14. THE THIRD CENSUS (A. D. 1810),
    3454 (3338).

15. LOUISIANA ADMITTED TO THE UNION
    (A. D. 1812):

   Waring and Cable:
   New Orleans,
   2095 (2051).

   L. Carr:
   Missouri,
   2095 (2051).

   J. W. Monette:
   The Valley of the Mississippi,
   2095 (2051).

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   1182-1183 (1153).

16. BEGINNING OF THE WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN
    (A. D. 1812):

   C. Schurz:
   Life of Henry Clay,
   3455 (3339).

   R. Johnson:
   The War of 1812,
   3456-3457 (3340-3341).

   T. W. Higginson:
   History of the United States,
   3457-3458 (3341-3342).

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   3458 (3342).

   J. Schouler:
   History of the United States,
   3458-3459 (3342-3343).

17. CONDITION, AND EARLY SUCCESSES, OF THE NAVY:

   J. A. Stevens:
   Second War with Great Britain,
   3459 (3343).

   J. R. Soley:
   Wars of the United States,
   3459-3460 (3343-3344).

18. PERRY’S VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE
    (A. D. 1813):

   J. Schouler:
   History of the United States,
   3460-3462 (3344-3346).

   T. Roosevelt:
   The Naval War,
   3462 (3346).

19. THE BURNING OF TORONTO, AND BUFFALO
   (A. D. 1813):

   G. Bryce:
   History of Canada,
   3462-3463 (3346-3347).

   J. T. Headley:
   Second War with England,
   3463-3464 (3347-3348).

   R. Johnson:
   The War of 1812,
   3464-3465 (3348-3349).

20. THE CREEK WAR; JACKSON’S FIRST CAMPAIGN:

   A. S. Gatschet:
   The Creek Indians,
   102 (95).

   A. Gallatin:
   Synopsis of Indian Tribes,
   102 (95).

   W. G. Sumner:
   Andrew Jackson,
   3465 (3349).

21. LUNDY’S LANE, AND LAKE CHAMPLAIN
   (A. D. 1814):

   S. Perkins:
   History of the Late War,
   3466-3467 (3350-3351).

   W. Dorsheimer:
   Buffalo in the War of 1812,
   3467-3468 (3351-3352).

   T. Roosevelt:
   The Naval War of 1812,
   3469-3470 (3353-3354).

22. THE CAPTURE OF WASHINGTON;
    BURNING OF PUBLIC BUILDINGS
    (A. D. 1814):

   A. Johnston:
   The United States,
   3465 (3349).

   C. B. Todd:
   The Story of Washington,
   3468 (3352).

   G. R. Gleig:
   Campaigns of the British Army,
   3468 (3352).

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   3468-3469 (3352-3353).

23. THE LAST BATTLES OF THE WAR:

   J. R. Soley:
   The Boys of 1812,
   3474 (3358).

   J. Schouler:
   History of the United States,
   3474-3475 (3358-3359).

24. THE TREATY OF PEACE
    (A. D. 1814):

   J. T. Morse, Jr.:
   John Quincy Adams,
   3470-3471 (3354-3355).

   T. Wilson:
   The Treaty of Ghent,
   3471 (3355).

   Full Text of the Treaty,
   3471-3474 (3355-3358).

25. INCORPORATION OF THE SECOND BANK OF THE UNITED STATES
    (A. D. 1817):

   D. Kinley:
   The Treasury of the United States,
   2258-2259 (2214-2215).

   W. G. Sumner:
   Andrew Jackson,
   2259 (2215).

   A. Johnston:
   History of American Politics,
   2259 (2215).

26. THE EIGHTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
    JAMES MONROE ELECTED
    (A. D. 1816):

   N. Sargent:
   Public Men and Events,
   3475-3476 (3359-3360).

   E. Stanwood:
   Presidential Elections,
   3476 (3360).

27. THE FIRST MOVE TOWARD "INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS"
    (A. D. 1816-1817):

   A. B. Hart:
   Formation of the Union,
   3476 (3360).

   C. Colton:
   Life of Henry Clay,
   3476 (3360).

28. ADMISSION OF NEW STATES TO THE UNION:

   (a) Indiana (A. D. 1816).

   T. Donaldson:
   The Public Domain,
   2434-2435 (2382-2383).

   J. W. Monette:
   The Mississippi Valley,
   1787-1788 (1748-1749).

   (b) Mississippi (A. D. 1817).

   J. W. Monette:
   The Mississippi Valley,
   2233 (2189).

   T. Donaldson:
   The Public Domain,
   2094 (2050).

   J. Schouler:
   History of the United States,
   2233 (2189).

   (c) Illinois (A. D. 1818).

   J. Wallace:
   History of Illinois,
   1734 (1695).

   B. A. Hinsdale:
   The Old Northwest,
   3379-3380 (3263-3264).

   J. B. McMaster:
   History of the United States,
   2430-2431 (2378-2379).

   J. W. Monette:
   The Mississippi Valley,
   1787-1788 (1748-1749).

   R. G. Thwaites:
   The Boundaries of Wisconsin,
   3776 (3655).

   (d) Alabama (A. D. 1819).

   W. Brewer:
   Alabama,
   30 (32).

   (e) Maine (A. D. 1820).

   C. W. Tuttle:
   Captain John Mason,
   2354-2355 (2306-2307).

   C. W. Elliott:
   New England History,
   2122-2123 (2079-2080).

   G. L. Austin:
   History of Massachusetts,
   2123 (2080).

   W. D. Williamson:
   History of Maine,
   2123 (2080).

29. THE SEMINOLE WARS:

   A. S. Gatschet:
   The Creek Indians,
   108 (101).

   D. G. Brinton:
   The Floridian Peninsula,
   108-109 (101-102).

   Bryant and Gay:
   History of the United States,
   1183 (1153).

   W. G. Sumner:
   Andrew Jackson,
   1183-1184 (1154).

   T. Roosevelt:
   Life of Benton,
   1184 (1154).

30. THE DARTMOUTH COLLEGE CASE
    (A. D. 1819):

   G. T. Curtis:
   Life of Daniel Webster,
   754-755 (3741-3742).

{791}

31. THE BEGINNING OF OCEAN NAVIGATION:

   F. E. Chadwick:
   Development of the Steamship,
   3115-3116 (3033-3034).

32. NINTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
    THE "ERA OF GOOD FEELING"
    (A. D. 1820):

   J. Schouler:
   History of the United States,
   3478 (3362).

   T. W. Higginson:
   History of the United States,
   3478 (3362).

   "Monroe like Washington was re-chosen President by a vote
   practically unanimous. One, however, of the 232 electoral
   votes cast was wanting to consummate this exceptional honor;
   for a New Hampshire elector, with a boldness of discretion
   which, in our days and especially upon a close canvass, would
   have condemned him to infamy, threw away upon John Quincy
   Adams the vote which belonged like those of his colleagues to
   Monroe, determined, so it is said, that no later mortal should
   stand in Washington’s shoes. Of America’s Presidents elected
   by virtual acclamation history furnishes but these two
   examples; and as between the men honored by so unapproachable
   a tribute of confidence, Monroe entered upon his second term
   of office with less of real political opposition than
   Washington."
      J. SCHOULER.

33. THE FOURTH CENSUS (A. D. 1820),
    3478 (3362).

34. THE FIRST GREAT CONFLICT OVER SLAVERY;
    THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE
    (A. D. 1818-1821):

   Waring and Cable:
   New Orleans,
   2095 (2051).

   L. Carr:
   Missouri,
   2095 (2051).

   Carl Schurz:
   Life of Henry Clay,
   3476-3477 (3360-3361).

   J. A. Woodburn:
   The Missouri Compromise,
   3477-3478 (3361-3362).

35. THE MONROE DOCTRINE
    (A. D. 1823):

   T. W. Higginson:
   History of the United States,
   3478-3479 (3362-3363).

   D. C. Gilman:
   James Monroe,
   3479 (3363).

36. TARIFF LEGISLATION;
    "THE AMERICAN SYSTEM"
    (A. D. 1816-1824):

   O. L. Elliott:
   The Tariff Controversy,
   3153-3154 (3069-3070).

   T. H. Benton:
   Thirty Years’ View,
   3154 (3070).


STUDY XLI.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


THE UNITED STATES FROM THE ELECTION OF ADAMS (1825) TO
THE COMPROMISE OF 1850.


1. TENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
   (A. D. 1824):

   J. Quincy:
   Life of J. Q. Adams,
   3479-3480 (3364).

   J. P. Kennedy:
   Life of William Wirt,
   3480 (3364).

   Goldwin Smith:
   The United States,
   3480-3481 (3364-3365).

2. RECONSTRUCTION OF PARTIES:

   T. H. Benton:
   Thirty Years’ View,
   3481 (3365).

   A. Johnston:
   History of American Politics,
   3481-3482 (3365-3366).

3. TARIFF CHANGES;
   "THE BILL OF ABOMINATIONS":

   T. H. Benton:
   Thirty Years' View,
   3154 (3070).

   H. C. Lodge:
   Daniel Webster,
   3154 (3070).

   W. G. Sumner:
   Andrew Jackson,
   3154-3155 (3071).

   C. Schurz:
   Life of Henry Clay,
   3155 (3071).

4. ELEVENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
   ANDREW JACKSON
   (A. D. 1828):

   W. G. Sumner:
   Andrew Jackson,
   3482 (3366).

   T. H. Benton:
   Thirty Years’ View,
   3482 (3366).

5. NULLIFICATION AND DISUNION SENTIMENT:

   S. H. Gay:
   James Madison,
   3438-3439 (3322-3323).

   T. M. Cooley:
   The Acquisition of Louisiana,
   3443-3444 (3327-3328).

   A. Johnston:
   American Politics,
   3470 (3354).

   H. von Holst:
   Constitutional History,
   3470 (3354).

   Texts of Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions,
   3435-3438 (3319-3322).

6. NULLIFICATION ORDINANCE OF SOUTH CAROLINA;
   WEBSTER-HAYNE DEBATE:

   G. T. Curtis:
   Life of Daniel Webster,
   3482-3483 (3366-3367).

   C. Schurz:
   Life of Henry Clay,
   3483 (3367).

   G. Hunt:
   The Nullification Struggle,
   3483-3484 (3367-3368).

   Text of Ordinance of Nullification,
   3485 (3369).

7. THE BEGINNING OF THE "SPOILS SYSTEM":

   John Fiske:
   Civil Government in the United States,
   490.

8. RISE OF THE ABOLITIONISTS:

   H. von Holst:
   Constitutional History,
   3005-3006 (2927-2928).

   B. Tuckerman:
   William Jay,
   3485-3486 (3369-3370).

   Goldwin Smith:
   William Lloyd Garrison,
   3486 (3370).

   J. F. Clarke:
   Anti-Slavery Days,
   3487 (3370-3371).

   "The ‘Liberator’ was a weekly journal, bearing the names of
   William Lloyd Garrison and Isaac Knapp as publishers. Its
   motto was, ‘Our Country is the world, Our Countrymen are
   Mankind,’ a direct challenge to those whose motto was the
   Jingo cry of those days, ‘Our Country, right or wrong!’ … The
   salutatory of the ‘Liberator’ avowed that its editor meant to
   speak out without restraint. ‘I will be as harsh as truth and
   as uncompromising as justice. On this subject [Slavery] I do
   not wish to think, or speak, or write with moderation. No! No!
   Tell a man whose house is on fire to give a moderate alarm;
   tell him to moderately rescue his wife from the hands of the
   ravisher; tell the mother to gradually extricate her babe from
   the fire into which it as fallen—but urge me not to use
   moderation in a cause like the present. I am in earnest—I will
   not equivocate—I will not excuse—I will not retreat a single
   inch—I will be heard.’ This promise was amply kept."
      GOLDWIN SMITH.

9. THE FIFTH CENSUS
   (A. D. 1830).

   3487 (3371).

10. THE FIRST RAILROADS:

   W. J. M. Rankine:
   The Steam Engine,
   3111-3112 (3029-3030).

   S. Smiles:
   Life of George Stephenson,
   3112 (3030).

   C. F. Adams, Jr.:
   Railroads,
   3112-3113 (3030-3031).

11. JACKSON AND THE UNITED STATES BANK:

   D. Kinley:
   The Independent Treasury,
   2258-2259 (2214-2215).

   W. G. Sumner:
   Andrew Jackson,
   2259 (2215).

   A. Johnston:
   American Politics,
   2259 (2215).

   J. Parton:
   Life of Jackson,
   3487-3488 (3371-3372).

   C. Schurz:
   Life of Clay,
   3488 (3372).

12. BIRTH OF THE WHIG PARTY
    (A. D. 1834):

   E. Stanwood:
   Presidential Elections,
   3488 (3372).

   G. T. Curtis:
   Life of Webster,
   3488-3489 (3372-3373).

13. SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA;
    THE RIGHT OF PETITION:

   N. Sargent:
   Public Men and Events,
   3489 (3373).

   J. F. Clarke:
   Anti-Slavery Days,
   3490 (3374), 3494 (3378).

   Bryant and Gay:
   History of the United States,
   3490 (3374).

   T. H. Benton:
   Thirty Years’ View,
   3492 (3376).

14. THIRTEENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
   (A. D. 1836):

   A. D. Morse:
   Political Influence of Jackson,
   3490-3491 (3374-3375).

   G. Bancroft:
   Martin Van Buren,
   3491 (3375).

{792}

15. THE FINANCIAL PANIC OF 1837:

   A. Johnston:
   American Politics,
   2259 (2215).

   E. M. Shepard:
   Martin Van Buren,
   3489 (3373).

   A. Johnston:
   History of the United States,
   3774 (3653).

   Century Magazine:
   Cheap Money Experiments,
   2259-2260 (2215-2216).

   T. M. Cooley:
   Michigan,
   2260 (2216).

   E. G. Spaulding:
   100 Years of Banking,
   2260 (2216).

   A. S. Bolles:
   Financial History,
   3491 (3375).

16. ADMISSION OF NEW STATES;
    ARKANSAS, MICHIGAN:

   T. Donaldson:
   The Public Domain,
   2094 (2050).

   J. W. Monette:
   The Mississippi Valley,
   140 (133), 1787-1788 (1748-1749).

   R. G. Thwaites:
   The Boundaries of Wisconsin,
   2223-2224 (2179-2180).

17. THE SIXTH CENSUS
    (A. D. 1840).

    3493 (3377).

18. THE HARRISON-TYLER ADMINISTRATION
    (A. D. 1841-1845):

   N. Sargent:
   Public Men and Events,
   3493 (3377).

   A. Johnston:
   American Politics,
   3493-3494 (3377-3378).

   J. F. Clarke:
   Anti-Slavery Days,
   3494 (3378).

   A. S. Bolles:
   Financial History,
   3158 (3074).

   J. Schouler:
   History of the United States,
   3494-3495 (3378-3379).

19. THE POLK ADMINISTRATION
    (A. D. 1845-1849):

   W. Wilson:
   Division and Reunion,
   3495 (3379).

   E. M. Shepard:
   Martin Van Buren,
   3496 (3380).

20. THE "WALKER TARIFF"
    (A. D. 1846):

   A. L. Perry
   Political Economy,
   3159 (3075).

   J. G. Blaine:
   Twenty Years in Congress,
   3159-3160 (3075-3076).

21. ADMISSION OF NEW STATES TO THE UNION;
    FLORIDA, TEXAS, IOWA, WISCONSIN:

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   1184 (1154).

   T. Roosevelt:
   Life of Benton,
   1184 (1154).

   H. Wilson:
   The Slave Power,
   3495-3496 (3379-3380).

   J. W. Monette:
   The Mississippi Valley,
   3186 (3101).

   C. Schurz:
   Life of Clay,
   3187 (3102).

   J. W. Draper:
   American Civil War,
   3187-3188 (3102-3103).

   R. G. Thwaites:
   Boundaries of Wisconsin,
   3776 (3655).

   See Maps between
   3442-3443 (3326-3327).

22. THE WAR WITH MEXICO
    (A. D. 1846-1848):

   H. Wilson:
   The Slave Power,
   2217 (2173).

   J. W. Draper:
   American Civil War,
   2217-2218 (2173-2174).

   A. H. Noll:
   History of Mexico,
   2218 (2174).

   Bryant and Gay:
   History of the United States,
   2218 (2174).

   J. R. Soley:
   Wars of the United States,
   2218-2219 (2174-2175).

   H. O. Ladd:
   War with Mexico,
   2219-2220 (2175-2176).

23. THE FREE SOIL PARTY;
    SIXTEENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
    (A. D. 1848):

   E. M. Shepard:
   Martin Van Buren,
   3498 (3382).

   C. F. Adams:
   Richard Henry Dana,
   3498 (3382).

   C. Colton:
   Life of Clay,
   3498 (3382).

24. THE SEVENTH CENSUS (A. D. 1850),
    3499 (3383).

25. CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA;
    DISCOVERY OF GOLD:

   J. Royce:
   California,
   358 (348).

   E. E. Dunbar:
   Romance of the Age,
   359-360 (349-350).

   J. S. Hittell:
   Discovery of Gold,
   360 (350).

   J. E. Cairnes:
   Political Economy,
   2261 (2217).

26. AGGRESSION OF THE SLAVE POWER;
    WEBSTER’S "SEVENTH OF MARCH" SPEECH
    (A. D. 1850):

   J. S. Landon:
   Constitutional History,
   3499 (3883).

   F. W. Seward:
   Seward at Washington,
   3499-3500 (3883-3884).

   Daniel Webster:
   Works,
   3500-3503 (3384-3387).

   H. C. Lodge:
   Daniel Webster,
   3503 (3387).

   J. F. Rhodes:
   History of the United States,
   3503 (3387).

   H. Wilson:
   The Slave Power,
   1685 (1646).

   "When Seward came to the territorial question, his words
   created a sensation. ‘We hold,’ he said, ‘no arbitrary
   authority over anything, whether acquired lawfully or seized
   by usurpation. The Constitution regulates our stewardship; the
   Constitution devotes the domain (i. e. the territories not
   formed into States) to union, to justice, to defense, to
   welfare, and to liberty. But there is a higher law than the
   Constitution, which regulates our authority over the
   domain, and devotes it to the same noble purposes. The
   territory is a part, no inconsiderable part, of the common
   heritage of mankind, bestowed upon them by the Creator of the
   Universe. We are His stewards, and must so discharge our trust
   as to secure in the highest attainable degree their
   happiness.’ This remark about ‘a higher law’ … was destined to
   have a transcendent moral influence. A speech which can be
   condensed into an aphorism is sure to shape convictions."
      J. F. RHODES.

27. The Fugitive Slave Law;
    "Compromise of 1850":

   M. G. McDougall:
   Fugitive Slaves,
   3421-3422 (3305-3306)

   W. R. Houghton:
   American Politics,
   3503-3504 (3387-3388).

   J. F. Rhodes:
   History of the United States,
   3504 (3388)

   C. Schurz:
   Life of Clay,
   3504 (3388).

   Text of Fugitive Slave Law,
   3504-3507 (3388-3391).


STUDY XLII
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


ENGLAND (GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND)
FROM THE FALL OF NAPOLEON TO THE DEATH OF QUEEN VICTORIA.


1. ENGLAND AT THE CLOSE OF THE NAPOLEONIC WARS:

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   975-976 (948-9).

   J. McCarthy:
   Sir Robert Peel,
   977-978 (950-951).

   H. Ashworth:
   Richard Cobden,
   3152-3153 (3068-3069).

2. AGITATION FOR PARLIAMENTARY REFORM
   (A. D. 1816-):

   C. Knight:
   History of England,
   976-977 (949-950).

   J. McCarthy:
   Sir Robert Peel,
   977-978 (950-951).

3. REMOVAL OF DISABILITIES FROM DISSENTERS
   (A. D. 1827):

   J. R. Green:
   History of the English People,
   923-924 (896-897):

   J. Stoughton:
   Religion in England.
   924 (897).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   944-945 (917-918).

   S. Walpole:
   England from 1815,
   979 (952).

4. UNION OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND;
   CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION:

   J. H. McCarthy:
   Ireland since the Union,
   1817 (1777).

   W. F. Collier:
   History of Ireland,
   1817-1818 (1778).

   W. A. O’Connor:
   The Irish People,
   1818 (1778).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   1818-1819 (1778-1779); 1822-1823 (1782-1784).

{793}

   W. Massey:
   Reign of George III.,
   1821-1822 (1782).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   Leaders of Public Opinion,
   1824-1825 (1784-1785).

   J. A. Hamilton:
   Daniel O'Connell,
   1825 (1785).

5. PARTY DIVISIONS:

   R. Burnet: History of My Own Time,
   3772 (3651).

   R. Chambers:
   Annals of Scotland,
   3772-3773 (3652).

   D. Hume:
   History of England,
   930 (903).

   I. Jennings:
   The Croker Papers,
   518 (504).

6. THE GREAT REFORM OF REPRESENTATION
   (A. D. 1830-1832):

   W. Heaton:
   Three Reforms of Parliament,
   980-982 (953-955).

   Sir T. E. May:
   Constitutional History,
   982-983 (955-956).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1126 (1098).

7. SUPPRESSION OF SLAVE TRADE;
   ABOLITION OF COLONIAL SLAVERY
   (A. D. 1792-1833).

   C. P. Lucas:
   British Colonies,
   3003 (2925), 3006 (2928).

   L. Herstlet:
   Treaties and Conventions,
   3003 (2925).

   J. McCarthy:
   Epoch of Reform,
   983 (956).

8. The Oxford, or Tractarian Movement
   (1833-):

   H. O. Wakeman:
   Religion in England,
   2459-2460 (2407-2408).

   S. Walpole:
   History of England,
   2460 (2408).

9. COMMERCIAL SUPREMACY;
   FREE TRADE AGITATION:

   H. deB. Gibbins:
   British Commerce,
   3230-3231 (3719-3720).

   A. J. Wilson:
   British Trade,
   3231-3232 (3720-3721).

   A. L. Bowley:
   Foreign Trade,
   3232 (3721).

   H. Ashworth:
   Recollections of Cobden,
   3152-3153 (3068-3069).

   John Morley:
   Life of Cobden,
   3156-3157 (3072-3073).

10. FACTORY LEGISLATION:

   G. Howell:
   Conflicts of Capital and Labor,
   1133-1134 (1105-1106).

   C. D. Wright:
   Factory Legislation,
   1134 (1106).

11. ACCESSION AND MARRIAGE OF QUEEN VICTORIA
    (A. D. 1837, 1840):

   A. H. McCalman:
   History of England,
   984 (957).

   J. McCarthy:
   Sir Robert Peel,
   985 (958).

   J. McCarthy:
   History of Our Own Times,
   988-989 (959-960).

12. THE CHARTIST AGITATION
    (A. D. 1838-1848):

   C. Knight:
   History of England,
   987 (960).

   J. McCarthy:
   History of Our Own Times,
   987-988 (960-961).

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   990 (963).

13. THE OPIUM WAR
    (A. D. 1839-1842):

   S. Walpole:
   England from 1815,
   435-437 (421-423).

   C. Knight:
   History of England,
   437 (423).

   S. W. Williams:
   The Middle Kingdom,
   437 (423).

14. ADOPTION OF PENNY POSTAGE
   (A. D. 1840):

   C. Knight:
   History of England,
   988 (961).

   W. N. Molesworth:
   History of England,
   988 (961).

15. AFFAIRS IN IRELAND
    (A. D. 1840-1850):

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1130-1131 (1102-1103).

   (а) Agitation for Repeal of the Union.

   Sir C. G. Duffy:
   Irish History,
   1825-1827 (1785-1787).

   E. Lawless:
   The Story of Ireland,
   1827-1829 (1787-1789).

   (b) The Maynooth Grant.

   S. Walpole:
   History of England,
   1829-1830 (1790).

   (c) The Great Famine
       (A. D. 1845-1847).

   A. M. Sullivan:
   New Ireland,
   1830-1831 (1790-1791).

   L. Levi:
   British Commerce,
   1831 (1791).

   Sir R. Blennerhassett:
   Ireland,
   1832 (1792).

   T. P. O’Connor:
   The Parnell Movement,
   1832 (1792).

16. BANK OF ENGLAND;
    CHARTER ACT OF 1844:

   T. B. Macaulay:
   History of England,
   2253-2254 (2209-2210).

   W. Bagehot:
   Lombard Street,
   2254-2255 (2210-2211).

   W. C. Taylor:
   Sir Robert Peel,
   2260 (2216).

   F. C. Montague:
   Life of Peel,
   2260-2261 (2216-2217).

17. REPEAL OF THE CORN LAWS (A. D. 1846);
    PERFECTED FREE TRADE:

   F. G. Montague:
   Sir Robert Peel,
   3157-3158 (3073-3074).

   L. Levi:
   History of British Commerce,
   3158-3159 (3074-3075).

   H. Martineau:
   History of Thirty Years' Peace,
   3159 (3075).

   W. N. Molesworth:
   History of England,
   2293-2294 (2245-2246).

   J. McCarthy:
   Epoch of Reform,
   3160 (3076).

   A. Mongredien:
   Free Trade Movement,
   3160-3161 (3076-3077).

18. OVERTHROW OF PEEL;
    ADVENT OF DISRAELI
    (A. D. 1846):

   J. McCarthy:
   Epoch of Reform,
   989 (962).

   J. A. Froude:
   Lord Beaconsfield,
   989-990 (982-983).

19. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM
    (A. D. 1853-1855):

   D. B. Eaton:
   Civil Service in Great Britain,
   489-490 (475-476).

20. THE CRIMEAN WAR
    (A. D. 1853-1856):

   S. Walpole:
   Foreign Relations,
   2848-2849 (2774-2775).

   J. McCarthy:
   History of Our Own Times,
   2849-2850 (2775-2776).

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   2850-2851 (2776-2777).

   W. N. Molesworth:
   England,
   2851-2852 (2777-2778).

21. ANGLO-FRENCH WAR WITH CHINA
    (A. D. 1856-1860):

   J. McCarthy:
   History of Our Own Times,
   439-441 (425-427).

22. SEPOY MUTINY IN INDIA
    (A. D. 1857-1858):

   W. W. Hunter:
   Brief History of Indian People,
   1779 (1740)

   Lord Lawrence:
   Speech,
   1779-1780 (1740-1741).

   H. S. Cunningham:
   Earl Canning,
   1780 (1741).

   Sir O. T. Burne:
   Clyde and Strathnairn,
   1780-1782 (1741-1743).

   J. T. Wheeler:
   Short History,
   1782-1783 (1743-1744).

   R. B. Smith:
   Lord Lawrence,
   1783-1784 (1744-1745).

   W. N. Molesworth:
   History of England,
   1784-1785 (1745-1746).

   S Walpole:
   History of England,
   1785-1786 (1746-1747).

   J. McCarthy:
   History of Our Own Times,
   1786 (1747).

23. ATTITUDE TOWARD THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR
    (A. D. 1861-1865):

   The Queen’s Proclamation of Neutrality,
   3544 (3428).

   Proclamation of President Lincoln,
   3544 (3428).

   The Case of the United States at Geneva,
   3544-3545 (3428-3429).

   J. Jay:
   The Great Conspiracy,
   3545 (3429).

   J. Watts:
   Facts of the Cotton Famine,
   993-994 (966-967).

{794}

24. FURTHER PARLIAMENTARY REFORM
    (A. D. 1865-1868):

   A. H. McCalman:
   History of England,
   994-995 (967-968).

   B. C. Skottowe;
   History of Parliament,
   995-996 (968-969).

   D. W. Rannie:
   The English Constitution,
   996 (969).

   R. Wilson,
   Queen Victoria,
   997 (970).

25. MR. GLADSTONE’S FIRST IRISH MEASURES
    (A. D. 1868-1870):

   J. McCarthy:
   History of Our Own Times,
   996-997 (969-970).

26. TREATY OF WASHINGTON; GENEVA ARBITRATION
    (A. D. 1869-1872):

   B. J. Lossing:
   The Civil War,
   30-31 (23-24).

   Case of the United States Before Tribunal of Arbitration,
   31 (24).

   C. Cushing:
   The Treaty of Washington,
   34(27); 35-36 (28-29).

   Treaties and Conventions between United States
   and Other Powers,
   34-35 (27-28).

27. IRISH POLITICS;
    THE HOME RULE PARTY;
    PARNELL;
    COERCION.—PHOENIX PARK MURDERS
    (A. D. 1873-1882).

   J. H. McCarthy:
   Irish History,
   1835-1836 (1795-1796).

   J. H. McCarthy:
   England Under Gladstone,
   1836-1837 (1797).

   Summaries from The Times,
   1837 (1797).

   W. M. Pimblett:
   Political History,
   1837-1838 (1798).

   Cassell’s History of England,
   1838 (1798).

28. ENGLAND IN SOUTH AFRICA
    (A. D. 1877-1881):

   A. Trollope:
   South Africa,
   3039-3040 (2961-2962).

   J. H. McCarthy:
   England Under Gladstone,
   3040-3002 (2962-2964).

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   3042-3043 (2964-2965).

   J. S. Keltie:
   Partition of Africa,
   3043-3045 (2967).

29. THE WAR IN EGYPT (A. D. 1882-):

   J. C. McCoan:
   Egypt,
   788-789 (761-762).

   H. Vogt:
   The Egyptian War,
   790-792 (763-765).

   J. E. Bowen:
   Conflict in Egypt,
   792-794 (765-767).

   A. E. Hake:
   Story of "Chinese" Gordon,
   794-795, (767-768).

30. THE PARTITION OF AFRICA (A. D. 1884-1891):

   A. S. White:
   Development of Africa,
   21-23 (17-19).

31. THE THIRD REFORM BILL (A. D. 1884-1885):

   W. Heaton:
   Three Reforms of Parliament,
   999-1000 (972-973).

   R. Gneist:
   Parliament in Transformation,
   1000 (973).

   W. A. Holdsworth:
   New Reform Act,
   1005 (978).

   Text of Third Reform Act, 1884,
   1000-1004 (973-977).

32. GLADSTONE’S HOME RULE BILL FOR IRELAND
    (A. D. 1885-1886):

   G. B. Smith:
   Prime Ministers of Queen Victoria,
   1005 (978).

   P. W. Clayden:
   England Under the Coalition,
   1005-1007 (978-980); 1839-1840 (1799-1800).

   J. Bryce:
   The Irish Question,
   1838-1839 (1798-1799).

   R. Johnston:
   The Queen’s Reign,
   1840 (1800).

33. RETIREMENT OF GLADSTONE
    (A. D. 1892-1894):

   Irish Home Rule Bill,
   1007-1008 (980-981).

   Earl of Rosebery Prime Minister,
   Volume VI., 203-204.

34. VENEZUELA BOUNDARY DISPUTE
    (A. D. 1895):

   See Study XLVI.

35. DIAMOND JUBILEE OF THE QUEEN
    (A. D. 1897):

   The Message of the Queen to her Subjects,
   Volume VI., 207-208.

36. Death of Gladstone (May 19, 1898):

   Tributes of Lords Salisbury and Rosebery, and Mr. Balfour,
   Volume VI., 209-210.

   "The most distinguished political name of the century has been
   withdrawn from the roll of Englishmen."
      LORD SALISBURY.

   "This country, this nation, loves brave men. Mr. Gladstone was
   the bravest of the brave. There was no cause so hopeless that
   he was afraid to undertake it; there was no amount of
   opposition that would cowe him when once he had undertaken
   it."
      LORD ROSEBERY.

37. THE GREAT BOER WAR
    (A. D. 1899-1902):

   [The treatment of this subject in Volumes VI. and VII. of
   History for Ready Reference covers sixty-five of its large
   double-column pages (456-517 in Volume 6 and 620-624 in Volume
   7), and is the most complete statement of all the causes that
   led up to that conflict that can be found in any work. The
   scope of these Studies does not admit of a detailed analysis
   of this material, nor is such an analysis necessary; as all
   the despatches, State papers, and descriptive matter are
   arranged in such an orderly manner, under the general head of
   "South Africa," that one needs no aid in studying the
   subject.]

38. DEATH OF QUEEN VICTORIA
    (JANUARY 28, 1901):

   Detailed Account of her last illness,
   Volume VI., 212-213.

   Tributes of leading Statesmen,
   Volume VI., 213-216.

   "The simple dignity, befitting a Monarch of this realm, in
   that she could never fail, because it arose from her inherent
   sense of the fitness of things. It was no trapping put on for
   office, and therefore it was that this dignity, this Queenly
   dignity, only served to throw into a brighter light those
   admirable virtues of the wife, the mother, and the woman, with
   which she was so richly endowed."
      A. J. BALFOUR, Leader of the House of Commons.

   "But have you realized what the personal weight of the late
   Queen was in the councils of the world? She was by far the
   senior of all the European Sovereigns. The German Emperor was
   her grandson by birth. The Emperor of Russia was her grandson
   by marriage. She had reigned eleven years when the Emperor of
   Austria came to his throne. She had seen two dynasties pass
   from the throne of France. She had seen, as Queen, three
   Monarchs of Spain, and four Sovereigns of the House of Savoy
   in Italy. … Can we not realize, then, what a force the
   personal influence of such a Sovereign was in the troubled
   councils of Europe? And when, as we know, that influence was
   always given for peace, for freedom, and for good government,
   we feel that not merely ourselves but all the world has lost
   one of its best friends."
      LORD ROSEBERY.

39. VICTORIAN AGE IN LITERATURE:

   J. McCarthy:
   Literature of the Victorian Reign,
   985 (958).

   R. Garnett:
   Reign of Queen Victoria,
   986 (959).

   G. L. Craik:
   History of English Literature,
   986 (959).

   J. A. Symonds:
   Elizabethan and Victorian Poetry,
   986-987 (959-960).

   T. D. Robb:
   Elizabethan Drama and Victorian Novel,
   987 (960).


STUDY XLIII.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


FRANCE FROM THE FALL OF NAPOLEON TO A. D. 1910.

1. TREATY OF PARIS;
   NEW BOUNDARIES
   (A. D. 1814):

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   1391-1392 (1358-1359).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   1392 (1359).

2. CONGRESS OF VIENNA
   (A. D. 1814):

   C. A. Fyffe:
   Modern Europe,
   3745-3747 (3625-3626).

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   3747 (3626).

3. THE HOLY ALLIANCE
   (A. D. 1815-):

   M. E. G. Duff:
   European Politics,
   1697 (1658).

   E. Hertslet:
   Europe by Treaty,
   1697 (1658).

{795}

   W. R. Thayer:
   Dawn of Italian Independence,
   1607-1608 (1658-1659).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1124 (1096).

4. RESTORED MONARCHY; LOUIS XVIII
   (A. D. 1815-1824):

   J. H. Rose:
   Century of Continental History,
   1401 (1368).

5. CONGRESS OF VERONA
   (A. D. 1822):

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   3741 (3621).

   F. H. Hill:
   George Canning,
   3741 (3621).

   R. Bell:
   Life of Canning,
   3741-3742 (3621-3622).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1124-1125 (1096-1097).

6. FRENCH INVASION OF SPAIN:

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   3094-3096 (3012-3014).

7. CHARLES X;
   REVOLUTION OF 1830;
   LOUIS PHILIPPE
   (A. D. 1824-1830):

   J. H. Rose:
   Century of Continental History,
   1401-1402 (1368-1369); 1402 (1369).

   T. W. Knox:
   Decisive Battles,
   1645-1646 (1607-1608).

   W. Müller:
   Political History,
   1402-1403 (1369-1370).

8. REVOLT OF BELGIUM
   (A. D. 1830-1832).

   S. Walpole:
   England from 1815,
   2348-2350 (2302).

   C. A. Fyffe:
   Modern Europe,
   2350 (2302).

9. CONQUEST OF ALGIERS
   (A. D. 1830-).

   T. W. Knox:
   Decisive Battles,
   275 (266).

   T. Wright:
   History of France,
   275-276 (266-267).

   J. R. Morell:
   Algeria,
   276-277 (267-268).

10. REVOLUTION OF 1848:

   J. Macdonnell:
   France since the First Empire,
   1404 (1371).

   R. Mackenzie:
   The Nineteenth Century,
   1404-1405 (1371-1372).

11. SECOND REPUBLIC;
    LOUIS NAPOLEON:

   N. W. Senior:
   Journals,
   1405-1406 (1372-1373).

   E. S. Cayley:
   Revolution of 1848,
   1406-1408 (1373-1375).

12. FRENCH INTERVENTION AT ROME
    (A. D. 1849):

   W. Muller:
   Political History,
   1901-1903 (1861-1863).

   W. R. Thayer:
   Dawn of Italian Independence,
   1903 (1863).

13. THE COUP D’ÉTAT OF 1851:

   A. W. Kinglake:
   Invasion of the Crimea,
   1408-1410 (1375-1377).

   H. Murdock:
   Reconstruction of Europe,
   1410-1411 (1377-1378).

14. THE SECOND EMPIRE ORDAINED
    (A. D. 1851-1852):

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   1411-1412 (1378-1379).

15. CRIMEAN WAR;
    PEACE CONGRESS OF PARIS;
    "DECLARATION OF PARIS"
    (A. D. 1853-1856):

   S. Walpole:
   Foreign Relations,
   2848-2849 (2774-2775);
   2853-2855 (2779-2781).

   J. McCarthy:
   Our Own Times,
   2849-2850 (2775-2776).

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   2850-2851 (2776-2777).

   W. N. Molesworth:
   England,
   2851-2852 (2777-2778).

   E. Schuyler:
   American Diplomacy,
   675-676 (652-653).

16. ALLIANCE WITH SARDINIA;
    WAR WITH AUSTRIA
    (A. D. 1859):

   J. W. Probyn:
   Italy,
   1815-1890, 1903-1905 (1863-1855).

   H. Murdock:
   The Reconstruction of Europe,
   1905-1906 (1865-1866).

17. WITH THE ENGLISH IN CHINA
    (A. D. 1856-1860):

   J. McCarthy:
   Our Own Times,
   439-441 (425-427).

18. THE COBDEN-CHEVALIER COMMERCIAL TREATY
    (A. D. 1860):

   C. F. Bastable:
   The Commerce of Nations,
   3161 (3077).

   L. Levi:
   Treaties of Commerce,
   3161-3162 (3077-3078).

19. THE FRENCH IN MEXICO
    (A. D. 1861-1867):

   A. H. Noll:
   History of Mexico,
   2221, first column (2177).

   J. McCarthy:
   History of Our Own Times,
   2221-2222 (2177-2178).

20. FRENCH WITHDRAWAL FROM ROME:

   G. S. Godkin:
   Victor Emmanuel II.,
   1906-1908 (1866-1868).

   J. Marriott:
   Modern Italy,
   1908-1909 (1868-1869).

21. DECLARATION OF WAR AGAINST PRUSSIA
   (A. D. 1870):

   E. B. Washburne:
   Recollections,
   1413 (1380-1381).

   W. Maurenbrecher:
   The German Empire,
   1413-1414.

22. DISASTERS OF THE WAR;
    SEDAN:

   W. Müller:
   Political History,
   1414-1415 (1381-1382).

   G. Hooper:
   Campaign of Sedan,
   1415 (1382).

   W. O’C. Morris:
   Sedan,
   1415-1416 (1382-1383).

   H. M. Hozier:
   Franco Prussian War,
   1416-1417 (1383-1384).

   E. W. Latimer:
   France in the 19th Century,
   1418 (1384-1385).

   German Official Account,
   1418 (1385).

23. COLLAPSE OF THE EMPIRE
    (A. D. 1870):

   H. Vizetelly:
   Paris in Peril,
   1418-1419 (1385-1386).

   E. Simon:
   Emperor William,
   1419-1420 (1386-1387).

24. CAPITULATION OF PARIS;
    TREATY OF FRANKFORT
    (A. D. 1871):

   C. A. Fyffe:
   Modern Europe,
   1420-1422 (1387-1389).

   H. Murdock:
   Reconstruction of Europe,
   1422 (1389).

   C. Lowe:
   Prince Bismarck,
   1422-1423 (1389-1390).

25. THE COMMUNE;
    SECOND SIEGE OF PARIS
    (A. D. 1871):

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   1423-1424 (1390-1391).

   G. L. Dickinson:
   Revolution and Reaction,
   1424-1425 (1391-1392).

26. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE THIRD REPUBLIC
    (A. D. 1871-1876):

   P. de Rémusat:
   Thiers,
   1425 (1392).

   G. M. Towle:
   Modern France,
   1425-1427 (1392-1394).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1129 (1101).

   Text of the Constitution of the Third Republic,
   558-567 (538-547).

27. STRENGTHENING OF CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT
   (A. D. 1875-1889):

   V. Duruy:
   History of France,
   1427-1429 (1394-1396).

   The Assassination of President Carnot,
   1429 (1396).

   Census of the Republic (1896),
   Volume VI., 225.

28. CONQUESTS IN COCHIN-CHINA:

   V. Duruy:
   History of France,
   1428 (1395).

   A. H. Keane:
   Eastern Geography,
   3201 (3115).

   É. Reclus:
   Asia,
   3201-3202 (3115-3116).

29. THE PANAMA CANAL SCANDAL:

   L. F. Vernon-Harcourt:
   Achievements in Engineering,
   2474 (2415).

   Quarterly Register of Current History,
   2475 (2416).

   P. de Coubertin:
   The Evolution of France,
   2475 (2416).

30. THE DREYFUS AFFAIR:

   Sir G. Lushington:
   Full detailed Review,
   Volume VI., 225-233.

31. THE REGULATION OF RELIGIOUS ORDERS
    (A. D. 1901):

   M. Waldeck-Rousseau:
   A Bill on Associations,
   Volume VI., 236-238.

{796}

   Text of the Principal Sections of the Bill,
   Volume VI., 238.

   Closing of unauthorized Schools,
   Volume VII., 275.

32. SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE
    (A. D. 1905-1907):

   J. Legrand:
   Church and State in France,
   Volume VII., 275-276.

   J. A. Bain:
   The New Reformation,
   Volume VII., 276-277.

   R. Wallier:
   Le Vingtième Siècle Politique,
   Volume VII., 277-278.

   F. W. Parsons:
   Separation of Church and State,
   Volume VII., 278-279.

   O. Guerlac:
   Separation of Church and State,
   Volume VII., 281-282.

   J. F. Boyd:
   French Ecclesiastical Revolution,
   Volume VII., 282-283.

   S. Dewey:
   The Year [1906] in France,
   Volume VII., 283.

   F. Klein:
   Present Difficulties of the Church,
   Volume VII., 284.

   Papal Encyclical Vehementer Nos,
   Volume VII., 472-474.

33. THE MOROCCO QUESTION;
    CONFERENCE AT ALGECIRAS
    (A. D. 1904-1906):

   Text of the Anglo-French Agreements of 1904,
   Volume VII., 249-250.

   A. Tardieu:
   France and the Alliances,
   Volume VII., 249, 252-253.

   British Parliamentary Paper
   (Cd. 1952, April, 1904), 251-252.

   W. C. Dreher:
   The Year [1906] in Germany,
   Volume VII., 253.

   B. Meakin:
   The Algeciras Conference,
   Volume VII., 254.

34. POLITICAL PARTIES IN FRANCE
    (A. D. 1906-1909):

   R. Dell:
   France, England and Mr. Bodley,
   Volume VII., 280.

   S. Dewey:
   The Year [1906] in France,
   Volume VII., 281.

35. LABOR ORGANIZATION IN FRANCE:

   The London Times:
   The Syndicalist Movement,
   Volume VII., 376-378.

   The London Times:
   Strike of Government Employés (1909),
   378-380.


STUDY XLIV.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


GERMANY.


1. IN ROMAN TIMES (B. C. 12-A. D. 752):

   Tacitus:
   Germany,
   1462-1463 (1429-1430).

   C. Merivale:
   History of the Romans,
   1463-1464 (1430-1431).

   T. Smith:
   Arminius,
   1464-1465 (1431-1432).

   T. Mommsen:
   History of Rome,
   42 (35).

   W. C. Perry:
   The Franks,
   1430-1431 (1397-1398), 1432-1433 (1399-1400).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1043-1044 (1015-1016).

   J. B. Bury:
   The Later Roman Empire,
   2805 (2731).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Chief Periods, European History,
   2805-2806 (2731-2732).

   F. P. Guizot:
   History of Civilization,
   2806 (2732).

   G. B. Adams:
   Civilization, Middle Ages,
   2807 (2733).

2. MEDIÆVAL GERMANY; CHARLEMAGNE’S EMPIRE, AND AFTER
   (A. D. 768-).

   R. W. Church:
   Beginnings of the Middle Ages,
   1434 (1401).

   E. Emerton:
   Introduction to the Middle Ages,
   1434-1435 (1401-1402).

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1435 (1402), 1436-1438 (1403-1405).

   H. H. Milman:
   History of Latin Christianity,
   1468 (1437).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Historical Geography of Europe,
   1469 (1438).

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   1470 (1439), 1481 (1448).

   L. von Ranke:
   Reformation in Germany,
   1471-1472 (1440-1441).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1050 (1022), 1053-1055 (1025-1027).

   M. Creighton:
   History of the Papacy,
   2492-2493 (2432-2433).

   I. Jastrow:
   Geschichte des deutschen Einheitstraumes,
   1477-1478 (1445).

   U. Balzani:
   The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
   1478 (1445).

   O. Browning:
   Guelphs and Ghibellines,
   1478-1479 (1445-1446).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Sketch of European History,
   1479 (1446).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Emperor Frederick II.,
   1479-1480 (1446-1447).

3. UNDER THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA
   (A. D. 1272-1519):

   J. Bryce:
   The Holy Roman Empire,
   1481-1482 (1448-1449).

   W. Coxe:
   The House of Austria,
   206 (199).

   Sir R. Comyn:
   History of Western Empire,
   206-207 (199-200),
   1482-1483 (1449-1450).

   V. Duruy:
   History of the Middle Ages,
   208 (201).

   H. Hallam:
   The Middle Ages,
   1485-1486 (1452-1453).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1083-1084 (1055-1056).

   L. von Ranke:
   Latin and Teutonic Nations,
   210-212 (203-205).

   T. H. Dyer:
   History of Modern Europe,
   1490-1491 (1457-1458).

4. RISE OF BRANDENBURG AND PRUSSIA;
   THE HOHENZOLLERNS
   (A. D. 1142-1688):

   T. Carlyle:
   Friedrich II., called the Great,
   316-317 (306-307), 1696 (1657).

   H. Tuttle:
   History of Prussia,
   317-318 (307-308).

   L. von Ranke:
   House of Brandenburg,
   1486-1487 (1453-1454).

   C. F. Johnstone:
   Historical Abstracts,
   318 (308).

   G. B. Malleson:
   Battle-fields of Germany,
   319-320 (309-310).

5. LUTHER AND THE REFORMATION
   (A. D. 1517-1600):

   See Study XXIV.

6. THE THIRTY YEARS WAR
   (A. D. 1618-1648):

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1099-1101 (1071-1073).

   G. B. Malleson:
   Battle-fields of Germany,
   1504-1505 (1471-1472).

   J. Mitchell:
   Life of Wallenstein,
   1505-1506 (1472-1473).

   C. T. Lewis:
   History of Germany,
   1507-1508 (1474-1475).

   F. Schiller:
   The Thirty Years War,
   1508 (1475).

   R. C. Trench:
   Gustavus Adolphus,
   1517-1518 (1484-1485).

   A. Gindely:
   The Thirty Years War,
   1518-1519 (1485-1486)

   H. von Treitschke:
   Deutsche Geschichte,
   1521-1522.

{797}

7. WARS OF THE 18TH CENTURY;
   FREDERICK THE GREAT
   (A. D. 1701-1763):

   Lord Macaulay:
   Essays,
   1524 (1490).

   H. von Sybel:
   Founding of the German Empire,
   1525 (1491).

   (a) War of the Spanish Succession.

   Lord Macaulay:
   Essays,
   3073 (2992).

   C. W. Koch:
   Revolutions of Europe,
   3073-3074 (2992-2993).

   W. Russell:
   History of Modern Europe,
   3712-3713 (3592-3593).

   (b) War of the Austrian Succession.

   W. Coxe:
   The House of Austria,
   218-219 (211-212).

   Lord Mahon:
   History of England,
   219 (212).

   Frederick the Great:
   My Own Times,
   220 (213).

   Lord Macaulay:
   Essays,
   220-221 (213-214).

   T. Carlyle:
   Friedrich II.,
   221 (214).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1113 (1085).

   (c) The Seven Years War.

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   951-952 (924-925), 2975 (2898).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1114-1115 (1086-1087).

   T. Carlyle:
   Friedrich II.,
   2975-2976 (2898-2899).

   Friedrich II.:
   Posthumous Works,
   2976 (2899).

8. STRUGGLES WITH REVOLUTIONARY FRANCE AND NAPOLEON
   (A. D. 1792-1814):

   C. E. Mallet:
   The French Revolution,
   228-229 (221-222).

   R. Lodge:
   History of Modern Europe,
   1308 (1275).

   A. Griffiths:
   French Revolutionary Generals,
   1308-1309 (1275-1276).

   C. A. Fyffe:
   Modern Europe,
   1316-1317 (1283-1284).

   A. Alison:
   Europe,
   1324 (1291).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   1341-1342 (1308-1309).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1120-1121 (1092-1093).

   A. Weir:
   Historical Basis of Modern Europe,
   229-231 (222-224).

   C. A. Fyffe:
   Modern Europe,
   1541-1542 (1507-1508).

   J. G. Lockhart:
   Life of Napoleon,
   1542-1544 (1510).

   J. R. Seeley:
   Life and Times of Stein,
   1548 (1514).

   J. R. Seeley:
   Prussian History,
   1548-1549 (1514-1515).

9. THE TEUTONIC AWAKENING:

   J. R. Seeley:
   Life of Stein,
   1549-1551 (1515-1517).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   1555-1556 (1521-1522).

   W. Menzel:
   History of Germany,
   1556 (1522).

10. THE GERMANIC CONFEDERATION
    (A. D. 1814-1820):

   C. A. Fyffe:
   Modern Europe,
   3745-3747 (3624-3626).

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   3747 (3626).

   M. E. G. Duff:
   European Politics,
   1565-1566 (1531-1532).

11. TENDENCIES TOWARD UNION;
    THE ZOLLVEREIN:

   G. Krause:
   Growth of German Unity,
   1566 (1532).

   Bruno-Gebhart:
   German History,
   1566 (3775).

   W. Maurenbrecher:
   The German Empire,
   1567 (3775).

   The Edinburgh Review:
   The Zollverein,
   3155-3156 (3071-3072).

12. REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS
    (A. D. 1848):

   B. Taylor:
   History of Germany,
   1567-1568 (1532-1533).

   E. S. Cayley:
   Revolutions of 1848,
   1568-1569 (1534).

   J. Sime:
   History of Germany,
   235 (228).

   J. H. Rose:
   Century of Continental History,
   235-237 (228-230).

   E. L. Godkin:
   History of Hungary,
   1722 (1683-1685).

   C. M. Yonge:
   Landmarks of History,
   1724 (1685).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1126-1127 (1098-1099).

13. REACTION;
    FAILURE OF MOVEMENT FOR UNITY
    (A. D. 1848-1850):

   W. Müller:
   Political History,
   1569-1571 (1534-1536).

   T. S. Fay:
   The Three Germanys,
   1571-1572 (1537).

   F. H. Geffcken:
   Unity of Germany,
   237 (230).

   M. E. G. Duff:
   European Politics,
   237-238 (231).

14. SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN QUESTION
    (A. D. 1848-1862):

   S. Walpole:
   Life of Lord John Russell,
   2908-2909 (2833-2834).

   Sir A. Alison:
   History of Europe,
   2909 (2834).

15. WILLIAM I. AND BISMARCK;
    "BLOOD AND IRON"
    (A. D. 1861):

   W. Maurenbrecher:
   Founding of the German State,
   1572-1573 (3777-3779).

   A. Forbes:
   William of Germany,
   1574-1575 (1539).

   "It is a fact, the great self-assertion of individuality among
   us makes constitutional government very hard in Prussia. … We
   are perhaps too ‘cultured’ to tolerate a constitution; we are
   too critical; the ability to pass judgment on measures of the
   government or acts of the legislature is too universal; there
   is a large number of ‘Catilinarian Characters’ in the land
   whose chief interest is in revolutions. People are too
   sensitive about the faults of government. … Our blood is too
   hot, we are fond of wearing an armor too large for our small
   body; now let us utilize it. … Prussia must consolidate its
   might and hold it together for the favorable moment, which has
   been allowed to pass unheeded several times. Prussia’s
   boundaries, as determined by the Congress of Vienna, are not
   conducive to its wholesome existence as a sovereign state. Not
   by speeches and resolutions of majorities the mighty problems
   of the age are solved—that was the mistake of 1848 and
   1849—but by Blood and Iron."
      BISMARCK.

16. FORMATION OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY
    (A. D. 1862-1864):

   L. J. Huff;
   Ferdinand Lasalle,
   3027-3028 (2950).

   R. T. Ely:
   French and German Socialism,
   3028 (2950).

17. THE SEVEN WEEKS WAR
    (A. D. 1866):

   S. Baring-Gould:
   Story of Germany,
   239 (232).

   W. Zimmermann:
   History of Germany,
   1577 (1541).

   H. von Sybel:
   Founding of the German Empire
   1577 (1541).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1128-1129 (1100-1001).

18. COMPLETION OF GERMANIC CONFEDERATION
   (A. D. 1866-1870):

   G. Krause:
   Growth of German Unity,
   1577-1579 (1541-1543).

   E. Simon:
   The Emperor William,
   1579 (1543).

19. "THE HOHENZOLLERN INCIDENT";
    WAR WITH FRANCE
    (A. D. 1870)

   E. B. Washburne:
   Recollections,
   1413 (1380-1381).

   W. Maurenbrecher:
   Founding of the German State,
   1413-1414.

   W. Müller:
   Political History,
   1414-1415 (1381-1382).

   W. O’C. Morris:
   Campaign of Sedan,
   1415-1416 (1382-1383).

   H. M. Hozier:
   Franco-Prussian War,
   1416-1417 (1383-1384).

   E. W. Latimer:
   France in the 19th Century,
   1417-1418 (1384-1385).

   C. A. Fyffe:
   Modern History,
   1420-1422 (1387-1389).

   H. Murdock:
   Reconstruction of Europe,
   1422 (1389).

   C. Lowe:
   Prince Bismarck,
   1422-1423 (1389-1390).

20. KING WILLIAM BECOMES EMPEROR
    (A. D. 1871):

   A. Forbes:
   William of Germany,
   1579-1580 (1544).

   R. Rodd:
   Frederick, Crown Prince,
   1580 (1544).

21. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE NEW EMPIRE:

   Proclamation by the Emperor,
   April 16, 1871,
   1580 (1544).

   Text of the Constitution,
   567-575 (547-554).

{798}

22. ESTABLISHMENT OF UNIFORM GOLD COINAGE
   (A. D. 1871-1873):

   J. L. Laughlin:
   History of Bimetallism,
   2264-2265 (2220-2221).

23. GOVERNMENT OF ALSACE-LORRAINE:

   C. Lowe:
   Prince Bismarck,
   1580-1581 (1544-1545).

24. THE CULTURKAMPF:

   J.N. Murphy:
   The Chair of Peter,
   1581-1582 (1546).

   S. Baring-Gould:
   Germany,
   1582 (1546).

   C. Bulle:
   History of Our Time,
   2542-2543 (3779-3791).

   The Political Speeches of Prince Bismarck,
   2543-2546 (3781-3784).

   "There is therefore great importance for the German Empire in
   the character that is given to our diplomatic relations with
   the head of the Roman Church, wielding, as he does, an
   influence in this country unusually extensive for a foreign
   potentate. I scarcely believe, considering the spirit dominant
   at present in the leading circles of the Catholic Church, that
   any Ambassador of the German Empire could succeed … by
   persuasion in exerting an influence to bring about a
   modification of the position assumed by His Holiness the Pope
   toward things secular. The dogmas of the Catholic Church
   recently announced and publicly promulgated make it impossible
   for any secular power to come to an understanding with the
   Church without its own effacement, which the German Empire, at
   least, cannot accept. Have no fear; we shall not go to
   Canossa, either in body or in spirit."
      BISMARCK.

25. ADOPTION OF THE PROTECTIVE POLICY:

   H. Villard:
   German Tariff Policy,
   3162-3163 (3079).

   C. F. Bastable:
   Commerce of Nations,
   3166 (3082).

26. INCREASING STRENGTH OF SOCIALISTIC PARTIES:

   É. de Laveleye:
   Socialism of To-day,
   3031-3032 (2953-2954).

   R. T. Ely:
   French and German Socialism,
   3032 (2954).

   J. Rae:
   Contemporary Socialism,
   3032 (2954).

   W. H. Dawson:
   German Socialism,
   3032-3033 (2955).

   W. H. Dawson:
   Bismarck and State Socialism,
   3033-3034 (2955-2956).

27. ACCESSION OF WILLIAM II. (A. D. 1888);
    RUPTURE WITH BISMARCK:

   The Times:
   Eminent Persons,
   1582 (1546).

   Fortnightly Review:
   Change of Government in Germany,
   1583 (1547).

   Hans Blum:
   The German Empire,
   1583-1584 (1548).

28. GERMAN COLONIZATION IN AFRICA:

   A. S. White:
   Development of Africa,
   21-23 (19).

29. ORGANIZATION OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE:

   I. Jastrow:
   Geschichte des deutschen Einheitstraumes,
   1584-1586 (3785-3787).

   Diplomatic Reports:
   Tariff Changes,
   Volume VI., 239-240;
   Volume VII., 639-640.

30. THE EMPEROR AND THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATS
    (A. D. 1894-1895).

   Speeches of the Emperor,
   Volume VI., 240-241.

   "You have, my children, sworn allegiance to me. That means
   that you have given yourselves to me body and soul. You have
   only one enemy, and that is my enemy. With the present
   socialist agitation, I may order you—which God forbid!—to
   shoot down your brothers, and even your parents, and then you
   must obey me without a murmur."
      THE EMPEROR, TO THE FOOT GUARDS.

   "Even the word 'opposition' has reached my ears. Gentlemen, an
   Opposition of Prussian noblemen, directed against their King,
   is a monstrosity. … I, in my turn, like my imperial
   grandfather, hold my Kingship as by the grace of God. … To
   you, gentlemen, I address my summons to the fight for
   religion, morality, and order against the parties of
   revolution. Even as the ivy winds round the gnarled oak, and,
   while adorning it with its leaves, protects it when storms are
   raging through its topmost branches, so does the nobility of
   Prussia close round my house. May it, and with it, the whole
   nobility of the German nation, become a brilliant example to
   those sections of the people who still hesitate. Let us enter
   into this struggle together. Forward with God, and dishonor to
   him who deserts his King."
      EMPEROR WILLIAM II.

31. THE KAISER WILHELM SHIP CANAL:

   United States Consular Reports,
   Volume VI., 241.

32. THE AGRARIAN PROTECTIONISTS:

   Annual Register,
   Volume VI., 242.

   T. Barth:
   Political Germany,
   Volume VI., 242-243.

   United States Consular Reports Sugar Bounties,
   Volume VI., 243,
   Volume VII., 635.

33. GERMAN ACTION IN CHINA (A. D. 1897-):

   Naval Expeditions to China,
   Volume VI., 244.

   United States Bureau of Statistics.
   Seizure of Kiao-Chau,
   Volume VI., 80.

   Great Britain,
   Papers by Command,
   Vol VI., 80-81, 85.

34. STATE SYSTEM OF WORKINGMEN’S INSURANCE
    (A. D. 1897-):

   United States Consular Reports, etc.:
   Volume VI. 244-245;
   Volume VII., 396, 509-11.

35. FOREIGN INTERESTS OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE:

   United States Consular Reports, 1899:
   Volume VI., 247.

36. GERMAN COLONIES AND COLONIAL POLICY:

   Great Britain, Papers by Command,
   Volume VI., 248.

   W. C. Dreher:
   The Year [1907] in Germany,
   Volume VII., 290-291.

37. INTRODUCTION OF THE CIVIL CODE
   (A. D. 1900):

   R. Sohm:
   The Civil Code of Germany,
   Volume VI., 248-249.

38. CENSUS AND STATISTICS OF THE EMPIRE
    (A. D. 1900-1907):

   W. C. Dreher:
   Atlantic Monthly,
   Volume VI., 251-252

   World’s Work,
   Volume VI., 252.

   London Times,
   Volume VII., 292.

39. GERMANIZING THE POLISH PROVINCES:

   E. Givskov:
   Germany and her Subjected Races,
   Volume VII., 288-289.

   R. Blennerhassett.
   The Polish Question,
   Volume VII., 293-294.

40. PRESENT POLITICAL PARTIES; THE SOCIALISTS:

   E. Sellers:
   August Bebel,
   Volume VII., 289.

   Election Reports, 1907, 1909,
   Volume VII., 291, 297.

41. CHANCELLOR BÜLOW’S "BLOC":

   The occasion of the "Bloc,"
   Volume VII., 290-292.

   The Breaking of the "Bloc,"
   Volume VII., 295-297.

42. THE MOROCCO QUESTION:

   The Kaiser’s Speech at Tangier, and after,
   Volume VII., 252-255.

43. THE TRIALS OF EDITOR HARDEN:

   The Outlook:
   Summary of Facts.
   Volume VII., 292-293.

44. EMPEROR’S INTERVIEW WITH AN ENGLISHMAN:

   Digest of Press reports,
   Volume VII., 294-5.

45. BUILDING OF DREADNOUGHTS;
    THE NAVAL PROGRAMME:

   British Parliament:
   Debate;
   Volume VII., 701-703.

   German Reichstag:
   Speeches,
   Volume VII., 705.

{799}

STUDY XLV.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


THE UNITED STATES FROM COMPROMISE OF 1850
TO CLOSE OF THE CIVIL WAR.


1. SEVENTEENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
   (A. D. 1852):

   A. Johnston:
   American Politics,
   3507 (3391).

   G. E. Baker:
   W. H. Seward,
   3507-3508 (3391-3392).

   E. Stanwood:
   Presidential Elections,
   3508 (3392).

2. APPEARANCE OF UNCLE TOM’S CABIN
   (A. D. 1852):

   J. F. Rhodes:
   History of the United States,
   3508 (3392).

   C. F. Briggs:
   Uncle Tomitudes,
   3508-3509 (3392-3393).

   Mrs. F. T. McCray:
   Uncle Tom's Cabin,
   3509 (3393).

   "It is but nine months since this Iliad of the blacks, as an
   English reviewer calls 'Uncle Tom,' made its appearance among
   books, and already its sale has exceeded a million of copies;
   author and publisher have made fortunes out of it, and Mrs.
   Stowe, who was before unknown, is as familiar a name in all
   parts of the civilized world as that of Homer or Shakespeare.
   … The book was published on the 20th of last March … and the
   publishers have paid to the author $20,300 as her share of the
   profits on the actual cash sales for the first nine months.
   But it is in England where Uncle Tom has made his deepest
   mark. … We know of twenty rival editions in England and
   Scotland, and that millions of copies have been produced. …
   Uncle Tom was not long in making his way across the British
   Channel, and four rival editions are claiming the attention of
   the Parisians, one under the title of ‘le Père Tom,’ and
   another ‘la Case de l’Oncle Tom.’"
      C. F. BRIGGS, IN PUTNAM'S MAGAZINE, JANUARY, 1853.

   "Of translations into different languages there are nineteen,
   viz: Armenian, one; Bohemian, one; Flemish, one; French, eight
   distinct versions, and two dramas; German, five distinct
   versions, and four abridgments; Hungarian, one complete
   version, one for children, and one versified abridgment;
   Illyrian, two distinct versions; Italian, one; Polish, two
   distinct versions; Portuguese, one; Roman, or modern Greek,
   one; Russian, two distinct versions; Spanish, six distinct
   versions; Swedish, one; Wallachian, two distinct versions;
   Welsh, three distinct versions."
      MRS. F. T. MCCRAY.

3. KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL;
   "SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY"
   (A. D. 1854):

   G. E. Baker:
   W. H. Seward,
   3509-3510 (3393-3394).

   S. A. Douglas:
   Treatise Upon the Constitution,
   3510-3511 (3394-3395).

   B. Tuckerman:
   William Jay,
   3511 (3395).

4. BIRTH OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY
   (A. D. 1854):

   H. Wilson:
   The Slave Power,
   3511-3512 (3395-3396).

   Nicolay and Hay:
   Abraham Lincoln,
   3512 (3396).

5. STRUGGLE FOR KANSAS:

   A. Johnston:
   American Politics,
   1977-1978 (1936-1937).

   J. F. Rhodes:
   History of the United States,
   3515 (3398-3399).

6. THE DRED SCOTT CASE:

   W. A. Larned:
   Negro Citizenship,
   3516 (3400).

   Goldwin Smith:
   The United States,
   3517 (3401).

   Text of the Decision of Chief Justice Taney,
   3516-3517 (3400-3401).

7. THE MORMON REBELLION IN UTAH
   (A. D. 1857-1859)

   T. Ford:
   History of Illinois,
   2277 (2233).

   J. Remy:
   Journey to Great Salt Lake,
   2277-2278 (2233-2234).

   H. H. Bancroft:
   The Pacific States,
   2278 (2234), 3709-3710 (3589-3590).

   J. Schouler:
   History of the United States,
   3710-3711 (3591).

8. THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE
   (A. D. 1858):

   W. H. Herndon:
   Lincoln,
   3517-3519 (3401-3403).

9. OREGON ADMITTED TO THE UNION
   (A.D. 1859):

   T. Roosevelt:
   Life of Benton,
   2454-2455 (2402-2403).

   H. Wilson:
   The Slave Power,
   2455 (2403).

10. THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD
    (A. D. 1840-1860):

   H. Wilson:
   The Slave Power,
   3007 (2929).

11. JOHN BROWN AT HARPER’S FERRY
    (A. D. 1859):

   H. Greeley:
   The American Conflict,
   3519-3520 (3404).

   H. von Holst:
   John Brown,
   3520 (3404).

   H. D. Thoreau;
   Last Days of John Brown,
   3520 (3404).

   "At the last, when John Brown, wounded and a prisoner, lay
   waiting his death … he writes, 'My health improves slowly, and
   I am quite cheerful concerning my approaching end, since I am
   convinced that I am worth infinitely more on the gallows than
   I could be anywhere else.' … One year after the execution of
   Brown, on the 20th of December, 1860, South Carolina declared
   its secession from the Union, and on May 11, 1861, the Second
   Massachusetts Regiment of Infantry was raised, which was first
   to sing on its march South,—'John Brown’s body lies
   mouldering in the grave. His Soul goes marching on.'"
      H. VON HOLST.

12. THE EIGHTH CENSUS (A. D. 1860),
    3521 (3405).

13. NINETEENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION; ABRAHAM LINCOLN
    (A. D. 1860):

   J. T. Morse, Jr.:
   Abraham Lincoln,
   3522 (3406).

   E. Stanwood:
   Presidential Elections,
   3522 (3406).

14. ATTITUDE OF THE SOUTH; SOUTH CAROLINA SECEDES:

   J. F. Claiborne:
   Life of Quitman,
   3522 (3406).

   H. S. Foote:
   War of the Rebellion,
   3523 (3407).

   Text of the Ordinance of Secession, and Declaration of Causes,
   3523-3525 (3407-3409).

15. PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S DISUNION MESSAGE;
    THE CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE:

   J. G. Blaine:
   Twenty Years in Congress,
   3526 (3410).

   J. W. Draper:
   The American Civil War,
   3526-3527 (3410-3411).

16. TREACHERY IN THE CABINET;
    SEIZURE OF FORTS, ARSENALS, ETC.:

   S. L. Woodford:
   Story of Fort Sumter,
   3527-3528 (3411-3412).

   E. McPherson:
   Political History,
   3528 (3412).

   H. Greeley:
   The American Conflict,
   3529 (3413)

17. "THE CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA":

   E. A. Pollard:
   First Year of the War,
   3529 (3413).

   A. H. Stephens:
   Speech Against Secession,
   3529 (3413).

   J. W. Draper:
   American Civil War,
   3531 (3415).

   J. L. M. Curry:
   The Southern States,
   3531-3532 (3415-3416).

   A. H. Stephens:
   Constitutional View of the War,
   3532 (3416).

   J. E. Cooke:
   Virginia,
   3759 (3638).

   V. A. Lewis:
   West Virginia,
   3759 (3638).

18. INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

   I. N. Arnold:
   Life of Lincoln,
   3533 (3417).

   Carl Schurz:
   Abraham Lincoln,
   3536-3537 (3420-3421).

   Full Text of the Inaugural Address,
   3533-3536 (3417-3420).

   (NOTE: The Story of the Civil War in "History for Ready
   Reference" covers more than 140 of its large, double-column
   pages. This matter would make an octavo Volume, similar to the
   standard historical works, of nearly 600 pages. The plan of
   these Studies will not admit of a detailed analysis of all
   this material, so that only the most significant, or pivotal
   topics will be treated. The development of the history is so
   clearly presented in Volume V. that a guide is hardly needed
   if one wishes to study the subject as a whole; while each
   individual topic may readily be found in the usual manner.)

{800}

19. ATTACK ON FORT SUMTER (APRIL 12, 1861):

   Governor Pickens:
   Official Records,
   3532 (3416).

   Abraham Lincoln:
   Complete Works,
   3537-3538 (3421-3422).

   J. G. Holland;
   Life of Lincoln,
   3538-3539 (3422-3423).

   "The fall of Sumter was the resurrection of patriotism. The
   North needed just this. Such a universal burst of patriotic
   indignation as ran over the North under the influence of this
   insult to the national flag has never been witnessed. It swept
   away all party lines as if it had been flame and they had been
   flax."
      J. G. HOLLAND.

20. PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S CALL TO ARMS
    (APRIL 15, 1861);

   Nicolay and Hay:
   Abraham Lincoln,
   3539-3540 (3423-3424).

   Goldwin Smith:
   United States,
   3540 (3424).

   B. J. Lossing:
   The Civil War,
   3540-3541 (3424-3425).

   Text of the Call to Arms,
   3539 (3423).

21. THE MORRILL, AND THE WAR TARIFFS:

   F. W. Taussig:
   Tariff History,
   3164-3165 (3080-3081).

   J. G. Blaine:
   Twenty Years in Congress,
   3165 (3081).

22. MONARCHICAL CRAVINGS IN SOUTH CAROLINA:

   W. H. Russell:
   Letter to London Times,
   3542 (3426).

23. ATTITUDE OF GREAT BRITAIN:

   Case of the United States before
   Tribunal of Arbitration at Geneva,
   3544-3545 (3428-3429).

   John Jay:
   The Great Conspiracy,
   3545 (3429).

   Text of the Queen’s Neutrality Message,
   3544 (3428).

   J. Watts:
   The Cotton Famine,
   993-994 (966-967).

24. FIRST BATTLE OF BULL RUN:
    JULY 21, 1861:

   W. J. Tenney:
   History of the Rebellion,
   3549 (3433).

   R. M. Hughes:
   General Johnston,
   3549-3550 (3433-3434).

   J. H. Stine:
   Army of the Potomac,
   3550 (3434).

   General McDowell:
   Report,
   3550-3551 (3434-3435).

   R. Johnson:
   War of the Rebellion,
   3551 (3435).

   General Beauregard:
   Report,
   3551 (3435).

   Comte de Paris:
   History of the Civil War,
   3552 (3436).

   General Slocum:
   Military Lessons of the War,
   3552 (3436).

25. THE TRENT AFFAIR:

   G. E. Baker:
   W. H. Seward,
   3560 (3444).

   W. H. Seward:
   Despatch to Lord Lyons,
   3560-3561 (3444-3445).

26. THE MONITOR AND THE MERRIMAC:

   S. Eardley-Wilmot:
   Development of Navies,
   3570 (3454).

   C. B. Boynton:
   History of the Navy,
   3570 (3454).

   F. B. Butts:
   The Monitor and the Merrimac,
   3570-3571 (3454-3455).

   J. T. Wood:
   First Fight of Iron Clads,
   3571-3572 (3455-3456).

   "No battle was ever more widely discussed or produced a
   greater sensation. It revolutionized the navies of the world.
   … In this battle old things passed away, and the experience Of
   a thousand years was forgotten. The effect of the news was
   best described by the London ‘Times,’ which said: ‘ Whereas we
   had available for immediate purposes 149 first class war
   ships, we have now two, these two being the Warrior and
   her sister Ironside. There is not now a ship in the
   English navy apart from these two that it would not be madness
   to trust to an engagement with that little Monitor.’ The
   Admiralty at once proceeded to reconstruct the navy."
      J. T. WOOD.

27. FARRAGUT’S CAPTURE OF NEW ORLEANS
    (APRIL, 1862):

   E. Shippen:
   Naval Battles,
   3574-3575 (3458-3459).

   L. Farragut:
   Life of Farragut,
   3575-3576 (3459-3460).

   D. D. Porter:
   Naval History of the Civil War,
   3576 (3460).

   M. Thompson:
   Story of Louisiana,
   3576-3577 (3460-3561).

   C. C. Chesney:
   Military Biography,
   3577 (3461).

28. THE HOMESTEAD ACT (A. D. 1862):

   T. Donaldson:
   The Public Domain,
   3579-3580 (3463-3464).

29. PRELIMINARY PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION
   (SEPTEMBER, 1862):

   J. A. Garfield:
   Works, 3596-3597 (3480-3481).

   G. S. Boutwell:
   Abraham Lincoln,
   3597 (3481).

   G. Welles:
   Lincoln and Seward,
   3597-3598 (3481-3482).

   Text of Preliminary Proclamation,
   3598 (3482).

30. THE FINAL PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION
    (JANUARY 1, 1863):

   H. Wilson:
   The Slave Power,
   3604 (3488).

   Nicolay and Hay:
   Abraham Lincoln,
   3604 (3488).

   Text of the Final Proclamation,
   3603-3604 (3487-3488).

31. PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND THE COPPERHEADS:

   J. T. Morse:
   Abraham Lincoln,
   3612-3613 (3497).

   Abraham Lincoln,
   Complete Works,
   3613-3615 (3497-3499).

32. TURNING POINT OF THE WAR;
    VICKSBURG, GETTYSBURG:

   U. S. Grant:
   The Siege of Vicksburg,
   3612 (3496).

   W. J. Tenney:
   Military and Naval History,
   3615 (3499).

   J. E. Cooke:
   Life General R. E. Lee,
   3616 (3500).

   General Doubleday:
   Gettysburg,
   3617-3619 (3503).

33. President Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address;
    The Amnesty Proclamation:

   Nicolay and Hay:
   Abraham Lincoln,
   3630-3631 (3514-3515).

   Abraham Lincoln:
   Complete Works,
   3632-3633 (3516-3517).

   Text of the Amnesty Proclamation,
   3632 (3516).

34. GENERAL GRANT IN GENERAL COMMAND:

   Nicolay and Hay:
   Abraham Lincoln,
   3636-3637 (3520-3521).

35. TWENTIETH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
    (A. D. 1864):

   H. J. Raymond:
   Life of Lincoln,
   3648-3649 (3533).

   E. Stanwood:
   Presidential Elections,
   3649 (3533).

36. DESTRUCTION OF THE ALABAMA:

   Senate Executive Document No. 31, 42d Congress, 31 (24).

   E. A. Pollard:
   The Lost Cause,
   31-32 (24-25).

   The Rebellion Record,
   32 (25).

37. SHERMAN’S MARCH TO THE SEA:

   U. S. Grant:
   Personal Memoirs,
   3659 (3543).

   Nicolay and Hay:
   Abraham Lincoln,
   3659-3660 (3543-3544).

   A. G. Bennett:
   Report,
   3663 (3547).

   A. Badeau:
   U. S. Grant,
   3663-3664 (3547-3548).

{801}

38. LINCOLN’S SECOND INAUGURAL;
    HIS LAST PUBLIC ADDRESS:

   Carl Schurz:
   Abraham Lincoln,
   3665-3666 (3549-3550).

   Text of the Inaugural Address,
   3666 (3550).

   Text of His Last Address, on Reconstruction,
   3668-3669 (3552-3553).

39. RICHMOND ABANDONED;
    SURRENDER AT APPOMATTOX:

   A. L. Long:
   Memoirs of R. E. Lee,
   3669-3670 (3553-3554).

   F. Lee:
   General Lee,
   3670 (3554).

   B. J. Lossing:
   The Civil War,
   3670-3671 (3554-3555).

40. ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN
   (APRIL 14, 1865):

   Nicolay and Hay:
   Abraham Lincoln,
   3671-3673 (3555-3557).

   H. Wilson:
   The Slave Power,
   3673 (3557).

   G. W. Julian:
   Political Recollections,
   3673 (3557).

41. END OF THE REBELLION;
    STATISTICS OF THE WAR:

   Nicolay and Hay:
   Abraham Lincoln,
   3673-3674 (3557-3558); 3676 (3560).

   U. S. Grant:
   Personal Memoirs,
   3674 (3558).

   H. Greeley:
   The American Conflict,
   3674 (3558).

   J. D. Cox:
   Surrender of Johnston,
   3675 (3559).

   Battles and Leaders of the Civil War,
   3675 (3559).

   J. G. Blaine:
   Twenty Years of Congress,
   3675-3676 (3559-3560).

   J. T. Scharf:
   The Confederate Navy,
   3676 (3560).

   V. Mott:
   Report of United States Sanitary Commission,
   2679 (2607).

   A. Spencer:
   Narrative of Andersonville,
   2679-2680 (2607-2608).

   Southern Historical Society Papers,
   2680 (2608).

   A. H. Stephens:
   War between the States,
   2680 (2608).


STUDY XLVI
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


UNITED STATES FROM THE CIVIL WAR TO THE WAR WITH SPAIN.


1. PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S VIEWS OF RECONSTRUCTION:

   A. Lincoln:
   Complete Works,
   3631-3633 (3515-3517); 3667-3669 (3552-3553).

   G. W. Julian:
   Political Recollections,
   3673 (3557).

   "I spent most of the afternoon [on the day of Johnson’s
   inauguration] in a political caucus, held for the purpose of
   considering the necessity for a new Cabinet, and a line of
   policy less conciliatory than that of Mr. Lincoln; and while
   everybody was shocked at his murder, the feeling was nearly
   universal that the accession of Johnson to the Presidency
   would prove a godsend to the country. Aside from Mr. Lincoln’s
   known policy of tenderness to the Rebels, which now so jarred
   upon the feelings of the hour, his well-known views on the
   subject of reconstruction were as distasteful as possible to
   radical Republicans."
      G. W. JULIAN.

2. ACCESSION OF VICE-PRESIDENT JOHNSON:

   H. Wilson:
   The Slave Power in America,
   3673 (3557).

3. CONDITIONS AT THE SOUTH;
   FIRST RECONSTRUCTION MEASURES:

   Reports of General Grant and Carl Schurz on Rebellious States,
   3678-3679 (3562-3563).

   J. G. Blaine:
   Twenty Years of Congress,
   3676-3678 (3560-3562).

4. END OF SLAVERY;
   THE FREEDMEN’S BUREAU:

   G. W. Julian:
   Political Recollections,
   3662 (3546).

   O. J. Hollister:
   Schuyler Colfax,
   3662 (3546).

   H. Wilson:
   The Slave Power,
   3665 (3549).

   G. W. Williams:
   The Negro Race,
   3679 (3563).

   O. Skinner:
   American Politics,
   3679-3680 (3564).

5. RECONSTRUCTION QUESTION IN CONGRESS;
   THE CIVIL RIGHTS BILL:

   S. S. Cox:
   Federal Legislation,
   3680 (3564).

   W. H. Barnes:
   The 39th Congress,
   3680-3681 (3564-3565); 3681 (3565).

6. RECONSTRUCTION BEFORE THE PEOPLE;
   THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT:

   W. H. Barnes:
   The 39th Congress,
   3682 (3566).

   J. G. Blaine:
   Twenty Years of Congress,
   3682 (3566).

   H. A. Herbert:
   Why the Solid South?
   3682-3683 (3566-3567).

   A. Badeau:
   Grant in Peace,
   3683 (3567).

7. RESTORATION OF TENNESSEE
   (A. D. 1866):

   J. G. Blaine:
   Twenty Years of Congress,
   3184 (3099).

   W. H. Barnes:
   The 39th Congress,
   3184 (3099).

8. THE TENURE OF OFFICE BILL:

   J. G. Blaine:
   Twenty Years of Congress,
   3683 (3567).

   W. H. Barnes:
   The 39th Congress,
   3683 (3567).

9. THE FENIAN MOVEMENT
   (A. D. 1866):

   J. McCarthy:
   History of Our Own Times,
   1833-1834 (1793-1794).

   G. Bryce:
   The Canadian People,
   393-394 (383-384).

10. THE KU-KLUX KLAN
    (A. D. 1866-1871):

   S. S. Cox:
   Federal Legislation,
   3683-3684 (3567-3568)

   H. Wilson:
   The Slave Power,
   3684 (3568).

11. PURCHASE OF ALASKA
    (A. D. 1867):

   W. H. Dali:
   Tribes of the Northwest,
   88 (81).

   H. Rink:
   The Eskimo,
   93 (86).

   H. H. Bancroft:
   The Pacific States,
   37 (30).

12. MILITARY RECONSTRUCTION ACTS:

   O. J. Hollister:
   Schuyler Colfax,
   3685 (3569).

   W. H. Barnes:
   The 39th Congress,
   3685 (3569).

   P. H. Sheridan:
   Personal Memoirs,
   2095-2096 (2052).

13. IMPEACHMENT OF PRESIDENT JOHNSON
    (A. D. 1868):

   T. P. Taswell-Langmead:
   English Constitutional History,
   1735-1736 (1696-1697).

   J. Forster:
   Historical Essays,
   845 (818).

   H. McCulloch:
   Men and Measures,
   3685-3686 (3570).

   J. G. Blaine:
   Twenty Years of Congress,
   3686 (3570).

14. TWENTY-FIRST PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
    CHOICE OF GENERAL GRANT
    (A. D. 1868):

   E. Stanwood:
   Presidential Elections,
   3686 (3570).

15. COMPLETED RECONSTRUCTION
    (A. D. 1868-1870):

   W. Allen:
   Governor Chamberlain in S. Carolina,
   3050-3051 (2970-2971).

   H. Wilson:
   The Slave Power,
   3687 (3571).

16. NATIONAL BANK SYSTEM;
    GOLD SPECULATION;
    BLACK FRIDAY
    (A. D. 1869):

   H. W. Richardson:
   The National Banks,
   2263-2264 (2219-2220).

   W. G. Sumner:
   History of American Currency,
   2264 (2220).

   A. S. Bolles:
   Financial History of the United States,
   2264 (2220).

   W. R. Hooper:
   Black Friday,
   2399-2401 (2349).

17. THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT;
    SUPPRESSION OF COLORED VOTE:

   H. Wilson:
   The Slave Power,
   3687 (3571).

   J. Bryce:
   The American Commonwealth,
   3688 (3572).

{802}

18. THE NINTH CENSUS
    (A. D. 1870), 3689 (3573).

19. TREATY OF WASHINGTON, AND GENEVA ARBITRATION
    (A. D. 1869-1872):

   B. J. Lossing:
   The Civil War,
   30-31 (23-24).
   Case of the U. S.,
   31 (24).

   R. Johnson:
   The War of Secession,
   32-33 (25-26).

   Argument of the United States,
   33-34 (26-27).

   Summary of the Treaty of Washington,
   34-35 (27-28).

   C. Cushing:
   The Treaty of Washington,
   34 (27); 35-36 (28-29).

20. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM:

   J. Fiske:
   Civil Government in the United States,
   490 (476).

   H. Lambert:
   Progress of Civil Service Reform,
   490-491 (476-477).

   G. W. Curtis:
   Address,
   491 (477).

21. TWENTY-SECOND PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
    (A. D. 1872):

   A. Johnston:
   American Politics,
   3689-3690 (3574).

   E. Stanwood:
   Presidential Elections,
   3690 (3574).

22. THE "DEMONETIZATION OF SILVER;"
    PANIC OF 1873:

   J. L. Laughlin:
   Bimetallism in the United States,
   3690 (3574).

   L. R. Ehrich:
   The Question of Silver,
   2261 (2217).

   Banker’s Magazine:
   The Panic of 1873,
   3690-3602 (3574-3676).

23. The Sioux War;
    Death of General Custer (A. D. 1876):

   A. Gallatin:
   Synopsis of Indian Tribes,
   110-111 (103-104).

   F. Whittaker:
   Life of Custer,
   3692 (3576).

24. THE CENTENNIAL EXHIBITION
    (A. D. 1876):

   C. B. Norton:
   World’s Fairs,
   3692-3693 (3576-3577).

25. TWENTY-THIRD PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
    THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION
    (A. D. 1876):

   E. Stanwood:
   Presidential Elections,
   3693-3694 (3577-3578).

   J. Fiske:
   Civil Government,
   3697.
   The Electoral Count Act (A. D. 1887),
   3699.

26. THE BLAND SILVER BILL
    (A. D. 1878):

   F. W. Taussig:
   The Silver Situation,
   3694-3695 (3578-3579).

   L. R. Ehrich:
   The Question of Silver,
   2262 (2218).

27. TWENTY-FOURTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
    ASSASSINATION OF GARFIELD:

   E. McPherson:
   Handbook of Politics,
   3695 (3579).

   J. C. Ridpath:
   Life of Garfield,
   3696 (3580).

28. THE TENTH CENSUS
    (A. D. 1880),
    3695 (3579).

29. TWENTY-FIFTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
    THE "MUGWUMPS"
    (A. D. 1884):

   E. McPherson:
   Handbook of Politics,
   3697 (3581).

   J. Bryce:
   The American Commonwealth,
   3697 (3581).

30. THE BERING SEA CONTROVERSY:

   American History Leaflets,
   3698 (3581-3582).

   The Bering Sea Arbitration,
   3698-3699 (3582).

   Messages of the President,
   Volume VI., 51.

   Treaty of Arbitration,
   Volume VI., 51-52.

   The Joint High Commission,
   Volume VI., 63-64.

31. THE INTER-STATE COMMERCE ACT
    (A. D. 1887), 3699.

32. ATTEMPTED TARIFF REVISION;
    THE "MILLS BILL"
    (A. D. 1887-1888):

   O. H. Perry:
   Proposed Tariff Legislation,
   3167-3168 (3083-3084).

   President Cleveland’s Tariff Message,
   3168-3169 (3084-3085).

33. TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
    (A. D. 1888):

   Appleton’s Annual Encyclopedia,
   3699 (3582).

34. OPENING OF OKLAHOMA;
    ADMISSION OF SEVEN NEW STATES
    (A. D. 1889-1890):

   D. H. Montgomery:
   Leading Facts of American History,
   3699-3700 (3582-3583).

   F. N. Thorpe:
   Recent Constitution-making,
   3700 (3583).

35. THE MCKINLEY TARIFF ACT
    (A. D. 1890):

   F. W. Taussig:
   Tariff History,
   3169-3170 (3086).

   Report of Committee on Ways and Means,
   3170 (3086).

   Political Science Quarterly,
   3170-3171 (3086-3087).

36. THE ELEVENTH CENSUS (A. D. 1890),
    3700 (3583).

37. FINANCIAL PANIC;
    REPEAL OF THE SHERMAN ACT
    (A. D. 1893):

   F. W. Taussig:
   The Silver Situation,
   3701 (3584).

   Political Science Quarterly,
   3701 (3584).

   H. A. Pierce:
   Review of Finance,
   3702 (3585).

   Message of the President,
   2262 (2218).

38. THE CHINESE EXCLUSION ACT;
    THE "GEARY ACT"
    (A. D. 1892):

   E. McPherson:
   Handbook of Politics,
   3702 (3585).

39. TWENTY-SEVENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
    (A. D. 1892):

   Appleton’s Annual Encyclopedia,
   3702 (3585).

   Political Science Quarterly,
   3702-3703 (3585-3586).

40. THE WILSON TARIFF BILL
    (A. D. 1894):

   Political Science Quarterly,
   3171-3172 (3087-3088).

   H. A. Pierce:
   Review of Finance,
   3173 (3088).

41. THE INCOME TAX
    (A. D. 1895):

   Political Science Quarterly,
   3172, first column (3088).

   Decision of the Supreme Court,
   Volume VI., 554-557.

42. THE VENEZUELA BOUNDARY DISPUTE
    (A. D. 1895):

   Despatch of Secretary Olney to Ambassador Bayard,
   Volume VI., 684-687.

   Reply of Lord Salisbury,
   Volume VI., 687-688.

   The Message of President Cleveland,
   Volume VI., 689-690.

   Commission to determine the Boundary,
   Volume VI., 690.

   Text of Arbitration Treaty,
   Volume VI., 691-692.

   Text of the Decision of the Tribunal,
   Volume VI., 692-693.

   J. Bryce:
   British Feeling,
   Volume VI., 559-560.

   A. Carnegie:
   The Venezuelan Question,
   Volume VI., 560.

43. Serious Financial Difficulties of 1895-1896:

   Messages and Documents,
   Volume VI., 560-562.

   Political Science Quarterly,
   Volume VI., 562.

44. TWENTY-EIGHTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
    (A. D. 1896):

   Conditions preceding,
   Volume VI., 563-564.

   Full Texts of Party Platforms,
   Volume VI., 564-573.

   The Campaign, and Results,
   Volume VI., 573-574.

{803}

45. PRESIDENT CLEVELAND’S VETO OF THE IMMIGRATION BILL
    (A. D. 1897):

   Text of the President’s Message,
   Volume VI., 574-576.

46. INDIANAPOLIS MONETARY COMMISSION
    (A. D. 1896-1898):

   Proceedings, January 12, 1897,
   Volume VI., 576.

   Hostile Attitude of the United States Senate,
   Volume VI., 576.

47. INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT MCKINLEY
    (A. D. 1897):

   The Inaugural Address,
   Volume VI., 580-581.

   His Cabinet,
   Volume VI., 581.

48. THE DINGLEY TARIFF ACT
    (A. D. 1897):

   Extra Session of Congress,
   Volume VI., 581.

   Analysis of the Bill,
   Volume VI., 581-2.

   F. W. Taussig:
   Tariff History,
   Volume VI., 582.

49. FIRST ARBITRATION TREATY WITH GREAT BRITAIN
    (A. D. 1897).

   Text of the Treaty,
   Volume VI., 577-579.

   Action of the Senate; Popular Indignation,
   Volume VI., 579-580.


STUDY XLVII.

   (Entirely in Volumes VI. and VII.)

THE UNITED STATES FROM THE OUTBREAK OF WAR WITH SPAIN
(1898) TO 1910.


1. CAUSES OF THE WAR:

   United States Senate Document, 54th Congress:
   Cuban Insurrection, A. D. 1895,
   Volume VI., 171-173.

   Captain-General Weyler:
   Concentration Orders,
   Volume VI., 173.

   President Cleveland:
   Message, A. D. 1896,
   Volume VI., 173-174.

   Text of Constitution granted by Spain to Cuba and Porto Rico,
   Volume VI., 175-180.

   General F. Lee:
   Cuba and her Struggle,
   Volume VI., 180, 181.

   Senator Proctor:
   Speech in Congress,
   Volume VI., 181-182.

   President McKinley:
   Message on the Destruction of the Maine,
   Volume VI., 583-584.

   President McKinley:
   Message on the Cuban Situation,
   Volume VI., 585-590.

   Resolutions of Congress and Declaration of War,
   Volume VI., 590-591.

2. OPERATIONS AND EVENTS OF THE SPANISH AMERICAN WAR
   (A. D. 1898):

   [The naval and military operations, engagements and other
   events, of the war, are narrated very fully and consecutively
   in about forty pages (591-638) of Volume VI., mostly in
   quotations from the reports of the officers who conducted
   them. This account covers the circumstances which brought the
   Filipino insurgents under Aguinaldo into connection with the
   American forces sent to lay siege to Manila, and the
   subsequent breach with them, when Aguinaldo was declared
   President of a Philippine Republic. It covers, also, the
   negotiation at Paris of the treaty of peace, the text of the
   treaty, and, in part, the debate and action of the United
   States Senate on the ratification of the treaty.]

3. ESTABLISHMENT OF AMERICAN AUTHORITY IN THE PHILIPPINES:

   Report of General Otis,
   August, A. D. 1899,
   Volume VI., 371-372.

   F. H. Sawyer:
   Inhabitants of the Philippines,
   Volume VII., 372-373.

   J. Foreman:
   Will the United States withdraw?
   Volume VI., 373.

   Official and other Reports and Statements,
   Volume VII., 373-375.

   Instructions by the President of the United States
   to the Military Governor,
   Volume VI., 375-376.

   Proclamation and Report of Military-Governor Otis,
   Volume VI., 376-377.

   Counter Proclamation of Aguinaldo,
   Volume VI., 377-378.

   President McKinley:
   Instructions to First Commission to the Philippines,
   Volume VI., 378-379.

   Philippine Information Society:
   Publication Number 7,
   Volume VI., 379-380.

   Reports of Philippine Commission, United States Secretary
   of War, Military-Governor Otis, and others, A. D. 1899-1900,
   Volume VI., 380-389.

   Instructions to the Second Commission,
   Volume VI., 389-392

   Appeal of Citizens of Manila,
   Volume VI., 392-393.

   Reports of the United States Secretary of War and of the
   Second Commission on the Civil Government of the Islands,
   Volume VI., 393-396.

   The Problem of the Friars,
   Volume VI., 396-399.

   Congressional grant of powers for Philippine Government,
   Volume VI., 399-401.

   Senator Hoar:
   Speech against the Subjection of the Philippines,
   Volume VI., 641-645.

   Organization of Provincial Governments,
   Volume VI., 401-402.

   Capture of Aguinaldo,
   Volume VI., 402-403.

4. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE GOLD STANDARD OF VALUE
   (MARCH 14, A. D. 1900):

   Report of the Secretary of the Treasury,
   Volume VI., 639-640.

5. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1900:

   Party Platforms and Nominations:
   Re-election of President McKinley,
   Volume VI., 646-666.

   Inaugural Address of President McKinley,
   Volume VI., 680-682.

6. CONSTITUTIONAL STATUS OF THE NEW POSSESSIONS:

   Supreme Court Decisions,
   Volume VI., 668-674, 683.

7. INCREASE OF THE STANDING ARMY
   (A. D. 1901):

   Act of Congress,
   Volume VI., 678-680, 682.

8. TWELFTH CENSUS (A. D. 1900):

   Statement of Population,
   Volume VI., 645-646.

   Apportionment of Representatives,
   Volume VI., 674-678.

9. ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT MCKINLEY;
   ACCESSION OF VICE-PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT
   (A. D. 1901):

   Message of President Roosevelt to Congress,
   Volume VII., 665-666.

   President Roosevelt’s Cabinet,
   Volume VII., 666.

   W. Wellman:
   Narrative of the Tragedy,
   Volume VII., 59-61.

10. ATTITUDE IN THE CASE OF VENEZUELA VS. GERMANY, ET AL
    (A. D. 1901-1904):

   U. S. Report on Foreign Relations,
   Volume VII., 684.

   Message of President Roosevelt,
   Volume VII., 684-685.

   H. W. Bowen:
   Queer Diplomacy with Castro,
   Volume VII., 685.

11. CONFERENCES OF AMERICAN REPUBLICS
    (A. D. 1901-1902 AND 1906):

   Reports of American Delegates,
   Volume VII., 20-25.

   Secretary Root:
   Address at Rio Janeiro,
   Volume VII., 24-25.

   Bureau of American Republics,
   Volume VII., 25.

{804}

12. THE UNDERTAKING OF THE PANAMA CANAL:

   First Hay-Pauncefote Treaty,
   Volume VI., 69-70.

   Second Hay-Pauncefote Treaty,
   Volume VII., 466-437.

   Messages of the President and Official Reports,
   Volume VII., 467-471.

13. MEASURES FOR THE REGULATION OF GREAT CORPORATIONS:

   [The first Federal legislation regulative of the railway
   service of commerce between the States, creating the
   Interstate Commerce Commission, in 1887, is briefly noted in
   Volume V., p. 3699 (3582). In six and one half pages of Volume
   VI., under the heading "Trusts" (pages 529-536), the rise of
   the great industrial and commercial combinations, which began
   at about the beginning of the present century to cause serious
   anxiety in the country, is related quite fully, from the
   report of the United States Industrial Commission created by
   Congress in 1898, and from other sources. In Volume VII.,
   under the two headings of "Combinations, Industrial and
   Commercial" (pages 116-135), and "Railways" (pages 547-558),
   an extended history of the vigorous proceedings of Government,
   between 1900 and 1910, to restrain wrong uses of the power
   which great corporate combinations of capital can acquire, is
   compiled. The particulars, of legislation, executive
   prosecution and judicial decision, are too numerous to be
   detailed here.]

14. NATIONAL MOVEMENT FOR THE CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES
    (A. D. 1901-1910).

   President Roosevelt’s Messages, etc.,
   Volume VII., 145-148.

   Conference of Governors:
   Declaration,
   Volume VII., 148-149.

   National Conservation Commission:
   Report,
   Volume VII., 149-151.

   President Taft’s Recommendations,
   Volume VII., 152.

15. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM UNDER PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT:

   A notable record,
   Volume VII., 104-108.

16. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF CUBA
    (A. D. 1902):

   Senate Document 312, 58th Congress, 2d Session, etc.,
   Volume VII., 174-177.

17. RESTORATION OF THE WHITE HOUSE
    (A. D. 1902):

   Charles Moore:
   Restoration of the White House,
   Volume VII., 667-668.

18. SETTLEMENT OF ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION
    (A. D. 1903):

   President Roosevelt:
   Message,
   Volume VII., 9.

   F. B. Tracy:
   Tercentenary History of Canada,
   Volume VII., 9.

19. FINANCIAL CRISIS
    (A. D. 1903-1904):

   New York Evening Post,
   Volume VII., 263.

20. FRAUDS IN LAND OFFICE
    (A. D. 1903-1906):

   Indictments and Prosecutions,
   Volume VII., 669.

21. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
    (A. D. 1904):

   Parties, Candidates and Platforms; Result,
   Volume VII., 669-671.

22. ARBITRATION OF NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES QUESTIONS
    (A. D. 1905-1909):

   Correspondence and Agreement,
   Volume VII., 446-448.

23. FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE TO SAN DOMINGO:

   President Roosevelt:
   Message,
   Volume VII., 583-584.

   Bureau of Insular Affairs:
   Report,
   Volume VII., 584-585.

24. MEDIATION BETWEEN JAPAN AND RUSSIA
    (A. D. 1905):

   President Roosevelt’s Proffer, and the Replies,
   Volume VII., 356-357.

   F. De Martens:
   The Portsmouth Peace Conference,
   Volume VII., 357.

   E. J. Dillon:
   Story of the Peace Negotiations,
   Volume VII., 357-358.

   Text of the Treaty of Portsmouth,
   Volume VII., 358-360.

25. VENEZUELAN COMPLICATIONS:

   An extended Account,
   Volume VII., 684-688.

26. CENTRAL AMERICAN MEDIATION, WITH MEXICO
    (A. D. 1906):

   Text of the resulting Treaty,
   Volume VII., 77-79.

27. NATIONAL PURE FOOD LAW
    (A. D. 1906):

   United States Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry:
   Bulletin 104,
   Volume VII., 520-522.

28. AT THE ALGECIRAS CONFERENCE
    (A. D. 1906):

   United States Secretary of State:
   Instructions to Delegates,
   Volume VII., 254.

29. RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CUBAN REPUBLIC
    (A. D. 1906-1909):

   U. S. Papers Relating to Foreign Relations,
   Volume VII., 178-180.

30. THE SAN FRANCISCO JAPANESE QUESTION
    (A. D. 1906):

   F. H. Clark:
   Anti-Japanese Agitation in California,
   Volume VII., 538-541.

31. MONETARY PANIC OF A. D. 1907:

   New York Evening Post,
   Volume VII., 264.

32. NEW LAW OF CITIZENSHIP
    (A. D. 1907):

   G. Hunt:
   The New Citizenship Law,
   Volume VII., 443-444.

33. PART TAKEN IN SECOND PEACE CONFERENCE AT THE HAGUE
    (A. D. 1907):

   United States Senate Documents, and other Sources,
   Volume VII., 716-722.

34. CRUISE OF THE BATTLE-SHIP FLEET
    (A. D. 1907-1909).

   Various Sources,
   Volume VII., 707-708.

35. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION,
    (A. D. 1908):

   Parties, Platforms, Candidates, Results,
   Volume VII., 674-678.

36. THE EMERGENCY CURRENCY ACT
    (A. D. 1908):

   Summary of the Act,
   Volume VII., 266.

37. PARTIAL REMISSION TO CHINA OF BOXER INDEMNITY
    (A. D. 1908):

   Correspondence on the Subject,
   Volume VII., 92-93.

38. UNDERSTANDING WITH JAPAN:

   Exchange of Notes on Policy to the East,
   Volume VII., 362.

39. COMMISSION TO LIBERIA:

   United States Secretary of State:
   Memorandum to the President,
   Volume VII., 414-417.

40. THE COUNTRY-LIFE COMMISSION:

   President Roosevelt:
   Letter,
   Volume VII., 679.

   Report of the Commission,
   Volume VII., 679-680.

41. New Copyright Act:

   New York Evening Post:
   Summary of the Act,
   Volume VII., 166-167.

{805}

42. THE PAYNE-ALDRICH TARIFF ACT
    (A. D. 1909):

   Party Promises of 1908,
   Volume VII., 641.

   C. F. Adams:
   On the Hearings at Washington,
   Volume VII., 641-642.

   President Taft:
   Statement on signing the Bill,
   Volume VII., 642.

   Woodrow Wilson:
   The Tariff Make-Believe,
   Volume VII., 644-645.

   S. W. McCall:
   Reasons for Satisfaction,
   Volume VII., 645-646.

   American Review of Reviews:
   On the Changes Made,
   Volume VII., 646.

   Outside Effects.
   Volume VII., 646-647.

43. PROPOSED INCOME TAX AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION:

   Governor Hughes, of New York:
   Objections stated,
   Volume VII., 681-682.

44. HANKAU-SZECHUAN RAILWAY LOAN QUESTION:

   President Taft:
   Message,
   Volume VII., 94-95.


STUDY XLVIII.

(Entirely in Volume VII.)

ENGLAND (GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND)
FROM THE DEATH OF QUEEN VICTORIA
TO THE DEATH OF EDWARD VII (1901-1910).


1. THE UNITED KINGDOM AND ITS EMPIRE IN 1901:

   Census of the United Kingdom,
   Volume VII., 229.

   Census of the British Empire,
   Volume VII., 51.

2. LAST YEAR OF THE BRITISH-BOER WAR
   (A. D. 1901-1902):

   The Times History of the War;
   Text of Treaty of Peace,
   Volume VII., 620-623.

3. IMPERIAL CONFERENCES WITH COLONIAL PREMIERS:

   Conferences of 1902 and 1907,
   Volume VII., 51-53, 53-57.

4. EDUCATION ACT OF 1902:

   Text of its Main Provisions,
   Volume VII., 196-197.

   J. G. Rogers:
   The Nonconformist Uprising,
   Volume VII., 197.

   J. Bryce:
   The New Education Bill,
   Volume VII., 197-198.

   J. Clifford:
   Passive Resistance,
   Volume VII., 198-199.

5. DEFENSIVE AGREEMENTS WITH JAPAN
   (A. D. 1902, 1905):

   Texts and explanatory Despatches,
   Volume VII., 342-343, 360-361.

6. LAND PURCHASE ACT FOR IRELAND
   (A. D. 1903):

   L. Paul Dubois:
   Contemporary Ireland,
   Volume VII., 330, 331-332.

   Text of main Provisions of the Act,
   Volume VII., 330-331.

7. PROPOSED RETURN TO A PROTECTIVE TARIFF,
   WITH "PREFERENTIAL TRADE"
   (A. D. 1903):

   J. Chamberlain:
   Speeches and Letter,
   Volume VII., 230-231.

   A. J. Balfour:
   Letter to Mr. Chamberlain,
   Volume VII., 232.

8. AGREEMENTS ("ENTENTE CORDIALE") WITH FRANCE
   (A. D. 1904):

   Text of the Agreements,
   Volume VII., 249-251.

   Lord Lansdowne:
   Explanatory Despatch,
   Volume VII., 252.

   A. Tardieu:
   France and the Alliances,
   Volume VII., 249.

9. THE "DOGGER BANK INCIDENT" OF RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR
   (A. D. 1904):

   Naval Annual:
   Abridged account,
   Volume VII., 352-353.

10. RETURN OF THE LIBERAL PARTY TO POWER
    (A. D. 1905):

   Campbell-Bannermann Ministry,
   Volume VII., 233-235.

11. RESTORATION OF SELF-GOVERNMENT TO THE BOER COLONIES
    (A. D. 1904-1905):

   Letters Patent from the Crown, etc.,
   Volume VII., 626-627.

12. EDUCATION BILL OF 1906:

   C. W. Barnes:
   Summary of its Provisions,
   Volume VII., 199-200.

   Sir H. Campbell-Bannermann:
   Resolutions on the Action of the Lords,
   Volume VII., 235.

13. FRIENDLY CONVENTION WITH RUSSIA
   (A. D. 1907):

   Text of the Convention,
   Volume VII., 255-257.

14. INSTITUTION OF "THE TERRITORIAL FORCE"
    (A. D. 1907-1908):

   Main Provisions of the Act,
   Volume VII., 693-694.

   Lord Roberts:
   Proposal of Compulsory Service,
   Volume VII., 694.

15. ACTION ON DISTURBANCES IN MACEDONIA
   (A. D. 1907-1908):

   Parliamentary Papers:
   Official Correspondence.

16. ACTION IN PERSIA DURING THE REVOLUTION
    (A. D. 1907-1908):

   Parliamentary Papers;
   Official Correspondence,
   Volume VII., 483-487.

   The London Times:
   Correspondence,
   Volume VII., 488-491.

17. DISAFFECTION IN INDIA;
    GOVERNMENTAL REFORMS
   (A. D. 1907-1909):

   The London Times:
   Correspondence,
   Volume VII., 312-14, 314-15.

   Sir H. Cotton:
   The New Spirit in India,
   Volume VII., 316.

   Dr. R. B. Ghose:
   Address to India Congress,
   Volume VII., 316.

   A. Iman:
   Address to All-India Moslem League,
   Volume VII., 316-317.

   Goldwin Smith:
   British Empire in India,
   Volume VII., 317.

   Report on Moral and Material Condition,
   Volume VII., 318-319.

   J. Morley (Viscount):
   Speech in Parliament on the Indian Councils Bill,
   Volume VII., 321-322.

   Text of main Provisions of the Act,
   Volume VII., 322-324.

18. CAMPAIGN OF ENGLISH "SUFFRAGETTES"
    (A. D. 1907-1909):

   Mrs. Pankhurst:
   Address in New York,
   Volume VII., 224.

   English Press Reports,
   Volume VII., 224-227.

19. OLD AGE PENSIONS ACT
    (A. D. 1908-1909):

   Summary of Provisions;
   Speech of D. Lloyd-George,
   Volume VII., 508-509.

20. HOUSING AND TOWN-PLANNING ACT (1909):

   Summary of its Provisions,
   Volume VII., 613.

21. BUILDING OF "DREADNOUGHTS" IN ENGLAND AND GERMANY
    (A. D. 1909):

   Lord Charles Beresford:
   Speech in London,
   Volume VII., 700.

   Cassell’s Magazine:
   The Dreadnought,
   Volume VII., 700-701.

   Speeches in British Parliament,
   Volume VII., 700-703.

22. CHANCELLOR LLOYD-GEORGE’S BUDGET;
    ITS REJECTION BY THE LORDS
    (A. D. 1909):

   D. Lloyd-George:
   Explanatory Speech in Parliament,
   Volume VII., 240-242.

   H. H. Asquith:
   Speech in Parliament,
   Volume VII., 242-243.

   Sir E. Grey:
   Speech at Leeds,
   Volume VII., 243.

   Lords Lansdowne, Rosebery, Balfour, James, et al:
   Speeches,
   Volume VII., 243-245.

   Proceedings, Votes, Parliamentary Dissolution, Election,
   Volume VII., 244-5, 246.

{806}

STUDY XLIX.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


CANADA.


1. DISCOVERY AND EARLY EXPLORATION:

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   58 (51).

   Sir A. Helps:
   Spanish Conquest,
   63 (56).

   J. G. Kohl:
   Discovery of Maine,
   2404-2405 (2352-2353).

   Father Charlevoix:
   New France,
   72-73 (65-66).

   E. Warburton:
   Conquest of Canada,
   74 (67).

   E. Hayes:
   Sir Humphrey Gilbert,
   76 (69).

2. THE ABORIGINES;
   THE NAME CANADA:

   D. G. Brinton:
   The Lenape,
   84 (77).

   J. W. Powell:
   Ethnological Report,
   85 (78).

   E. Warburton:
   Conquest of Canada,
   365 (355).

   F. Parkman:
   Pioneers of France,
   366 (356)

3. THE ARRIVAL OF CHAMPLAIN;
   ACADIA;
   PORT ROYAL
   (A. D. 1603):

   E. Warburton:
   Conquest of Canada,
   366 (356).

   F. Parkman:
   Pioneers of France,
   2437 (2385).

   G. Bryce:
   The Canadian People,
   367 (357).

   J. Hannay:
   History of Acadia,
   368-369 (358-359).

4. FOUNDING OF QUEBEC AND MONTREAL;
   DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN:

   W. Kingsford:
   History of Canada,
   367-368 (357-358).

   J. MacMullen:
   History of Canada,
   369 (359).

   J. R. Brodhead:
   History of New York,
   369 (359).

5. JESUIT MISSIONS:

   E. F. Slafter:
   Memoir of Champlain,
   371 (361).

   R. Mackenzie:
   America,
   371-372 (361-362).

   F. Parkman:
   Jesuits in North America,
   372 (362).

   E. Warburton:
   Conquest of Canada,
   373 (363).

   A. Bell:
   History of Canada,
   373 (363).

6. THE GREAT PIONEER EXPLORERS:

   G. Bryce:
   The Canadian People,
   372-373 (362-363).

   J. Fiske:
   Spanish and French Explorers,
   375-376 (365-366)

   B. A. Hinsdale:
   The Old Northwest,
   378-379 (368-369).

7. FIRST INTER-COLONIAL OR "KING WILLIAM’S" WAR
   (A. D. 1689-1697):

   G. Bancroft.
   History of the United States,
   376-377 (366-367).

   J. G. Palfrey:
   History of New England,
   377 (367).

   J. S. Barry:
   History of Massachusetts,
   378 (368).

8. SECOND INTER-COLONIAL OR "QUEEN ANNE’S" WAR
   (A. D. 1711-1713):

   R. Johnson:
   History of the French War,
   2362 (2314).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   379-380 (369-370).

   S. S. Hebberd:
   History of Wisconsin,
   380 (370).

9. THIRD INTER-COLONIAL OR "KING GEORGE’S" WAR
   (A. D. 1744-1748):

   J. Graham:
   History of the United States,
   2362-2363 (2314-2315).

   R. Brown:
   Island of Cape Breton,
   397-398 (387-388).

   J. G. Palfrey:
   History of New England,
   398 (388).

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   2363-2364 (2315-2316).

   R. Johnson:
   History of French War,
   2364 (2316).

   T. C. Haliburton:
   The English in America,
   2364-2365 (2316-2317).

   "As far as England was concerned the taking of Louisburg was
   the great event of the war of the Austrian succession. England
   had no other success in that war to compare with it. As things
   turned out, it is not too much to say that this exploit of New
   England gave peace to Europe."
      J. G. PALFREY.

10. THE FATE OF THE ACADIANS:

   J. Hannay: History of Acadia,
   2438-2439 (2386-2387).

   R. Johnson:
   History of the French War,
   2439-2440 (2387-2388).

   T. C. Haliburton:
   Nova Scotia,
   2440 (2388).

   F. Parkman:
   Montcalm and Wolfe,
   2440-2441 (2388-2389).

   C. C. Smith:
   Wars on the Seaboard,
   2441 (2389).

11. A BORDER WARFARE:

   F. Parkman:
   Montcalm and Wolfe,
   381 (371).

   G. E. Hart:
   The Fall of New France,
   381 (371).

   E. H. Roberts:
   New York,
   381 (371).

   J. H. Patton:
   The American People,
   381-2 (372).

12. THE "SEVEN YEARS," OR "FRENCH AND INDIAN," WAR
    (A. D. 1755-1763):

   F. Parkman:
   Montcalm and Wolfe,
   382-383 (372-373).

   G. E. Hart:
   The Fall of New France,
   383-384 (374).

   C. C. Smith:
   Wars on the Seaboard,
   398 (388).

   J. Marshall:
   Life of Washington,
   384-385 (374-375).

13. THE FALL OF QUEBEC;
    MONTCALM AND WOLFE
    (A. D. 1759):

   E. Warburton:
   Conquest of Canada,
   385 (375).

   W. Irving:
   Life of Washington,
   385-386 (375-376).

14. CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR:

   R. Johnson:
   History of the French War,
   386-387 (376-377).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   387-388 (377-378).

   T. H. Dyer:
   History of Modern Europe,
   2975 (2898).

15. THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION AND CANADA:

   J. G. Bourinot:
   Constitutional History of Canada,
   388-389 (378-9).

   G. Bryce:
   The Canadian People,
   389-390 (379-380).

   J. Fiske:
   War of Independence,
   3355, first column (3239).

   R. Hildreth:
   History of the United States,
   3365-3366 (3249-3250).

   Sir E. Creasy:
   Fifteen Decisive Battles,
   3366-3368 (3250-3252).

   H. W. Preston:
   Historical Documents,
   3403-3404 (3287-3288).

16. CONSTITUTIONAL ACT OF 1791;
    UPPER AND LOWER CANADA:

   J. E. C. Munro:
   Constitution of Canada,
   390 (380).

17. IN THE WAR OF 1812:

   See Study XL.

18. CONVENTION RELATING TO FISHERIES
    (A. D. 1818):

   H. W. Preston:
   Historical Documents, Article III.,
   3404 (3288).

   E. Schuyler:
   American Diplomacy,
   1151-1152 (1121-1122).

19. THE "FAMILY COMPACT";
    REBELLION OF 1837:

   G. Bryce:
   The Canadian People,
   390 (380).

   Earl of Durham:
   British North America,
   390 (380).

   J. McCarthy:
   History of Our Own Times,
   391 (381).

   W. P. Greswell:
   The Dominion of Canada,
   391 (381).

   Viscount Bury:
   Exodus of Western Nations,
   392 (382).

   W. P. Greswell:
   The Dominion of Canada,
   392 (382).

20. THE "CAROLINE AFFAIR";
    THE ASHBURTON TREATY
    (A. D. 1842):

   Viscount Bury:
   Exodus of Western Nations,
   392 (382).

   H. C. Lodge:
   Daniel Webster,
   392-393 (382-383).

   J. Schouler:
   History of the United States,
   3494-3495 (3378-3379).

21. OPPOSITION OF RACES;
    RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES
    (A. D. 1840-1865):

   Goldwin Smith:
   The Canadian Question,
   393 (383).

   Treaties and Conventions between the United States and
   Other Powers,
   3163-3164 (3079-3080).

   F. E. Haynes:
   Reciprocity Treaty,
   3164 (3080).

   H. J. Raymond:
   Life of Abraham Lincoln,
   3658 (3542).

{807}

22. FENIAN INVASIONS
    (A. D. 1866-1871):

   J. McCarthy:
   History of Our Own Times,
   1833-1834 (1793-1794).

   G. Bryce:
   The Canadian People,
   393-394 (383-384).

23. FEDERATION;
    THE DOMINION OF CANADA
    (A. D. 1867).

   J. G. Bourinot:
   Federal Government in Canada,
   1139-1140 (1111-1112).

   J. G. Bourinot:
   Constitutional History of Canada,
   394 (384).

   J. Bryce:
   The American Commonwealth,
   394-395 (384-385).

   Full Text of the Constitution,
   546-557 (526-537).

   "The Federal Constitution of the Dominion of Canada is
   contained in the British North America Act, 1867, a statute of
   the British Parliament (30 Vict., c. 3). … The Federal, or
   Dominion Government, is conducted on the so-called ‘Cabinet
   system’ of England, i. e., the Ministry sit in Parliament, and
   hold office at the pleasure of the House of Commons. … The
   distribution of matters within the competence of the Dominion
   Parliament and of the Provincial legislatures respectively,
   bears a general resemblance to that existing in the United
   States; but there is this remarkable distinction, that whereas
   in the United States, Congress has only the powers actually
   granted to it, the State legislatures retaining all such
   powers as have not been taken from them, the Dominion
   Parliament has a general power of legislation, restricted only
   by the grant of certain specific and exclusive powers to the
   Provincial legislatures. … The Constitution of the Dominion
   was never submitted to popular vote, and can be altered only
   by the British Parliament, except as regards certain points
   left to its own legislature. There exists no power of amending
   the provincial Constitutions by popular vote similar to that
   which the peoples of the several States exercise in the United
   States."
     JAMES BRYCE.

24. LATER ADMISSIONS;
    INCREASE OF TERRITORY:

   J. E. C. Munro:
   Constitution of Canada,
   2429 (2377).

   J. McCarthy:
   History of Our Own Times,
   395 (385).

   J. McCoun:
   The Great North West,
   395-396 (385-386).

   J. E. C. Munro:
   Constitution of Canada,
   333-334, 2658 (323-324, 2586).

   C. Cushing:
   The Treaty of Washington,
   2874 (2799).

   Viscount Milton:
   The San Juan Boundary,
   2874 (2799).

   Creation of New Provinces in 1905,
   Volume VII., 67.

25. THE FISHERIES QUESTION
    (A. D. 1818-1910):

   Treaties and Conventions Between
   the United States and Other Powers,
   35 (28).

   C. B. Elliott:
   The Northeastern Fisheries,
   1152 (1122).

   FINAL AGREEMENT FOR ARBITRATION (A. D. 1909),
   Volume VII., 446-448.

26. THE MANITOBA SCHOOL QUESTION
    (A. D. 1890-1896 and 1905):

   J. G. S. Cox:
   Mr. Laurier and Manitoba,
   Volume VI., 59-61.

   Text of the Encyclical Letter of the Pope,
   Volume VI., 62-63.

   The Outlook (A. D. 1905),
   Volume VII., 68.

27. IMMIGRATION;
    MOVEMENT FROM THE UNITED STATES.

   E. Farrer:
   Canada and the New Imperialism,
   Volume VII., 63.

   J. W. Dafoe:
   Western Canada,
   Volume VII., 63.

   London Times:
   Correspondence,
   Volume VII., 64.

28. RECENT IMPORTANT TREATIES AND AGREEMENTS:

   (a) Alaska Boundary.

   President Roosevelt:
   Message (1903),
   Volume VII., 9.

   F. B. Tracy:
   Tercentenary History of Canada,
   Volume VII., 9.

   Convention for fixing the Line,
   Volume VII., 9-10.

   (b) Waterways Treaty.

   Text of Treaty (1909) United States and Great Britain,
   Volume VII., 71-72.

   (c) General Boundary.

   Summary of Boundary Treaty (1908),
   Volume VII., 69-70.

29. IMPERIAL RELATIONS:

   Parliamentary Papers:
   Proceeding of Imperial Conferences of Colonial Premiers,
   1897, 1902 and 1907,
   Volume VI., 208-209; Volume VII., 51-57.


STUDY L.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


JAPAN.


1. EARLY HISTORY:

   B. H. Chamberlain:
   Things Japanese,
   1913-1915 (1873-1875).

   É. Reclus:
   The Earth and Its Inhabitants,
   1990 (3737).

2. JESUIT MISSIONS;
   A CENTURY OF CHRISTIANITY
   (A. D. 1550-1680):

   Quarterly Review, 1871:
   Christianity in Japan,
   1915-1916 (1875-1876).

   D. Murray:
   Story of Japan,
   1916 (1876).

   Sir E. J. Reed:
   Japan,
   1916-1917 (1876-1877).

3. OPENING OF PORTS TO FOREIGNERS
   (A. D. 1852):

   Inazo Nitobe:
   The United States and Japan,
   1917-1918 (1877-1878).

   Monument to Commodore Perry,
   Volume VI., 282-283;
   Volume VII., 341.

4. CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT
   (A. D. 1869--):

   T. Iyenaga:
   Development of Japan,
   1918-1919 (1878-1879).

   H. N. G. Bushby:
   Parliamentary Government in Japan,
   Volume VI., 277-278.

   Tokiwo Yokoi:
   New Japan,
   Volume VI., 278-279.

   Text of the Constitution of 1889,
   578-580 (554-557).

5. WAR WITH CHINA
   (A. D. 1894-1895):

   G. N. Curzon:
   Problems of the Far East,
   1990-1991 (3737-3738).

   Political Science Quarterly,
   1991 (3738).

   Great Britain,
   Papers by Command,
   Volume VI., 76-78.

6. ACQUISITION OF FORMOSA:

   J.H. Wilson:
   China,
   1185-1186 (3747).

   S. W. Williams:
   Middle Kingdom,
   1186 (3747).

   Treaty with China (1895),
   Article II. (b),
   Volume VI., 76.

   The Annual Register (1896),
   Volume VI., 279.

7. JAPAN AND RUSSIA IN KOREA
   (A. D. 895-898):

   United States Consular Reports,
   Volume VI., 288-289.

   Correspondence of London Times,
   Volume VI., 289.

{808}

8. PARTY ORGANIZATIONS;
   THE MARQUIS ITO:

   H. N. G. Bushby:
   Parliamentary Government in Japan,
   Volume VI., 279-280.

   Correspondence of the London Times,
   Volume VI., 282;
   Volume VII., 362-363.

   W. E. Griffis:
   Prince Ito’s Party,
   Volume VII., 343.

9. DISTRUST OF THE RUSSIANS IN MANCHURIA
   (A. D. 1901-1904):

   G. T. Ladd:
   In Korea with Marquis Ito,
   Volume VII., 341-342.

   Text of Russo-Chinese Treaty of 1902,
   Volume VII., 91-92.

10. DEFENSIVE AGREEMENTS WITH GREAT BRITAIN:

   Text of Agreements of 1902 and 1905,
   Volume VII., 342-343, 360-361.

11. WAR WITH RUSSIA
    (A. D. 1904-1905):

   United States War Department:
   Epitome,
   Volume VII., 343-345, 346, 348.

   E. J. Nojine:
   The Truth about Port Arthur,
   Volume VII., 345, 347-348, 350.

   Admiral Sir C. Bridge:
   In the Naval Annual,
   Volume VII., 346.

   Lord Brooke:
   An Eye-witness in Manchuria,
   Volume VII., 347.

   L. Hearn:
   Letter from Japan,
   Volume VII., 347.

   T. Sakurai:
   Human Bullets,
   Volume VII., 348-350.

   American Review of Reviews,
   Volume VII., 351-352.

   G. Kennan:
   The Naval Battle of Tsushima,
   Volume VII., 352-354.

   L. L. Seaman, M. D.:
   The Japanese Medical Service,
   Volume VII., 354-355.

   Official Japanese Statement of Casualties,
   Volume VII., 355-356.

12. THE PEACE TREATY OF PORTSMOUTH
    (A. D. 1905):

   American Mediation;
   President Roosevelt’s Proffer,
   Volume VII., 356.

   Official Correspondence and Preliminaries,
   Volume VII., 356-357.

   F. de Martens:
   The Portsmouth Peace Conference,
   Volume VII., 357.

   E. J. Dillon:
   Story of the Peace Negotiations,
   Volume VII., 357-358.

   Text of the Treaty,
   Volume VII., 358-360.

13. THE WAR DEBT; MATERIAL CONDITIONS:

   The London Times:
   Correspondence,
   Volume VII., 363, 362.

14. KOREA UNDER JAPANESE CONTROL
    (A. D. 1904-1909):

   Text of three Agreements of 1904 and 1905,
   Volume VII., 365-367.

   K. Asakawa:
   Korea and Manchuria under the New Treaty,
   Volume VII., 367.

   London and New York Press Correspondence,
   Volume VII., 367-370.

   Assassination of Prince Ito,
   Volume VII., 363-364.

15. DISPUTES WITH CHINA
    (A. D. 1905-1909):

   The London Times:
   Correspondence,
   Volume VII., 95, 97-98.

16. EXCHANGE OF NOTES WITH THE UNITED STATES
    ON POLICY IN THE EAST
    (A. D. 1908):

   Text of the Declaration,
   Volume VII., 362.

17. THE SAN FRANCISCO SCHOOL QUESTION:

   F. H. Clark:
   Anti-Japanese Agitation in California,
   Volume VII., 538-540.

STUDY LI.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


CHINA.


1. THE NAMES AND CHARACTER OF THE COUNTRY:

   H. Yule:
   Cathay,
   428 (416).

   E. Reclus:
   The Earth and its Inhabitants,
   428-430.

2. ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF THE PEOPLE:

   T. de Lacouperie:
   Chinese Civilization,
   246 (239).

   R. K. Douglas:
   China,
   430-432 (416-418).

3. RELIGIONS OF THE PEOPLE:

   R. K. Douglas:
   China,
   432-433 (418-419).

   T. Rhys Davids:
   Buddhism,
   433 (419).

   Abbé Hue:
   Christianity in China,
   1995 (1951).

4. THE MONGOL CONQUEST;
   EMPIRE OF KUBLAI-KHAN
   (A. D. 1150-1368).

   H. H. Howorth:
   The Mongols,
   2265 (2221).

   C. R. Markham:
   History of Persia,
   2265 (2221).

   H. Yule:
   Cathay,
   433 (419); 2266-2268.

   H. H. Howorth:
   The Mongols,
   433 (419).

   D. C. Boulger.
   China,
   2266 (2222).

5. THE MING AND MANCHU DYNASTIES:

   L. Ritchie:
   Oriental Nations,
   434 (420).

   H. A. Giles:
   Historic China,
   434-435 (420-421).

   T. T. Meadows:
   North China,
   2126-2127 (3791-3792).

6. THE OPIUM WAR;
   OPENING OF THE TREATY PORTS
   (A. D. 1839-1842):

   S. Walpole:
   History of England,
   435-437 (421-423).

   S. W. Williams:
   The Middle Kingdom,
   437 (423).

   C. P. Lucas:
   The British Colonies,
   1701.

7. THE TAIPING REBELLION (A. D. 1850-1864)
   "CHINESE" GORDON:

   S. W. Williams:
   The Middle Kingdom,
   438 (424).

   L. N. Wheeler:
   The Foreigner in China,
   438 (424).

   A. Forbes:
   Chinese Gordon,
   438-439 (424-425).

   R. H. Veitch:
   Charles George Gordon,
   439 (425).

8. THE WAR WITH ENGLAND AND FRANCE
   (A. D. 1856-1860):

   J. McCarthy:
   History of Our Own Times,
   439-441 (425-427).

9. FRENCH ACQUISITIONS IN INDO-CHINA
   (A. D. 1875-1879):

   A. H. Keane:
   Eastern Geography,
   3200-3201 (3114-3115).

   V. Duruy:
   History of France,
   1428 (1395).

10. THE BURLINGAME TREATY AND THE EXCLUSION ACT:

   W. Speer:
   The Oldest Empire,
   441-442 (427-428).

   E. McPherson:
   Handbook of Politics,
   3702 (3585).

11. THE CHINESE IN KOREA:

   É. Reclus:
   The Earth and Its Inhabitants,
   1990 (3736-3737).

   R. S. Gundry:
   China and Her Neighbors,
   1990 (3737).

   G. N. Curzon:
   Problems of the Far East,
   1990-1991 (3737-3738).

12. THE WAR WITH JAPAN
    (A. D. 1894-1895):

   Political Science Quarterly,
   1991 (3738).

   Korean Independence,
   Volume VI., 76.

   Text of the Treaty of Shimonoseki,
   Volume VI., 76-78.

{809}

13. TREATY WITH RUSSIA GIVING RIGHTS IN MANCHURIA .

   H. Norman:
   Russia and England,
   Volume VI., 78-79.

   Statistical Description of Manchuria in 1897,
   Volume VI., 301-302.

14. FOREIGN RESIDENTS OF CHINA
    (A. D. 1897)

   United States Consular Reports,
   Volume VI., 80.

15. EUROPEAN WRECKING OF THE EMPIRE BEGUN
    (A. D. 1897-1898):

   United States Bureau of Statistics,
   Volume VI., 80.

   Great Britain,
   Papers by Command,
   Volume VI., 80-83.

   The "Battle of Concessions,"
   Volume VI., 83-86.

16. RUSSIAN ACQUISITION OF PORT ARTHUR
    (A. D. 1898):

   Great Britain,
   Papers by Command,
   Volume VI., 86-88.

17. INCREASED DEMANDS OF FRANCE AND GREAT BRITAIN
    (A. D. 1898):

   Great Britain,
   Papers by Command,
   Volume VI., 88-89.

18. "OPEN-DOOR" COMMERCIAL AGREEMENTS
    SECURED BY THE UNITED STATES:

   U. S. Congressional Documents,
   Volume VI., 104.

19. EFFORTS TOWARD REFORM
    (A. D. 1898):

   Kang Yeu Wei:
   Revolution of 1898,
   Volume VI., 89-91.

   Great Britain,
   Papers by Command,
   Volume VI., 91-94.

   Blackwood’s Magazine:
   The Empress Dowager,
   Volume VI., 94-95.

20. OUTBREAK OF HOSTILITY TO FOREIGNERS
    (A. D. 1898-1900):

   United States Consular Reports,
   Volume VI., 95-101.

   Great Britain,
   Papers by Command,
   Volume VI., 95-101

   G. F. Wright:
   Letter to the Nation,
   Volume VI., 299

21. The Tsung-li Yamen:

   The Spectator (London, 1899),
   Volume VI., 101.

22. EARLY ACCOUNTS OF "THE BOXERS"
    (A. D. 1900):

   Great Britain:
   Papers by Command,
   Volume VI., 104-107.

   Robert Hart:
   The Peking Legations,
   Volume VI., 107-108.

23. NAVAL DEMONSTRATION OF THE POWERS
    (A. D. 1900):

   Great Britain,
   Papers by Command,
   Volume VI., 108-109.

   Telegrams from British Minister at Peking,
   Volume VI., 109-112.

   Official Reports,
   Volume VI., 112-113.

24. CHINESE IMPERIAL EDICTS
    (A. D. 1900):

   Correspondence of London Times,
   Volume VI., 114.

   Report by Minister Wu Ting-fang,
   Volume VI., 115.

25. SIEGE OF THE FOREIGN LEGATIONS AT PEKING
    (JUNE-AUGUST, 1900):

   Detailed Account by one of the Besieged,
   Volume VI., 115-128.

   London Times Correspondence,
   Volume VI., 115-128.

   United States Secretary of War, Report,
   Volume VI., 128-129.

26. CAPTURE OF PEKING BY ALLIED FORCES
    (AUGUST, 1900):

   Report of United States General Chaffee,
   Volume VI., 130-132.

27. HORRORS OF THE ALLIED INVASION:

   T. F. Millard:
   The Armies in China,
   Volume VI., 132.

   E. J. Dillon:
   Chinese Wolf and European Lamb,
   Volume VI., 132-134.

   Correspondence of London Times,
   Volume VI., 134-136.

28. FINAL NEGOTIATIONS OF POWERS WITH CHINA:

   Texts of Notes, Agreements, etc.,
   Volume VI., 137-143.

29. MURDERED MISSIONARIES AND CHRISTIANS:

   Several Detailed Statements,
   Volume VI., 143-144.

30. THE RUSSIAN GRIP ON MANCHURIA
    (A. D. 1901-1902):

   Text of Secret Treaty Secured,
   Volume VI., 300-301.

   Remonstrance of the United States Secretary of State,
   Volume VI., 144.

   United States:
   Papers on Foreign Relations,
   Volume VII., 91-92.

   G. T. Ladd:
   In Korea with Prince Ito,
   Volume VII., 341-342.

31. CHINESE INDEMNITY FOR THE BOXER RISING:

   Settlement of the Indemnity,
   Volume VII., 92.

   Remission of part by the United States;
   Correspondence,
   Volume VII., 92-93.

32. COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH THE UNITED STATES
    (A. D. 1903):

   J. H. Latané:
   America as a World Power,
   Volume VII., 94.

33. RAILWAYS AND RECENT RAILWAY QUESTIONS:

   D. C. Boulger:
   The Shanghai-Nanking Railway,
   Volume VII., 94.

   The Hankau Sze chuen Railway Loan Question,
   Volume VII., 94-95.

   Railway Agreements and Disputes with Japan,
   Volume VII., 95, 97-98.

   Russo-Chinese Agreement and the Kharbin Question,
   Volume VII., 100-102.

   Opening of the Peking-Kalgan Railway,
   VII., 545.

   Proposed neutralization of Manchurian railways,
   Volume VII., 102-103.

34. PROMISED CONSTITUTION OF REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT
    (A. D. 1908-1909):

   New York Tribune:
   Summarized translation of Decree,
   Volume VII., 95-96.

   Reaffirmation of the Decree,
   Volume VII., 99-100.

   London Times;
   Election and Opening of Provincial Assemblies,
   A. D. 1909, Volume VII., 102.

35. DEATH OF THE EMPEROR AND EMPRESS DOWAGER
    (A. D. 1908):

   Newspaper Reports,
   Volume VII., 99.

36. DISMISSAL OF VICEROY YUAN SHIH-KAI
    (A. D. 1909):

   Correspondence of New York Evening Post,
   Volume VII., 100.

37. OPIUM REFORM:

   United States Legation Report,
   Volume VII., 462-463.

   Tang Shao Yi:
   Address in London,
   Volume VII., 463-464.

   British Consular Report,
   Volume VII., 464.

38. AMERICAN TREATIES, VS. EXCLUSION LAWS:

   An Exhibit from the Documents,
   Volume VII., 538.

{810}

STUDY LII.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


RUSSIA.


1. ORIGIN OF THE PEOPLE AND THEIR NATIONAL NAME:

   V. Thomsen:
   Russia and Scandinavia,
   3009 (2931); 2829 (2755).

   A. Lefèvre:
   Race and Language,
   3009 (2931).

   G. Finlay:
   Byzantine Empire,
   521 (507).

2. EARLY RELATIONS WITH BYZANTINE EMPIRE:

   G. Finlay:
   Byzantine Empire,
   2829-2830 (2755-2756); 521-522 (507-508).

   G. F. Maclear:
   Conversion of the West,
   480-481 (466-467).

3. THE MONGOL CONQUEST
   (A. D. 1237-1239);

   H. Yule:
   Cathay,
   2267-2268 (2222-2224).

   C. I. Black:
   Proselytes of Ishmael,
   2268 (2224).

   H. H. Howorth:
   History of the Mongols,
   2268 (2224).

4. TWO CENTURIES OF TARTAR DOMINATION
   (A. D. 1237-1480):

   J. C. Prichard:
   Races of Mankind,
   3173 (3089).

   P. A. Kropotkine:
   Tartars,
   3173 (3089).

   C. F. Johnstone:
   Historical Abstracts,
   2830-2832 (2756-2758).

   A. Leroy-Beaulieu:
   Empire of the Tsars,
   2832 (2758).

5. INVASION OF THE POLES;
   ORIGIN OF THE ROMANOFFS:

   H. S. Edwards:
   The Romanoffs,
   2832-2833 (2758).

   H. Krasinski:
   Cossacks of the Ukraine,
   641-642 (618-619).

   W. R. Morfil:
   The Story of Russia,
   2619 (2551).

6. ASSUMPTION OF THE TITLE "TSAR"
   (A. D. 1547):

   A. Rambaud:
   History of Russia,
   2833 (2759).

   W. K. Kelly:
   Russia,
   2833 (2759).

7. CONQUEST OF SIBERIA
   (A. D. 1580):

   W. Coxe:
   Russian Discoveries,
   2979 (2902).

   United States Bureau of Statistics,
   2980.

8. WARS WITH TURKS AND SWEDEN:

   Sir E. S. Creasy:
   The Ottoman Turks,
   2833-2834 (2759-2760).

   J. L. Stevens:
   Gustavus Adolphus,
   2897 (2822).

9. GREAT RELIGIOUS SCHISM,—"THE RASCOL"
   (A. D. 1655-1660):

   W. R. Morfil:
   Story of Russia,
   2834 (2760).

   Stepniak:
   The Russian Peasantry,
   2834 (2760).

10. PETER THE GREAT;
    THE CONQUEST OF AZOV:

   Voltaire:
   Charles XII.,
   2834-2835 (2760-2761).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   3259-3260 (3143-3144)

   J. N. Earned:
   Europe,
   1108 (1080).

11. WAR WITH CHARLES XII. OF SWEDEN
    (A. D. 1697-1718):

   Voltaire:
   Charles XII.,
   2899-2900 (2824-2825).

   A. Crichton:
   Scandinavia,
   2900-2901 (2825-2826).

   W. C. Taylor:
   Modern History,
   2903 (2826-2828).

12. FOUNDING OF ST. PETERSBURG
    (A. D. 1703):

   E. Schuyler:
   Peter the Great,
   2835-2836 (2761-2762).

13. FROM PETER THE GREAT TO CATHERINE II.
    (A. D. 1725-1762):

   W. R. Morfil:
   Story of Russia,
   2836-2837 (2762-2763).

   W. K. Kelly:
   History of Russia,
   2837 (2763).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   2837-2838 (2763-2764).

   A. Rambaud:
   History of Russia,
   2838 (2764).

14. REIGN OF CATHERINE II.
   (A. D. 1762-1796):

   Lardner:
   History of Russia,
   2839 (2765).

   C. F. Johnstone:
   Historical Abstracts,
   2839-2840 (2765-2766).

   Edinburgh Review:
   Empress Catherine II.,
   2840 (2766).

   R. Waliszewski:
   Romance of an Empress,
   2840-2841 (2766-2767).

   H. Frederic:
   The New Exodus,
   1971 (1930).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1115-1116 (1087-1088).

15. ASSASSINATION OF PAUL
    (A. D. 1801):

   A. Czartoryski:
   Memoirs,
   2841-2842 (2867-2868).

16. ALEXANDER I.;
    ALLIANCES AGAINST NAPOLEON
    (A. D. 1801-1807):

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   1375 (1342).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   1545-1546 (1511-1512).

   A. Rambaud:
   History of Russia,
   1546-1547 (1513).

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   1547 (1513).

   C. Joyneville:
   Life of Alexander I.,
   1547-1548 (1513-1514).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Finland,
   2905-2906 (2830-2831).

17. NAPOLEON’S INVASION
    (A. D. 1812):

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   1385-1386 (1351-1352).

   P. Lanfrey:
   History of Napoleon,
   1384 (1351).

   A. Rambaud:
   History of Russia,
   2842-2843 (2768-2769).

   L. Tolstoi:
   Napoleon and the Russian Campaign,
   2843-2844 (2769-2770).

   A. Thiers:
   History of the Empire,
   2844-2845 (2771).

   V. Duruy:
   History of France,
   2845-2846 (2771-2772).

   General R. Wilson:
   The Invasion of Russia,
   2846-2847 (2772-2773).

   E. Labaume:
   The Campaign in Russia,
   2847 (2773).

18. ALLIANCE OF RUSSIA AND PRUSSIA: LEIPSIC
    (A. D. 1812-1813):

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   1555-1556 (1521-1522).

   J. Mitchell:
   The Fall of Napoleon,
   1557-1558 (1423-1424).

   J. G. Lockhart:
   Life of Napoleon,
   1558-1559 (1525).

   R. H. Horne:
   History of Napoleon,
   1559-1560 (1526).

   C. T. Lewis:
   History of Germany,
   1561-1562 (1527-1528).

   W. Hazlitt:
   Life of Napoleon,
   1562-1563 (1528-1529).

   G. R. Gleig.
   The Leipsic Campaign,
   1563 (1529).

19. THE ALLIES IN PARIS;
    FALL OF NAPOLEON
    (A. D. 1814):

   A. Rambaud:
   History of Russia,
   1387-1389 (1354-1356).

   J. Mitchell:
   Fall of Napoleon,
   1389-1391 (1356-1358).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   1391-1392 (1358-1359).

20. THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA:

   C. A. Fyffe:
   Modern Europe,
   3745-3747 (3624-3626).

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   3747 (3626).

21. ALEXANDER I. AND THE HOLY ALLIANCE:

   M. E. G. Duff:
   European Politics,
   1696-1697 (1658).

   E. Hertslet:
   Europe by Treaty,
   1697 (1658).

   W. R. Thayer:
   Dawn of Italian Independence,
   1697-1698 (1658-1659).

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   3741 (3621).

   F. H. Hill:
   George Canning,
   3741 (3621).

   R. Bell:
   Life of Canning,
   3741-3742 (3621-3622).

22. REVOLT OF RUSSIAN POLAND
    (A. D. 1830-1832):

   S. Walpole:
   History of England,
   2625-2626 (2557-2558).

23. THE CRIMEAN WAR
    (A. D. 1853-1856):

   R. Walpole:
   Foreign Relations,
   2848-2849 (2774-2775).

   J. McCarthy:
   History of Our Own Times,
   2849-2850 (2775-2776).

   W. N. Molesworth:
   History of England,
   2851-2852 (2777-2778).

   L. C. Sanders:
   Life of Palmerston,
   992 (965).

   S. Walpole:
   History of England,
   2853-2855 (2779-2781).

{811}

24. EMANCIPATION OF THE SERFS
    (A. D. 1861):

   D. M. Wallace:
   Russia,
   2995 (2917).

   The Times:
   Alexander II.,
   2995 (2917).

   W. H. Dixon:
   Free Russia,
   2995-2996 (2917-2918).

   Stepniak:
   The Russian Peasantry,
   2996 (2918).

25. RUSSIAN ADVANCE IN CENTRAL ASIA
    (A. D. 1869-1881):

   T. W. Knox:
   Decisive Battles,
   2856-2857 (2782-2783).

   C. H. Pearson:
   National Life,
   2857 (2783).

   É. Reclus:
   The Earth and its Inhabitants,
   3246 (3130).

   J. F. Bright:
   History of England,
   15-17 (15-17).

   The Anglo-Russian Agreement as to Frontiers,
   Volume VI., 1.

26. WAR WITH TURKEY
    (A. D. 1877-1878):

   Cassell’s History of England,
   259-261 (252-254).

   S. Walpole:
   Foreign Relations,
   3268-3269 (3152-3153).

   T. W. Knox:
   Decisive Battles,
   3269-3270 (3153-3154).

   E. Ollier:
   The Russo-Turkish War,
   3270 (3154).

   J. McCarthy:
   History of Our Own Times,
   3270-3271 (3154-3155).

   E. Ollier:
   The Russo-Turkish War,
   3271-3272 (3156).

   W. Müller:
   Political History,
   3272-3273 (3156-3157).

27. THE RISE AND SPREAD OF NIHILISM
    (A. D. 1861-):

   J. Rae:
   Contemporary Socialism,
   3026-3027 (2948-2949).

   E. P. Bazan:
   Russia,
   2413-2414 (2361-2362).

   Georg Brandes:
   Impressions of Russia,
   2414 (2362).

   Stepniak:
   Underground Russia,
   2414 (2362).

   C. Joyneville:
   Life of Alexander II.,
   2857-2859 (2783-2785).

28. ALEXANDER III. (A. D. 1881-1894);
    JEWISH PERSECUTION:

   F. H. Geffcken:
   Russia Under Alexander III.,
   2859-2860 (2785-2786).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   Israel Among the Nations,
   1972 (1931).

   C. N. Barham:
   The Jews in Russia,
   1972-1973 (1931-1932).

29. ACCESSION OF NICHOLAS II.
    (A. D. 1894):

   Proclamation of the Accession,
   2860 (2786).

   Frightful Calamity at the Coronation,
   Volume VI., 423.

   Liberal Policy of Nicholas,
   Volume VI., 423.

30. THE FIRST CENSUS OF THE EMPIRE
    (A. D. 1897):

   E. J. Dillon:
   The First Russian Census,
   Volume VI., 423-424.

31. RUSSIA IN CHINA
    (A. D. 1895-):

   H. Norman:
   Russia and England,
   Volume VI., 78-79.

   Great Britain,
   Papers by Command,
   Volume VI., 86-88, 101.

32. RUSSIA IN FINLAND
    (A. D. 1898-1901):

   R. Eucken:
   The Finnish Question,
   Volume VI., 234.

   Correspondence of the London Times,
   Volume VI., 224.

33. THE STUDENT OUTBREAKS
    (A. D. 1899-1902):

   Detailed Accounts from Various Sources,
   Volume VI., 424, 425-427;
   Volume VII., 563.

34. AGGRESSIVE MOVEMENTS IN MANCHURIA
   (A. D. 1900-1902):

   G. F. Wright:
   in the Nation,
   Volume VI., 299-301.

   Text of the Convention with China of 1901,
   Volume VI., 300-301.

   Text of Treaty of April, 1902,
   Volume VII., 91-92.

   G. T. Ladd:
   In Korea with Marquis Ito,
   Volume VII., 341-342.

   New Agreement of May, 1909,
   Volume VII., 100.

35. TRANSPORTATION TO SIBERIA:

   G. F. Kennan:
   The Settlement of Siberia,
   2980.

   Order of Tsar to abolish the System,
   Volume VI., 425.

36. THE TRANS-SIBERIAN RAILWAY
    (A. D. 1891):

   Great Britain,
   Papers by Command,
   Volume VI., 428-429.

   A. H. Ford:
   Railways in Asia,
   Volume VI., 429.

   United States Consular Reports,
   Volume VI., 429.

37. REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS
    (A. D. 1902-1905):

   K. Zilliacus:
   Russian Revolutionary Movement,
   Volume VII., 563-564.

   F. Volkhovsky:
   The Russian Awakening,
   Volume VII., 564-565.

   H. W. Nevinson:
   The Dawn in Russia,
   567.

   Imperial Manifestos:
   The so-called Constitution of October 30, 1905,
   Volume VII., 568-569.

   United States Consul:
   Diary of Rising at Moscow,
   Volume VII., 570-571.

   Annual Register:
   Naval Mutiny, Army Revolt, etc.,
   Volume VII., 571.

   Imperial Decree of Religious Liberty,
   Volume VII., 571-572.

38. WAR WITH JAPAN
    (A. D. 1904-1905):

   (See in Study L.).

39. THE FIRST, SECOND AND THIRD DUMAS
    (A. D. 1906-1909):

   U. S. Ambassador Meyer:
   Despatches relating to First Duma,
   Volume VII., 572-573.

   Imperial Manifesto dissolving the Duma,
   Volume VII., 574.

   Viborg Address of Duma Members to the People.
   Volume VII., 574.

   Imperial Edict of Reforms,
   Volume VII., 574-575.

   The Short-lived Second Duma,
   Volume VII., 575.

   E. J. Dillon:
   On the Election and Character of the Third Duma,
   Volume VII., 576-577.

40. THE POLICY OF MASSACRE ("POGROMS");
    THE POLICE "AGENT PROVOCATEUR":

   Prince Urussoff:
   Speech in the First Duma,
   Volume VII., 573.

   Prince Kropotkin:
   Letter to The Times,
   573-574.

   British Parliamentary Paper:
   Massacre of Jews at Kishineff,
   Volume VII., 565-566.

   Russian Police System:
   The Azeff Case,
   Volume VII., 579.

41. THE RUSSIANIZING OF FINLAND:

   Particulars from various sources,
   Volume VII., 270-273.

42. AGREEMENTS WITH GREAT BRITAIN:

   Text of Convention (A. D. 1907),
   with Explanatory Despatches,
   Volume VII., 255-7.

43. Submission to a German Menace
    (A. D. 1909):

   The London Times:
   Editorial Statement,
   Volume VII., 260-261.

44. PRESENT CONDITIONS IN THE EMPIRE
    (A. D. 1909):

   Differing Accounts,
   Volume VII., 580-581.

{812}

STUDY LIII.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


THE TURKISH EMPIRE.


1. RACE AND ORIGIN OF THE TURKS:

   H. H. Howorth:
   History of the Mongols,
   2265 (2221).

   F. Lenormant:
   Ancient History,
   3245 (3129).

   J. C. Prichard:
   Races of Mankind,
   3173 (3089).

   E. A. Freeman:
   The Ottoman Power in Europe,
   252 (245).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   3246-3247 (3130-3131).

   W. Smith:
   Note to above,
   3246 (3130).

2. RISE OF THE OTTOMAN TURKS FROM WRECK OF MONGOL CONQUESTS
   (A. D. 1218-1240):

   C. R. Markham,
   History of Persia,
   2265.

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   3249-3250 (3133-3134).

   Sir E. S. Creasy:
   The Ottoman Turks,
   3250 (3134).

   E. A. Freeman.
   The Ottoman Power,
   3250 (3134).

3. THEIR ENTRY INTO EUROPE
   (A. D. 1360):

   J. E. Tennent:
   Modern Greece,
   3250-3251 (3134-3135).

   Sir E. S. Creasy:
   The Ottoman Turks,
   3251 (3135).

   E. Gibbon:
   Decline and Fall,
   3251-3252 (3135-3136).

4. THE CAREER OF TIMOUR, THE TARTAR:

   E. S. Creasy:
   The Ottoman Turks,
   3197 (3112).

   E. A. Freeman:
   Conquests of the Saracens,
   3197 (3112).

   A. Vambery:
   History of Bokhara,
   3197-3198 (3112-3113).

5. THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE
   (A. D. 1453):

   Sir E. S. Creasy:
   The Ottoman Turks,
   3252-3253 (3136-3137).

   E. A. Freeman:
   The Ottoman Power,
   3253 (3137).

   C. C. Felton:
   Greece, Ancient and Modern,
   524 (510).

   G. Finlay:
   The Byzantine Empire,
   524-525 (511).

6. THE "SUBLIME PORTE":

   Sir E. S. Creasy:
   The Ottoman Turks,
   3119-3120 (3036-3037).

   A. H. Sayce:
   Fresh Light from the Monuments,
   2595 (2528).

7. WARS OF SOLYMAN "THE MAGNIFICENT"
   (A. D. 1520-1566):

   W. Robertson:
   Reign of Charles V.,
   1702-1703 (1663-1664).

   Sir E. S. Creasy:
   The Ottoman Turks,
   1713-1714 (1674-1675).

   E. Szabad:
   Hungary,
   1714 (1675).

   N. W. Wraxhall:
   History of France,
   1882-1883 (1843).

   S. Lane-Poole:
   The Barbary Corsairs,
   269-270 (260-261).

   W. H. Prescott:
   Philip II.,
   1703-1704 (1664-1665).

8. WAR WITH THE HOLY LEAGUE;
   THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO
   (A. D. 1571):

   W. H. Prescott:
   Philip II.,
   3255-3257 (3139-3141).

   R. Watson:
   History of Philip II.,
   3257 (3141).

   C. F. Johnstone:
   Historical Abstracts,
   3257-3258 (3141-3142).

   "It [Lepanto] was indeed a sanguinary battle, surpassing in
   this particular any sea-fight of modern times. The loss fell
   much the most heavily on the Turks. There is the usual
   discrepancy about numbers; but it may be safe to estimate
   their loss at nearly 25,000 slain and 5000 prisoners. What
   brought most pleasure to the hearts of the conquerors was the
   liberation of 12,000 Christian captives, who had been chained
   to the oar on board the Moslem galleys, and who now came
   forth, with tears of joy streaming down their haggard cheeks,
   to bless their deliverers. … The news of the victory of
   Lepanto caused a profound sensation throughout Christendom. …
   It is a great error to speak of the victory of Lepanto as a
   barren victory. True, it did not strip the Turks of an inch of
   territory. But the loss of reputation—that tower of strength
   to the conqueror—was not to be estimated."
      W. H. PRESCOTT.

9. THE WAR WITH PERSIA, AND THE CONQUEST OF CRETE
   (A. D. 1623-1670):

   R. W. Fraser:
   Turkey,
   3258 (3142).

   Sir E. S. Creasy:
   The Ottoman Turks,
   3258 (3142).

   G. Finlay:
   History of Greece,
   3258-3259 (3142-3143).

10. GREAT INVASIONS OF POLAND AND HUNGARY
    (A. D. 1670-1690):

   Chambers’ History of Poland,
   2619-2620 (2551-2552).

   Sir E. S. Creasy:
   The Ottoman Turks,
   1719-1720 (1680-1681).

   H. E. Malden:
   Vienna,
   1720 (1681).

   G. B. Malleson:
   Eugene of Savoy,
   1720-1721 (1682).

11. A CENTURY OF AGGRESSION ON THE EUROPEAN FRONTIER
    (A. D. 1680-1780):

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   3259-3260 (3143-3144).

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   3260 (3144).

   W. K. Kelly:
   History of Russia,
   2837 (2763).

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   3260-3261 (3144-3145).

   R. Bell:
   History of Russia,
   3261-3262 (3145-3146).

12. TURKEY IN THE NAPOLEONIC WARS:

   Sir J. Porter:
   Turkey,
   3262-3263 (3146-3147).

   H. Van Laun:
   The Revolutionary Epoch,
   1355 (1322).

   H. Martineau:
   History of England,
   3263-3264 (3147-3148).

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   1547 (1513).

   C. Joyneville:
   Life of Alexander I.,
   1547-1548 (1513-1514).

13. GRADUAL RESTRICTION OF TURKISH TERRITORY:

   T. W. Knox:
   Decisive Battles,
   1644-1646 (1606-1608).

   R. W. Fraser:
   Turkey,
   3264-3267 (3148-3151).

   A. A. Paton:
   Researches on the Danube,
   257-258 (250-251).

   J. G. C. Minchin:
   Servia and Montenegro,
   258 (251).

   H. Morse Stephens:
   Modern Historians,
   258-259 (251-252).

   W. Müller:
   Political History,
   3267-3268 (3151-3152).

14. The Crimean War
    (A. D. 1853-1856):

   See Study XLII.

15. THE WAR WITH RUSSIA
    (A. D. 1877-1878):

   S. Walpole:
   Foreign Relations,
   3268-3269 (3152-3153.)

   Cassell’s History of England,
   259-261 (252-254).

   E. Ollier.
   The Russo-Turkish War,
   3269-3270 (3153-3154).

   J. McCarthy:
   History of Our Own Times,
   3270-3271 (3155).

16. THE TREATY OF BERLIN
    (A. D. 1878):

   E. Ollier:
   Russo-Turkish War,
   3271-3272 (3155-3156).

   W. Müller:
   Political History,
   3272-3273 (3156-3157).

   J. H. Rose:
   Century of Continental History,
   261 (254).

17. THE REVOLT AND MASSACRES IN ARMENIA
   (A. D. 1895, 1903-1904):

   The Annual Register (1895),
   Volume VI., 537-538.

   United States, 54th Congress, Senate Document,
   Volume VI., 538-539.

   Duke of Argyle:
   Our Responsibility for Turkey,
   Volume VI., 539-540.

{813}

   Contemporary Review:
   The Constantinople Massacre,
   Volume VI., 542-543.

   Great Britain,
   Papers by Command,
   Volume VI., 544-547;
   Volume VII., 653.

18. CRETAN REVOLTS;
    PROTECTION BY THE POWERS (1866-1909):

   D. Bikelas:
   Christian Greece,
   1648-1649 (1610-1611).

   Ypsiloritis:
   Situation in Crete,
   Volume VI., 540.

   E. J. Dillon:
   Crete and the Cretans,
   Volume VI., 540-541.

   Great Britain:
   Parliamentary Papers,
   Volume VI., 543-547.

   Government under "The Concert of Europe,"
   Volume VI., 549, 551-552.

   Government under "The Concert of Europe,"
   Volume VII., 167-169.

19. WAR WITH GREECE
    (A. D. 1897):

   B. Burleigh:
   The Greek War,
   Volume VI., 547-548.

   F. Palmer:
   How the Greeks were Defeated,
   Volume VI., 548.

20. REIGN OF TERROR IN MACEDONIA
    (1900-1909):

   The London Times (August, 1900),
   Volume VI., 47-48.

   G. F. Abbott:
   The Macedonian Question,
   Volume VII., 649-650.

   E. J Dillon:
   The Reign of Terror,
   Volume VII., 650-651.

   H. N. Brailsford:
   The Macedonian Revolt,
   Volume VII., 651.

   H. Vivian:
   The Macedonian Conspiracy,
   Volume VII., 651-652.

   Great Britain:
   Parliamentary Papers,
   Volume VII., 652, 653-655, 657.

21. THE "YOUNG TURKS" AND THE REVOLUTION OF 1908:

   K. Blind:
   Macedonia,
   Volume VII., 655-656.

   Narrative of the Revolution, from Official
   and Press Despatches,
   Volume VII., 656-662, 664.

22. MASSACRE IN SOUTHEASTERN ASIA MINOR
    (A. D. 1909):

   Narrative from Various Sources,
   Volume VII., 664.

23. BULGARIAN INDEPENDENCE AND AUSTRIAN ANNEXATIONS
    (A. D. 1908-1909):

   Narrative of Events from Official and Newspaper Sources,
   Volume VII., 258-261.


STUDY LIV.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


SPANISH AMERICA.


1. ORIGIN OF SPANISH CLAIMS IN AMERICA:

   (a) By Discovery.

   H. H. Bancroft:
   The Pacific States,
   55 (48).

   Sir A. Helps:
   The Spanish Conquest,
   55-56 (48-49).

   C. R. Markham:
   The Sea Fathers,
   56 (49).

   J. Fiske:
   Discovery of America,
   59-60 (52-53).

   J. Winsor:
   Narrative and Critical History,
   61-62 (54-55).

   (b) By Papal Grant.

   M. Creighton:
   History of the Papacy,
   57 (50).

   L. L. Dominguez:
   Conquest of the River Plate,
   58 (51).

2. THE AMERICAN ABORIGINES:

   W. Irving:
   Life of Columbus,
   89 (82).

   D. G. Brinton:
   Races and Peoples,
   89 (82), 100 (93), 105 (98).

   W. H. Brett:
   Tribes of Guiana,
   89-90 (82-83).

   H. H. Bancroft:
   Native Races,
   100 (93), 106-107 (99-100).

   T. J. Hutchinson:
   The Parana,
   104 (97).

   J. S. Kingsley:
   Natural History,
   113 (106).

   L. H. Morgan:
   American Aborigines,
   54 (47).

   "The Spanish adventurers who thronged to the New World after
   its discovery found the same race of Red Indians in the West
   India Islands, in Central and South America, in Florida, and
   in Mexico. In their mode of life, and means of subsistence, in
   their weapons, arts, usages, and customs, in their
   institutions, and in their mental and physical
   characteristics, they were the same people in different stages
   of advancement. … There was neither a political society, nor a
   state, nor any civilization in America when it was discovered;
   and, excluding the Eskimos, but one race of Indians, the Red
   Race.’
      L. H. MORGAN.

3. CONQUEST OF CUBA
   (A. D. 1511):

   W. H. Prescott:
   Conquest of Mexico,
   661 (638).

   S. Hazard,
   Cuba,
   661-662 (638-639).

4. EARLY EXPLORING EXPEDITIONS:

   W. Irving:
   Life of Columbus,
   65-67 (58-60).

   W. B. Rye:
   Discovery of Terra Florida,
   67 (60).

   Sir A. Helps:
   Spanish Conquest,
   67-68 (60-61).

   W. H. Prescott:
   Conquest of Mexico,
   68-69 (62).

   G. Bancroft:
   History of the United States,
   70 (63).

   F. de Xeres:
   Province of Cuzco,
   71-72 (64-65).

5. ANCIENT CENTRAL AMERICA:

   H. H. Bancroft:
   Native Races,
   2200-2202 (2156-2158).

   D. G. Brinton:
   Hero-Myths,
   2202 (2158).

6. THE EMPIRE OF MONTEZUMA:

   H. H. Bancroft:
   Native Races,
   2202 (2158).

   John Fiske:
   Discovery of America,
   2203 (2159).

   H. Cortes:
   Despatches,
   2205-2206 (2161-2162).

   Bernal Diaz:
   Memoirs,
   2206 (2162).

   L. H. Morgan:
   Houses of American Aborigines,
   2206-2207 (2162-2163).

7. THE SPANISH CONQUEST
   (A. D. 1519-1521):

   S. Hale:
   Story of Mexico,
   2203-2204 (2159-2160).

   J. Winsor:
   Narrative and Critical History,
   2204-2205 (2161).

   M. Chevalier:
   Mexico,
   2205 (2161).

   W. Robertson:
   History of America.
   2207-2208 (2164).

   Sir A. Helps:
   The Spanish Conquest,
   2209 (2165).

   B. Mayer:
   Mexico,
   2209 (2165).

   W. H. Prescott:
   Conquest of Mexico,
   2209-2210 (2165-2166), 2212 (2168).

   M. Chevalier:
   Mexico,
   2211-2212 (2167-2168).

8. THE EMPIRE OF THE INCAS:

   C. R. Markham:
   History of America,
   2585 (2518).

   W. H. Prescott:
   Conquest of Peru,
   2585-2586 (2518-2519).

   E. G. Squier:
   Peru,
   2586 (2519).

   F. Hassaurek:
   Four years among Spanish Americans,
   693-694 (670-671).

9. PIZARRO’S CONQUEST OF PERU (A. D. 1531-1533):

   R. G. Watson:
   South America,
   2587 (2520).

   C. R. Markham:
   Conquest of Peru and Chili,
   2587-2588 (2520-2521).

   Sir A. Helps:
   The Spanish Conquest,
   2588-2589 (2521-2522).

10. THE CONQUEST OF CHILE:

   J. S. Kingsley:
   Natural History,
   422 (411).

   R. G. Watson:
   South America,
   422 (411).

   E. R. Smith:
   The Araucanians,
   422-423 (411-412).

11. EARLY HISTORY OF PARAGUAY AND BUENOS AYRES:

   T. J. Hutchinson:
   The Parana,
   104 (97).

   R. G. Watson:
   South America,
   2547-2548 (2481-2482), 132-133 (125-126).

   A. Gallenga:
   South America,
   2548-2549 (2482-2483).

{814}

12. THE SPANISH VICE-ROYALTIES:

   C. R. Markham:
   South America,
   195 (188).

   C. R. Markham:
   Cuzco and Lima,
   2589 (2522).

   S. Hale:
   The Story of Mexico,
   2212-2213 (2168-2169).

   R. G. Watson:
   South America,
   497-498 (483-484).

   E. J. Payne:
   European Colonies,
   413, first column (403).

13. REVOLT AND INDEPENDENCE
    (A. D. 1810-1826):

   (a) The Colombian States; Simon Bolivar.

   E. J. Payne:
   European Colonies,
   498-499 (484-485), 499-500 (485-486).

   C. R. Markham:
   South America,
   499 (485).

   F. Hassaurek:
   The Spanish-Americans,
   500 (486).

   (b) Mexico.

   J. Winsor:
   Narrative and Critical History,
   2213-2214 (2169-2170).

   J. W. Monette:
   The Mississippi Valley,
   3186 (3101).

   M. Willson:
   American History,
   2214-2216 (2170-2172).

   R. A. Wilson:
   Mexico,
   2216 (2172).

   (c) Congress of Panama (A. D. 1826).

   C. Cushing:
   Bolivar,
   500-501 (486-487).

   T. H. Benton:
   Thirty Years’ View,
   501 (487).

   (d) Chile.

   B. Hall:
   Extracts from Journal,
   423-424 (412-413).

   The Atlantic Monthly:
   Republic of Chile,
   424-425 (413-414).

   H. Brownell:
   Peru,
   2590-2591 (2523-2524).

   A. B. Hart:
   Essays on American Government,
   426-427 (3694-3695).

   "Treaty of Truce" with Bolivia,
   Volume VI., 75-76.

   Spanish-American Congress,
   Volume VI., 520.

   (e) Peru.

   C. R. Markham:
   Peru,
   2590 (2523), 2592-2593 (2526).

   H. Brownell:
   South America,
   2590-2591 (2523-2524).

   C. Cushing:
   Bolivar,
   2591-2592 (2524-2525).

   E. J. Payne:
   European Colonies,
   2592 (2525).

   Overthrow of an Unconstitutional Government,
   Volume VI., 366.

   (f) The Argentine Republic, and Paraguay.

   E. J. Payne:
   European Colonies,
   133-134 (126-127).

   R. Napp:
   The Argentine Republic,
   134-135 (128).

   I. N. Ford:
   Tropical America,
   135-136 (128-129).

   A. Gallenga:
   South America,
   2548-2549 (2482-2483).

   United States Consular Reports,
   Volume VI., 26.

   Text of the Constitution of the Argentine Republic,
   525-532 (511-518).

   (g) Central America.

   E. J. Payne:
   European Colonies,
   413 (403).

   H. H. Bancroft.
   The Pacific States,
   414.

   Continued Revolutionary Conflicts,
   414-415.

   H. Jalhay:
   Bulletin of American Republics,
   Volume VI., 72-73.

   Recent History:
   Messages of Presidents, Consular Reports, etc.,
   Volume VI., 73-74;
   Volume VII., 74-80.

14. MEXICO; LATER HISTORY:

   (a) War with the United States
       (A. D. 1846-1848).

   E. J. Payne:
   European Colonies,
   2216-2217 (2173).

   H. Wilson:
   The Slave Power,
   2217 (2173).

   J. W. Draper:
   American Civil War,
   2217-2218 (2173-2174).

   A. H. Noll:
   History of Mexico,
   2218 (2174).

   Bryant and Gay:
   History of the United States,
   2218 (2174).

   J. R. Soley:
   Wars of the United States,
   2218-2219 (2175).

   H. O. Ladd.
   War with Mexico,
   2219-2220 (2176).

   (b) Maximilian’ s Empire, and The Restored Republic.

   A. H. Noll:
   History of Mexico,
   2220-2221 (2176-2177).

   J. McCarthy:
   History of Our Own Times,
   2221-2222 (2177-2178).

   Text of Constitution of Mexico,
   581-590 (558-567).

   (c) The Republic under Diaz.

   S. Hale:
   The Story of Mexico,
   2222-2223 (2178-2179).

   M. Romero:
   Mexico and the United States,
   Volume VI, 305, 306-307.

   W. S. Logan:
   Yaqui,
   Volume VI., 305-306.

   C. F. Lummis:
   The Awakening of a Nation
   Volume VI., 307.

   Bureau of American Republics:
   Mexico,
   Volume VI., 307-308.

   Census of 1900,
   Volume VI., 308-309.

   Arbitration of the Pious Fund Question,
   Volume VII., 419.

   F. R. Guernsey:
   The Year in Mexico (1905 and 1906),
   Volume VII., 420.

15. VENEZUELA:

   W. Barry:
   Venezuela,
   3720-3721 (3600-3601).

   I. N. Ford:
   Tropical America,
   3721 (3601).

   Messages, State Papers, Arbitration, etc.,
   regarding the Boundary Dispute,
   Volume VI., 684-693.

   The Career and Fall of Cipriano Castro,
   Volume VII., 684-688.

16. CUBA, FREED FROM SPAIN:

   J. H. Latané:
   Diplomatic Relations of the United States and Spanish America,
   Volume VI., 171.

   Senate Document Number 166, 54th Congress 1st Session,
   Volume VI., 171-173.

   Message of President Cleveland, December 7, 1896,
   Volume VI., 173-174.

   Text of Constitution granted by Spanish Crown (A. D. 1897);
   Volume VI., 175-180.

   United States Senator Proctor, Speech, March 1898,
   Volume VI., 181-182.

   Narrative of Spanish-American War, from Documents,
   Volume VI., 583-612, 620-638.

   Reports of Military-Governor, General Brooke, and
   Generals Fitzhugh Lee and Leonard Wood (A. D. 1899),
   Volume VI., 182-185.

   Reports of United States Secretary of War (A. D. 1900),
   Volume VI., 186-188.

   Text of "the Platt Amendment,"
   Volume VI., 190.

   Report on Establishment of Free Government in Cuba
   (Senate Document Number 312, 58th Congress 2d Session),
   Volume VII., 174-177.

   Papers relating to Foreign Relations of the United States, 1906,
   Volume VII., 178-180.

17. HAYTI;
    TOUISSANT L’OUVERTURE;
    SAN DOMINGO:

   C. H. Eden:
   The West Indies,
   1670-1671 (1631-1632).

   E. J. Payne:
   European Colonies,
   1671-1673 (1634).

   Later Changes and Developments,
   Volume VI., 192, 258, 639;
   Volume VII., 302-304.

18. INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN REPUBLICS;
    THE BUREAU.

   Bulletin of the Bureau, June, 1898,
   Volume VI., 10.

   President of the United States:
   Message, December 5, 1899,
   Volume VI., 10-11.

   The Pan-American Exposition,
   Volume VI., 58.

   Proceedings of International Conferences of
   American Republics, 1901 and 1906,
   Volume VII., 20-25.

{815}

STUDY LV.
   Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.


MODERN ITALY.


1. THE PENINSULA AS A FRENCH-SPANISH BATTLEFIELD
   (A. D. 1494-1525):

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1080-1081 (1052-1053), 1083-1084 (1055-1056), 1085 (1057).

   H. Grimm:
   Life of Michael Angelo,
   1871 (1831).

   P. Villari:
   Machiavelli and his Times,
   1871-1872 (1831-1832).

   F. P. Guizot:
   History of France,
   1873 (1833).

   T. H. Dyer:
   History of Modern Europe,
   1875-1876 (1835-1836).

   V. Duruy:
   History of France,
   1876-1877 (1836-1837).

   G. W. Kitchin:
   History of France,
   1877-1878 (1838).

   T. Wright:
   History of France,
   1218-1219 (1186-1187).

   J. S. Brewer:
   Reign of Henry VIII.,
   1219 (1187).

   J. Michelet:
   Summary of Modern History,
   1222 (1190).

   C. Coignet:
   Francis I. and his Times,
   1222 (1190).

   T. A. Trollope:
   History of Florence,
   1879, (1839).

2. UNDER SPANISH AND PAPAL DOMINATION
   (A. D. 1525-1600):

   H. Grimm:
   Michael Angelo,
   1879-1880 (1839-1840).

   W. Robertson:
   Reign of Charles V.,
   1882 (1842).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1086 (1058), 1109 (1081).

   J. A. Symonds:
   Renaissance in Italy,
   1883-1884 (1843-1844).

   E. de Bonnechose:
   History of France,
   1226 (1194).

   G. Procter:
   History of Italy,
   1884 (1844).

   W. Chambers:
   France,
   1227 (1195).

   W. H. Jervis:
   Student’s History of France,
   1227-1228 (1195-1196).

3. RISE OF THE HOUSE OF SAVOY AND KINGDOM OF SARDINIA
   (A. D. 1559-1792):

   A Gallenga:
   History of Piedmont,
   2882-2883 (2808).

   R. Lodge:
   History of Modern Europe,
   2884 (2809).

   C. W. Koch:
   Revolutions of Europe,
   3078-3079 (2997-2998).

   I. Butt:
   History of Italy,
   1889 (1849).

   W. E. H. Lecky:
   History of England,
   1890 (1850).

   W. Coxe:
   House of Austria,
   1890-1891 (1850-1851), 1892 (1852).

   Sir E. Cust:
   Wars of the 18th Century,
   1891 (1851).

   I. Butt:
   History of Italy,
   1892-1893 (1852-1853).

4. UNDER NAPOLEON
   (A. D. 1796-1814):

   C. A. Fyffe:
   Modern Europe,
   1347-1349 (1314-1316).

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   1349-1350 (1316-1317).

   T. Mitchell:
   Principal Campaigns,
   1350-1351 (1317-1318).

   T. H. Dyer:
   Modern Europe,
   1351-1352 (1318-1319).

   H. Van Laun:
   French Revolutionary Epoch,
   1355-1357 (1322-1324).

   Sir W. Scott:
   Life of Napoleon,
   1361 (1328).

   R. H. Horne:
   History of Napoleon,
   1365-1366 (1332-1333).

   W. O’C. Morris:
   The French Revolution,
   1366-1367 (1333-1334).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1122 (1094).

   Sir A. Alison:
   History of Europe,
   1383-1384 (1350-1351).

   H. Martin:
   History of France,
   2526 (2464).

   Talleyrand:
   Memoirs,
   2527-2528 (2465-2466).

5. RISE OF THE CARBONARI
   (A. D. 1803):

   C. Botta:
   Italy,
   1893-1894 (1853-1854).

   W. R. Thayer:
   Dawn of Italian Independence,
   1894-1895 (1854-1855).

6. DOWNFALL OF NAPOLEON AND RETURN OF THE DESPOTS
   (A. D. 1814-1815):

   A. Rambaud:
   History of Russia,
   1387-1389 (1354-1356).

   J. Mitchell:
   The Fall of Napoleon,
   1389-1391 (1356-1358).

   Sir A. Alison:
   History of Europe,
   1895 (1855).

   W R. Thayer:
   Dawn of Italian Independence,
   1895-1896 (1855-1856).

   I. Butt:
   History of Italy,
   1896-1897 (1856-1857).

   J. W. V. Mario:
   Garibaldi,
   234-235 (227-228).

7. THE HOLY ALLIANCE
   (A. D. 1815):

   M. E. G. Duff:
   European Politics,
   1696-1697 (1658).

   E. Hertslet:
   Europe by Treaty,
   1697 (1658).

   W. R. Thayer:
   Dawn of Italian Independence,
   1697-1698 (1658-1659).

8. REVOLUTIONS IN NAPLES, SICILY AND PIEDMONT
   (A. D. 1820-1821):

   E. Dicey:
   Victor Emmanuel,
   1897-1898 (1857-1858).

   W. R. Thayer:
   Dawn of Italian Independence,
   1898-1899 (1858-1859).

9. THE CONGRESS OF VERONA:

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   3741 (3621).

   F. H. Hill:
   George Canning,
   3741 (3621).

   R. Bell:
   Life of Canning,
   3741-3742 (3621-3622).

   "From Laybach, the allied sovereigns issued a circular to
   their representatives at the various foreign courts, in which
   portentous document they declared that 'useful and necessary
   changes in legislation and in the administration of states
   could only emanate from the free-will, and from the
   intelligent and well-weighed convictions of those whom God has
   made responsible for power.'"
      F. H. HILL.

10. REVOLTS OF 1830 AND 1848-1849;
    MAZZINI:

   R. Lodge:
   Modern Europe,
   1899 (1859).

   W. R. Thayer:
   Dawn of Italian Independence,
   1900-1901 (1860-1861), 1903 (1863).

   Text of Constitution granted to Sardinia (1848),
   574-578 (3732-3736).

   W. Müller:
   Political History,
   1901-1903 (1861-1863).

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1125 (1097), 1126-1127 (1099).

11. WAR WITH AUSTRIA;
    GARIBALDI;
    THE NEW KINGDOM OF ITALY
    (A. D. 1856-1861):

   J. N. Larned:
   Europe,
   1128 (1100).

   J. W. Probyn:
   Italy from 1850 to 1890,
   1903-1905 (1863-1865).

   H. Murdock:
   The Reconstruction of Europe,
   1905-1906 (1865-1866).

12. THE ACQUISITION OF ROME AND VENICE:

   G. S. Godkin:
   Victor Emmanuel II.,
   1906-1908 (1866-1868).

   J. A. Marriott:
   Makers of Modern Italy,
   1908-1909 (1868-1869).

13. ROME THE CAPITAL OF ITALY
    (A. D. 1870):

   J. W. Probyn:
   Italy from 1815 to 1890,
   2539-2541 (2477-2479).

   Chevalier O’Clery:
   The Making of Italy,
   2541-2542 (2479-2480).

   Text of the Law of the Papal Guarantees,
   2540-2541 (2478-2479).

14. THE UNITED NATION:

   W. R. Thayer:
   The Italian Crisis,
   1909 (1869).

   J. S. Jeans:
   Italy,
   1843 (1803).

15. ITALY FROM 1895 TO 1910:

   W. J. Stillman:
   The Union of Italy.
   Volume VI., 273.

   G. D. Vecchia:
   The Revolt in Italy,
   Volume VI., 274-275.

   G. D. Vecchia:
   The Situation in Italy,
   Volume VI., 275-276.

   The Census of 1900,
   Volume VI., 276.

   B. King:
   The New Reign (Victor Emmanuel III.),
   Volume VII., 338.

16. THE APPALLING EARTHQUAKE OF 1908:

   F. M. Crawford (and others)
   Descriptive Accounts,
   Volume VII., 187-189.

{816}

FURTHER DIRECTION.


   On the following important subjects of general history,
   readers may be directed sufficiently to all that this work
   contains by a simple mention of captions and page-numbers in
   one or two or three of its Volumes.


Civil Service Reform:
   Volume I., pages 489-489 (1475-1477);
   Volume VI., 145-150;
   Volume VII., 103-108.

Conservation of Natural Resources:
   Volume VII., 143-153.

Constitutions of Government:
   Volume I., 525-633 (511-610 and Volume V., 3727-3736);
   Volume VI., 154-169.

Education:
   Volume I., 696-775 (673-748);
   Volume VI., 193-195;
   Volume VII., 191-217.

Elective Franchise:
   Volume V.
   (under the caption "Woman’s Rights"), 3777-3781 (3656-3660);
   Volume VI. (same caption), 700;
   Volume VII. (under the caption "Elective Franchise"), 219-228.

Europe:
   Volume II., 1017-1131 (989-1103);
   Volume VII., 247-262

Insurance:
   Volume III., 1791-1792 (1752-1753);
   Volume VII., 326-329

Jesuits:
   Volume III., 1928-1935 (1887-1895).

Law:
   Volume III., 1999-2038 (1955-1994);
   Volume VII., 411-414,
   and (under the caption "Crime and Criminology "), 169-174.

Libraries:
   Volume III., 2044-2069 (2000-2025);
   Volume VI., 290-293.

Medical Science:
   Volume III. 2164-2194 (2120-2150);
   Volume VII. (under the caption "Public Health"), 516-527.

Money and Banking:
   Volume III., 2242-2265 (2198-2221);
   Volume VI. (under the caption "Monetary Questions"), 314-17;
   Volume VII. (under the caption "Finance and Trade"), 263-270.

Municipal Government:
   Volume VII., 431-442.

Panama Canal:
   Volume IV., 2474-2475 (2415-2416);
   Volume VI. (under the caption "Canal, Interoceanic"), 65-71;
   Volume VII., 466-471.

Papacy:
   Volume IV., 2476-2546 (2417-2480).
   Volume V., 3794-3797);
   Volume VI., 344-351;
   Volume VII., 472-477.

Peace Conferences, International:
   Volume VI., 352-365;
   Volume VII.
   (under the caption "War, The Revolt against"), 714-725.

Printing and the Press.
   Newspapers: Volume IV., 2659-2678 (2587-2606).

Race Problems:
   Volume VII., 528-543.

Railways:
   Volume IV.
   (under the caption "Steam Locomotion"), 3111-3113 (3029-3031);
   Volume VI., 420-422;
   Volume VII., 543-558.

Science and Invention, Recent:
   Volume II.
   (under the caption "Electrical Discovery"), 797-804 (769-777);

   Volume III.
   (under the caption "Medical Science"), 2164-2194 (2120-2150);

   Volume IV.
   (under the caption "Steam Engine," 3109-3116 (3027-3034);

   Volume VI., 435-449;

   Volume VII., 590-608.

Slavery:
   Volume IV., 2989-3008 (2911-2930);
   Volume VI., 455;
   Volume VII., 612.

Social Movements.
Social Service.
Industrial Reform:
   Volume IV., 3010-3036 (2932-2958),
   (under the caption "Poor Laws"), 2634-2636 (2562-2564);

   Volume VI. (under the captions "Social Democracy"
   and "Socialist Parties", 455;
   and "Industrial Disturbances"), 267-268;

   Volume VII. (under several captions, as follows:)
   "Children under the Law," 82-89,
   "Labor Organization," 370-395,
   "Labor Protection," 395-401,
   "Labor Remuneration," 402-410,
   "Poverty and Unemployment," 507-515,
   "Social Betterment," 613-617,
   "Socialism," 617-620.

Suffrage.
   See Elective Franchise.

Tariff Legislation:
   Volume V., 3147-3173 (Volume IV., 3063-3089),
   Volume VI., 526-527;
   Volume VII., 638-647.

Temperance Movements:
   Volume V., 3176 (Volume IV., 3091);
   Volume VII. (under the caption "Alcohol Problem"), 10-19.

Trade:
   Volume V., 3207-3237
   (in the original edition, Volume V. under the caption
   "Commerce," 3696-3726).

Trusts:
   Volume VI., 529-536;
   Volume VII. (under the caption "Combinations"), 112-135.

--------Volume 7: End-------------

----------Word List: Start--------

A
AARON
ABANDONED
ABANDONMENT
ABBASSIDES
ABBOTT
ABBÉ
ABD
ABDICATION
ABDUL
ABDULLA
ABDURAHMAN
ABEBA
ABERDEEN
ABIR
ABJURATION
ABOLITION
ABOLITIONISTS
ABOMINATIONS
ABORIGINES
ABOUT
ABRAHAM
ABROAD
ABSOLUTISM
ABSORPTION
ABU
ABYSSINIA
ACADIA
ACADIANS
ACCADIANS
ACCESSION
ACCIDENT
ACCIDENTS
ACCOUNTS
ACHAIAN
ACHINESE
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
ACQUISITION
ACQUISITIONS
ACRE
ACT
ACTION
ACTIVE
ACTS
ADAMS
ADANA
ADDIS
ADDRESS
ADMINISTRATION
ADMINISTRATIONS
ADMINISTRATORS
ADMIRAL
ADMISSION
ADMISSIONS
ADMITTED
ADOLPHUS
ADOPTION
ADULTERATIONS
ADVANCE
ADVANCEMENT
ADVENT
AEHRENTHAL
AERONAUTICS
AFFAIR
AFFAIRS
AFGHANISTAN
AFRICA
AFRICAN
AFTER
AGAINST
AGE
AGENT
AGENTS
AGES
AGGRESSION
AGGRESSIONS
AGGRESSIVE
AGINCOURT
AGITATION
AGLIPAY
AGRAM
AGRARIAN
AGREEMENT
AGREEMENTS
AGRICULTURAL
AGRICULTURE
AGUINALDO
AHMED
AIGUN
AKSA
AL
ALABAMA
ALAN
ALASKA
ALBANIA
ALBANY
ALBERT
ALBERTA
ALCOHOL
ALCOHOLISM
ALCORTA
ALDERMAN
ALDRICH
ALEXANDER
ALEXANDRIA
ALEXEI
ALEXEIEFF
ALEXIS
ALFARO
ALFONSO
ALFRED
ALGECIRAS
ALGIERS
ALI
ALIEN
ALIENS
ALL
ALLEGED
ALLIANCE
ALLIANCES
ALLIED
ALLIES
ALMENARA
ALSACE
ALSOP
ALVA
ALVERSTONE
ALVES
AMADE
AMADOR
AMALGAMATED
AMARAL
AMBAN
AMENDMENT
AMERICA
AMERICAN
AMIN
AMINA
AMSTERDAM
AMUNDSEN
AN
ANAM
ANARCHISM
ANARCHY
ANATOLIAN
ANCIENT
AND
ANDERSON
ANDRASSY
ANDREW
ANDROS
ANGELES
ANGELL
ANGEVIN
ANGLE
ANGLICAN
ANGLO
ANJUMAN
ANNE
ANNEXATIONS
ANNEXED
ANNIVERSARY
ANNUITIES
ANTARCTIC
ANTHRACITE
ANTI
ANTIQUITY
ANTOINE
ANTOINETTE
ANTON
ANTUNG
ANTWERP
ANXIETIES
APOSTOLIC
APPALACHIAN
APPALLING
APPEAL
APPEALS
APPEARANCE
APPENDIX
APPOMATTOX
APPONYI
APRIL
AQUEDUCT
ARAB
ARABIA
ARABS
ARAGON
ARBITRATION
ARBY
ARC
ARCHAEOLOGICAL
ARCHIBALD
ARCTIC
ARGENTINA
ARGENTINE
ARIAN
ARICA
ARID
ARIZONA
ARKANSAS
ARMADA
ARMAMENTS
ARMAND
ARMENIA
ARMENIANS
ARMINIAN
ARMOUR
ARMS
ARMSTRONG
ARMY
ARNOLD
ARNOLDSEN
ARRHENIUS
ARRIVAL
ARSENALS
ARTHUR
ARTICLE
ARTICLES
ARTS
ARYA
ARYAN
ARYANS
AS
ASCENDENCY
ASHBURTON
ASHOKAN
ASIA
ASIATIC
ASQUITH
ASSAM
ASSASSINATION
ASSASSINATIONS
ASSEMBLY
ASSINIBOIA
ASSIS
ASSISTANCE
ASSOCIATION
ASSOCIATIONS
ASSUAN
ASSUMES
ASSUMPTION
ASSURANCE
ASSYRIA
ASSYRIAN
ASTRONOMY
AT
ATABEG
ATABEGS
ATABEKS
ATCHINESE
ATHABASCA
ATHENS
ATKINSON
ATLANTA
ATTACK
ATTEMPTED
ATTEMPTS
ATTILA
ATTITUDE
ATWATER
AUGSBURG
AUGUST
AUGUSTINIANS
AUGUSTUS
AUSGLEICH
AUSTERLITZ
AUSTIN
AUSTRALIA
AUSTRIA
AUSTRIAN
AUSTRO
AUTHORITY
AUTOCRAT
AWAKENING
AYRES
AZAD
AZAM
AZEFF
AZIZ
AZOV
AZUL
Aarif
Aaron
Ababa
Abandoned
Abbas
Abbey
Abbot
Abbott
Abbé
Abd
Abdiel
Abduction
Abdul
Abdullah
Abdur
Abdurahman
Abeba
Abercorn
Aberdeen
Abgeordncten
Abir
Abnormally
Abolished
Abolition
Aborigines
Abortive
About
Above
Abraham
Abridged
Abridgment
Abroad
Abrogation
Abrupt
Abruzzi
Absolute
Absorbed
Abstention
Abstracts
Abu
Abundant
Abused
Abyssinia
Abyssinian
Academy
Acadia
Accelerated
Accent
Acceptance
Access
Accession
Accident
Accidents
Accompanied
Accord
According
Accordingly
Account
Accounts
Accumulation
Aceituno
Aceval
Achievements
Achille
Acquiescence
Acquisition
Acquittal
Acre
Acres
Act
Acting
Action
Active
Actively
Activity
Acts
Actual
Adam
Adams
Adana
Add
Added
Adding
Addis
Addison
Addition
Additional
Additions
Address
Adee
Adelaide
Adequate
Adirondack
Adirondacks
Adis
Adjustment
Adjutant
Administration
Administrations
Administrative
Administrator
Admiral
Admirals
Admiralty
Admission
Admitted
Adna
Adolf
Adolph
Adolphus
Adopted
Adoption
Adriatic
Adult
Advance
Advancement
Advances
Advent
Advertiser
Adviser
Advisers
Advisory
Advocate
Advocates
Aehrenthal
Aerenthal
Aerial
Aeronautics
Aeroplane
Aeterni
Affair
Affaires
Affairs
Affirming
Afforestation
Afghan
Afghanistan
Africa
African
Africans
After
Again
Against
Agchylostoma
Age
Agencies
Agency
Agent
Agents
Ages
Aghaia
Aghassi
Agitation
Aglipay
Agra
Agram
Agrarian
Agrarians
Agreeing
Agreement
Agreements
Agricultural
Agriculture
Aguinaldo
Ahmed
Aid
Aide
Aigun
Aim
Air
Airdrie
Aires
Airy
Aix
Akademische
Akbar
Akers
Akhdar
Aki
Akin
Aksa
Aksakayama
Al
Ala
Alabama
Alack
Alais
Alameda
Alaric
Alarm
Alarming
Alas
Alaska
Alaskan
Albanese
Albania
Albanian
Albanians
Albany
Albay
Albert
Alberta
Alberti
Albi
Albigenses
Albion
Alcibiades
Alcohol
Alcoholic
Alcoholism
Alcorta
Alderman
Aldermanic
Aldermen
Aldershot
Aldrich
Alegeciras
Alençon
Aleutian
Alexander
Alexandra
Alexandria
Alexandrian
Alexei
Alexeieff
Alexis
Alfaro
Alfonso
Alfred
Alfredo
Algeciras
Algeria
Algerian
Algero
Algiers
Ali
Alice
Alien
Aliens
Alighieri
Alipur
Alison
Alkoholverbot
All
Allah
Allahabad
Allan
Alleged
Allegheny
Allen
Alliance
Alliances
Allied
Allies
Allison
Alloc
Allotments
Allowing
Alluding
Almenard
Almighty
Almohades
Almost
Along
Alpoim
Alps
Alraschid
Already
Alsace
Alsatian
Alsatians
Also
Alsop
Alterations
Alternative
Althing
Althoff
Although
Altogether
Alton
Alverstone
Alves
Alvin
Alzog
Amacuro
Amador
Amalgamated
Amaliada
Amapala
Amaral
Amarna
Amasa
Amazon
Amazonas
Amban
Ambans
Ambassador
Ambassadors
Ameer
Amel
Amen
Amend
Amended
Amending
Amendment
Amendments
Amenities
Ameren
America
American
Americans
Americas
Americus
Amerigo
Amherst
Amid
Amin
Amina
Amir
Amity
Amnesty
Among
Amongst
Amorites
Amount
Ample
Amritsar
Amsterdam
Amundsen
Amur
An
Analysis
Anam
Anarchism
Anarchist
Anatolian
Ancestral
Ancien
Ancient
Anciently
Ancón
And
Anderoon
Anderson
Andersonville
Andes
Andrade
Andrassy
Andre
Andrew
Andrews
André
Angan
Angel
Angeles
Angelic
Angell
Angelo
Anger
Angevin
Angevins
Angle
Anglican
Anglicans
Anglo
Anglophobia
Angoche
Anhui
Animal
Animated
Anischab
Anjou
Anjuman
Anjumans
Ankole
Anna
Annals
Annam
Annapolis
Annatok
Anne
Annee
Annex
Annexation
Annexed
Annie
Anniversary
Anno
Announced
Announcement
Annual
Annunziato
Anonymous
Anophele
Anopheles
Another
Anping
Anselmo
Anshantien
Ansley
Answers
Antagonism
Antarctic
Ante
Anthony
Anthracite
Anthropology
Anti
Anticipating
Anticipation
Antillean
Antilles
Antioch
Antiquities
Antiquity
Antoine
Antoinette
Anton
Antonines
Antonio
Antrim
Antung
Antwerp
Antzushan
Anvers
Any
Anybody
Anything
Anzer
Aoki
Aosta
Apart
Apathy
Apostle
Apostles
Apostolic
Appalachian
Appalachians
Appalling
Apparatus
Apparent
Apparently
Appeal
Appeals
Appearance
Appellate
Appended
Appendix
Appleton
Appletons
Application
Applied
Apply
Applying
Appointed
Appointment
Appointments
Apponyi
Apportionment
Appraisers
Appropriate
Appropriation
Appropriations
April
Aptekarsky
Aqueduct
Aquiry
Arab
Arabi
Arabia
Arabian
Arabic
Arabindo
Arabs
Aragua
Araucanians
Arbeu
Arbitral
Arbitrary
Arbitration
Arbitrations
Arbroath
Arbuckle
Arc
Arcadians
Archaeological
Archaeology
Archbishop
Archbishops
Archbold
Archduke
Archibald
Archipelago
Architects
Archæology
Arctic
Arcticward
Are
Area
Areas
Arecibo
Arena
Arequipa
Argentina
Argentine
Argument
Argus
Argyle
Argyll
Arias
Arica
Arid
Aristide
Aristotle
Aritomo
Arizona
Arkansas
Arlington
Armada
Armageddon
Armagh
Armament
Armaments
Armand
Armed
Armenian
Armenians
Armies
Armijo
Arminius
Armored
Armour
Armoured
Arms
Armstrong
Army
Arnold
Arnoldsen
Arosemena
Around
Arrangement
Arrangements
Arras
Arresting
Arrests
Arrhenius
Arrival
Arriving
Arrogant
Art
Arthur
Article
Articles
Artificial
Artillery
Arts
Arundel
Aruwimi
Arya
Aryan
Aryas
Arzila
As
Asakawa
Ascendancy
Ashbourne
Ashburn
Ashley
Ashokan
Ashutosh
Ashworth
Asia
Asiastics
Asiatic
Asiatics
Aside
Asked
Askold
Aspect
Aspects
Asphalt
Asquith
Assad
Assam
Assassin
Assassination
Assassins
Assemblies
Assembly
Assemblymen
Assent
Assertion
Assessors
Assimilation
Assiniboia
Assiout
Assis
Assistance
Assistant
Assiut
Assize
Assizes
Associated
Association
Associations
Assouan
Assuan
Assumes
Assurance
Assurbanipal
Assye
Assyr
Assyria
Assyrian
Assyrians
Astor
Astrabad
Astronomical
Astronomy
Asuncion
Asyl
At
Atabeg
Atabegs
Atabek
Atabeks
Atchin
Atchinese
Atchison
Athabasca
Athanasius
Athenian
Athens
Atlanta
Atlantic
Atlas
Atoms
Atrocities
Attache
Attempted
Attempting
Attempts
Attend
Attendance
Attitude
Attorney
Attorneys
Atwater
Au
Auburn
Auckland
Aude
Audience
Audiences
Auditor
Auglaise
August
Augusta
Augustine
Augusto
Augustus
Aurelius
Ausgleich
Austen
Austin
Australasia
Australasian
Australia
Australian
Australians
Austria
Austrian
Austrians
Austrias
Austro
Authorities
Authority
Authorized
Authors
Autobiography
Autocracy
Autocrat
Autocratic
Autonomous
Autonomy
Avenida
Avenue
Average
Avila
Awaiting
Awakening
Award
Awarding
Awards
Awful
Aylesworth
Ayr
Ayres
Ayub
Azad
Azam
Azcarraga
Azeff
Azerbaijan
Azim
Aziz
Azul
B
BA
BAB
BABISM
BABYLON
BABYLONIA
BABYLONIAN
BABYLONISH
BACON
BADEN
BAEYER
BAGDAD
BAHIA
BAHIMA
BAILEY
BAIRD
BAKHMETIEFF
BAKHTIARI
BAKU
BAL
BALDWIN
BALFOUR
BALKAN
BALLINGER
BALLOONS
BALLOT
BALTASER
BALTIC
BALTIMORE
BAMBAATA
BANCROFT
BANK
BANKRUPTCY
BANNARD
BANNERMAN
BARBARIAN
BARBARIC
BARBARISM
BARBARY
BARCELONA
BARGE
BARNATO
BARNEVELDT
BARON
BARONESS
BARRAGE
BARRETT
BARRIER
BARTHOLDT
BARTHOLOMEW
BARTON
BASILIKE
BASIN
BAST
BASTILLE
BASUTOLAND
BATTLE
BATTLEFIELD
BATTLES
BAVARIA
BAY
BEACH
BEACHY
BEATIFICATION
BECHUANALAND
BECK
BECKET
BECOMES
BECQUEREL
BEEF
BEER
BEERNAERT
BEFORE
BEGINNING
BEGINNINGS
BEGINS
BEGUN
BEHRING
BEIRUT
BELGIAN
BELGIUM
BELIEVERS
BELL
BELLS
BEN
BENEDICTINES
BENGAL
BENITO
BEQUESTS
BERESFORD
BERING
BERKELEY
BERLIN
BERTHA
BEST
BETHMANN
BETTER
BETTERMENT
BETWEEN
BEY
BIBLE
BIG
BILL
BINGER
BIOGRAPHERS
BIOLOGICAL
BIRRELL
BIRTH
BIRTHPLACE
BISHOP
BISHOPS
BISMARCK
BISWAS
BITUMINOUS
BJORNSON
BLACK
BLAND
BLERIOT
BLIND
BLOC
BLOOD
BLOODY
BOARD
BOARDS
BOBRIKOFF
BOER
BOERS
BOGOLIEPOFF
BOHEMIA
BOIS
BOLIVIA
BOMBAY
BONAPARTE
BOND
BONHAM
BONILLA
BONUS
BOODLERS
BOOK
BOOKER
BORDER
BORSTAL
BOSHIN
BOSNIA
BOSTON
BOTCHER
BOTH
BOTHA
BOUNDARIES
BOUNDARY
BOUNTY
BOURGEOIS
BOURSE
BOURSES
BOUVINES
BOXER
BOXERS
BOYCOTTING
BOYNE
BRADDON
BRANCO
BRANDENBURG
BRAUN
BRAXTON
BRAZIL
BREACH
BREAKING
BREITENFELD
BRENNAN
BRENT
BRIAND
BRIGGS
BRITAIN
BRITISH
BROTHERHOODS
BROUGHT
BROWN
BROWNSVILLE
BRUNSWICK
BRUSSELS
BRYAN
BRYCE
BU
BUBBLE
BUBONIC
BUCHANAN
BUCHNER
BUCKINGHAM
BUCKS
BUDDHISM
BUDGET
BUENOS
BUFFALO
BUILDING
BUILDINGS
BULGARIA
BULGARIAN
BULL
BUREAU
BURGER
BURGHARDT
BURGOYNE
BURGUNDIANS
BURGUNDY
BURIED
BURLEY
BURLINGAME
BURNING
BURNS
BURR
BURTON
BUT
BUTCHER
BUTLER
BUXTON
BY
BYZANTINE
Ba
Baas
Babis
Babism
Babylonia
Babylonian
Babylonians
Baccalhos
Bachelder
Back
Backergunge
Backward
Backwardness
Bacon
Bactrians
Bad
Badeau
Baden
Baer
Baeyer
Baffin
Baffled
Bagdad
Bagehot
Baghche
Baghdad
Baghdadi
Baghirmi
Bah
Bahadur
Bahia
Bahima
Baidyas
Bailey
Bailly
Bailundo
Bain
Baird
Bajer
Baker
Bakhcheh
Bakhmetieff
Bakhtiari
Bakhtiaris
Baku
Bal
Balaklava
Balbo
Balch
Baldwin
Balfour
Balkan
Balkans
Ballinger
Balloon
Ballot
Balmain
Baltasar
Balthazer
Baltic
Baltimore
Baluchistan
Balzani
Bambaata
Bampfylde
Ban
Banco
Bancroft
Bands
Banerjee
Banff
Banffy
Bangala
Banger
Bangkok
Bank
Banker
Bankers
Banking
Bankrupt
Banks
Bannard
Bannerman
Bannermann
Banners
Bannockburn
Banque
Banquet
Bansko
Baptist
Baptists
Bar
Barbados
Barbarians
Barbaric
Barbarism
Barbarities
Barbarossa
Barbary
Barbosa
Barcelona
Barclay
Bare
Barge
Barham
Bari
Baring
Baris
Barker
Barley
Barmby
Barnato
Barnes
Barney
Baro
Baroda
Baron
Baroness
Barrage
Barranquilla
Barras
Barrel
Barren
Barret
Barrett
Barricades
Barrier
Barrow
Barrows
Barry
Barrymore
Barth
Bartholdt
Barthou
Bartlett
Barton
Barère
Bas
Basa
Basankusu
Based
Basilica
Basilicata
Basin
Basing
Basis
Baskerville
Bassermann
Bassett
Bast
Bastable
Bastille
Basutoland
Bataan
Batangas
Bateson
Battenberg
Battery
Battle
Battlefields
Battles
Battleship
Battleships
Baur
Bavaria
Baxter
Bay
Bayard
Bayne
Bayonets
Bazan
Be
Beach
Beacon
Beaconsfield
Beale
Bear
Beard
Beareana
Bearing
Bearings
Beatification
Beatitude
Beaufront
Beaulieu
Beaupré
Beauregard
Beautiful
Bebel
Because
Bechuanaland
Beck
Becker
Beckman
Beckwith
Becomes
Becquerel
Bedford
Bedlam
Beef
Beer
Beernaert
Beers
Beesly
Before
Begi
Beginning
Beginnings
Behalf
Behavior
Behind
Behring
Being
Beira
Beirao
Beirut
Beit
Bel
Belarmino
Beled
Belfast
Belgian
Belgians
Belgica
Belgium
Belgrade
Beliefs
Believe
Believers
Believing
Bell
Belleisle
Bellerophon
Bellevue
Bellingham
Bells
Belmatcheff
Belmont
Beloved
Below
Belt
Bembo
Bemis
Ben
Benavente
Bench
Benches
Bender
Bendernagel
Benedictines
Benediction
Benefactor
Beneficent
Benefit
Benevolent
Bengal
Bengalese
Bengali
Bengalis
Bengals
Benghazi
Benguela
Beni
Benito
Benjamin
Bennett
Bensusan
Bent
Benton
Bequest
Bequests
Berber
Berbera
Berbers
Bereket
Beresford
Bering
Berkeley
Berlin
Bermuda
Bermudas
Bermudez
Bern
Bernal
Bernard
Bernardino
Berne
Bernhard
Bernstorff
Bertha
Berthelot
Berton
Berwick
Besant
Besançon
Besides
Besieged
Bessel
Bessemer
Best
Bethlehem
Bethmann
Betriebe
Better
Betterment
Between
Beverley
Bey
Beyond
Bezold
Bhowan
Bibi
Bible
Biblical
Bibliography
Bickerdike
Bieberstein
Bienerth
Big
Bigelow
Bigg
Biggs
Bigland
Bihari
Bikelas
Bilbao
Bildung
Bill
Billings
Bills
Bimetallism
Binger
Binghamton
Binnenhof
Binns
Biographia
Biographical
Biography
Biological
Biology
Birjand
Birmingham
Birrell
Birth
Birthday
Bishop
Bishops
Bismarck
Bison
Biswas
Bitter
Bitterfield
Bituminous
Bjornson
Bjornstjerne
Black
Blackie
Blackmail
Blackrock
Blacks
Blackstone
Blackwood
Blades
Blaine
Blanca
Blanchard
Blanco
Bland
Blanqui
Blennerhassett
Bleriot
Blight
Blind
Bliss
Bloc
Block
Blockade
Bloemfontein
Blood
Bloody
Blue
Blues
Blum
Blunder
Boadicea
Board
Boards
Boats
Bobrikoff
Boccaccio
Bodies
Bodley
Body
Boer
Boers
Bogdanovitch
Bogoliepoff
Bogoras
Bogota
Bogotá
Bohemia
Bohemian
Bohemians
Bohol
Bohotle
Boies
Bois
Boise
Boisrond
Bojesen
Bokhara
Bolder
Bolivar
Bolivia
Bolivian
Bolivians
Bolles
Bologna
Bolton
Boma
Bomb
Bombardment
Bombay
Bonaparte
Bonapartists
Bond
Bondage
Bonds
Bondsman
Bonebrake
Boniface
Bonilla
Bonnechose
Bonus
Boodler
Book
Booker
Books
Boom
Boone
Booth
Bordeaux
Borden
Border
Borealis
Born
Bornon
Bornou
Borodino
Borough
Boroughs
Borstal
Bosanquet
Boshin
Bosnia
Bosniaks
Bosnians
Bosphorus
Bosporus
Boss
Bossuet
Boston
Both
Botha
Botta
Bottom
Bouches
Bouchot
Boulangerists
Boule
Boulger
Boulton
Boundaries
Boundary
Bounechose
Bounties
Bounty
Bourbon
Bourbons
Bourchier
Bourgeois
Bourinot
Bourne
Bourse
Boutmy
Boutwell
Boué
Bow
Bowen
Bowley
Boxer
Boyce
Boycott
Boycotting
Boyd
Boyle
Boynton
Boys
Boyville
Bozman
Brabançons
Brackenbury
Braddon
Bradford
Bradley
Bragg
Brahmin
Brahmins
Brailsford
Braithwaite
Brampton
Branches
Branco
Brand
Brandeis
Brandenburg
Brandes
Branly
Brant
Brasil
Braun
Braunschweig
Braxton
Brayton
Brazil
Brazilero
Brazilian
Brazilians
Breaches
Breadth
Breaking
Breakneck
Brebner
Breck
Breeders
Breitenfeld
Bremen
Brennan
Brent
Breslau
Brethren
Breton
Brett
Brewer
Brewers
Brewster
Briand
Bribed
Bribers
Bribery
Bridge
Bridges
Bridgman
Brief
Briefly
Brig
Brigade
Brigadier
Brigand
Brigands
Briggs
Bright
Brigue
Brink
Brinton
Brisk
Brisson
Bristol
Bristols
Brit
Britain
Britanniarum
Britannic
Britannick
Britannicâ
British
Britishers
Britons
Brittany
Broad
Broadened
Broadening
Broadly
Broadway
Broadwood
Brock
Brocklehurst
Broden
Brodeur
Brodhead
Broken
Brompton
Bronx
Brooke
Brooker
Brooklyn
Brooks
Bros
Brother
Brotherhood
Brothers
Brougham
Broussa
Brown
Browne
Brownell
Browning
Brownlow
Brownsville
Bruce
Bruges
Brugsch
Brun
Bruno
Brunswick
Brussels
Brutality
Brutus
Bruxelles
Bryan
Bryant
Bryce
Brünn
Bu
Bubonic
Buchanan
Bucharest
Bucherer
Buchner
Buckingham
Buckle
Buckley
Bucks
Budapest
Buddhism
Buddhist
Buddhists
Budge
Budget
Budgets
Budgett
Buenos
Buffalo
Buffer
Buffington
Building
Buildings
Built
Bulgar
Bulgaria
Bulgarian
Bulgarians
Bulgars
Buliguine
Bulle
Bulletin
Bullets
Bullock
Bulls
Bulwer
Bunder
Bunker
Bunyan
Buonaparte
Burao
Burckhardt
Bureau
Bureaucratic
Buren
Burger
Burgess
Burghardt
Burgher
Burghers
Burghs
Burgomaster
Burhaneddin
Burke
Burleigh
Burley
Burlington
Burma
Burne
Burned
Burnet
Burnham
Burning
Burns
Burnt
Burr
Burrill
Burrows
Burton
Burtzeff
Burujurd
Bury
Bush
Bushby
Bushire
Business
Busk
Busoga
Bussey
But
Butcher
Butcheries
Butler
Butt
Butte
Butter
Butterfield
Buttrick
Butts
Buxton
Buyamaro
Buying
By
Byzantine
BÜLOW
Bé
Bülow
C
CABIN
CABINET
CACERES
CADETS
CAESAR
CAJAL
CALABRIA
CALAMITIES
CALBRAITH
CALENDAR
CALIFORNIA
CALIPHATE
CALL
CALVIN
CAME
CAMILLO
CAMPAIGN
CAMPAIGNS
CAMPANILE
CAMPBELL
CAMPO
CAMPOS
CAMPS
CANAAN
CANADA
CANADIAN
CANAL
CANALS
CANBERRA
CANCER
CANDAMO
CANONS
CANTOS
CAPE
CAPITAL
CAPITALISTIC
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CENTER
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CHAFFEE
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CHANG
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CHOATE
CHOICE
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CLINTON
CLOSE
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COAL
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COOK
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CORDAY
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COUNT
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CREASY
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CREEK
CREIGHTON
CREMER
CRETAN
CRETE
CRIME
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CRIMINOLOGY
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CROSS
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CRY
CUBA
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CUNARD
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CYRUS
CZECHS
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Caesar
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Calabria
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Calamy
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California
Caliph
Caliphate
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Call
Callao
Callaway
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Callous
Calsecchi
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Cam
Camacho
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Cambridge
Camden
Cameos
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Camillo
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Camisards
Camp
Campaign
Campaigns
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Camperdown
Campos
Camps
Can
Canaanites
Canaanitic
Canada
Canadian
Canadians
Canal
Canaries
Canberra
Cancer
Candamo
Candidacy
Candidates
Canea
Canned
Canning
Cannon
Canonization
Canossa
Canterbury
Canton
Cantonal
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Canuleian
Capachio
Capacity
Cape
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Capital
Capitalist
Capitalists
Capitan
Capitol
Caprivi
Captain
Capture
Capuchins
Cara
Carabao
Carabobo
Caracas
Caracoles
Cardiff
Cardinal
Cardinals
Cards
Carducci
Care
Career
Careful
Carefully
Caribbean
Carinthia
Carl
Carlisle
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Carnegie
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Carnot
Carolina
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Carpenter
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Carrel
Carriers
Carrington
Carroll
Carrying
Carshalton
Carta
Cartago
Cartel
Cartels
Carter
Carteron
Carthage
Carthaginians
Carwithen
Casablanca
Casacion
Case
Casement
Cases
Cashel
Cashier
Casimir
Casket
Caspian
Cass
Cassation
Cassel
Cassell
Cassia
Castilians
Castle
Castro
Casual
Casually
Casualties
Catacumbo
Catalonia
Catechumens
Catharina
Cathay
Cathedral
Catherine
Catholic
Catholicism
Catholics
Catilinarian
Catolico
Catskill
Cattolica
Caucasian
Caucasus
Caught
Cause
Causes
Cavalier
Cavaliers
Cawas
Caxton
Cayey
Cayley
Cd
Cebu
Cecil
Cedar
Ceding
Celebrated
Celebration
Celebrations
Celestial
Celibacy
Celli
Celsius
Celt
Celtic
Cement
Censor
Censors
Censorship
Census
Centenary
Centennial
Center
Central
Centre
Centres
Centrists
Centro
Centrum
Centuriata
Centuries
Century
Cerdic
Cerro
Cerruti
Certain
Certainly
Cesare
Cesarevitch
Cessation
Cession
Cessions
Cettinje
Ceylon
Ch
Chadwick
Chaffee
Chafin
Chagres
Chains
Chair
Chairman
Chalais
Chaldea
Chaldean
Chaldeans
Chaldæa
Challenge
Cham
Chamber
Chamberlain
Chamberlains
Chamberlin
Chambers
Champ
Champlain
Champs
Chan
Chance
Chancellery
Chancellor
Chancellors
Chancellorship
Chandler
Chang
Changchin
Change
Changed
Changes
Channel
Chantabun
Chanute
Chaouïa
Chapels
Chapman
Chappell
Chapter
Chapters
Character
Characters
Charcas
Charge
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Charities
Charity
Charlemagne
Charles
Charleston
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Charlottetown
Charta
Charter
Chartering
Charters
Chartist
Chartres
Chartreuse
Chartreux
Chatham
Chau
Chauncey
Chautauqua
Chauvinism
Che
Cheap
Check
Cheers
Cheese
Cheetham
Chefneux
Chefoo
Chefu
Chekiang
Chemin
Chemistry
Chemulpho
Chen
Cheney
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Cheng
Chengju
Chenier
Chentu
Cher
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Cherokee
Chesapeake
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Chesterfield
Chevalier
Chi
Chiao
Chicago
Chicory
Chidley
Chief
Chiefs
Chientao
Chih
Chihli
Chihtung
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Child
Children
Childs
Chile
Chilean
Chili
Chilian
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Chimienti
China
Chinamen
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Chinchow
Chinese
Ching
Chino
Chiozza
Chipiez
Chirurgical
Choate
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Chosen
Chown
Christ
Christendom
Christensen
Christian
Christiania
Christianity
Christianized
Christians
Christlijk
Christmas
Christobel
Christopher
Chronicle
Chronicles
Chronology
Chu
Chuan
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Church
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Château
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Cicero
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Cigar
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Circassian
Circle
Circles
Circuit
Circuits
Circular
Circumstances
Cisleithan
Cities
Citizens
Citizenship
Citrus
City
Ciudad
Civic
Civil
Civilistas
Civilità
Civilization
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Civilized
Clads
Claflin
Claiborne
Claim
Claimant
Claims
Clair
Clanricarde
Clara
Clare
Clarence
Clarendon
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Clark
Clarke
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Class
Classes
Classical
Classification
Classified
Clause
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Clay
Clayden
Clayton
Cleaning
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Clearly
Clemenceau
Clement
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Clementine
Clements
Clergy
Clergymen
Clerical
Clericalism
Clericals
Clerics
Clerk
Clerks
Clermont
Cleveland
Clifden
Clifford
Climaco
Clinic
Clinton
Clive
Cloman
Close
Closely
Closing
Clothing
Cloud
Clover
Club
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Clyde
Co
Coal
Coaling
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Cobden
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Cockrell
Cocoa
Code
Coercion
Coercive
Coffee
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Cohen
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Coins
Coke
Colbert
Coleman
Coleridge
Colfax
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Collapse
Collect
Collecting
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Collectivism
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Collectivists
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College
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Collier
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Colombia
Colombian
Colombians
Colon
Colonel
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Colonials
Colonies
Colonisation
Colonists
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Colonization
Colony
Colorado
Colorados
Colored
Colquhoun
Coltano
Colton
Columbia
Columbian
Columbus
Column
Com
Combes
Combination
Combinations
Combine
Combs
Come
Comedy
Coming
Comitia
Comité
Command
Commandant
Commander
Commanding
Commandos
Commands
Comme
Commemoration
Commemorations
Commentaries
Commerce
Commercial
Commines
Commission
Commissioner
Commissioners
Commissionership
Commissions
Committed
Committee
Committees
Commodities
Commodity
Commodore
Commodus
Common
Commonly
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Commonwealth
Communal
Communes
Communicate
Communication
Communications
Communists
Communities
Comoufort
Compact
Companies
Companion
Company
Comparative
Compare
Compared
Comparing
Compayré
Compensation
Competition
Competitive
Compilation
Complaint
Complaints
Complete
Completely
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Comptroller
Compulsorily
Compulsory
Comte
Comyn
Concentration
Conception
Conceptions
Concerning
Concert
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Conclave
Conclusion
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Concourse
Concrete
Concurrent
Condillac
Condition
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Condominium
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Conduct
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Condé
Confederacy
Confederate
Confederates
Confederation
Conference
Conferences
Confessions
Confessors
Confident
Conflagration
Conflict
Conflicts
Conformity
Confucians
Confédération
Cong
Conger
Congo
Congolese
Congregation
Congregational
Congregationalism
Congregationalists
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Congress
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Connecticut
Connell
Conqueror
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Conrad
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Consequences
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Considerable
Considering
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Constantine
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Constantza
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Constructive
Consul
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Contact
Contemplated
Contemporaire
Contemporary
Contempt
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Continued
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Contract
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Contradictory
Contrary
Contributing
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Control
Controller
Controlling
Controversies
Controversy
Convention
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Conversation
Conversion
Convict
Convicted
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Convictions
Convicts
Convocation
Cook
Cooke
Cooley
Coolidge
Coolies
Cooperative
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Coote
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Copies
Copper
Coppée
Copyright
Cordery
Cordiale
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Corea
Corean
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Corinto
Cork
Corn
Cornelius
Corner
Cornhill
Cornwall
Coronation
Corporal
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Corral
Correctional
Correctionnelle
Corrections
Corregan
Correspondence
Correspondent
Corrupt
Corruption
Corruptions
Corsairs
Corsican
Corte
Cortelyou
Cortes
Cortez
Cortlaudt
Coruña
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Cossack
Cossacks
Cost
Costa
Cotierungssteuer
Cottage
Cotton
Coubertin
Coues
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Coulanges
Could
Council
Councillor
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Councilor
Councils
Counsel
Count
Counter
Countess
Counties
Counting
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Country
Countrymen
Counts
County
Coup
Courage
Courses
Court
Courtesies
Courts
Cousin
Covenant
Covenanters
Cowan
Cowes
Cowper
Cows
Cox
Coxe
Coyle
Coöperation
Coöperative
Craik
Crandall
Crane
Crawford
Creasy
Created
Creation
Creator
Credit
Creditors
Creek
Creel
Creeping
Creighton
Cremer
Creoles
Crescent
Cresson
Cressy
Creswell
Cretan
Cretans
Crete
Crewe
Crichton
Crime
Crimea
Crimean
Crimes
Criminal
Criminals
Criminology
Criminous
Crisis
Crispi
Cristina
Cristobal
Critical
Criticism
Croatia
Croatian
Crocker
Croix
Croker
Cromer
Cromwell
Cromwellian
Crops
Cross
Crossing
Croton
Crowe
Crown
Crowned
Crowns
Cruelty
Cruikshank
Cruise
Cruisers
Crumpacker
Crusade
Crusaders
Crusades
Cruttwell
Cruz
Cry
Crystal
Crécy
Cu
Cuajar
Cuba
Cuban
Cubans
Cudahy
Cuevas
Culebra
Culloden
Culture
Cumberland
Cunard
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Cunenc
Cunningham
Curator
Curaçao
Curb
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Curia
Curiata
Curie
Curiously
Currency
Current
Curry
Curse
Curtailment
Curtis
Curtiss
Curtius
Curzon
Cusey
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Cust
Custer
Custom
Customs
Cutlers
Cutters
Cutts
Cuzco
Cyclopaedia
Cyclopedia
Cyprian
Cyprus
Cyrus
Czar
Czartoryski
Czech
Czechs
Czolgosz
Cæsar
Cæsarism
Cæsars
Córdoba
Cúcuta
CŒUR
Cœur
D
DAIDO
DALGETY
DALNY
DAM
DAMASCUS
DANIEL
DANISH
DANUBIAN
DARKEST
DARTMOUTH
DARWIN
DARWINISM
DAVENPORT
DAVID
DAVIS
DAWN
DAY
DAYANAND
DAYLIGHT
DAYS
DE
DEAKIN
DEALING
DEATH
DEBATE
DEBS
DEBT
DEBTS
DECEASED
DECEMBER
DECISION
DECISIONS
DECISIVE
DECLARATION
DECLARED
DECLINE
DEEP
DEFENSIVE
DEFINITIVE
DEGRADATION
DEL
DELAGRANGE
DELAWARE
DELBRUCK
DELCASSÉ
DELHI
DELOS
DELYANNIS
DEMAGOGUES
DEMANDS
DEMOCRACY
DEMOCRATAS
DEMOCRATIC
DEMOCRATS
DEMOCRISTIANA
DEMONETIZATION
DEMONSTRATION
DEMONSTRATIONS
DENMARK
DENVER
DEPENDENCE
DEPENDENTS
DEPEW
DES
DESCENT
DESPOTS
DESTRUCTION
DESTRUCTIVE
DETENTION
DEUNTZER
DEVELOPMENT
DIAMOND
DIAZ
DICKINSON
DIET
DIN
DINGLEY
DIOGNETUS
DIRECT
DIRECTION
DIRECTORY
DISABILITIES
DISAFFECTION
DISASTERS
DISCOVERY
DISEASE
DISINTEGRATION
DISMISSAL
DISPUTE
DISPUTES
DISRAELI
DISSENSIONS
DISSENTERS
DISSOLUTION
DISTINCTIVE
DISTRACTION
DISTRICT
DISTRUST
DISTURBANCES
DISUNION
DIVIDED
DIVISION
DIVISIONS
DIVORCE
DOCTRINE
DOGGER
DOMESDAY
DOMESTIC
DOMINATION
DOMINGO
DOMINICAN
DOMINICANS
DOMINION
DON
DOOR
DORE
DOUGLAS
DOWAGER
DOWLEH
DOWNFALL
DR
DRAGA
DRAGO
DRANE
DRAWINGS
DREADNOUGHT
DREADNOUGHTS
DRED
DREIBUND
DREYFUS
DRIVING
DRUDE
DRUNKARDS
DRY
DRYGALSKI
DU
DUARTE
DUCOMMUM
DUFF
DUKE
DUMA
DUMAS
DUMONT
DUNANT
DUNBAR
DURATION
DURBAR
DURHAM
DURING
DURUY
DUTCH
DUTIES
DUTY
DWIGHT
DYNASTIES
DYNASTY
Dacca
Dafoe
Dahomé
Daido
Daily
Dakar
Dakota
Dakotas
Dalai
Dalgety
Dali
Dallas
Dalmatia
Dalny
Dalton
Dalzell
Dam
Damages
Damascus
Dame
Dams
Dana
Danes
Danger
Dangerous
Daniel
Danish
Dante
Danton
Danube
Darby
Dark
Darling
Darnley
Darras
Dartmouth
Darwin
Darwinian
Darwinism
Dasent
Dastre
Data
Dates
Davenport
David
Davids
Davidson
Davies
Davis
Dawn
Dawson
Day
Dayanand
Daylight
Days
Dayton
De
Deadlock
Deakin
Dealing
Dealings
Dean
Deane
Death
Debasien
Debate
Debates
Debs
Debt
Debts
Decade
Decameron
Deccan
Deceased
December
Decentralization
Deciduous
Decision
Decisions
Decisive
Decius
Decker
Declaration
Declarations
Declare
Decline
Declines
Declining
Decrease
Decreased
Decree
Decrees
Decretals
Deen
Deep
Deeper
Defeat
Defeated
Defective
Defence
Defences
Defender
Defense
Defensive
Defensor
Defiance
Defiant
Definite
Definition
Degiorgis
Degrees
Dei
Delagoa
Delagrange
Delaplace
Delaware
Delbruck
Delcassé
Delegacy
Delegate
Delegates
Delegations
Delft
Delgada
Delhi
Deliberate
Delivered
Delivery
Dell
Dellenbaugh
Delta
Delusions
Delyannis
Demand
Demands
Demarcation
Demetrios
Deming
Democracia
Democracy
Democrat
Democratas
Democraten
Democratic
Democratique
Democratizing
Democrats
Democristiana
Demonstration
Demoralized
Demos
Demosthenes
Denial
Denis
Denmark
Denominational
Denton
Denunciatory
Denver
Department
Departmental
Departments
Departure
Dependencies
Dependency
Dependents
Depew
Deportation
Deposed
Deposition
Depression
Deputation
Deputies
Deputy
Der
Derby
Derbyshire
Dernburg
Derya
Des
Descamps
Descartes
Description
Descriptive
Desert
Deserts
Designs
Desirable
Desire
Desiring
Desjardin
Despatch
Despatches
Desperate
Despite
Despoiling
Despotic
Despots
Destroyers
Destruction
Destructive
Destructiveness
Detailed
Details
Detective
Detention
Determining
Dethronement
Deuntzer
Deutsche
Deutschen
Deutschthum
Deutsehen
Devanter
Developing
Development
Developments
Devine
Dewa
Dewey
Dexter
Dhinagri
Dia
Diamond
Diana
Diary
Diaz
Dicey
Dickens
Dickinson
Dictator
Dictatorial
Dictatorship
Did
Diderot
Died
Diego
Diesel
Diet
Diets
Dieu
Difference
Differences
Differentiation
Differing
Difficulties
Difficulty
Diffusion
Digby
Digest
Dijon
Dilke
Dillon
Diman
Diminished
Dimmick
Din
Dindaleathglass
Dingley
Dinka
Dinkas
Dinners
Diocesan
Diocese
Dioceses
Diocletian
Diognetus
Dios
Diplomacy
Diplomatic
Diplomatist
Direct
Direction
Directly
Director
Directors
Directory
Dirigible
Disabilities
Disaffection
Disappointing
Disarmament
Discharge
Disciple
Disciplinary
Discipline
Disclaims
Disclosures
Disconnecting
Discontent
Discount
Discouragement
Discourse
Discoverers
Discoveries
Discovery
Discriminating
Discussed
Discussing
Discussion
Disease
Diseases
Disestablishment
Disfranchisement
Disfranchising
Disguised
Dismissal
Disorder
Disorders
Dispensary
Dispersion
Displacement
Disposition
Dispute
Disputed
Disputes
Disqualification
Disruption
Disruptionists
Dissatisfaction
Dissenters
Dissenting
Dissipation
Dissolution
Distillers
Distilling
Distortion
Distress
Distribution
District
Districts
Distrust
Disturbance
Disturbances
Divided
Dividends
Divine
Divinity
Division
Divisional
Divorce
Divorces
Dixon
Djarboub
Djebel
Djibouti
Djumabala
Djumaisk
Do
Dobrudja
Dobson
Doc
Dochantapeh
Dock
Docks
Doctor
Doctors
Doctrine
Doctrines
Document
Documents
Does
Dogger
Doings
Dolbahanta
Dollars
Dolma
Dolphin
Dolton
Dom
Domain
Domaine
Domains
Domergue
Domesday
Domestic
Domett
Domingo
Dominguez
Domini
Dominican
Dominicans
Dominion
Dominions
Domitian
Don
Donald
Donaldson
Donation
Done
Door
Dorian
Dorians
Dormund
Dorothy
Dorsheimer
Doré
Doshi
Doshishukai
Dostoyevski
Doubleday
Doubt
Doubtless
Douglas
Douma
Dover
Dowager
Dowleh
Down
Downing
Doyle
Dr
Draco
Draft
Draga
Drago
Dragoumis
Drainage
Drake
Drama
Drane
Draper
Drastic
Drawing
Drawn
Dreadnought
Dreadnoughts
Dreher
Dreibund
Dresden
Dresdener
Dressed
Dreyfus
Dreyfusards
Dried
Drink
Drinking
Drinks
Driven
Driver
Drogheda
Droysen
Drs
Drude
Drug
Drugs
Dry
Drygalski
Du
Dual
Duarte
Dublin
Dubois
Duc
Duchess
Duchies
Duchy
Ducommum
Dudley
Duff
Duffy
Duke
Dull
Duluth
Duma
Dumas
Dumbarton
Dumont
Dunant
Dunbar
Duncan
Duncans
Duncker
Dundalk
Dundee
Dunedin
Dunfermline
Dunham
Dunlop
Dunne
Dunois
Dunraven
Durand
Durban
Durbar
Durfee
Durham
During
Duruy
Dusseldorf
Dutch
Dutchman
Dutchmen
Duties
Dutt
Dutton
Duty
Dwellers
Dwight
Dyer
Dynamite
Dynasties
Dynasty
Démocratique
Döllinger
D’Aubigné
D’ÉTAT
E
EAGLE
EAR
EARL
EARLIEST
EARLY
EARTHQUAKE
EARTHQUAKES
EAST
EASTERN
ECCLESIASTICAL
ECCLESIASTICISM
ECHEGARAY
ECONOMIC
ECUADOR
ED
EDDIN
EDICT
EDICTS
EDITION
EDITOR
EDMONTON
EDUARDO
EDUCATION
EDUCATIONAL
EDWARD
EDWIN
EFFECT
EFFECTIVE
EFFECTS
EFFENDI
EFFORTS
EGYPT
EGYPTIAN
EHR
EHRLICH
EIGHT
EIGHTEENTH
EIGHTH
EIKON
EL
ELAMITES
ELECTED
ELECTION
ELECTIONS
ELECTIVE
ELECTORAL
ELECTORS
ELECTRICAL
ELECTRICITY
ELECTRO
ELECTRONS
ELEVATOR
ELEVENTH
ELGIN
ELIDORO
ELIE
ELIHU
ELIOT
ELIZABETH
ELIZABETHAN
ELKINS
ELLEN
ELLIOTT
EMANCIPATION
EMELINE
EMERGENCY
EMERY
EMIGRATION
EMINENT
EMMANUEL
EMPEROR
EMPERORS
EMPIRE
EMPIRES
EMPLOYERS
EMPRESS
ENCYCLICAL
ENCYCLICALS
END
ENDJUMEN
ENGAGEMENTS
ENGINE
ENGLAND
ENGLISH
ENGLISHMAN
ENJUMEN
ENLARGED
ENTENTE
ENTITLING
ENTRY
ENVER
EPISCOPATE
EPISTLE
EPOCH
EQUADOR
EQUITABLE
EQUITY
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ERDMAN
ERICHSEN
ERICSSON
ERIE
ERITREA
ERNEST
ERNESTO
ERUPTION
ERUPTIONS
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ESNEH
ESPERANTO
ESTABLISHES
ESTABLISHMENT
ESTATE
ESTATES
ESTOURNELLES
ESTRADA
ESTUPINIAN
ET
ETC
ETHER
ETHIOPIA
EUCKEN
EUDISTES
EUGENE
EUGENICS
EULENBURG
EUPHRATES
EUROPE
EUROPEAN
EVACUATION
EVANS
EVE
EVENING
EVENTS
EVICTED
EVOLUTION
EX
EXAMINATION
EXCAVATION
EXCHANGE
EXCHANGES
EXCLUSION
EXECUTION
EXECUTIVE
EXHIBITION
EXILE
EXODUS
EXPANSION
EXPATRIATION
EXPEDITION
EXPEDITIONS
EXPLORATION
EXPLORERS
EXPLORING
EXPOSITION
EXPOSITIONS
EXTENDING
EZCURRA
Each
Eagle
Eardley
Earl
Earlier
Earliest
Early
Earned
Earnestly
Earth
Earthquake
Easley
East
Easter
Eastern
Eastward
Eaton
Ecclesia
Ecclesiastical
Echegaray
Echterdingen
Eck
Eckels
Economic
Economically
Economics
Economists
Economy
Ecuador
Ed
Eddin
Eden
Edersheim
Edgar
Edict
Edicts
Edinburgh
Edison
Edith
Editor
Editorial
Edmonton
Edmund
Eduard
Eduardo
Education
Educational
Edward
Edwards
Edwardus
Edwin
Effect
Effective
Effects
Effendi
Efficiency
Efficient
Efforts
Egar
Egede
Eggleston
Eggs
Eginhard
Egypt
Egyptian
Egyptians
Ehr
Ehrich
Ehrlich
Ehrlungshan
Ehrman
Eiffel
Eight
Eighteen
Eighteenth
Eighth
Eighthly
Eightieth
Einheitstraum
Einheitstraumes
Either
Ekaterinoslav
El
Elasticity
Elbert
Elder
Eleanor
Elected
Election
Elections
Elective
Elector
Electoral
Electors
Electric
Electrical
Electricity
Electro
Elementary
Elevation
Eleven
Elgin
Elgon
Elias
Elidoro
Elie
Eligibility
Elihu
Eliot
Elizabeth
Elizabethan
Elizabethport
Elkind
Elkins
Ella
Ellen
Elliott
Ellis
Ellsworth
Elmer
Eloy
Elroy
Eltzbacher
Ely
Elysee
Elysées
Emancipation
Embankment
Embassy
Emergency
Emerson
Emerton
Emery
Emigration
Emigres
Emil
Emile
Emilio
Emin
Eminence
Eminent
Emir
Emmanuel
Emmett
Emmott
Emory
Emperor
Emperors
Empire
Empires
Employees
Employers
Employment
Employé
Employés
Emporium
Empress
Emptiness
Ena
Enactment
Enactments
Enc
Encourage
Encouragement
Encroachment
Encroachments
Encyclical
Encyclopaedia
Encyclopedia
End
Endicott
Ending
Endorsement
Endowed
Endowment
Enemies
Enemy
Enforced
Enforcement
Enfranchisement
Engagements
Engine
Engineer
Engineering
Engineers
England
Englanders
English
Englishman
Englishmen
Enjumen
Enjumens
Enlarged
Enlargement
Enlargements
Enlightened
Enlistment
Enock
Enormous
Enough
Enrique
Enriquez
Enseignement
Entente
Entering
Entire
Entirely
Entomological
Entrance
Entre
Entry
Enumerators
Envoy
Enzeli
Ephesus
Epic
Epicureans
Episcopacy
Episcopal
Episcopalians
Episcopate
Epistle
Epistles
Epitome
Epoch
Epochs
Equador
Equal
Equally
Equator
Equipments
Equitable
Equity
Era
Eradication
Erastus
Erdman
Erebus
Erection
Eregli
Eric
Erichsen
Ericsson
Erie
Erik
Eritrea
Ernest
Ernesto
Ernst
Eruption
Escurra
Esher
Eskimo
Eskimos
Esneh
Esopus
Esparta
Especial
Especially
Esperantists
Esperanto
Espirito
Esquimault
Esquimaux
Essays
Essentially
Establish
Established
Establishing
Establishment
Estate
Estates
Este
Estevan
Esther
Estimate
Estimates
Estrada
Estupinian
Etah
Ethan
Ether
Ethics
Ethiopia
Ethiopian
Ethnological
Etonians
Eucken
Eudistes
Eugene
Eugenics
Eujumens
Eulenburg
Euphorion
Euphrates
Eureka
Europa
Europe
European
Europeans
Eusebius
Eustis
Evacuation
Evans
Evansville
Evasion
Eve
Evelyn
Even
Evening
Events
Eventually
Ever
Everard
Everett
Everit
Eversley
Every
Everybody
Everyone
Everything
Everywhere
Evetts
Evicted
Evidence
Evidently
Evil
Evolution
Ewald
Ex
Exacted
Exactly
Exaggerated
Examinations
Examine
Exarchate
Exceeding
Excellencies
Excellency
Excellent
Except
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Exception
Exceptional
Exceptions
Exchange
Exchanges
Exchequer
Excise
Excited
Excitement
Exclamations
Excluded
Excluding
Exclusion
Exclusive
Execution
Executions
Executive
Executives
Exemplary
Exemptions
Exercise
Exert
Exeter
Exhibit
Exhibiting
Exhibition
Exile
Existing
Exodus
Expansion
Expatriated
Expatriation
Expectation
Expediting
Expedition
Expeditions
Expenditure
Expenditures
Expenses
Experience
Experiences
Experiment
Experimental
Experiments
Experts
Expiration
Explanation
Explanatory
Exploitation
Exploits
Exploration
Explorations
Explorers
Explosion
Export
Exposition
Exposure
Expounder
Express
Expression
Expulsion
Extended
Extension
Extensions
Extensive
Extent
Extermination
External
Extinction
Extirpation
Extortion
Extra
Extracts
Extradition
Extraordinary
Extreme
Eye
Eyed
Ezcurra
Ezra
F
FABIAN
FACTOR
FACTORY
FAILURE
FAIRBANKS
FAKUMENN
FALL
FALLIÈRES
FALLS
FAMILY
FAMINES
FAMY
FANG
FARADAY
FAREWELL
FARM
FARMAN
FARMERS
FARMING
FARRAGUT
FATE
FATHER
FATHERS
FAZIL
FEBRUARY
FEDAKIARANS
FEDERAL
FEDERALIST
FEDERATION
FEELING
FEHIM
FEHMI
FEIN
FEJERVARY
FELIPE
FELLOWSHIP
FENGHUANGCHENG
FENIAN
FENSHUILING
FERRER
FERRY
FERTILIZER
FETVA
FEUDALISM
FEVER
FIALA
FICHTE
FIELD
FIELDS
FIFTEENTH
FIFTH
FIGURES
FILIBUSTERING
FILIPINO
FINAL
FINANCE
FINANCIAL
FINLAND
FINNS
FINSEN
FIRE
FIREMEN
FIRST
FISCAL
FISCHER
FISHER
FISHERIES
FISHERY
FISHES
FISKE
FIVE
FLAVIAN
FLEET
FLETCHER
FLIGHT
FLINT
FLOODS
FLORIDA
FLUCTUATIONS
FOLK
FOLLETTE
FOLLOWING
FOOD
FOOT
FOR
FORCE
FORCES
FOREIGN
FOREIGNERS
FOREST
FORESTRY
FORESTS
FORMAL
FORMATION
FORMIO
FORMOSA
FORSTER
FORT
FORTIS
FORTS
FORTY
FOSTER
FOUNDATION
FOUNDING
FOURTEENTH
FOURTH
FOWLER
FOX
FRANCE
FRANCHISE
FRANCIS
FRANCISCANS
FRANCISCO
FRANCO
FRANK
FRANKFORT
FRANKLIN
FRANKS
FRANÇOIS
FRAUDS
FREDERIC
FREDERICK
FREDERICKS
FREE
FREED
FREEDMEN
FREEDOM
FREEMAN
FREES
FREIGHT
FRENCH
FRIARS
FRIDAY
FRIEDJUNG
FRIENDLY
FROM
FRONDE
FRONTIER
FROUDE
FRUCTIDOR
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FUGITIVE
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FUND
FUNDS
FURNESS
FURTHER
FUTURE
FUTUVAT
Fa
Fabian
Fabians
Fabriken
Face
Factories
Factors
Factory
Facts
Facultative
Faculty
Fadel
allah
Fahrenheit
Failing
Failure
Failures
Fair
Fairbairn
Fairbanks
Fairfax
Fairhaired
Fairs
Faith
Falcon
Falkirk
Falkland
Fall
Falling
Fallières
Fallow
Falls
False
Families
Family
Famine
Famous
Faneuil
Fang
Fannie
Far
Faraday
Farewell
Farm
Farman
Farmer
Farmers
Farming
Faroun
Farragut
Farrar
Farrer
Farsistan
Farwell
Fas
Fast
Fatal
Fate
Father
Fatherland
Fathers
Fatigue
Faulkner
Faun
Favor
Favored
Fawcett
Fay
Fazil
Fe
Fear
Fearlessly
Feast
Feather
Features
February
Fedai
Fedakiarans
Federal
Federalist
Federalists
Federals
Federated
Federation
Federations
Feeble
Feeding
Feeling
Fehim
Fehmi
Fein
Fejervary
Felipe
Felix
Fell
Fellow
Fellowship
Felton
Feludia
Female
Females
Fen
Fence
Feng
Fenghuangcheng
Fenianism
Fenshuiling
Fer
Ferdinand
Ferencz
Ferguson
Ferid
Ferie
Fern
Fernando
Fernow
Ferrand
Ferreira
Ferrer
Ferris
Ferroul
Fertilizer
Festina
Festival
Feudal
Feudalism
Fever
Few
Fez
Fezzis
Fiala
Fiber
Fichte
Fidei
Fidelity
Field
Fielding
Fields
Fierce
Fife
Fifteen
Fifteenth
Fifth
Fifthly
Fifty
Fighig
Fight
Fighting
Figuero
Figueroa
Figure
Filali
Filipinas
Filipino
Filipinos
Final
Finally
Finance
Finances
Financial
Finch
Fine
Fined
Fines
Finland
Finlay
Finn
Finnish
Finns
Finsen
Fire
Firemen
Firman
Firmans
Firmin
First
Firstly
Firth
Fiscal
Fischel
Fischer
Fish
Fisher
Fisheries
Fishery
Fishes
Fishing
Fiske
Fissuring
Fit
Fitzgerald
Fitzhugh
Fitzmaurice
Fitzpatrick
Five
Flag
Flagg
Flagler
Flanders
Flat
Flax
Fleet
Fleets
Flemings
Flemish
Fletcher
Flight
Flinn
Flint
Floggings
Flood
Floods
Florence
Florentine
Florida
Floridian
Flottwell
Flour
Flower
Folk
Folkersahm
Folkething
Follette
Following
Fonseca
Fontainbleau
Fontaine
Foochow
Food
Fookien
Foote
Footnote
Footprints
For
Foraker
Forbes
Forbidden
Force
Forced
Forces
Ford
Foreign
Foreigner
Foreman
Foremost
Forest
Forester
Forestry
Forests
Forged
Formal
Formation
Former
Formerly
Formidables
Formosa
Formosan
Forms
Formula
Formulary
Formulation
Forrest
Forster
Forsyth
Fort
Fortieth
Fortification
Fortis
Fortnightly
Fortress
Forts
Fortunately
Fortunes
Forty
Forward
Foster
Foulke
Foulois
Foumis
Foundation
Foundations
Founded
Founder
Founders
Founding
Foundling
Four
Fourteen
Fourteenth
Fourth
Fourthly
Fowler
Fox
Foxton
Frame
Framing
France
Franchise
Franchises
Francis
Francisco
Francke
Franco
Francois
Frank
Frankfort
Frankfurt
Frankfurter
Frankincense
Frankish
Franklin
Frankly
Franks
Franz
Française
Fraser
Fraternal
Fraternities
Fraternity
Fraud
Frauds
Fred
Frederic
Frederick
Free
Freedom
Freeman
Frees
Freethinkers
Freeville
Freight
French
Frenchman
Frenchmen
Frenchwomen
Frequent
Fresh
Fresno
Friar
Friars
Frick
Friday
Fried
Friedjung
Friedrich
Friedrichshafen
Friend
Friendly
Friends
Frightened
Frightful
Frissell
Frist
Frivilliga
Frohlich
Froissart
From
Frontier
Frontiers
Frothingham
Froude
Frozen
Fruit
Fruits
Frundsberg
Fry
Fuca
Fugitive
Fukien
Fulani
Fulbert
Fulfillment
Fulfilment
Fulgencio
Full
Fuller
Fully
Fulton
Function
Fund
Fundamental
Funds
Fundy
Funeral
Funston
Furious
Furness
Further
Furthermore
Fushun
Fusion
Fusionists
Future
Fyffe
Fé
Fête
G
GABRIEL
GAELIC
GAGE
GAINS
GALLIC
GALLICAN
GALSTER
GALVESTON
GAMBLING
GANGADHAR
GAPON
GARCIA
GARDEN
GARFIELD
GARIBALDI
GAS
GASOLINE
GATUN
GAUL
GAULS
GAUNA
GAUTSCH
GAYNOR
GEARY
GEAY
GENERAL
GENET
GENEVA
GENIUS
GENSERIC
GEOGRAPHIC
GEOGRAPHY
GEORGE
GEORGEI
GEORGIA
GEORGIAN
GERMAN
GERMANIC
GERMANIZING
GERMANY
GETTYSBURG
GHENT
GHIBELLINES
GHOSE
GIBBON
GIBBONEY
GIBBS
GIFFORD
GIFTS
GIL
GINN
GIOLITTI
GIORGIS
GIOVANNI
GIRONDISTS
GIVEN
GIVING
GLADSTONE
GOBAT
GOETHALS
GOLD
GOLDEN
GOLDWIN
GOLGI
GOLUCHOWSKI
GOMEZ
GOMPERS
GOOD
GOODS
GORDON
GOREMYKIN
GORGAS
GOTHARD
GOTHS
GOVERNMENT
GOVERNMENTAL
GOVERNMENTS
GOVERNOR
GOVERNORS
GRACCHI
GRADUAL
GRAFT
GRANADA
GRAND
GRANT
GRAY
GREAT
GREATLY
GREECE
GREEK
GREEN
GREGOR
GREGORIAN
GREGORY
GREY
GRIP
GROCERS
GROSSCUP
GROWERS
GROWING
GROWTH
GRUITCH
GU
GUANTANAMO
GUARDS
GUATEMALA
GUELFS
GUERRA
GUIANA
GUISES
GULF
GULLY
GUMMERÉ
GUSTAVUS
GUTHRIE
Gabriel
Gaelic
Gage
Gaillard
Gain
Gains
Gairdner
Galicia
Gall
Gallagher
Gallatin
Gallenga
Galli
Gallic
Gallican
Gallons
Galster
Galton
Galveston
Galway
Gambetta
Gambettas
Gambia
Gambling
Gamboa
Game
Gammell
Gandhi
Gangadhar
Ganges
Gannett
Gantt
Gaol
Gapon
Garbage
Garbiras
Garcia
Gard
Gardens
Gardiner
Gardner
Garees
Garfield
Garibaldi
Garment
Garnett
Garrison
Gary
Gas
Gascoyne
Gasoline
Gaspard
Gaspey
Gasquet
Gaston
Gate
Gates
Gathering
Gatschet
Gatun
Gauche
Gauge
Gaulois
Gauls
Gauna
Gauss
Gautsch
Gay
Gayarré
Gaynor
Gayraud
Gazette
Gazik
Geary
Geay
Gebhart
Geddes
Geffcken
Gen
Genaro
Gendarmerie
Genealogy
General
Generally
Generals
Generalship
Generate
Genesee
Geneva
Genius
Genoa
Genoese
Gentile
Gentlemen
Genérale
Geodetic
Geoffrey
Geographic
Geographical
Geographically
Geography
Geological
Georg
George
Georgei
Georges
Georgia
Georgian
Ger
Geraes
Gerard
Gerlache
Germain
German
Germanic
Germanizing
Germans
Germany
Germanys
Gervais
Geschichte
Gettysburg
Gharb
Ghent
Ghibellines
Ghose
Gibbins
Gibbon
Gibboney
Gibbons
Gibbs
Gibraltar
Gids
Giesebrecht
Giffard
Gifford
Gift
Gifts
Gil
Gilbert
Gild
Giles
Gilford
Gill
Gillhaus
Gilman
Gindely
Ginn
Giolitti
Giorgio
Giorgis
Giosue
Giovanni
Girls
Girondists
Giuseppe
Give
Given
Giving
Givskov
Gjoa
Glacier
Gladden
Gladstone
Gladstonian
Glasgow
Glasier
Glass
Gleanings
Gleig
Glenn
Glombinski
Gloria
Glorious
Glory
Glossina
Glossop
Gneist
Go
Goajira
Goat
Gobat
God
Goddess
Godfrey
Godkin
Godwin
Goeppingen
Goethals
Gold
Golden
Goldfields
Goldmark
Goldstein
Goldwin
Golgi
Goliath
Goluchowski
Gomez
Gompers
Gondokoro
Gonzales
Good
Goodnow
Goodrich
Goods
Goodwin
Goold
Gordon
Gore
Goremykin
Gorgas
Goschen
Gosse
Gothard
Goths
Gough
Gould
Govan
Governed
Governing
Government
Governmental
Governments
Governor
Governors
Governorship
Grace
Gracias
Gracious
Gradually
Graduated
Graetz
Graft
Graham
Grahame
Grahamstown
Grain
Grampians
Grampound
Granada
Granaries
Grand
Grande
Grandeur
Grandfather
Granger
Granite
Grant
Granville
Grass
Gratia
Gratifying
Grattan
Graves
Gravissimo
Gray
Grazing
Great
Greater
Greatest
Greatly
Greatness
Greco
Greece
Greek
Greeks
Greeley
Green
Greene
Greenland
Greenock
Greenwich
Gregor
Gregorian
Gregorio
Gregorovius
Gregory
Gresham
Greswell
Grey
Grievances
Griffin
Griffis
Griffith
Griffiths
Grimm
Gripenberg
Griscom
Grocers
Gronlund
Gross
Grosscup
Grosse
Grossindustrielle
Grosskaufleute
Grosso
Grote
Groundless
Grounds
Group
Groups
Groussau
Grover
Growers
Growing
Growth
Gruiteh
Græco
Grübe
Guadeloupe
Guaicaipuro
Guantanamo
Guaranteed
Guarantees
Guaranty
Guardian
Guards
Guarico
Guatemala
Guayaquil
Guayra
Guelfs
Guelphs
Guerlac
Guernsey
Guerra
Guerville
Guesdist
Guest
Guests
Guettée
Guevara
Guggenheim
Guglielmo
Guhl
Guiana
Guild
Guildhall
Guillemard
Guilty
Guineas
Guinness
Guiteras
Guizot
Gujarat
Gujerati
Gulf
Gulhaneh
Gulick
Gully
Gummeré
Gunby
Gundry
Guns
Guntzuling
Guru
Gusef
Gustav
Gustavas
Gustave
Gustavus
Guthrie
Gyangtse
Gympie
Gyroscopic
GÉNÉRALE
Générale
Générate
H
HAAKON
HABANA
HABEAS
HABIBULLAH
HAECKEL
HAFID
HAFIZ
HAGEN
HAGOPIAN
HAGUE
HAI
HAICHENG
HAITI
HAKKI
HALDANE
HALE
HALL
HALLAM
HAMARA
HAMED
HAMID
HAMLIN
HAMMURABI
HAND
HANKAU
HANNA
HANSEATIC
HANSEN
HAPSBURGS
HARBIN
HARCOURT
HARDEN
HARDIE
HARPER
HARRIMAN
HARRISON
HARRISSE
HARRY
HARTFORD
HARVARD
HARVESTER
HAS
HASSAN
HASTINGS
HATSUSE
HATTI
HAUSA
HAVANA
HAVEN
HAY
HAYNE
HAYTI
HEAD
HEALTH
HEARST
HEBRIDES
HEDERVARY
HELLENIC
HELP
HELVETIC
HENEY
HENKEL
HENRICUS
HENRIK
HENRIQUES
HENRY
HEPBURN
HEPTARCHY
HER
HERBERT
HEREDITARY
HERMANDAD
HERMANN
HERMIT
HERO
HEROD
HERODIANS
HERR
HERREROS
HERRING
HERVÉ
HERZEGOVINA
HESSIANS
HETCH
HETCHY
HICKS
HIGGINSON
HIGHBINDER
HIGHLANDS
HILDEBRAND
HILL
HILLS
HILMI
HINDU
HINTZE
HIS
HISGEN
HISTORIANS
HISTORIC
HISTORICAL
HISTORY
HITCHCOCK
HO
HOFF
HOGUE
HOHENLOHE
HOHENSTAUFEN
HOHENZOLLERN
HOHENZOLLERNS
HOLDING
HOLDINGS
HOLDS
HOLLAND
HOLLWEG
HOLST
HOLSTEIN
HOLY
HOME
HOMEL
HOMES
HOMESTEAD
HONDA
HONDURAS
HOOKWORM
HORACE
HORRIBLE
HORRORS
HORUP
HOSPITALLERS
HOSTILITY
HOTTENTOTS
HOUR
HOURS
HOUSE
HOUSES
HOUSING
HOW
HSI
HSIHOYEN
HSU
HSUAN
HUDSON
HUGHES
HUGUENOT
HUGUENOTS
HUMAN
HUMAYUN
HUMPHREY
HUNDRED
HUNG
HUNGARY
HUNS
HUTCHINSON
HYDE
HYGINO
HYKSOS
Haakon
Habana
Habbania
Habibullah
Habit
Habitations
Hacha
Hachimakiyama
Had
Hadjin
Hadley
Hadramaut
Hadrian
Hafid
Hafiz
Hagcrup
Hagen
Hagopian
Hague
Hai
Haicheng
Haileybury
Hains
Haiti
Haitian
Haitians
Hake
Hakki
Hakuaisha
Haldane
Haldeman
Hale
Hales
Half
Haliburton
Halifax
Halima
Hall
Hallam
Halliday
Halligan
Halsbury
Halve
Hamara
Hamburg
Hamed
Hamerton
Hamid
Hamidian
Hamidianism
Hamilton
Hamlin
Hammond
Hammurabi
Hampden
Hampshire
Hampton
Hand
Handbook
Handelshochschulen
Hanford
Hang
Hankau
Hankow
Hanna
Hannay
Hanover
Hanoverian
Hanoverians
Hans
Hanseatic
Hansen
Hanson
Haouz
Happily
Happy
Hapsburg
Hapsburgh
Harben
Harbin
Harbor
Harbour
Harcourt
Hard
Harden
Hardie
Hardly
Hardwick
Hardy
Hare
Harem
Harlan
Harmony
Harnack
Haro
Harold
Haroun
Harper
Harput
Harriman
Harrington
Harris
Harrisburg
Harrison
Harrisse
Harrod
Harry
Hart
Hartford
Harting
Hartley
Hartwig
Harup
Harvard
Harvester
Harvests
Has
Haskell
Hassan
Hassaurek
Hassencamp
Hastings
Hatch
Hatfield
Hatsuse
Hatters
Hatti
Hatzfeld
Haug
Hausa
Haute
Havana
Havari
Have
Havelock
Havemeyer
Haven
Haverfield
Haverty
Having
Havre
Hawaii
Hawaiian
Hawk
Hawkins
Hawks
Hawksley
Hawkwood
Hawthorne
Hay
Hayashi
Hayes
Hayman
Haynes
Hays
Hayti
Haytian
Haywood
Hazard
Hazel
Hazen
Hazlitt
He
Head
Headlam
Headley
Headquarters
Headship
Health
Heard
Hearing
Hearings
Hearn
Hearst
Heart
Heath
Heathenism
Heaton
Heaven
Heavy
Hebberd
Hebraic
Hebrew
Hebrews
Hebrides
Hecla
Hedervary
Heeren
Hei
Heibergsland
Heike
Heinrich
Heir
Helen
Helena
Hell
Hellenes
Hellenic
Hellenica
Help
Helps
Helsingfors
Hemisphere
Hence
Henderson
Hendrick
Hendrik
Henebry
Heney
Henkel
Hennepin
Hennessy
Henri
Henries
Henrik
Henriques
Henry
Henryk
Hepburn
Her
Herald
Herbert
Herculaneum
Herculean
Here
Hereafter
Hereditary
Heredity
Hereros
Heretofore
Hereward
Herford
Herman
Hermann
Hermes
Hermits
Herndon
Hero
Herodotus
Heroes
Herr
Herran
Herrera
Herrick
Herring
Hersegovina
Herstlet
Hertslet
Hertzian
Hertzog
Hervé
Herzegovina
Hessians
Het
Hetch
Hetchy
Heureaux
Heylyn
Hiawatha
Hicks
Hickson
Hidalgo
Hides
Higginson
High
Higham
Highbinder
Higher
Highlands
Highness
Highnesses
Hilary
Hildebrand
Hildeburn
Hildreth
Hill
Hillhouse
Hills
Hilmi
Hilprecht
Him
Himself
Himstedt
Hindich
Hindoo
Hindu
Hinduism
Hindus
Hindustan
Hinschius
Hinsdale
Hinterland
Hintze
Hiram
Hirobumi
Hirtius
His
Hisgen
Historians
Historic
Historical
Historically
Historisch
Historischs
History
Hit
Hitchcock
Hitherto
Hittell
Hittites
Hoag
Hoar
Hodges
Hodgkin
Hodgson
Hoff
Hoffman
Hogarth
Hogs
Hohenau
Hohenlohe
Hohenstaufen
Hohenzollern
Hohenzollerns
Hoke
Holcomb
Hold
Holders
Holding
Holdings
Holdsworth
Holes
Holguin
Holiness
Holland
Hollander
Holliday
Hollister
Hollweg
Holm
Holmes
Holst
Holstein
Holt
Holy
Home
Homer
Homes
Homestead
Homs
Hon
Honan
Honda
Honduran
Honduranean
Honduras
Honest
Hong
Hongkong
Honolulu
Honor
Honorable
Honorables
Honorary
Honors
Honour
Honourable
Hood
Hook
Hookham
Hookworm
Hooper
Hope
Hopeful
Hopetoun
Hoping
Hopkins
Hops
Horace
Horatian
Horne
Horrible
Horses
Horseshoe
Hortensian
Horton
Hoshi
Hosmer
Hospital
Hospitals
Hostile
Hostilities
Hostility
Hot
Hotel
Hottentots
Hough
Houghton
Hours
House
Household
Houses
Housing
Houston
How
Howard
Howe
Howell
However
Howorth
Hozier
Hsi
Hsien
Hsienchang
Hsihoyen
Hsin
Hsu
Hsuan
Huaijen
Hub
Huber
Hubert
Hudson
Hue
Huff
Hug
Hugh
Hughes
Hughitt
Hughli
Hughs
Hugo
Huguenot
Huguenots
Hugues
Hukuang
Hulbert
Hull
Hulsin
Human
Humanité
Humayun
Humbert
Humboldt
Hume
Humphrey
Humphry
Hun
Hunan
Hundred
Hundreds
Hung
Hungarian
Hungarians
Hungary
Hunt
Hunte
Hunter
Hupei
Hupuh
Hurd
Hurlbert
Hurlburt
Hurley
Huron
Hurried
Hurst
Hus
Hussite
Husted
Hutchins
Hutchinson
Huxley
Hyde
Hyder
Hygiene
Hygienic
Hygino
Hypolite
Hypothekenbank
Hysteria
HÄUSSER
Häusser
Hérault
I
ICELAND
IDAHO
IDE
IDEA
IDEAS
IGNATIEFF
II
III
ILLINOIS
IMAM
IMMEDIATE
IMMIGRATION
IMPEACHMENT
IMPERATOR
IMPERIAL
IMPORTANCE
IMPORTANT
IMPRESSMENT
IMPROVEMENT
IMPROVEMENTS
IN
INAUGURAL
INAUGURATION
INCAS
INCIDENT
INCOME
INCORPORATION
INCREASE
INCREASED
INCREASING
INDEMNITY
INDEPENDENCE
INDEPENDENT
INDEPENDENTS
INDEPENDISTAS
INDETERMINATE
INDIA
INDIAN
INDIANAPOLIS
INDIANS
INDIES
INDIVISIBILITY
INDO
INDUSTRIAL
INFAMOUS
INFIRMITY
INFLUENCE
INHABITANTS
INHERITANCE
INITIATIVE
INJUNCTIONS
INLAND
INMEDIATISTAS
INQUISITION
INSTITUTE
INSTITUTION
INSTITUTIONS
INSURANCE
INSURRECTION
INTELLECTUALS
INTELLIGENZIA
INTEMPERANCE
INTER
INTERCHANGES
INTERCOLONIAL
INTEREST
INTERESTS
INTERFERENCE
INTERFEROMETER
INTERIOR
INTERNAL
INTERNATIONAL
INTERNATIONALISM
INTEROCEANIC
INTERPARLIAMENTARY
INTERSTATE
INTERVENTION
INTERVIEW
INTO
INTOXICANTS
INTRANSIGENTES
INTRODUCTION
INVASION
INVASIONS
INVENTION
INVENTORY
INVESTIGATION
INVISIBLE
ION
IONIAN
IOWA
IRELAND
IRISH
IRON
IRONSIDES
IROQUOIS
IRRIGATION
IS
ISAIAH
ISLAM
ISLAMISM
ISLAND
ISLANDS
ISLE
ISRAEL
ISTHMIAN
ISVOLSKY
IT
ITAGAKI
ITALIAN
ITALY
ITO
ITS
IUTARO
IV
IVRY
IX
IZEDDIN
Ian
Ibuki
Ice
Iceland
Icelanders
Icelandic
Ichang
Ichaug
Icilian
Iconoclastic
Ida
Idaho
Ide
Ideal
Ideas
Idleness
If
Igarashi
Iglesias
Igli
Ignacio
Ignatief
Ignatieff
Ignorance
Ihne
Iki
Ikoma
Iles
Ilg
Iliad
Ilkhani
Ill
Illegal
Illegality
Illicit
Illinois
Illness
Illustrated
Illyria
Illyrian
Ilocano
Ilocos
Imam
Imams
Iman
Imitating
Immediate
Immediately
Immense
Immigrants
Immigration
Immunity
Impartial
Impeachment
Impending
Imperator
Imperial
Imperialism
Imperialist
Imperialists
Imperially
Implementing
Impliedly
Import
Important
Importantly
Importation
Imports
Imposture
Impressions
Imprisonment
Improved
Improvement
Improvements
In
Inability
Inaction
Inadequacy
Inadequate
Inasmuch
Inaugural
Inauguration
Inazo
Inception
Incessant
Incident
Incidentally
Inclosure
Income
Incongruous
Incorporation
Incorporators
Increase
Increased
Increases
Increasing
Incursions
Indeed
Indefatigable
Indemnity
Independence
Independent
Independently
Independents
Independientes
Independistas
Indeterminate
Index
India
Indian
Indiana
Indianapolis
Indians
Indicate
Indications
Indictment
Indictments
Indies
Indignation
Indirectly
Individual
Indiæ
Indo
Indomitable
Inducements
Inductive
Industrial
Industries
Industry
Infallibility
Infant
Infantry
Infection
Infinitely
Infinitesimal
Inflammation
Inflated
Influence
Influx
Informal
Information
Infuriated
Ingalls
Inhabitants
Inheritance
Initial
Initials
Initiation
Initiative
Injunction
Injunctions
Injuries
Inland
Inlet
Inman
Inmediatistas
Inner
Innocent
Innsprück
Inquiry
Inquisition
Inshallah
Inside
Inspector
Inspired
Installation
Instantly
Instead
Instigated
Instigations
Institut
Institute
Institution
Institutions
Instruction
Instructions
Instrument
Insular
Insurance
Insurgency
Insurgent
Insurgents
Insurrection
Integrity
Intellectual
Intellectuals
Intellektuellen
Intelligence
Intelligentia
Intelligenzia
Intense
Inter
Interborough
Interchange
Interchanges
Interest
Interests
Interference
Interferometer
Interior
Intermediate
Intermediation
Internal
International
Internationale
Internationaler
Interoceanic
Interparliamentary
Interpellations
Interpretation
Interpreted
Interstate
Intervention
Interview
Intimations
Into
Intoxicants
Intransigentes
Intrigues
Introduction
Invaders
Invalid
Invalidating
Invalidity
Invaluable
Invasion
Invention
Inventor
Inventors
Inventory
Inverness
Investigate
Investigation
Investigations
Investing
Investitures
Investiturstrcit
Investiturstreit
Investment
Investments
Inveteracy
Invincible
Invincibles
Invisible
Invitation
Involution
Involved
Ion
Ionians
Iowa
Ipsus
Ipswich
Ira
Iradeh
Iran
Ireland
Ireton
Irish
Irishman
Iron
Ironside
Iroquois
Irreconcilables
Irrigation
Irving
Is
Isaac
Isabella
Isabelo
Isaiah
Isaias
Iselle
Isfahan
Isham
Ishii
Ishmael
Iskanderun
Islam
Islamic
Islamism
Island
Islanders
Islands
Isle
Isles
Ismail
Ispahan
Israel
Israelite
Israelites
Issue
Issues
Issus
Isthmian
Isthmus
Istria
Isvolsky
Iswolsky
It
Itagaki
Italian
Italians
Italy
Itang
Ithaca
Itidal
Ito
Its
Itzushan
Iusammi
Iutaro
Ivan
Ivanovich
Iveagh
Ives
Ivins
Iyenaga
Izeddin
Izzet
J
JACKSON
JACOBITES
JACOBUS
JAMAICA
JAMES
JAMESON
JAMESTOWN
JAN
JANEIRO
JANNARIS
JANUARY
JAPAN
JAPANESE
JAY
JEANES
JEFFERSON
JENKINS
JEROME
JERSEY
JERUSALEM
JERVIS
JESUIT
JESUITS
JESUS
JEVONS
JEWISH
JEWS
JIMENEZ
JOAN
JOAQUIN
JOHN
JOHNSON
JOINT
JOLO
JONES
JOSE
JOSEPH
JOSÉ
JOUBERT
JOÃO
JR
JUAN
JUAREZ
JUBILEE
JUDAH
JUDGE
JUDGES
JUDICIAL
JUDSON
JUDÆA
JULIAN
JULIUS
JULY
JUNE
JUNIOR
JUSTH
JUSTICE
JUSTINIAN
JUVENILE
Jack
Jackson
Jacob
Jacobin
Jacobites
Jacquerie
Jahrbueh
Jains
Jakob
Jalhay
Jamaica
Jamal
James
Jameson
Jamestown
Jan
Janeiro
Jang
Jannaris
Jansenists
January
Janvion
Japan
Japanese
Japs
Jas
Jastrow
Jaures
Jaurès
Java
Jay
Jayne
Je
Jeanes
Jeanne
Jeans
Jebb
Jebba
Jebel
Jefferson
Jeffreys
Jehovah
Jeme
Jena
Jenks
Jennings
Jens
Jerome
Jersey
Jerusalem
Jervis
Jessop
Jessup
Jesuit
Jesuits
Jesus
Jette
Jevons
Jew
Jewish
Jews
Jimenez
Jingo
Joachimsthal
Joan
Joaquim
Joel
Johannesburg
John
Johns
Johnson
Johnston
Johnstone
Joined
Joint
Joliet
Jolo
Joly
Jomini
Jones
Jong
Jonkheer
Jonnart
Jordan
Jordmans
Jorge
Jose
Joseph
Josephine
Josephus
Josiah
José
Joubert
Jourde
Journal
Journalism
Journals
Journey
Joy
Joyneville
João
Jr
Juan
Juarez
Jubilee
Judah
Judge
Judged
Judges
Judging
Judgment
Judgments
Judicial
Judiciary
Judson
Judæa
Jui
Jules
Julian
Julius
July
Junction
June
Junior
Junius
Jurisdiction
Jurisprudence
Jurists
Jury
Just
Justh
Justice
Justices
Justification
Justin
Justo
Jutland
Juvenile
K
KAFFIR
KAI
KAIPING
KAISER
KAJAR
KALGAN
KAMIMURA
KANO
KANSAS
KARAGEORGEVICH
KASSITE
KATANGA
KATSURA
KAULBARS
KAWAMURA
KEIR
KELANTAN
KELLY
KENNEDY
KENTUCKY
KHAN
KHARBIN
KHARKOFF
KHARTUM
KIAMIL
KIEFF
KINCHOU
KING
KINGDOM
KINGS
KINGSTON
KINSHU
KIPLING
KIRDORF
KISHINEFF
KITCHENER
KLAN
KLERKSDORP
KLUX
KNIAZ
KNIGHTS
KNOWLEDGE
KNOWN
KNOX
KOCH
KOCHER
KOGORO
KOMURA
KONDRATENKO
KOREA
KOSSUTH
KRATZ
KRONSTADT
KU
KUAN
KUANG
KUBLAI
KUENSAN
KULTURKAMPF
KUNO
KURINO
KUROKI
KUROPATKIN
KUYPER
Kabul
Kaffir
Kaffirs
Kai
Kaid
Kaids
Kaim
Kaimakams
Kaiping
Kaiser
Kaisha
Kajar
Kakhk
Kalamas
Kalgan
Kalgoorlie
Kalindero
Kaliph
Kam
Kameruns
Kamimura
Kan
Kang
Kangra
Kano
Kansas
Kansu
Kantanga
Kapp
Kara
Karageorgevich
Karageorgievitch
Karl
Karlsruhe
Karlstadt
Karola
Karoo
Karpoff
Kasai
Kasbah
Kashima
Kasr
Katanga
Kataoka
Kathiawar
Katori
Katsura
Kaufmann
Kaulbars
Kawachi
Kawakami
Kawamura
Kayasths
Kazvin
Keane
Kearsarge
Keary
Kebir
Kedah
Keefe
Keen
Keene
Keep
Kehoe
Keightley
Keim
Keir
Keith
Kelantan
Kellogg
Kelly
Keltie
Kemal
Kenadsa
Kenia
Kennan
Kennedy
Kenny
Kensico
Kensington
Kent
Kentucky
Kenyon
Keppel
Kerbela
Kerguelen
Kerman
Kern
Kerr
Kestner
Khabour
Khalifs
Khamba
Khan
Kharbin
Kharkoff
Kharkov
Khartoum
Khedivate
Khedive
Khedivial
Khuen
Khuzistan
Khyber
Kiachow
Kiamil
Kiang
Kiangse
Kiangsi
Kiao
Kiaochow
Kidnapping
Kieff
Kieft
Kiel
Kiev
Kikuan
Kilimanjaro
Kilkenny
Kill
Killed
Killen
Killick
Killowen
Kilmainham
Kilmarnock
Kimberly
Kincardine
Kinchou
King
Kingdom
Kingdoms
Kinglake
Kingmaker
Kings
Kingsbridge
Kingsford
Kingship
Kingsley
Kingsmill
Kingston
Kingstown
Kington
Kinley
Kinshu
Kiosk
Kipling
Kirdorf
Kirin
Kirkcaldy
Kirkpatrick
Kiro
Kirwan
Kishineff
Kitchener
Kitchin
Kittani
Kitty
Klehine
Klein
Kleine
Klerksdorp
Klux
Knapp
Kniaz
Knickerbocker
Knight
Knights
Knopf
Knossos
Knots
Knowing
Knowledge
Knowles
Knox
Kobi
Kobu
Koch
Kocher
Kogoro
Kohl
Kohlrausch
Kohlsaat
Kokovsoff
Kolde
Koloman
Komitajis
Kompong
Komura
Konak
Konakry
Kondratenko
Koner
Kong
Konieh
Kopke
Koran
Kordofan
Korea
Korean
Koreans
Korinchi
Korostovetz
Korsakovsk
Koshoff
Kossovo
Kossuth
Kourlak
Koursk
Kovalevsky
Kovno
Kow
Kowloon
Krakatoa
Krasinski
Krasnoyarsk
Kratz
Krause
Krausz
Kreditanstalt
Kreuz
Krivoshein
Krogh
Kronstadt
Kropotkin
Kropotkine
Kruger
Krugersdorp
Kruna
Krupp
Krusenstern
Kruttschnitt
Ksar
Ku
Kuang
Kuangsi
Kuangtung
Kuei
Kuen
Kuenen
Kulturkampf
Kum
Kun
Kuno
Kurama
Kurds
Kurihama
Kurino
Kuroki
Kuropatkin
Kurtz
Kuyper
Kwan
Kwang
Kwango
Kwangtung
Kwei
Kweichow
Kämmel
Körber
K’AI
L
LA
LABOR
LADRONES
LAFAYETTE
LAGERLOF
LAKE
LAKES
LALLA
LAMA
LAMSDORFF
LANCASTER
LAND
LANDIS
LANDLORDISM
LANDS
LANE
LANGLEY
LANGUAGE
LANSDOWNE
LARGE
LARNED
LARRINAGA
LAST
LATER
LATHAM
LATIN
LATIUM
LAUD
LAURIER
LAVAL
LAVERAN
LAW
LAWGIVERS
LAWRENCE
LAWS
LAZARISTS
LE
LEADING
LEAGUE
LEASE
LECOT
LED
LEDREBORG
LEGARDA
LEGATIONS
LEGENDARY
LEGISLATION
LEGISLATIVE
LEGUIA
LEIPSIC
LEIPSIG
LENARD
LEO
LEONARD
LEONIDAS
LEOPOLD
LEPANTO
LERROUX
LESLIE
LESSONS
LETCHWORTH
LETTERS
LEWIS
LEYDEN
LHASA
LI
LIABILITY
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M
MACAULAY
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MARK
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MASS
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MASSACRES
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MATTHEW
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MAX
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MAXIMUM
MAY
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MEDIÆVAL
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MEXICO
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MICHAEL
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MIN
MINDANAO
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MINISTER
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MINOR
MINTO
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MIRZA
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MISSIONARIES
MISSIONS
MISSISSIPPI
MISSOURI
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MITCHELL
MM
MME
MOB
MODERATE
MODERN
MODERNISM
MODUS
MOHAMID
MOHAMMED
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MOHAMMEDANISM
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MOHAMMID
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MOLTKE
MOMMSEN
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MONASTIR
MONETA
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MONKS
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MONT
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MONTCALM
MONTENEGRO
MONTES
MONTEZUMA
MONTREAL
MONTT
MONUMENT
MOODY
MOOR
MOORISH
MOORS
MORAL
MORALES
MOREIRA
MORENGA
MORET
MORGAN
MORISON
MORLEY
MORMON
MOROCCO
MOROS
MORRILL
MORRIS
MORTON
MOSCOW
MOSLEM
MOSQUITO
MOTHER
MOTIENLING
MOTLEY
MOUNT
MOUNTAIN
MOVE
MOVEMENT
MOVEMENTS
MOVING
MR
MRS
MSS
MUGWUMPS
MUHAMMED
MUIJTEHEDS
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MULAI
MULK
MULLAH
MULLAS
MUNICIPAL
MURDERED
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MYLIUS
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Machinists
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Madeira
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Magoon
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Magyars
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Mahdi
Mahdis
Mahmud
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Mahometan
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Mahommedan
Mahon
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Mahu
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Mail
Main
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Mainland
Mainly
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Maison
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Maizuru
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Majesté
Major
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Majority
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Make
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Making
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Man
Management
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Managers
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Manitoba
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Mann
Mannesmann
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Manuel
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Manufacturing
Manuscript
Many
Mao
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Margarita
Maria
Marie
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Marines
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Mark
Markets
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Marquis
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Marriage
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Marshal
Marshall
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Marson
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Martial
Martin
Martineau
Martinique
Maru
Marvelous
Marvin
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Mary
Maryland
Masampho
Maschin
Maschine
Maschines
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Masons
Maspero
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Master
Matanzas
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Mater
Material
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Mathues
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Matos
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Mattei
Matteo
Matter
Matters
Matthew
Matto
Matumba
Mauchamp
Mauerbach
Maunsel
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Maura
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Mauretanie
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Maury
Mavromichalis
Max
Maxilom
Maxim
Maximilian
Maximilien
Maximo
Maxims
Maximum
Maxwell
May
Mayadin
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Mayflower
Maynooth
Mayo
Mayor
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Maysville
Mazarin
McADOO
McANENY
McAdoo
McAneny
McBurney
McCALL
McCLELLAN
McCURDY
McCall
McCalman
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McClellan
McCoan
McCook
McCosh
McCoun
McCray
McCrie
McCullagh
McCulloch
McCurdy
McDavis
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McKim
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McMaster
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Mcquinez
Meacham
Mead
Meadow
Meadows
Meakin
Meals
Mean
Meaning
Means
Meantime
Meanwhile
Measure
Measurement
Measurements
Measures
Meats
Mecca
Mechanical
Mechanics
Mediaeval
Mediation
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Medical
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Mediæval
Medjliss
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Meiji
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Melilla
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Melville
Member
Members
Membership
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Memoire
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Memorial
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Memory
Memphis
Memphremagog
Men
Menace
Menaced
Menacing
Menam
Mendel
Mendoza
Menelek
Menelik
Menocal
Mention
Menzel
Menzies
Mercantile
Merchandise
Merchant
Merchants
Merciful
Merciless
Mercy
Merely
Merger
Merida
Merit
Merite
Merivale
Merlou
Mermeix
Merovingian
Merovingians
Merriam
Merrill
Merrimac
Merriman
Merry
Mersina
Meshed
Mesopotamian
Message
Messages
Messiah
Messina
Messrs
Metalliferous
Metcalf
Metchnikoff
Meter
Method
Methodists
Methods
Metre
Metropolis
Metropolitan
Meudon
Mex
Mexican
Mexico
Meyer
Meysenberg
Mgr
Michael
Michaelmas
Michaud
Michelet
Michelsen
Michelson
Morley
Michigan
Middle
Middlesex
Middletown
Midhat
Midi
Midlothian
Midvale
Mifflin
Mignet
Mignot
Miguel
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Milburn
Milioukov
Militant
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Militia
Milk
Mill
Millard
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Millerand
Millions
Mills
Milman
Milner
Milo
Milosh
Milton
Milwaukee
Min
Minas
Minchin
Mindanao
Mindful
Mindoro
Mine
Mineral
Mineralogical
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Minerva
Mines
Minimum
Mining
Minister
Ministerial
Ministerialists
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Ministère
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Minor
Minsk
Minto
Mirabello
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Miranda
Mirsky
Mirza
Miscellaneous
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Misfortune
Miss
Mission
Missionaries
Missionary
Missions
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Missouri
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Mitchell
Mitford
Mitsubishi
Mitsui
Mittau
Mivart
Mixed
Miéville
Moabites
Mob
Mobile
Mobilization
Mobridge
Modem
Moderate
Moderates
Moderation
Moderator
Modern
Modernism
Modernists
Modernizing
Modes
Modesto
Modification
Modus
Moeller
Mogami
Mogul
Mohamed
Mohammed
Mohammedan
Mohammedans
Mohammid
Mohawk
Mohonk
Mohsin
Moines
Moissan
Mojave
Mokkadem
Mokri
Moldavia
Moldavians
Molders
Molesworth
Mollahs
Moltke
Momentum
Mommsen
Monarch
Monarchical
Monarchies
Monarchist
Monarchists
Monarchs
Monarchy
Monasteries
Monasticism
Monastir
Monatsschrift
Moncton
Monday
Moneta
Monetary
Monette
Money
Moneypenny
Mongol
Mongolfiers
Mongolia
Mongolian
Mongolians
Mongols
Mongredien
Monica
Monitor
Monks
Monmouthshire
Mono
Monopolistic
Monopolization
Monopoly
Monroe
Monrovia
Mons
Monseigneur
Monsieur
Monsignor
Monson
Mont
Montague
Montalembert
Montana
Montcalm
Monte
Montefiore
Montenegrin
Montenegrins
Montenegro
Monterey
Montero
Montes
Montevideo
Montfort
Montgomery
Monthly
Months
Montpellier
Montreal
Montt
Monument
Monuments
Moodie
Moody
Moon
Moor
Moore
Moorish
Moors
Moral
Morales
Moravia
Mordecai
More
Morecambe
Moreira
Morel
Morell
Morenga
Moreno
Moreover
Moret
Morfil
Morgan
Morison
Moritzen
Moro
Moroccan
Morocco
Moros
Morris
Morrison
Morse
Mort
Mortality
Mortgage
Morton
Mosaics
Moscow
Mosely
Moses
Mosheim
Moslem
Moslems
Mosque
Mosquito
Mossamedes
Most
Mostaganem
Mother
Motherland
Motherwell
Motienling
Motley
Motor
Mott
Moudir
Moudirieh
Mouillard
Moukden
Mouktar
Mount
Mountain
Mountains
Mounted
Mouravieff
Mourmelon
Move
Moved
Movement
Movements
Moving
Moyer
Mozambique
Mr
Mrs
Mt
Much
Muette
Mufti
Muhammad
Muhammed
Muir
Mujtehed
Mujteheds
Mukden
Mukhber
Mukhbir
Mulai
Mulk
Mullah
Mullahs
Muller
Mullinger
Mummy
Munich
Municipal
Municipalities
Municipality
Municipalization
Munificent
Munro
Munsey
Munster
Muravieff
Murder
Murderer
Murders
Murdock
Murphy
Murray
Murrell
Muscovite
Museum
Mushir
Music
Muslim
Mussulman
Mussulmans
Must
Mustafa
Musulmans
Mutesarrif
Mutiny
Mutual
Mutuel
Muzaffarpur
Muzaffer
My
Mycale
Mycenae
Myer
Mylius
Mynter
Myron
Mystics
Myths
Mytilene
MÜLLER
MÜRZSTEG
Mühlberg
Müller
Münsterberg
Mürzsteg
Mœurs
M’Crie
N
NA
NABUCO
NACIONALISTAS
NAGEL
NAKAMURA
NAME
NAMES
NANSHAN
NANTES
NAPLES
NAPOLEON
NAPOLEONIC
NASEBY
NASR
NATAL
NATHAN
NATION
NATIONAL
NATIONALISM
NATIONS
NATURAL
NATURALIZATION
NAVAL
NAVARRE
NAVIES
NAVIGATION
NAVY
NEAR
NEBRASKA
NEEDLES
NEERGAARD
NEGOTIATIONS
NEGRO
NELIDOW
NERO
NEST
NETHERLANDS
NEW
NEWCOMB
NEWER
NEWFOUNDLAND
NEWMAN
NIAGARA
NICARAGUA
NICHOLAS
NICHOLS
NICOLAS
NICOLAU
NICOLSON
NICÆA
NIEL
NIGERIA
NIGHT
NIHILISM
NILE
NIMEGUEN
NINETEENTH
NINETY
NINEVEH
NINTH
NOBEL
NOBILITY
NODZU
NOGI
NOMINATED
NOMINATION
NOMINATIONS
NOMINAVIT
NONCONFORMISTS
NORD
NORDENSKJÖLD
NORDEZ
NORMAN
NORMANDY
NORTH
NORTHCOTE
NORTHERN
NORTHWEST
NORWAY
NOS
NOT
NOTABLE
NOTE
NOTES
NOVA
NOVEMBER
NOVIS
NULLIFICATION
NUMBERS
NUMEROUS
Naauwpoort
Nabis
Nabuco
Nacaome
Nacional
Nacionalista
Nacionalistas
Nagel
Nahum
Naib
Nakamura
Name
Nan
Nankau
Nanking
Nansen
Nanshan
Nantes
Nantucket
Napier
Naples
Napoleon
Napoleonic
Napp
Narbonne
Narrative
Nashville
Nasi
Nasr
Natal
Natchalnik
Nathan
Nathanael
Nathaniel
Nation
National
Nationalism
Nationalist
Nationalists
Nationalities
Nationality
Nationalization
Nationalizing
Nations
Native
Natives
Natural
Naturalists
Naturalization
Naturally
Nature
Naturelle
Naturforscher
Naval
Navarre
Navies
Navigation
Naville
Navy
Nawab
Nawabs
Nay
Nazara
Nazarenes
Neal
Neander
Near
Nearly
Nebogatoff
Nebraska
Nebuchadnezzar
Need
Needed
Neergaard
Neglect
Negotiation
Negotiations
Negra
Negro
Negroes
Negroid
Negros
Negus
Nehemiah
Neighbors
Neill
Neither
Nekl
Nelidoff
Nelidow
Nelson
Nelsons
Nemesis
Neptune
Nero
Nerva
Ness
Nest
Net
Netherland
Netherlands
Neutral
Neutrality
Neutrals
Neva
Nevada
Never
Nevertheless
Nevinson
New
Newcastle
Newchwang
Newcomb
Newest
Newfound
Newfoundland
Newfoundlanders
Newlands
Newman
Newport
Newry
News
Newspaper
Newspapers
Newt
Newton
Next
Niagara
Niausta
Nicaragua
Nicaraguan
Niccolo
Nicene
Nicholas
Nichols
Nicholson
Nicias
Nicodemus
Nicolas
Nicolay
Nicolini
Nicolson
Niebuhr
Niel
Niels
Nieman
Nigel
Niger
Nigeria
Nigerian
Night
Nights
Nikoloff
Nile
Niles
Nilo
Nimrod
Nine
Nineteen
Nineteenth
Ninomiya
Ninth
Ninthly
Nipher
Nipissing
Nippon
Nitobe
Niuchwang
Nixon
Njal
No
Nobel
Noble
Nobody
Nodzu
Noel
Nogi
Nojine
Noll
Nominated
Nomination
Nominations
Non
Nonconformist
Nonconformists
None
Nor
Nord
Nordenskjöld
Nordez
Norfolk
Norgate
Normal
Norman
Normandy
Normans
Norse
Norte
North
Northcote
Northeast
Northeastern
Northern
Northrup
Northumberland
Northwest
Northwestern
Norton
Norway
Norwegian
Nos
Nossi
Not
Notable
Note
Notes
Nothing
Notice
Notification
Notorious
Notre
Nottingham
Notwithstanding
Nouvelle
Nova
Novel
Novels
November
Novik
Novoe
Now
Nowadays
Nowhere
Noyes
Nubia
Nullification
Number
Numbers
Numerous
Nuncio
Nuncios
Nuremberg
Nursery
Nuts
Nyanza
Nyasa
Nâsr
Nègre
Nöldeke
N’gongo
O
OAK
OATES
OBELISKS
OBJECTS
OBOLENSKI
OBSERVANCE
OCCUPATION
OCCURRENCES
OCEAN
OCTAVE
OCTOBER
OCTOBRISTS
ODESSA
OF
OFFENDERS
OFFICE
OGDEN
OHIO
OIL
OKLAHOMA
OKU
OLD
OLDENBURG
OLIPHANT
OLIVER
OMAR
OMEYYAD
OMEYYADS
ON
ONE
ONTARIO
OP
OPEN
OPENED
OPENING
OPERATIONS
OPIUM
OPPOSITION
OPSONINS
OPTION
OR
ORANGE
ORDAINED
ORDER
ORDERS
ORDINANCE
OREGON
ORGANIC
ORGANIZATION
ORGANIZATIONS
ORGANIZED
ORIENT
ORIENTAL
ORIGIN
ORIGINAL
ORLEANS
ORMANIAN
ORVILLE
OSAKA
OSCAR
OSMEÑA
OSTWALD
OTHER
OTTO
OTTOMAN
OUTBREAK
OUTBREAKS
OUTLOOK
OVER
OVERTHROW
OWN
OWNERS
OXFORD
Oakland
Oats
Obaldia
Obeid
Obispo
Object
Objection
Objections
Objects
Obligatory
Obninsky
Obok
Obolenski
Obrenovitch
Obscurantism
Observations
Observatory
Observers
Obviously
Occasionally
Occidental
Occupation
Occupying
Ocean
Oceanic
Oceanica
Oceans
Ocotepeque
Octave
October
Octobrist
Octobrists
Odessa
Odoacer
Of
Offenders
Offenses
Offensive
Offer
Office
Officer
Officers
Offices
Official
Officials
Officiorum
Ogden
Oh
Ohio
Oil
Okabé
Okhotsk
Oki
Okinoshima
Oklahoma
Oku
Okuma
Okuno
Okura
Old
Oldenburg
Older
Oldest
Oldham
Ole
Olean
Oliphant
Oliva
Oliver
Olives
Olivia
Olivier
Ollier
Olmsted
Olney
Olympic
Omaha
Oman
Omar
Omdurman
Omitting
On
Once
One
Oneida
Onesti
Ongole
Only
Onondaga
Ontarians
Ontario
Oodnadatta
Open
Opened
Opening
Opera
Operation
Operations
Operators
Opinion
Opinions
Opium
Oppenheim
Opponents
Opposed
Opposing
Opposite
Opposition
Oppositionists
Oppression
Oppressions
Opsonins
Optimistic
Option
Or
Orange
Orangemen
Oranoff
Oration
Orations
Orchard
Orchards
Order
Orders
Ordinance
Ordinances
Ordinarily
Ordinary
Ordnance
Ore
Oregon
Orel
Organic
Organisation
Organization
Organizations
Organize
Organized
Orient
Oriental
Orientales
Orientals
Origin
Original
Originally
Originator
Orinoco
Orkney
Orleanism
Orleanists
Orleans
Ormanian
Orthodox
Orthodoxy
Orton
Orville
Osaka
Osborn
Osborne
Oscar
Oshima
Osier
Oslabya
Osman
Osmeña
Ostensibly
Ostrogoths
Ostwald
Oswald
Oswego
Other
Others
Otherwise
Othon
Otis
Ottajano
Ottawa
Otto
Ottoman
Ottomans
Otté
Oudh
Ounif
Our
Ourselves
Out
Outbreak
Outburst
Outclassing
Outline
Outlines
Outlook
Output
Outrages
Outside
Over
Overcome
Overcrowding
Overflow
Overstrained
Overstraining
Overthrow
Overthrown
Overturnings
Owe
Owens
Owing
Own
Owners
Ownership
Ownerships
Oxford
Oyama
Oyster
O’Brien
O’C
O’CONOR
O’Callaghan
O’Clery
O’Connell
O’Connor
O’Conor
O’HAGAN
O’Hagan
P
PACIFIC
PACIFICATION
PACKING
PAGANISM
PALACE
PALFREY
PALMA
PAN
PANAMA
PANIC
PANICS
PANKHURST
PANLUNG
PAPACY
PAPAL
PAPER
PARAGUAY
PARDO
PARIS
PARK
PARKER
PARLIAMENT
PARLIAMENTARY
PARLIAMENTS
PARNELL
PAROLE
PARSONS
PART
PARTIAL
PARTIES
PARTITION
PARTY
PASHA
PASSAGE
PASSAY
PASSIONISTS
PASSIVE
PASTEUR
PATENTS
PATRIARCHATES
PATRICIANS
PAUL
PAULHAN
PAUNCEFOTE
PAUPERISM
PAWLOW
PAYNE
PAZ
PEACE
PEARY
PEASANT
PEASANTRY
PEASANTS
PECANHA
PEEL
PEER
PEKING
PELLAGRA
PELOPONNESIAN
PELÉE
PENINSULA
PENINSULAR
PENNA
PENNSYLVANIA
PENNY
PENOLOGY
PENSIONS
PENTECOST
PEONAGE
PEOPLE
PEOPLES
PEPPER
PERDICARIS
PEREIRA
PERFECTED
PERICLES
PERIOD
PERMANENT
PERROT
PERRY
PERSECUTION
PERSECUTIONS
PERSIA
PERSIAN
PERU
PETER
PETERSBURG
PETIT
PETITION
PETROLEUM
PETROPALOVSK
PETROVIE
PHAGOCYTES
PHARAOHS
PHILADELPHIA
PHILANDER
PHILIP
PHILIPPE
PHILIPPINE
PHILIPPINES
PHILOSOPHY
PHIPPS
PHOENIX
PHYSICAL
PHYSICS
PICKETING
PICQUART
PICTURE
PIEDMONT
PIENAAR
PIERCE
PIEROLA
PIERRE
PINCHOT
PINES
PINO
PIONEER
PIOUS
PISISTRATIDÆ
PITT
PITTSBURG
PIUS
PIZARRO
PLAGUE
PLAN
PLANNING
PLANS
PLANTAGENETS
PLANTATIONS
PLATT
PLAYGROUND
PLAZA
PLEBS
PLEHVE
PLOT
PLURAL
PLYMOUTH
POBIEDONOSETS
POBIEDONOSTZEFF
POGROMS
POINT
POLAND
POLAR
POLES
POLICE
POLICIES
POLICY
POLISH
POLITICAL
POLITICS
POLK
POLLARD
POLTAVA
POOLING
POOR
POPE
POPES
POPISH
POPULAR
PORT
PORTE
PORTER
PORTLAND
PORTO
PORTS
PORTSMOUTH
PORTUGAL
PORTUGUESE
POSSESSIONS
POST
POSTAGE
POSTAL
POTEMKIN
POVERTY
POWER
POWERS
PRACTICAL
PRAGMATIC
PRAIRIAL
PRAIRIE
PRE
PREACHING
PREAMBLE
PREFACE
PREFERENTIAL
PREHISTORIC
PRELIMINARY
PREMIER
PREMIERS
PRENDERGAST
PREPARATION
PREPARATIONS
PREPARED
PRESBYTERIAN
PRESBYTERIANS
PRESCOTT
PRESENT
PRESERVATION
PRESIDENCY
PRESIDENT
PRESIDENTIAL
PRESS
PRESTON
PRETORIA
PREVENTION
PREVENTIVE
PRIDE
PRIMARY
PRIME
PRIMITIVE
PRIMROSE
PRINCE
PRINCIPAL
PRINCIPALITIES
PRITCHETT
PRIZE
PRIZES
PROBATION
PROBLEM
PROBLEMS
PROCLAMATION
PROFESSOR
PROFIT
PROGRAMME
PROGRESISTAS
PROGRESS
PROGRESSIVES
PROHIBITION
PROJECT
PROMISED
PROMOTION
PROPER
PROPERLY
PROPERTY
PROPHECY
PROPORTIONAL
PROPOSED
PROSPERITY
PROSTRATION
PROTECTION
PROTECTIONISTS
PROTECTIVE
PROTECTORATE
PROTECTORATES
PROTEST
PROTESTANT
PROTESTANTISM
PROVIDENCE
PROVINCE
PROVINCES
PROVINCIAL
PROVISIONARY
PROVISIONS
PROVOCATEUR
PRUDHOMME
PRUSSIA
PRÆTORIAN
PTOLEMIES
PU
PUBLIC
PUBLISHERS
PUNIC
PUNJAB
PURCHASE
PURE
PURGE
PURITANISM
PUTNAM
PYRAMIDS
PYRENEES
Paasche
Pablo
Pabna
Pach
Pachuca
Pacific
Pacification
Pack
Packing
Padang
Padesh
Padre
Pagan
Page
Painters
Painting
Paisley
Paiyushan
Palace
Palais
Palampour
Palatine
Palazzata
Palestine
Palfrey
Palgrave
Palisades
Palma
Palmas
Palmer
Palmerston
Palmi
Palmyra
Palo
Pamphlet
Pan
Panama
Panamanian
Panglungshan
Panic
Paniput
Panislamism
Pankhurst
Panlung
Pantheon
Pao
Papacy
Papal
Paper
Papers
Papillault
Paraguay
Parallel
Paralysis
Parana
Parasol
Pardee
Pardo
Parents
Pari
Paris
Parish
Parishes
Parisian
Parisians
Park
Parker
Parkman
Parks
Parley
Parliament
Parliamentary
Parliaments
Parma
Parmalee
Parnell
Parole
Paroled
Parsee
Parsees
Parsis
Parsons
Part
Partial
Partially
Participation
Partick
Particularly
Particulars
Partido
Parties
Partington
Partition
Partly
Parton
Partridge
Parts
Party
Pas
Pasadena
Pascal
Pasco
Pasha
Pashas
Paso
Pasquier
Pass
Passage
Passamaquoddy
Passamonti
Passay
Passed
Passengers
Passing
Passion
Passionists
Passive
Past
Pasteur
Pastor
Pastors
Pasture
Pataud
Patch
Patent
Patents
Pathology
Patients
Paton
Patras
Patriarch
Patrich
Patricians
Patrick
Patriot
Patriotic
Patriotism
Patris
Pattison
Patton
Paul
Paulhan
Paulo
Pauncefote
Pauperism
Pavia
Pawlow
Pay
Paymaster
Payment
Payne
Paz
Peabody
Peace
Peaceful
Pears
Pearse
Pearson
Peary
Peasant
Peasantry
Peasants
Pebody
Pecanha
Peckham
Pedagogical
Pedagogy
Pedro
Pee
Peel
Peerage
Peers
Pei
Peiyang
Pekin
Peking
Pelee
Pelham
Pelletan
Pellew
Pelopids
Pelée
Pemba
Pembroke
Penal
Penalty
Pencil
Pending
Pendleton
Peninsula
Peninsular
Penitentiary
Penn
Penna
Pennington
Pennsylvania
Pennsylvanians
Pennypacker
Penrose
Pension
Pensioning
Pensions
Penza
People
Peoples
Peopling
Peoria
Pepin
Pepper
Per
Pera
Percentage
Percy
Perdicaris
Pereira
Perfect
Perfunctory
Perhaps
Pericles
Perier
Peril
Period
Periodicals
Periods
Perkins
Perks
Perm
Permanent
Perouse
Perpignan
Perrot
Perry
Perse
Persecution
Persia
Persian
Persians
Persifor
Persistent
Personal
Persons
Perth
Pertinent
Peru
Perugia
Peruvian
Peshtshersky
Peter
Peterhof
Peterhoff
Peterloo
Petersburg
Peterson
Petit
Petite
Petition
Petrarch
Petrie
Petroffsky
Petroleum
Petropalovsk
Petrovic
Petsiwo
Pettibone
Petty
Peuple
Peyang
Peña
Pfahler
Ph
Phalerum
Phanariot
Phantom
Pharaohs
Pharmacopoeia
Pharsalia
Phases
Phelan
Phenomena
Phenomenon
Philadelphia
Philander
Philanthrophy
Philip
Philippe
Philippine
Philippines
Philistines
Philosopher
Philosophical
Philosophy
Phipps
Phlegræan
Phoenicia
Phoenician
Phosphate
Photographs
Phyangyang
Physical
Physically
Physics
Piazza
Picard
Pichon
Pickens
Picquart
Picton
Picture
Piecework
Piedmont
Piek
Pienaar
Pierce
Pierpont
Pierre
Pietermaritzburg
Pigeon
Pigeonneau
Pignotti
Pilgrim
Pilgrimages
Pilgrims
Pimblett
Pinar
Pinchot
Pinciana
Pinckney
Pines
Pino
Pioneer
Pioneers
Pious
Pisa
Pithom
Pitiful
Pitkin
Pitsewo
Pitt
Pittock
Pittsburg
Pittsburgh
Pius
Piérola
Place
Placed
Places
Placing
Plague
Plainly
Plains
Plan
Planning
Plans
Plantagenets
Plantation
Plantations
Planted
Planters
Planting
Plate
Plateau
Platform
Platforms
Plato
Platonists
Platt
Platæa
Play
Played
Playground
Playgrounds
Playing
Playthings
Plaza
Plea
Please
Plebeian
Plebeians
Plehve
Plenipotentiaries
Plenipotentiary
Pliny
Plotzk
Plummer
Plunkett
Plural
Plutarch
Plymouth
Po
Pobiedonosets
Pobiedonostseff
Pobiedonostzeff
Podolia
Poetry
Pogroms
Point
Pointing
Points
Poitevin
Poland
Polar
Poldhu
Pole
Poles
Police
Policemen
Policy
Polish
Political
Politically
Politics
Politique
Polk
Pollard
Pollock
Pollution
Poltava
Polytechnic
Polytechnical
Polytechnique
Pomerania
Pomeranian
Pommersche
Pompeii
Pompey
Ponce
Ponhioti
Pontalis
Pontiff
Pontificate
Pool
Poole
Pooling
Poolings
Pools
Poona
Poor
Pop
Pope
Popes
Popular
Population
Populist
Porcupine
Porfirio
Port
Porta
Porte
Porter
Portici
Portions
Portland
Porto
Portraits
Ports
Portsmouth
Portugal
Portuguese
Posen
Position
Positive
Possession
Possibilities
Possibly
Post
Postage
Postal
Posthumous
Postmaster
Postmasters
Posts
Posture
Potatoes
Potemkin
Potomac
Pottawatomie
Potter
Pour
Pourtalès
Poverty
Powderly
Powell
Power
Powerful
Powers
Pozzuoli
Practical
Practically
Practice
Practices
Prague
Prairie
Prasanna
Pratt
Pravo
Praxedes
Preachers
Precarious
Precautionary
Preceding
Precise
Predecessors
Predominance
Prefect
Prefects
Prefectural
Preferential
Prelates
Preliminaries
Preliminary
Premier
Premiers
Premiership
Premiums
Prendergast
Prentice
Preparation
Preparations
Preparatory
Presba
Presbyterian
Presbyterians
Presbytery
Prescott
Presence
Present
Presently
Preservation
Presidency
President
Presidential
Presidents
Presiding
Press
Pressed
Pressensé
Prestige
Preston
Presuming
Pretender
Pretenders
Pretoria
Pretorians
Preussischen
Prevalence
Prevented
Preventing
Prevention
Preventive
Previous
Previously
Price
Prices
Prichard
Pride
Priest
Priests
Primarily
Primary
Prime
Primitive
Prince
Princes
Princess
Princeton
Principal
Principality
Principally
Principals
Principe
Principle
Principles
Prinetti
Printed
Printer
Printing
Prior
Prison
Prisoners
Prisons
Pritchett
Private
Privately
Privilege
Privileged
Privileges
Privy
Privé
Prize
Prizes
Pro
Probably
Probation
Problem
Problems
Probyn
Procedure
Proceeding
Proceedings
Process
Prochoroff
Proclamation
Procter
Proctor
Procurator
Production
Productions
Products
Professor
Professorial
Professors
Professorship
Proffer
Profit
Program
Programme
Programmes
Progresista
Progresistas
Progress
Progressist
Progressistas
Progressists
Progressive
Progressives
Prohibit
Prohibition
Prohibitionist
Prohibitioniste
Prohibitionists
Project
Projected
Projects
Proletariat
Prolonged
Prominent
Promise
Promised
Promises
Promising
Promote
Promoter
Promotion
Promulgation
Pronounced
Proofs
Propaganda
Propagandism
Propagation
Properly
Properties
Property
Prophecy
Prophet
Prophetic
Prophets
Proportional
Proposal
Proposals
Proposed
Prorogued
Prosecution
Prosecutions
Prosecutor
Proselytes
Prospect
Prospecting
Prospective
Prospects
Prosperity
Prosperous
Protagoras
Protected
Protecting
Protection
Protectionist
Protectionists
Protective
Protector
Protectorate
Protectorates
Protest
Protestant
Protestantism
Protestants
Protests
Protocol
Prouty
Prove
Provide
Provided
Providence
Provident
Providing
Province
Provinces
Provincial
Provision
Provisional
Provisions
Provocations
Proxy
Prudential
Prudhomme
Prunes
Prussia
Prussian
Prussians
Pryor
Prætors
Prêts
Pseudonyms
Ptolemies
Pu
Public
Publication
Publications
Publicity
Publilian
Publishing
Puerto
Puget
Puller
Pulling
Punchard
Punctilio
Punishment
Punjab
Punjabi
Pupils
Purchase
Purchasing
Pure
Puritan
Puritans
Purity
Purposes
Pursuant
Pursue
Pursuit
Purus
Pushing
Put
Putiloff
Putnam
Putting
Pyramiding
Pyrenees
Pyrgos
Pyrrhic
Pyrrhonist
Père
Q
QUALIFICATIONS
QUEBEC
QUEEN
QUESTION
QUESTIONS
QUÆSTOR
Quail
Qualification
Qualifications
Quality
Quarrel
Quarrelled
Quarrels
Quarrying
Quarterly
Quebec
Queen
Queenly
Queens
Queensland
Queenstown
Queer
Quelpart
Question
Questions
Quick
Quiet
Quincey
Quincy
Quintana
Quirinal
Quirpon
Quite
Quitman
Quixotic
Quo
Quoting
R
RACE
RACES
RACIAL
RADIO
RADIUM
RADOLIN
RAFAEL
RAIGOSA
RAIL
RAILROAD
RAILROADS
RAILWAY
RAILWAYS
RAISULI
RALLIÉS
RAMSAY
RAPID
RASCOL
RATE
RATES
RATIFICATION
RAYLEIGH
RE
REACTION
READERS
READING
READY
REALM
REASON
REBATE
REBELLION
RECALL
RECENT
RECIPROCITY
RECLAMATION
RECONSTRUCTION
RECORD
RED
REDEMPTORISTS
REDOUBT
REFERENCE
REFERENDUM
REFINING
REFORM
REFORMATION
REFORMERS
REFORMS
REFRIGERATOR
REGENERADORES
REGGIO
REGIE
REGINA
REGINALD
REGION
REGULATION
REID
REIGN
REIGNS
REILEY
REINHOLD
REINSCH
REJECTION
RELATING
RELATION
RELATIONS
RELIEF
RELIGION
RELIGIONS
RELIGIOUS
REMISSION
REMONSTRANCE
REMOVAL
REMUNERATION
RENAISSANCE
RENAN
RENAULT
RENEWED
RENNENKAMPF
RENOWNED
RENÉ
REPATRIATION
REPEAL
REPRESENTATION
REPRESENTATIVE
REPRESENTING
REPUBLIC
REPUBLICAN
REPUBLICANS
REPUBLICS
RESCHAD
RESEARCH
RESERVOIR
RESIDENTS
RESISTANCE
RESOLUTIONS
RESOURCES
REST
RESTORATION
RESTORED
RESTRICTION
RESULTS
RETIREMENT
RETREAT
RETURN
REVAL
REVEREND
REVIEW
REVISED
REVISION
REVIVAL
REVOCATION
REVOLT
REVOLTS
REVOLUTION
REVOLUTIONARY
REVOLUTIONISTS
REVOLUTIONS
REYES
RHINE
RHODE
RHODES
RHODESIA
RIBEIRO
RICA
RICE
RICHARD
RICHELIEU
RICHMOND
RICO
RIDERS
RIENZI
RIFF
RIGA
RIGHT
RIGHTS
RIKKEN
RIO
RIOTS
RISE
RISING
RISK
RITCHIE
RIVER
RIZA
ROAD
ROBERT
ROBERTS
ROBESPIERRE
ROCHAMBEAU
ROCHELLE
ROCKEFELLER
ROCKHILL
ROENTGEN
ROGER
ROGHI
ROJESVENSKY
ROLAND
ROMAN
ROMANCE
ROMANOFFS
ROMAÑA
ROME
RONTGEN
ROOSEVELT
ROOT
ROSE
ROSEBERY
ROSEN
ROSES
ROSS
ROTA
ROTATIVOS
ROUMANIA
ROUNDHEADS
ROUSSEAU
ROUVIER
ROWE
ROYAL
ROYALTIES
ROZHDESTVENSKY
RUDOLPH
RUDYARD
RUEF
RULE
RUMP
RUN
RUNCIMAN
RUPTURE
RUSSIA
RUSSIAN
RUSSIANIZING
RUSSIANS
RUSSO
RUTHERFORD
RYAN
RYSWICK
Rabah
Rabe
Race
Races
Radiant
Radical
Radicalism
Radicals
Radio
Radioactivity
Radium
Radolin
Rae
Rafael
Ragozin
Rahman
Raid
Raigosa
Rail
Railroad
Railroads
Railway
Railways
Rainey
Rainy
Raised
Raising
Raisins
Raisuli
Raj
Rajah
Raleigh
Ralli
Rallis
Ralliés
Ralph
Ramazan
Rambaud
Rameau
Ramon
Ramsay
Ramsey
Rand
Randal
Randall
Randolph
Range
Rangers
Ranges
Rangoon
Ranjel
Ranke
Rankine
Rannie
Ransom
Ransomed
Ransoming
Rapid
Rapidity
Rapidly
Rapids
Raschid
Rash
Raslog
Rate
Rates
Rath
Rathcar
Rather
Rathmines
Ratification
Ratifications
Rauch
Ravages
Rawlinson
Ray
Raye
Rayleigh
Raymond
Razlog
Re
Reached
Reaction
Reactionists
Reading
Ready
Reaffirmation
Real
Rear
Reason
Reasons
Rebate
Rebates
Rebating
Rebellion
Rebellious
Rebels
Rebuilding
Recall
Receivership
Receiving
Recent
Recently
Receptions
Rechtsgeschichte
Recipient
Reciprocity
Reclamation
Reclus
Recognition
Recognized
Recognizing
Recollections
Recollects
Recommendations
Recommended
Recommends
Reconstruction
Record
Recorder
Records
Recourse
Recovered
Recovery
Recreation
Recruits
Recurrence
Recurring
Red
Rededication
Redeemer
Redemptorists
Redistribution
Redmond
Redondo
Reduced
Reduction
Reed
Reef
Reelection
Reeves
Reference
Referendum
Referring
Refining
Reforestation
Reform
Reformation
Reformative
Reformatory
Reformed
Reformers
Reforming
Reforms
Refrigerator
Refugees
Refund
Refusal
Regalado
Regarded
Regarding
Regency
Regenerador
Regeneradores
Regeneradors
Regensburg
Regent
Regents
Reggio
Regicide
Regie
Regime
Regiment
Regiments
Regina
Reginald
Region
Regions
Regis
Register
Registrar
Registry
Regular
Regulars
Regulate
Regulating
Regulation
Regulations
Regulative
Rehoboth
Reich
Reichsrath
Reichstag
Reid
Reign
Reina
Reinhold
Reinsch
Reinstatement
Reis
Reitch
Reitz
Rejected
Rejecting
Rejection
Relating
Relations
Relationship
Relative
Relaxation
Release
Relief
Religieuse
Religion
Religions
Religious
Remains
Remarkable
Remarkably
Remarks
Remedial
Remedies
Reminiscences
Remission
Remittance
Remnant
Remonstrance
Remonstrances
Removal
Remuneration
Remy
Renacimiento
Renaissance
Renan
Renard
Renault
Rendering
Rene
Renew
Renewal
Renewed
Renfrew
Renkin
Rennenkampf
Renouard
Rentoul
Renunciation
René
Reopened
Reorganization
Repair
Repatriation
Repeal
Repeated
Replies
Reply
Replying
Report
Reported
Reporting
Reports
Representation
Representative
Representatives
Represented
Reprinted
Republic
Republicaine
Republican
Republicanism
Republicans
Republics
Repudiation
Requirement
Res
Reschad
Rescript
Rescripts
Rescue
Research
Researches
Resentful
Resentment
Reserve
Reserves
Reservoir
Resettlement
Resht
Residency
Resident
Residents
Resignation
Resistance
Resna
Resolution
Resolutions
Resolved
Resources
Respectability
Respectful
Respecting
Responses
Responsibility
Respublica
Rest
Restaurata
Restoration
Restored
Restriction
Restrictions
Result
Resulting
Results
Retail
Retaliatory
Retirement
Retiring
Return
Returning
Returns
Reuben
Reumont
Reunion
Reuter
Rev
Reval
Revelation
Revell
Revenue
Revenues
Reverend
Review
Reviewing
Reviews
Revised
Revision
Revival
Revived
Revocation
Revolt
Revolution
Revolutionaries
Revolutionary
Revolutionists
Revolutionnaire
Revolutions
Rewarding
Rewards
Rex
Rey
Reyes
Reynolds
Rheims
Rhenish
Rhine
Rhineland
Rhode
Rhodes
Rhodesia
Rhodesian
Rhone
Rhys
Rialto
Ribeiro
Rica
Rican
Ricans
Rice
Richard
Richards
Richardson
Richelieu
Richmond
Richtpreis
Rico
Ridder
Riddle
Riders
Ridgewood
Ridgway
Ridpath
Rienzi
Riff
Rifle
Rifles
Riga
Right
Rights
Rigid
Rigsdag
Rikken
Riksdag
Riner
Ring
Rink
Rio
Riordan
Rios
Riot
Rioting
Riotous
Riots
Ripley
Ripon
Rise
Rising
Risings
Ritchie
Rites
Ritter
Rival
Rivalry
Rivals
River
Rivers
Riverside
Rives
Riza
Road
Roads
Roald
Rob
Robb
Robert
Roberts
Robertson
Robespierre
Robin
Robinson
Robley
Robson
Rochambeau
Rochdale
Rochester
Rocheterie
Rock
Rockefeller
Rockhill
Rockland
Rocky
Rodd
Roderick
Rodgers
Rodrigues
Rodriguez
Rodriquez
Roentgen
Roger
Rogers
Roghi
Rohillas
Rojesvensky
Roll
Rollit
Rolnos
Roman
Romana
Romance
Romanists
Romanizing
Romanoffs
Romans
Romaña
Rome
Romer
Romero
Romeyn
Ronald
Rondebosch
Rondout
Roosevelt
Root
Ropes
Roque
Rosa
Rosales
Rosario
Roscommon
Rose
Rosebery
Rosen
Rosenthal
Rosetta
Rosewater
Ross
Roswell
Rota
Rotativos
Rothschild
Rotterdam
Rouen
Roughly
Roumania
Roumanian
Roume
Roumelia
Round
Roundhead
Rousseau
Route
Routes
Rouvier
Roux
Rowbotham
Rowe
Rowland
Rowley
Roxburgh
Roy
Royal
Royalists
Royce
Rozhdestvensky
Rubicon
Ruchevsky
Rudd
Rudimentary
Rudolf
Rudolph
Rudyard
Ruef
Ruhr
Rule
Ruler
Rulers
Rules
Ruling
Rumania
Rumelia
Rumors
Runciman
Runjeet
Rupert
Rupture
Rural
Rushworth
Russell
Russia
Russian
Russianizing
Russians
Russias
Russification
Russky
Russo
Ruthenians
Rutherford
Rutland
Ruwenzori
Ruy
Ryan
Ryberg
Rye
Régime
Rémusat
Républicaine
République
Réville
Révolutionnaire
Révolutionnaires
Röntgen
Rütli
R’KIA
R’kia
S
SADR
SAFETY
SAGASTA
SAGE
SAINT
SAKHAROFF
SAKURAI
SALE
SALEM
SALISBURY
SALONIKA
SALOON
SALT
SALTON
SALVADOR
SAM
SAMAJ
SAMARIA
SAN
SANBORN
SANCTION
SANITARY
SANTA
SANTIAGO
SANTOS
SARACENS
SARASWATI
SARDINIA
SARGON
SARRIEN
SARTO
SASKATCHEWAN
SAVING
SAVOY
SAXON
SAXONS
SAXONY
SAYCE
SCANDAL
SCANDINAVIAN
SCHALK
SCHEDULE
SCHEME
SCHISM
SCHLESWIG
SCHMITZ
SCHOLARSHIPS
SCHOOL
SCHOOLS
SCHOULER
SCHOUVALOFF
SCHREINER
SCIENCE
SCIENCES
SCIENTIFIC
SCOTIA
SCOTLAND
SCOTS
SCOTT
SCOTTISH
SEA
SEAL
SEAMEN
SEATTLE
SEBAHEDDIN
SECEDES
SECESSION
SECOND
SECRETARY
SECTARIAN
SECTION
SECURED
SECURITIES
SEDAN
SEDDON
SEDITION
SEE
SEELEY
SEGNATURA
SEIYU
SEIZURE
SELF
SELFRIDGE
SEMINOLE
SEMITES
SEMITIC
SENATE
SENATORS
SENEGAMBIA
SENHOR
SENOUSSI
SENTENCE
SENTENCES
SENTIMENT
SENUSSIA
SEPARATION
SEPARATIST
SEPOY
SEPTEMBER
SERFS
SERGIO
SERGIUS
SERVANTS
SERVIA
SERVICE
SETTLEMENT
SETTLEMENTS
SEVASTOPOL
SEVEN
SEVENTEENTH
SEVENTH
SHA
SHACKLETON
SHAN
SHANGHAI
SHAO
SHARING
SHAW
SHEIKH
SHEMSI
SHEPHERD
SHERIAT
SHERMAN
SHEVKET
SHIH
SHIP
SHIPBUILDING
SHIPPING
SHIRTWAIST
SHIRÉ
SHONTS
SHOOA
SHORT
SHOWS
SIA
SIAM
SIBERIA
SIBERIAN
SICILY
SICKNESS
SIEGE
SIENKIEWICZ
SIFTON
SIGANANDA
SIGNAL
SIGNIFICANCE
SIGNOR
SILAS
SILVER
SIMON
SIMPLON
SINGLE
SINHA
SINKING
SINN
SIOUX
SIPAHDAR
SIPIAGIN
SIR
SISTER
SITUATION
SIX
SIXTEENTH
SIXTH
SLAVE
SLAVERY
SLEEPING
SLEIGH
SLOCUM
SMALL
SMIRNOFF
SMITH
SOCIAL
SOCIALISM
SOCIALISTIC
SOCIALISTS
SOCIETY
SOCRATES
SOIL
SOJOURN
SOKOTO
SOLD
SOLDIER
SOLEMN
SOLIDARITY
SOLYMAN
SOMALILAND
SONE
SONNINO
SONS
SOUDAN
SOUFFRIÈRE
SOUTH
SOUTHEASTERN
SOUTHWEST
SOVEREIGNTY
SPACE
SPAIN
SPALDING
SPANISH
SPARTA
SPECIAL
SPECIALISTS
SPECULATION
SPEECH
SPERRY
SPHAKIANAKIS
SPIERS
SPITZBERGEN
SPOILS
SPREAD
SPRECKELS
SPRIGGS
SPRING
SPRINGFIELD
SQUATTER
ST
STACKELBERG
STAMP
STANDARD
STANDING
STATE
STATEHOOD
STATES
STATISTICS
STATUS
STATUTES
STEADY
STEEL
STEPHEN
STEUNENBERG
STEVENS
STEYN
STOCK
STOCKHOLM
STOLYPIN
STONE
STOVE
STRAFFORD
STRAINED
STRAUS
STREET
STRENGTH
STRENGTHENING
STRIKE
STRIKES
STRUGGLE
STRUGGLES
STUART
STUARTS
STUBBS
STUDENT
STUDENTS
STUDIES
STUDY
STUNDISTS
STUPENDOUS
STÖSSEL
SUBJECTS
SUBJUGATION
SUBLIME
SUBMARINE
SUBWAYS
SUCCESSES
SUCCESSION
SUCCESSIVE
SUDAN
SUEZ
SUFFRAGE
SUFFRAGETTES
SUGAR
SULLY
SULTAN
SULTANATE
SULTANEH
SUMATRA
SUMERIANS
SUMMONS
SUMNER
SUMTER
SUNDAY
SUPERSEDING
SUPPRESS
SUPPRESSION
SUPREMACY
SUPREME
SURRENDER
SUTTNER
SVANTE
SWADESHI
SWALLOW
SWARAJ
SWAZILAND
SWEATING
SWEDEN
SWEDISH
SWIFT
SWITZERLAND
SYDOW
SYLVA
SYMONDS
SYNDER
SYNDICALISM
SYNDICATES
SYNDICATS
SYSTEM
SZE
SZECHUAN
SZELL
Sa
Saad
Sabakheddin
Sabatier
Sabine
Sablin
Sac
Sacramento
Sacred
Sadr
Saenz
Safety
Sagasta
Sage
Saghalin
Sague
Saguntum
Sahara
Saharan
Sahib
Sahune
Said
Saigon
Sailors
Saimachi
Saint
Sainte
Saints
Saintsbury
Saionji
Sakhalin
Sakharoff
Sakhlawia
Sakurai
Salamis
Salaried
Salaries
Sale
Salem
Salina
Salinas
Salisbury
Salle
Salles
Salmon
Salonica
Salonika
Saloons
Salt
Salted
Salton
Salvador
Salzburg
Sam
Samaj
Samar
Samaria
Same
Samora
Samson
Samuel
San
Sanatoria
Sanborn
Sand
Sanders
Sanderson
Sanford
Sanied
Sanitarium
Sanitary
Sanitation
Sanjak
Sankey
Sano
Sanscrit
Santa
Santander
Santiago
Santo
Santos
Saoire
Saracens
Sarah
Saranac
Saraswati
Sardanapalus
Sardinia
Sargent
Sargon
Sarrien
Sarto
Sasebo
Saskatchewan
Sasonov
Sassi
Sasun
Satar
Satisfaction
Satsuma
Saturday
Satyendra
Sault
Saunderson
Sausages
Save
Saving
Savings
Savinien
Savonarola
Savornin
Savoy
Sawyer
Saxe
Saxon
Saxons
Saxony
Sayce
Says
Scaife
Scale
Scandals
Scandinavia
Scandinavian
Scandinavians
Scant
Scarcely
Scarth
Scatcherd
Scattering
Scenes
Scenic
Sceptics
Schaff
Schalk
Scharf
Schedule
Schefket
Scheme
Scheurer
Schiller
Schimmelpenninck
Schinz
Schleswig
Schliemann
Schloss
Schlosser
Schmitz
Schmoller
Schoharie
Schola
Scholars
Scholarship
Scholarships
School
Schoolboys
Schoolcraft
Schoolhouses
Schooling
Schools
Schouler
Schouvaloff
Schreiner
Schröder
Schuldeputation
Schurz
Schuster
Schuyler
Schwab
Schwarzschild
Schömann
Schön
Schürer
Science
Sciences
Scientific
Scientists
Scipios
Scores
Scotch
Scotchmen
Scotia
Scotland
Scots
Scott
Scottish
Scouts
Scranton
Scribner
Scribners
Scripture
Scriptures
Sculpture
Scutari
Sea
Seaboard
Seal
Sealed
Seaman
Seamen
Search
Seas
Seating
Seats
Seattle
Sebaheddin
Sebastian
Sebastião
Sebastiäo
Sebastopol
Sebou
Sebu
Secession
Second
Secondly
Secret
Secretariat
Secretaries
Secretary
Secretaryship
Secrets
Sect
Sectarian
Section
Sections
Secular
Secularizing
Secured
Securities
Security
Sedan
Seddon
Sedition
See
Seebohm
Seeing
Seekers
Seeking
Seeland
Seeley
Seely
Seemingly
Seer
Segal
Segnatura
Segregation
Seilge
Seine
Seismographs
Seiyu
Seize
Seizure
Selamlik
Selborne
Selden
Select
Selection
Seleucidæ
Self
Selfridge
Seligman
Selina
Selkirk
Sellers
Selma
Selves
Seminary
Semites
Semitic
Semsam
Senate
Senator
Senatorial
Senators
Sending
Seneca
Senegal
Senegambia
Senhor
Senior
Senlac
Sennacherib
Senor
Senoussi
Sense
Sentence
Sentences
Sentiment
Senussi
Senussia
Seoul
Separate
Separation
Separationist
Separationists
Separatist
Separatists
September
Sequence
Sequestration
Seraskierat
Serb
Serbesti
Serbinoff
Serbo
Serbs
Serdar
Seres
Serfdom
Sergent
Sergio
Sergius
Serguei
Series
Serious
Seriousness
Servant
Servants
Servia
Servian
Servians
Service
Services
Session
Seth
Settlement
Settlements
Settsu
Seumas
Sevastopol
Seven
Seventh
Seventhly
Seventy
Several
Severe
Sevier
Sevres
Seward
Sewer
Sewing
Seyed
Seyid
Seymour
Seyyid
Señor
Sforza
Sgoil
Sha
Shackleton
Shadow
Shaffer
Shah
Shakespeare
Shakespere
Shaler
Shall
Shalt
Shan
Shanghai
Shansi
Shantung
Shao
Share
Shareefian
Shareholders
Sharpe
Shattered
Shavval
Shaw
Shawia
Shclla
Shcreefian
She
Shea
Sheet
Sheffield
Sheik
Sheikh
Shelburne
Shelesnitza
Shelley
Shemsi
Shensi
Shepard
Sheppard
Shereef
Shereefian
Sheri
Sheriat
Sheridan
Sherman
Shetland
Shevket
Shia
Shias
Shibusawa
Shih
Shiite
Shiites
Shillook
Shilluks
Shimonoseki
Shinano
Shinto
Ship
Shipbuilding
Shipka
Shipley
Shipments
Shippen
Shippers
Shipping
Ships
Shipyard
Shiras
Shiraz
Shire
Shirin
Shirtwaist
Shiwaji
Shock
Shocks
Shoes
Shogun
Shonts
Shooa
Shops
Shore
Short
Shortly
Shoshone
Shots
Should
Shouts
Show
Shuckburgh
Shuffling
Shuishihyung
Shumaker
Shuster
Shylock
Sia
Siam
Siamese
Siberia
Siberian
Sicilian
Sicily
Sick
Sickness
Sickocki
Sid
Side
Sidi
Sidney
Siebert
Siege
Siemens
Sienkiewicz
Sierra
Sierras
Sifton
Sigananda
Sigimund
Sign
Signal
Signatory
Signature
Signed
Signers
Significance
Signor
Signors
Signs
Sigsbee
Sikes
Sikhs
Sikkim
Silas
Silent
Silesia
Silliman
Silvanus
Silvela
Silver
Simcox
Sime
Similar
Similarly
Simla
Simminting
Simms
Simon
Simonnet
Simons
Simplon
Simpson
Simultaneously
Simyan
Sin
Sinai
Since
Sinclair
Sind
Singapore
Singh
Singular
Sinha
Sink
Sinking
Sinn
Sino
Sioux
Sipahdar
Sipiagin
Sir
Sirdar
Sirdars
Sire
Sismondi
Sissoi
Sister
Sisters
Site
Sites
Situation
Six
Sixteen
Sixth
Sixthly
Sixty
Size
Siècle
Skagen
Skelton
Skene
Sketch
Sketches
Skinner
Skipworth
Sklodovska
Skottowe
Skouptchina
Skupschina
Skupshtina
Skupstchina
Slafter
Slater
Slates
Slav
Slave
Slavery
Slaves
Slavic
Slavonia
Slavonic
Slavs
Sleeping
Slender
Slight
Sligo
Sloan
Sloane
Slocum
Slovene
Slow
Slowly
Slowness
Small
Smaller
Smedley
Smelting
Smiles
Smirnoff
Smith
Smithsonian
Smoking
Smuggling
Smuts
Smyth
Snarsky
Snowden
Snowdon
Snuff
Snyder
So
Sobat
Social
Socialism
Socialisme
Socialist
Socialistic
Socialists
Societies
Society
Sociological
Société
Socrates
Sofia
Soft
Sohm
Soil
Sokoto
Soldier
Soldiers
Sole
Solemn
Soley
Solicitor
Solid
Solidarity
Solomon
Solon
Solved
Somali
Somaliland
Sombart
Some
Somehow
Somers
Somerset
Something
Somewhat
Somewhere
Somma
Son
Sone
Sonnino
Sonoma
Sonora
Sons
Soochow
Soon
Sophia
Sorbonne
Sore
Sorel
Sorrow
Soudan
Soudanese
Souffrière
Soul
Sound
Sounds
Source
Sources
South
Southeastern
Southern
Southey
Southwest
Southwestern
Sovereign
Sovereigns
Sovereignty
Sowars
Space
Spain
Spalding
Span
Spaniard
Spaniards
Spanish
Sparks
Sparsely
Sparta
Spartan
Spasm
Spasmodic
Spaulding
Speaker
Speakership
Speaking
Spears
Special
Specially
Species
Specific
Speck
Spectator
Speculation
Speculative
Speech
Speeches
Speed
Speer
Spelling
Spencer
Spender
Sperry
Speyer
Sphakianakis
Sphere
Spiers
Spirit
Spirits
Spiritual
Spithead
Spitzbergen
Spitzer
Splendor
Split
Spoils
Spokane
Spread
Spreckels
Sprigg
Spring
Springfield
Springs
Spy
Squadron
Square
Squier
Srbski
St
Staat
Stackelberg
Stadil
Stadtholder
Staff
Stage
Stahl
Stambouloff
Stambuloff
Stamp
Stamping
Stand
Standard
Standing
Standpoint
Stanford
Stanhope
Stanley
Stanleyville
Stanwood
Staples
Star
Starr
Stars
Start
Starting
Startling
Starvation
Starving
Stat
State
Stated
Statehood
Statement
Statements
States
Statesman
Statesmanship
Statesmen
Station
Stations
Statisches
Statistical
Statistician
Statistics
Status
Statute
Statutes
Statutory
Ste
Stead
Steam
Steamer
Steamers
Steaming
Steamship
Stearns
Stebbing
Steeg
Steel
Stefano
Stegomya
Stein
Steinheil
Steinway
Stellenbosch
Stephen
Stephens
Stephenson
Stepniak
Steps
Sternburg
Steuben
Steunenberg
Stevens
Stewart
Steyn
Stichting
Stiffened
Stikine
Stiles
Still
Stillman
Stillé
Stimson
Stine
Stirling
Stobart
Stock
Stockholm
Stocks
Stockton
Stockwell
Stoddard
Stoics
Stokers
Stokes
Stolypin
Stone
Stones
Stonyhurst
Stopping
Store
Stores
Stories
Storm
Storrington
Storrow
Storthing
Story
Stotesbury
Stoughton
Stove
Stowe
Strachan
Strachey
Strafford
Strait
Straits
Strand
Strassburg
Strategic
Strathcona
Strathnairn
Straus
Street
Streets
Streights
Strength
Strict
Stricter
Strictly
Strike
Strikers
Strikes
Stringent
Stringfellow
Stripes
Strips
Strong
Stroomwater
Structural
Struggle
Struggles
Struma
Stuart
Stuarts
Stubbs
Student
Students
Studies
Study
Stundists
Stupendous
Stupidity
Sturdza
Sturge
Stutfield
Stuttgart
Stuyvesant
Style
Styria
Städtisrhe
Stössel
Stübel
Suavi
Sub
Subject
Subjected
Subjection
Subjects
Subjugation
Sublime
Submarine
Submarines
Submission
Submit
Submittal
Subscribers
Subscription
Subsequent
Subsequently
Substantial
Substantially
Substitution
Suburban
Subway
Subways
Succeeding
Success
Successes
Successful
Succession
Successor
Successors
Such
Sucre
Sudan
Sudanese
Sudd
Sudden
Suddenly
Suetonius
Suez
Suffering
Suffrage
Suffragettes
Suffragist
Suffragists
Sugar
Suggestion
Suggestions
Suicide
Suit
Suitability
Suitable
Suits
Sul
Sullivan
Sully
Sultan
Sultanatabad
Sultanate
Sultaneh
Sultans
Sulzberger
Sumatra
Summaries
Summarized
Summary
Summer
Summing
Sumner
Sumter
Sun
Sunday
Sundays
Sunderland
Sundry
Sungshushan
Sunnis
Superintendence
Superintendency
Superintendent
Superior
Superiority
Supervisors
Supplanting
Supplement
Supplies
Supply
Support
Supported
Supporters
Supporting
Suppose
Supposing
Suppress
Suppression
Supremacies
Supremacy
Supreme
Surely
Surendranath
Surgeon
Surgeons
Surinam
Surprise
Surrender
Surrey
Survey
Survival
Survivals
Survivors
Sus
Susan
Suspended
Suspension
Sussex
Suttner
Suvaroff
Suwalki
Suzerainty
Svante
Svartevaag
Sveaborg
Svyatopolk
Swadeshi
Swain
Swallow
Sway
Swayne
Swaziland
Sweating
Sweden
Swedes
Swedish
Sweeping
Swettenham
Swift
Swifts
Swinburne
Swindon
Swiss
Switzerland
Sybel
Sydney
Sydow
Sylva
Sylvester
Symes
Symonds
Symons
Syndicalism
Syndicalisme
Syndicalist
Syndicate
Syndicates
Syndication
Syndicats
Synod
Synods
Synopsis
Syntonic
Syracuse
Syria
Syrian
Syrians
System
Systematic
Systematizing
Systems
Szabad
Szcchuen
Sze
Szechuan
Szechuen
Szeehuan
Szeehuen
Szell
São
Ségur
Südenhorst
T
TABAH
TABRIZ
TACNA
TAFF
TAFT
TAI
TAINE
TAIPING
TAIREN
TAKAHIRA
TAKEN
TAKUSHAN
TALIENWAN
TAMMANY
TANG
TANGIER
TARIFF
TARIFFS
TARSUS
TARTAR
TARTARS
TASHINCHIAO
TAVERA
TAX
TAXATION
TAYLOR
TEA
TEACHERS
TEACHING
TEAMSTERS
TECHNICAL
TEHERAN
TEHRAN
TELEGRAPH
TELEGRAPHERS
TELEGRAPHIC
TELEGRAPHY
TELEPHONE
TELISSU
TELLES
TEMPERANCE
TEMPLARS
TEMPLEISM
TEN
TENANTS
TENDENCIES
TENEMENT
TENNESSEE
TENTH
TENURE
TERCENTENARY
TERCENTENIAL
TERM
TERRITORIAL
TERRITORIES
TERRITORY
TERROR
TEST
TEUTONIC
TEWFIK
TEXAS
TH
THAN
THAT
THE
THEATER
THEATINES
THEBES
THEIR
THEM
THEODOR
THEODORE
THEOTOKIS
THESE
THESES
THIBET
THIERRY
THIRD
THIRTEENTH
THIRTY
THOMAS
THOMSON
THOROUGH
THOUGH
THOUSAND
THREE
THÉOPHILE
TIBET
TIEN
TIGER
TILAK
TIME
TIMES
TIMOUR
TIRPITZ
TISZA
TITLE
TITTONI
TITUS
TO
TOBACCO
TOGO
TOLSTOI
TOM
TOMAS
TOMUCHENG
TORIES
TORONTO
TORRES
TORSTENSON
TOUISSANT
TOURS
TOWARD
TOWN
TOWNSHEND
TRACK
TRADE
TRAFALGAR
TRAINING
TRAINMEN
TRANS
TRANSANDINE
TRANSCONTINENTAL
TRANSIT
TRANSITION
TRANSLATION
TRANSPORTATION
TRANSVAAL
TRAVAIL
TREACHERY
TREASON
TREATIES
TREATY
TRENCH
TRENT
TREPOFF
TRIAL
TRIALS
TRIBE
TRIBES
TRIBUNAL
TRIBUNALS
TRIBUNES
TRIPLE
TRIUMVIRATES
TROOPS
TROUBETZKOI
TROUBLES
TRUNK
TRUST
TRUSTS
TSAI
TSAR
TSE
TSIN
TSONTSHEFF
TSUSHIMA
TUBERCULOSIS
TUDORS
TULLOCH
TUN
TUNG
TUNNEL
TUNNELS
TURBINE
TURKEY
TURKISH
TURKS
TURNEY
TURNING
TUSKEGEE
TWEEDMOUTH
TWELFTH
TWENTIETH
TWENTY
TWO
TYLER
TYRANNY
TYRREL
TZE
Ta
Tabah
Table
Tables
Tablets
Tabreez
Tabriz
Tachira
Tacitus
Tacna
Tacoma
Tacuta
Tadayoshi
Tadjoura
Taels
Taff
Tafilalt
Tafilet
Taft
Tagalla
Tagalog
Tahuamano
Tai
Taine
Tairen
Taitzu
Takahashi
Takahira
Takata
Take
Taken
Taking
Takushan
Talcott
Tales
Talfourd
Talien
Talienwan
Talleyrand
Talon
Talori
Tammany
Tan
Taney
Tang
Tanganyika
Tangier
Tangiers
Tangshan
Tanin
Tarbox
Tarbutt
Tardieu
Tardy
Tariff
Tariffs
Tarsus
Tartars
Tartary
Tashihchiao
Tashinchiao
Taslikishla
Tasmania
Taswell
Taurus
Taussig
Tavera
Tax
Taxable
Taxation
Taxes
Tayabas
Taylor
Tchad
Tea
Teach
Teachers
Teaching
Teaming
Teamsters
Technical
Technology
Tegucigalpa
Tehachapi
Teheran
Tehran
Tehuamanu
Tehuantepec
Tejada
Tejon
Tekla
Tel
Telegram
Telegrams
Telegraph
Telegraphers
Telegraphic
Telegraphs
Telegraphy
Telephone
Telissu
Tell
Telles
Temiskaming
Temperance
Templars
Temple
Templeism
Temporary
Temps
Ten
Tenant
Tenants
Tenders
Tenement
Teniet
Tennent
Tennessee
Tennessee*
Tenney
Tenny
Tennyson
Tentative
Tenthly
Tents
Teques
Terauchi
Tercentenary
Tercentennial
Terence
Terencio
Terentilian
Term
Terminal
Termination
Terms
Terra
Terre
Terrific
Territorial
Territorials
Territories
Territory
Terror
Terrorism
Test
Testa
Testament
Testaments
Testimony
Tetuan
Teutonic
Tewfik
Texarkana
Texas
Text
Texts
Thank
Thanks
That
Thayer
The
Theater
Theatre
Theban
Thebes
Their
Theirs
Then
Thence
Theodor
Theodore
Theodoric
Theodoros
Theodosius
Theological
Theology
Theoretically
Theories
Theory
Theotoki
Theotokis
There
Thereafter
Therefore
Theresias
Thereupon
Therisso
Thermopylae
These
They
Thibet
Thibetan
Thierry
Thiers
Thievery
Things
Thinking
Third
Thirdly
Thirlwall
Thirteen
Thirteenth
Thirty
This
Thomas
Thompson
Thomsen
Thomson
Thoreau
Thorne
Thornton
Thorpe
Those
Thou
Though
Thought
Thoughtful
Thousands
Threatened
Threatening
Threats
Three
Thrice
Thrift
Throne
Through
Throughout
Throw
Throwing
Thucydides
Thursday
Thus
Thwaites
Tiam
Tibbles
Tibet
Tibetan
Tibetans
Ticonderoga
Tidmor
Tie
Tieh
Tiele
Tien
Tientsin
Tienyow
Tiers
Tiflis
Tiger
Tighe
Tiglathpileser
Tigris
Tilak
Tilden
Till
Tilley
Tim
Timayenis
Timber
Timbermen
Time
Times
Timothy
Timperley
Tin
Ting
Tirey
Tirpitz
Tisza
Tit
Titan
Title
Titles
Tittoni
Titus
To
Tobacco
Tobolsk
Today
Todd
Togo
Tokens
Tokio
Tokiwo
Tokyo
Toleration
Tolstoi
Tolstoy
Tom
Tomas
Tombelo
Tomitudes
Tomkins
Tomsk
Tomucheng
Tone
Tongass
Tonight
Tons
Too
Tool
Topeka
Topical
Topography
Toromonas
Toronto
Torpedo
Torpid
Torre
Torrey
Torriano
Tortelier
Torture
Toru
Tory
Toshakhana
Total
Toulon
Toulouse
Tour
Tout
Toward
Tower
Towle
Town
Towns
Townsend
Tozer
Tractarian
Tracy
Trade
Traders
Trades
Traditions
Traffic
Tragedy
Tragically
Traill
Train
Training
Trainmen
Trains
Trajan
Tranquility
Trans
Transandine
Transatlantic
Transcontinental
Transcriber
Transcribers
Transcript
Transfer
Transform
Transformation
Transit
Translation
Transmitting
Transport
Transportation
Transvaal
Transvaalers
Transylvania
Trappists
Travail
Travassos
Travel
Travellers
Travelling
Travers
Treacherous
Treason
Treasure
Treasurer
Treasuries
Treasury
Treaties
Treatise
Treatment
Treaty
Tree
Treitschke
Tremor
Trench
Trengganu
Trent
Trepoff
Trevor
Trial
Trials
Tribal
Tribe
Tribes
Tribesmen
Tribuna
Tribunal
Tribunals
Tribune
Tribunes
Tributa
Tributes
Tried
Triennial
Trieste
Trimborn
Trinidad
Tripartite
Triple
Tripoli
Triumph
Triumphant
Triumvirates
Trocadero
Trollope
Trondhjem
Troops
Tropical
Tropics
Troskoff
Trotha
Trotter
Trouble
Troubles
Troublesome
Trout
Trowbridge
Truancy
Trubetskoi
Truce
Trudeau
True
Trujillo
Truman
Trumbull
Trunk
Trust
Trustee
Trustees
Trusting
Trusts
Truth
Tsai
Tsana
Tsar
Tsars
Tse
Tsi
Tsingtau
Tsitshar
Tsontsheff
Tsuguru
Tsukuba
Tsung
Tsushima
Tuan
Tube
Tuberculosis
Tucker
Tuckerman
Tudor
Tudors
Tuesday
Tulio
Tulloch
Tullock
Tully
Tumults
Tumulus
Tun
Tuna
Tung
Tungchikuanshan
Tunis
Tunnel
Tunnels
Tuolumne
Turanian
Turbine
Turbinia
Turcophile
Turenne
Turgot
Turk
Turkestan
Turkey
Turkish
Turks
Turner
Turney
Turning
Turtle
Tuscan
Tuscany
Tuskegee
Tuthill
Tutorial
Tuttle
Tuxpam
Tver
Twain
Tweed
Tweedmouth
Twelfth
Twelve
Twentieth
Twenty
Twice
Two
Tyler
Tyne
Typaldos
Type
Typhoid
Typical
Typographical
Typography
Tyrol
Tyrrel
Tyrrell
Tytler
Tzar
Tzars
Tze
T’ung
U
UGANDA
UL
ULEMA
UNCLE
UNDER
UNDERFED
UNDERGROUND
UNDERSTANDING
UNDERTAKING
UNDERTAKINGS
UNEMPLOYMENT
UNIFORM
UNIFORMITY
UNION
UNIONIST
UNIONS
UNITED
UNITY
UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSITIES
UNIVERSITY
UP
UPON
UPPER
UPRISING
URBAN
URIAH
URIBE
URUGUAY
URUSSOFF
URYU
USAGE
USE
USES
UTAH
UTILITIES
Uban
Ubanghi
Ubangi
Ucinaria
Uganda
Ugly
Uhlhorn
Uitlanders
Ujda
Ukase
Ukhtomsk
Ukraine
Ular
Ulema
Ulfa
Ulfilas
Ullmann
Ulster
Ultimately
Ultimatum
Ultramontane
Ultramontanes
Umberto
Umbria
Umbrian
Umpire
Unanimous
Uncertainties
Uncinaria
Unclassified
Uncle
Unclean
Unconstitutional
Under
Underfed
Underground
Undersigned
Undertaking
Undertakings
Undoubtedly
Unearthing
Unemployed
Unemployment
Unexpectedly
Unexplained
Unfit
Unfortunate
Unfortunately
Unfulfilled
Unhappily
Unification
Unified
Uniform
Uniformity
Union
Unionism
Unionist
Unionists
Unions
Unit
United
Units
Unity
Universal
Universe
Universelle
Universities
University
Unless
Unlike
Unmaking
Unparalleled
Unpopularity
Unprotected
Unreadiness
Unreasonable
Unreserved
Unsatisfactory
Unskilled
Unsuitable
Until
Unused
Unvarying
Unveiling
Unwin
Up
Upcott
Upernivik
Upham
Upon
Upper
Uprising
Upwards
Urban
Urgency
Uriah
Uribe
Uriu
Urquhart
Uruguay
Urumia
Urussoff
Uryu
Use
Useful
Usefulness
Uskup
Usually
Utah
Utica
Utilities
Utopias
Utrecht
V
VACUUM
VAL
VALE
VALIAHD
VALLEY
VALOIS
VALPARAISO
VALUE
VANDALS
VANNOVSKY
VAN’T
VARIOUS
VASILI
VEHEMENTER
VENDÉE
VENEZUELA
VENEZUELAN
VENICE
VENTURES
VERDUN
VEREENIGING
VERESTCHAGIN
VERNON
VERONA
VERSAILLES
VESUVIUS
VETO
VI
VIBORG
VICE
VICEROY
VICKSBURG
VICTOR
VICTORIA
VICTORIAN
VICTORY
VIENNA
VIEWS
VII
VIII
VILHENA
VILLAZON
VINCENT
VIRCHOW
VIRGINIA
VITHÖFT
VIVENDI
VIZIER
VLADIMIR
VLADIVOSTOCK
VOLCANIC
VOLUME
VOLUMES
VON
VOTE
VOTING
VOYAGES
VRIES
VS
VULGATE
Vacancies
Vacation
Vacuum
Vadis
Vain
Val
Valdivostok
Vale
Valencia
Valentine
Valerian
Valerio
Vali
Valiahd
Valid
Valis
Valladolid
Vallejo
Valley
Valleys
Valois
Valparaiso
Value
Vambery
Vambéry
Van
Vancouver
Vanderbilt
Vane
Vang
Vannovsky
Var
Varagas
Variation
Various
Varley
Vasques
Vast
Vatican
Vaughan
Vaughn
Vecchia
Vedas
Vega
Vehementer
Veitch
Veldt
Veliki
Velutini
Venerable
Venetian
Venezelo
Venezuela
Venezuelan
Venezuelans
Venice
Venizelos
Vera
Verbaud
Verde
Verdict
Vereeniging
Verestchagin
Vericour
Verkaufspreis
Vermilion
Vermont
Verney
Vernon
Verrechnungspreis
Versailles
Version
Versorgungshaus
Versorgungshäuser
Vert
Very
Vespasian
Vespucci
Vessels
Vesuvius
Veterans
Veto
Viborg
Vibration
Vicar
Vice
Vicente
Viceroy
Viceroyalties
Viceroyalty
Viceroys
Vicious
Vicksburg
Vict
Victor
Victoria
Victorian
Victuallers
Vida
Viejo
Vienna
Viennese
View
Viewed
Views
Vigilance
Vigorous
Vilhena
Villa
Village
Villard
Villari
Villaverde
Villazon
Villegas
Villemain
Villiers
Vincent
Vincente
Vindication
Vineyard
Vingtième
Vinton
Violation
Violations
Violence
Violent
Viollet
Virchow
Virginia
Virginian
Virtual
Visayan
Viscount
Visigoths
Visit
Visitation
Visited
Visits
Vital
Vitashefski
Vithöft
Vivendi
Vivian
Viviani
Vizetelly
Vizier
Viziers
Vlach
Vlachs
Vladimir
Vladivostock
Vladivostok
Vocabulary
Voelker
Vogt
Voilochenkoff
Voisin
Vol
Volcanic
Volga
Volk
Volkhovsky
Volksrust
Volney
Volosts
Voltaire
Volume
Volumes
Voluntary
Volunteer
Volunteers
Von
Vorarlberg
Voronezh
Voskresensky
Vote
Voters
Votes
Voting
Voyage
Vreeland
Vremya
Vries
Vrijzinnige
Vulcanian
Vulgate
W
WAGES
WAI
WALDECK
WALES
WALKER
WALL
WALLENSTEIN
WALLER
WALPOLE
WAR
WARD
WARFARE
WARS
WARSAW
WASHBURN
WASHINGTON
WAT
WATER
WATERLOO
WATERS
WATERWAY
WATERWAYS
WATKINS
WATSON
WAZEER
WE
WEAKNESS
WEALTH
WEAVER
WEBSTER
WEEKLY
WEEKS
WEI
WEKERLE
WELSH
WENCESLAO
WENTWORTH
WERE
WERMUTH
WEST
WESTERN
WESTMINSTER
WESTPHALIA
WET
WEYLER
WHAT
WHEN
WHICH
WHIG
WHIGS
WHISKEY
WHITE
WHOM
WICKERSHAM
WIFE
WIJU
WILBUR
WILHELM
WILKINSON
WILLIAM
WILLIAMS
WILSON
WINE
WINNIPEG
WIRELESS
WIRT
WISCONSIN
WITBOIS
WITCHCRAFT
WITH
WITHDRAWAL
WITTE
WOLF
WOLFE
WOLSEY
WOMAN
WOMEN
WOOD
WOODWARD
WORCESTER
WORDS
WORK
WORKERS
WORKING
WORKINGMEN
WORKMEN
WORLD
WORMS
WORSHIP
WOS
WRECK
WRECKING
WRESTED
WRIGHT
WRIT
WRONGDOING
WU
WURTEMBERG
WYCLIF
WYLLIE
WYNDHAM
WYNNE
Wachsmuth
Wadaï
Waddington
Wade
Wadhams
Wages
Wai
Waihi
Waistmakers
Wait
Waiwupu
Wake
Wakefield
Wakeman
Waldeck
Wales
Walford
Waliszewski
Walker
Wall
Wallace
Wallachia
Wallachian
Wallenstein
Waller
Wallier
Wallis
Walloons
Walpole
Walter
Walton
Wang
Wangonis
Wangtai
Waning
Wantai
Wanted
War
Warburton
Ward
Wardell
Wardle
Wardner
Wards
Ware
Warfare
Warfield
Waring
Warner
Warning
Warnings
Warren
Warrior
Wars
Warsaw
Warships
Warwick
Was
Wasdin
Washburn
Washburne
Washington
Wasson
Waste
Wasteful
Wat
Watanabe
Watauga
Watchorn
Water
Waterford
Waterloo
Waters
Waterway
Waterways
Watkins
Watrous
Watson
Watt
Watts
Waverley
Way
Ways
Wazeer
We
Weakening
Wealth
Weather
Weaver
Webb
Weber
Webster
Weddell
Wednesday
Wee
Weeden
Weekly
Weeks
Wei
Weil
Weimar
Weir
Weiss
Wekerle
Welch
Welfare
Well
Welle
Welles
Wellhausen
Wellington
Wellman
Wells
Welsh
Wemple
Wenceslao
Wendell
Wenham
Wentworth
Were
Wermuth
Wernher
Wesley
Wesleyan
West
Westcott
Westendorp
Westendorps
Western
Westinghouse
Westmacott
Westminster
Weston
Westphalia
Westphalian
Wet
Wexford
Weyl
Weyler
Whaling
Wharton
What
Whatever
Wheat
Wheeler
When
Whenever
Where
Whereas
Wherefore
Whereupon
Wherever
Whether
Whewell
Which
Whichever
Whiggism
Whigs
While
Whilst
Whip
Whipple
Whiskey
White
Whitehall
Whitelaw
Whitelock
Whites
Whiting
Whitney
Whittaker
Who
Whoever
Whole
Wholesale
Why
Wickersham
Wide
Widespread
Wied
Wiener
Wiesbaden
Wife
Wigtown
Wiju
Wilbur
Wilcox
Wild
Wile
Wilfred
Wilfrid
Wilhelm
Wilkes
Wilkinson
Will
Willamette
Willcocks
Willcox
Willet
William
Williams
Williamsburgh
Williamson
Willis
Willoughby
Willson
Wilmington
Wilmot
Wilson
Wiltsch
Winchester
Windsor
Windward
Wine
Wingate
Winnemucca
Winning
Winnipeg
Winsor
Winston
Winter
Winthrop
Wired
Wireless
Wirksworth
Wirt
Wisconsin
Wise
Wiseman
Wishaw
Wishing
Witbois
Witchcraft
With
Withdrawal
Withdrawals
Witherbee
Within
Without
Withy
Witness
Witnesses
Witt
Witte
Witwatersrand
Wm
Wolf
Wolfe
Wolmaransstad
Wolseley
Wolsey
Woman
Women
Wood
Woodburn
Woodford
Woodhouse
Woodrow
Woodruff
Woods
Woodward
Woolf
Words
Work
Workable
Workers
Working
Workingmen
Workings
Workman
Workmen
Works
Workshop
World
Worms
Wornum
Worse
Worship
Worst
Worth
Worthlessness
Wos
Would
Wounded
Wounds
Wraxhall
Wrexham
Wright
Wrights
Wrightson
Writer
Writers
Writing
Writings
Written
Wrong
Wrongdoing
Wu
Wyatt
Wybergh
Wyclif
Wycliffe
Wyllie
Wyman
Wyndham
Wynne
Wyoming
Würtemberg
Würtemburg
Würzburg
X
XI
XII
XIII
XIV
XIX
XL
XLI
XLII
XLIII
XLIV
XLIX
XLV
XLVI
XLVII
XLVIII
XV
XVI
XVII
XVIII
XVth
XX
XXI
XXII
XXIII
XXIV
XXIX
XXL
XXV
XXVI
XXVII
XXVIII
XXX
XXXI
XXXII
XXXIII
XXXIV
XXXIX
XXXV
XXXVI
XXXVII
XXXVIII
Xenophon
Xeres
Y
YALU
YAMAGATA
YANG
YANGTZULING
YASHIMA
YASS
YEAR
YEARS
YELLOW
YEN
YI
YOKE
YORK
YOUNG
YOUNGER
YOUNGHUSBAND
YOUSSUF
YUAN
YUKON
YUSHIN
Yakontipu
Yale
Yalu
Yamagata
Yambata
Yamen
Yang
Yangtze
Yangtzuling
Yankee
Yankees
Yantzuling
Yaqui
Yarbutenda
Yashima
Yass
Year
Yearly
Years
Yeats
Yellow
Yellows
Yellowstone
Yemen
Yentai
Yeomanry
Yer
Yerkes
Yes
Yesterday
Yet
Yeu
Yezd
Yi
Yiahonala
Yiddish
Yield
Yielding
Yildiz
Yin
Yingkon
Yinkow
Yodo
Yokohama
Yokoi
Yokoma
Yonge
York
Yorktown
Yoruba
Yosemite
You
Young
Younghusband
Youngstown
Your
Youssuf
Youthful
Ypsiloritis
Yuan
Yugantar
Yukon
Yule
Yulievitch
Yung
Yunnan
Yururari
Yusen
Yushin
Yushulingtzu
Yves
Z
ZAHLE
ZAIMIS
ZAMENHOF
ZANARDELLI
ZANZIBAR
ZASULICH
ZAYISTAS
ZEALAND
ZEEMAN
ZELAYA
ZEMSTVOS
ZEPPELIN
ZICHY
ZIEGLER
ZIL
ZOLLVEREIN
ZONE
ZULUS
ZWINGLI
Zahle
Zaimis
Zambesi
Zamboanga
Zamenhof
Zamora
Zanardelli
Zanzibar
Zaouia
Zaredoubt
Zasulich
Zayas
Zayes
Zayistas
Zealand
Zealander
Zeeman
Zeila
Zeitung
Zelaya
Zeller
Zemindar
Zemsky
Zemstvo
Zemstvoists
Zemstvos
Zeppelin
Zia
Zicha
Zichy
Ziegler
Zil
Zilaadeh
Zilkade
Zilliacus
Zimmerman
Zimmermann
Zimmour
Zollverein
Zone
Zoology
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breadth
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cadets
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cages
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campaign
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capacity
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caprices
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captors
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carabaos
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carats
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caravans
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carbons
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cardinals
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carloads
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carriages
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carrier
carriers
carries
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cars
cartage
cartel
cartels
cartographer
cartoonists
cartridges
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case
casemates
cases
cash
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cashiers
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casting
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caucuses
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cause
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cavils
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ceilings
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celebrations
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cell
cellar
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cellular
cement
cemeteries
cemetery
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censors
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censuses
cent
centenary
centennial
center
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centigrade
centigrams
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centner
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centred
centres
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cents
centum
centuries
century
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cerebral
cerebrospinal
ceremonies
ceremonious
ceremoniously
ceremony
certain
certainly
certainty
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certificated
certificates
certification
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certifies
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certiorari
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cession
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ch
chaff
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chain
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chains
chair
chairman
chairmanship
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chairs
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chambers
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chancellor
chancery
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channel
channels
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chaotic
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chapels
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chaplains
chapter
chapters
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charge
chargeable
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charities
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charms
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charted
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chattels
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chemical
chemicals
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chemistry
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cheque
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cherished
cherishes
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chests
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chiang
chief
chiefly
chiefs
chieftain
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chikwangues
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childhood
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chills
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china
chinook
chivalry
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chloroform
chocolates
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choirs
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chorus
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chosen
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chrome
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chronological
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chuen
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church
churches
churchman
cigar
cigarette
cigarettes
cigarmakers
cigars
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circles
circuit
circuits
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circulars
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circulates
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circulations
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circumscribed
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circumstances
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citation
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cites
cities
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citizenhood
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citizenship
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civics
civil
civilian
civilians
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civilised
civilities
civility
civilization
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civilizer
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claim
claimant
claimants
claimed
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claims
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clamor
clamorers
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clandestine
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clarion
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clashes
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classed
classes
classic
classics
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classifications
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classrooms
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clauses
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cleaners
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cleanliness
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clearance
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clemency
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clergy
clergyman
clergymen
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clericalism
clericals
clerics
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clerks
clerkships
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cleverly
clientele
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climates
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cliques
clock
clocks
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closed
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closets
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closure
cloth
clothe
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clothes
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clouded
clouds
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club
clubs
clubwomen
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clumsily
clumsy
clutch
clutches
co
coach
coaches
coal
coalesced
coalfields
coaling
coalition
coalmasters
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coarsest
coast
coastal
coasting
coastline
coasts
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coat
coated
coatedness
cobalt
cocaine
cockfighting
cocoa
code
codes
codfishery
codification
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codify
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coercion
coercive
coffee
cofferdam
coffers
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cogently
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coherent
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coherers
coinage
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coincided
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coincidentally
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coined
coins
coke
cold
coldly
coldness
collaborated
collaboration
collaborators
collapse
collapsed
collar
collate
collated
collateral
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collation
collations
collators
colleague
colleagues
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collecting
collection
collections
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collectively
collectivism
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collectors
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colleges
collegians
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collieries
colliers
colliery
collision
collisions
collusion
colon
colonel
colonels
colonial
colonies
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colonising
colonists
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colonization
colonize
colonized
colony
color
colorados
colored
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colorless
colors
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colour
coloured
colours
column
columns
com
com/DO
combat
combatant
combatants
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combative
combination
combinations
combine
combined
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combustion
come
comedy
comers
comes
comet
comets
comfort
comfortable
comfortably
comforting
comforts
comical
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command
commandant
commanded
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commandments
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commendable
commendation
commended
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commentary
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comments
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commercial
commercialism
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committees
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commodities
commodity
common
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commonly
commonplace
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commonwealths
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community
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companies
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company
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compilations
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compiled
complacency
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complain
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complaint
complaints
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completed
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complexion
complexity
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components
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comptrollers
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compulsorily
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computes
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comradeship
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concavity
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concept
conception
conceptions
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concessionnaires
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concisely
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conclude
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concussions
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cone
confectionery
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confederations
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conferees
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conferences
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confessions
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connivance
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cooked
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coolies
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coolness
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copies
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cord
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corvee
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cost
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cottages
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countless
countries
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countrymen
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cousins
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cowardly
cowboys
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coöperative
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coöperators
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crack
cracking
craft
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crafts
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cranks
cranny
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creamery
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creatures
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credentials
credit
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creeping
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crest
crests
crevasse
crevasses
crew
crews
cricket
cried
cries
crime
crimes
criminal
criminality
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crippled
crippling
crises
crisis
criterion
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critical
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criticised
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criticisms
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critics
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crook
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crops
cross
crossed
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crowds
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crowns
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crude
cruel
cruelly
cruelties
cruelty
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loss
losses
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lot
lots
lottery
loud
louder
loudly
love
loved
loves
loving
low
lower
lowered
lowering
lowest
loyal
loyally
loyalty
lu
lubrication
lucid
luck
lucky
ludicrous
ludicrously
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lull
lumber
lumbered
lumbermen
luminescence
luminosity
luminous
lump
lun
lunatic
lunch
luncheon
lunettes
lung
lungs
lurch
lured
lust
lustre
luxuriance
luxuries
luxury
lycée
lyddite
lying
lynching
lynchings
lèse
l’Arbitrage
l’Enregistrement
l’Enseignement
l’Oncle
l’entreprise
l’honneur
l’intérieur
m
macadamized
maceration
machination
machinations
machine
machinery
machines
mad
maddened
maddening
made
madness
magazine
magazines
magic
magisterial
magistracy
magistrate
magistrates
magma
magnanimity
magnanimous
magnates
magnesium
magnetic
magnetized
magnificent
magnified
magnitude
magnum
mahogany
maids
mail
mails
maimed
maiming
main
mainland
mainly
mainsprings
maintain
maintainable
maintained
maintaining
maintains
maintenance
maize
majesties
majesty
majesté
major
majorities
majority
make
maker
makers
makes
makeshift
making
makings
maladies
maladministration
malady
malaria
malarial
malcontent
malcontents
male
malefactor
males
malfeasance
mali
malignant
malt
maltreat
maltreatment
mammals
mammoth
mammoths
man
manacle
manage
manageable
managed
management
manager
managers
manages
managing
mandamus
mandate
mandates
mandatory
maneuvering
manfully
mangled
manhood
maniacal
maniacs
manias
manics
manifest
manifestation
manifestations
manifested
manifesting
manifestly
manifesto
manifestoes
manifold
manioc
manipulate
manipulated
manipulating
manipulation
manipulative
manipulator
manipulators
mankind
manly
manned
manner
manners
manning
manoeuvre
manoeuvres
manoeuvring
mans
manses
mansion
mansions
manslaughter
mantle
manual
manuals
manufactories
manufacture
manufactured
manufacturer
manufacturers
manufactures
manufacturing
manumission
manuscript
manuscripts
many
manzanas
map
mapping
maps
mar
marble
march
marched
marches
marching
margin
margins
marine
marines
maritime
mark
marked
market
marketable
marketing
markets
marking
marks
marksmanship
marque
marriage
marriageable
marriages
married
marry
marrying
marsh
marshalled
marshals
marshes
mart
martial
martialing
marts
martyr
martyrdom
maru
marvelled
marvellous
marvelous
marvels
masking
masonry
masquerade
masquerading
mass
massacre
massacred
massacres
massed
masses
massive
mast
master
mastered
masterful
masterfulness
masterly
masterpiece
masters
mastery
match
matched
matches
mate
mated
mater
material
materialism
materialistic
materially
materials
mates
mathematical
mathematicians
mathematics
matriculation
matron
matter
mattered
matters
mature
matured
maturely
matures
maturity
maw
maxim
maximum
may
maybe
mayor
mayoralty
mayors
maître
me
meadow
meadows
meagre
meal
mealie
meals
mean
meanest
meaning
meanings
means
meant
meantime
meanwhile
measurable
measurably
measure
measured
measureless
measurement
measurements
measures
measuring
meat
meats
mechanic
mechanical
mechanically
mechanics
mechanism
mechanisms
medals
meddle
meddlesome
meddling
mediaeval
mediate
mediation
mediations
mediator
mediators
medical
medicinal
medicine
medicines
medieval
medium
mediums
meek
meet
meeting
meetings
meets
melancholy
mell
melodious
melodramatic
melody
melt
melted
melting
melée
member
members
membership
mementoes
memoirs
memorable
memoranda
memorandum
memorial
memorialists
memories
memory
men
menace
menaced
menaces
menacing
menagerie
mend
mendacious
mendicant
menn
mental
mentality
mentally
mention
mentioned
mentions
mentor
mercantile
mercenary
merchandise
merchant
merchantable
merchants
mercies
merciless
mercilessly
mercury
mercy
mere
merely
merest
merged
merger
mergers
merging
meridian
merit
merited
meriting
meritorious
merits
merry
mesh
message
messages
messenger
messengers
messes
met
metal
metallic
metallurgy
metals
metamorphosis
metaphor
metaphorically
metaphysical
meted
meteorologic
meter
meters
metes
method
methods
metres
metric
metropolis
metropolitan
mica
microbe
microbes
microcosm
microphones
microscope
mid
midday
middle
middleman
middlemen
midnight
midst
midsummer
midway
might
mighty
migrant
migrated
migration
migratory
mil
mild
mildly
mile
mileage
miles
milestone
militaire
militant
militarism
military
militia
militiamen
militias
milk
mill
mille
milligramme
millinery
milling
million
millionaire
millionaires
millioned
millions
millionth
mills
mimic
min
mind
minded
mindful
minds
mine
mined
miner
mineral
minerals
miners
mines
mingled
mingling
miniature
minimize
minimized
minimizing
minimum
mining
minister
ministered
ministerial
ministerials
ministers
ministration
ministries
ministry
minor
minorities
minority
minors
mints
minute
minutely
minuteness
minutes
minutest
mir
miracle
miracles
miraculous
mirror
misadventure
misapprehension
misappropriated
misbehaviour
misbranded
misbranding
miscalculated
miscarriage
miscarried
miscellaneous
mischief
mischiefs
mischievous
mischievously
misconception
misconceptions
misconduct
misconducts
misconstruction
miscreants
misdeeds
misdemeanor
misdemeanors
misdemeanour
misdoings
miserable
miserably
miseries
misery
misfortune
misfortunes
misgivings
misinformation
mislead
misleading
misled
mismanagement
misquoting
misrepresent
misrepresentations
misrepresented
misrule
missed
missing
mission
missionaries
missionary
missions
missive
mist
mistake
mistaken
mistakes
mistaking
mistook
mistresses
mistrust
misunderstand
misunderstanding
misunderstandings
misuse
misused
mitigate
mitigated
mitigation
mix
mixed
mixture
mixtures
mm
moaning
mob
mobility
mobilization
mobilize
mobilized
mobs
mockery
mode
model
modeled
modelled
models
moderate
moderated
moderately
moderates
moderating
moderation
modern
modernism
modernists
modernize
modernizing
modes
modest
modesty
modification
modifications
modified
modify
modifying
modus
moieties
moisture
molded
molders
molding
molecular
molecule
molecules
molestation
molested
moment
momentarily
momentary
momentous
moments
momentum
monarch
monarchical
monarchs
monarchy
monasteries
monastery
monastic
monetary
money
moneys
monies
monitors
monk
monks
mono
monoplane
monopolies
monopolistic
monopolists
monopolize
monopolized
monopolizing
monopoly
monotonous
monotony
monster
monsters
monstrosities
monstrosity
monstrous
month
monthly
months
monument
monuments
mood
moon
moored
moorings
mooted
moral
morale
morality
moralized
morally
morals
morbid
morbidity
more
moreover
morganatic
morning
mornings
morphia
morphine
morrow
morsel
morsitans
mortal
mortality
mortally
mortem
mortgage
mortgages
mortgaging
mortifications
mortuary
mosque
mosques
mosquito
mosquitoes
most
mostly
mother
motherhood
motherland
motherly
mothers
motion
motions
motive
motives
motley
motor
motors
motto
motu
mould
moulded
mouldering
moulding
moulds
mound
mount
mountain
mountainous
mountains
mounted
mounting
mountings
mounts
mournfully
mourning
mourns
mouth
mouthpiece
mouths
movable
move
moveable
moved
movement
movements
mover
moving
mown
much
mud
muddle
muddy
muftis
mulatto
mulch
mule
muleteers
mulk
mullahs
multi
multifarious
multipartite
multiple
multiplication
multiplicities
multiplicity
multiplied
multiplies
multiply
multiplying
multitude
multitudes
mundane
municipal
municipalities
municipality
municipalization
munificence
munificent
munitions
murder
murdered
murderer
murderers
murdering
murderous
murders
murmur
murmurings
murmurs
muscle
muscles
museum
mushrooms
music
musical
musicians
musketry
muskets
must
muster
mustering
mutandis
mutation
mutatis
mute
mutilated
mutilation
mutineers
mutinied
mutinies
mutinous
mutiny
mutterings
mutual
mutuality
mutualization
mutually
my
myriads
myself
mysteries
mysterious
mysteriously
mystery
mystic
mystically
mythology
mélinite
mémoire
nail
nailed
naked
namby
name
named
namely
names
namesake
naming
naphtha
napping
narcotic
narrated
narrates
narrative
narrator
narrow
narrowed
narrower
narrowest
narrowing
narrowly
narrowness
nasals
nascent
nation
national
nationalisation
nationalism
nationalist
nationalities
nationality
nationalité
nationalization
nationalized
nationalizing
nationals
nations
native
natives
natural
naturalised
naturalization
naturalize
naturalized
naturally
nature
natured
naught
nautical
naval
nave
navies
navigability
navigable
navigated
navigating
navigation
navigator
navy
nay
nd
near
nearer
nearest
nearing
nearly
nebula
nebulous
necessaries
necessarily
necessary
necessitate
necessitated
necessitates
necessitating
necessities
necessitous
necessity
neck
necklace
necks
need
needed
needful
needing
needless
needlessly
needs
needy
negation
negative
negatives
neglect
neglected
neglecting
negligence
negligent
negligible
negotiable
negotiate
negotiated
negotiating
negotiation
negotiations
negotiators
negro
negroes
neighbor
neighborhood
neighborhoods
neighboring
neighbors
neighbour
neighbourhood
neighbouring
neighbourly
neighbours
neither
nephew
nerve
nerves
nervous
nervously
nervousness
nest
net
nets
netting
network
neutral
neutralise
neutrality
neutralization
neutralize
neutralized
neutrals
never
nevertheless
new
newer
newest
newly
news
newspaper
newspapers
next
nice
nicely
nickel
nickname
nicknamed
niggardly
niggers
nigh
night
nightfall
nightly
nights
nil
nine
nineteen
nineteenth
nineties
ninety
ninth
no
nobility
nobis
noble
noblemen
nobles
noblest
nobly
nobody
nocturnal
noise
noises
noisome
noisy
nolo
nomadic
nomenclature
nominal
nominally
nominate
nominated
nominates
nominating
nomination
nominations
nominavit
nominee
nominees
non
none
nonsense
nonsignatory
nonunion
nonuse
nook
noon
nor
normal
normally
north
northeast
northeastern
northeastward
northerly
northern
northernmost
northward
northwardly
northwards
northwest
northwestern
northwestward
nose
nostrum
not
notable
notables
notably
notation
note
noted
notes
noteworthy
nothing
notice
noticeable
noticed
notices
notifiable
notification
notifications
notified
notifies
notify
notifying
notion
notions
notorious
notoriously
notwithstanding
nourish
nourished
nourishment
novel
novelist
novels
novelties
novelty
novo
now
nowadays
nowhere
nowhither
nowise
noxious
nozzle
nub
nucleus
nugatory
nuisance
nuisances
null
nullification
nullified
nullify
nullifying
number
numbered
numbering
numberless
numbers
numerical
numerically
numerous
numerously
nuncio
nuns
nurse
nursed
nursemaids
nurses
nursing
nuts
n’a
n’t
o
oak
oar
oasis
oath
oaths
oats
obdurate
obedience
obedient
obey
obeyed
obeying
obeys
object
objected
objecting
objection
objectionable
objections
objective
objects
obligate
obligates
obligating
obligation
obligations
obligato
obligatory
oblige
obliged
obliges
obliquely
obliterate
obliterated
obliterating
oblivion
obnoxious
obol
obscure
obscured
obscuring
obscurity
obsequies
observable
observance
observances
observant
observation
observations
observatories
observatory
observe
observed
observer
observers
observes
observing
obsolescence
obsolete
obstacle
obstacles
obstinacy
obstinate
obstinately
obstruct
obstructed
obstructing
obstruction
obstructionist
obstructions
obstructive
obstructs
obtain
obtainable
obtained
obtaining
obtains
obtuse
obviate
obviated
obviates
obviating
obvious
obviously
occasion
occasional
occasionally
occasioned
occasions
occidental
occult
occupancy
occupant
occupants
occupation
occupational
occupations
occupied
occupier
occupiers
occupies
occupy
occupying
occur
occurred
occurrence
occurrences
occurring
occurs
ocean
oceanic
oceanographic
octahedrons
octavo
odd
oddest
odds
odious
odiously
odium
of
off
offence
offences
offended
offender
offenders
offending
offense
offenses
offensive
offensively
offensiveness
offer
offered
offering
offerings
offers
office
officer
officered
officers
offices
official
officialdom
officializing
officially
officials
officiate
officiating
officio
offset
offsets
offsetting
offshoot
offspring
oft
often
oftener
oil
oils
old
olden
older
oldest
omen
ominous
omission
omitted
omni
omnibus
omnibuses
omnipotent
omnipresent
on
once
oncoming
one
onerous
ones
onlookers
only
onset
onslaught
onward
onwards
opaque
open
opened
opening
openings
openly
openmindedness
openness
opens
opera
operate
operated
operates
operating
operation
operations
operative
operatively
operatives
operator
operators
opine
opinion
opinions
opium
opponent
opponents
opportune
opportunely
opportuneness
opportunism
opportunist
opportunities
opportunity
oppose
opposed
opposes
opposing
opposite
oppositely
opposition
oppositions
oppressed
oppresses
oppression
oppressive
oppressiveness
oppressor
oppressors
opsonic
optimism
optimistic
option
optional
options
opulence
opus
or
oral
orange
oration
orator
orators
orb
orbits
orchards
orchestra
ordain
ordained
ordaining
ordeal
order
ordered
ordering
orderly
orders
ordinance
ordinances
ordinarily
ordinary
ordination
ordnance
ore
ores
org
organ
organic
organisation
organisations
organise
organised
organisers
organising
organism
organisms
organization
organizations
organize
organized
organizer
organizers
organizes
organizing
organs
orient
oriental
origin
original
originality
originally
originate
originated
originating
origination
originator
ornate
orphan
orphanages
orphaned
orphans
orthodox
orthodoxy
oscillation
oscillations
ostensible
ostensibly
ostentation
ostracise
ostracized
other
others
otherwise
ought
ounce
our
ours
ourself
ourselves
oust
ousted
out
outbreak
outbreaking
outbreaks
outburst
outbursts
outcasts
outclassed
outcome
outcry
outdo
outdone
outdoor
outdoors
outer
outfight
outfit
outfits
outflanked
outflow
outflowing
outfought
outgeneraled
outgoing
outgrown
outgrowth
outings
outlawed
outlay
outlays
outlet
outlets
outline
outlined
outlines
outlook
outlying
outmarched
outnumber
outnumbered
outports
outpost
outposts
outpour
outpourings
output
outrage
outraged
outrageous
outrages
outranked
outright
outrunning
outs
outset
outside
outsider
outsiders
outskirts
outspans
outspoken
outstanding
outstrip
outstrips
outward
outwardly
outweigh
outworn
ouvrier
ouvriers
ova
over
overalls
overborne
overcame
overcapitalized
overcharged
overcome
overcoming
overcrowded
overcrowding
overestimate
overestimated
overflow
overflows
overhauled
overhead
overissue
overlaid
overlooked
overlooking
overlorded
overlordship
overmuch
overpaid
overpayment
overpowered
overpowering
overproduction
override
overrule
overruled
overruling
overrun
overrunning
oversea
overseas
overseeing
overseers
overshadowed
overshadowing
oversight
overspread
overspreading
overstated
overstep
overstrained
overt
overtaken
overthrew
overthrow
overthrowing
overthrown
overtime
overtook
overtures
overturn
overturned
overturnings
overwhelmed
overwhelming
overwhelmingly
overzealous
owe
owed
owes
owing
own
owned
owner
owners
ownership
owning
owns
oxen
oxidize
oxygen
o’clock
pa
pace
pacific
pacifically
pacificating
pacification
pacified
pacifique
pacifists
pacify
package
packages
packed
packers
packing
paddled
pagan
pagarés
page
pageant
pageants
pages
paid
pain
painful
painfully
pains
painstaking
paint
painter
painters
painting
pair
pairing
palace
palaces
pale
paleography
palm
palms
palpably
palpi
paltered
pamby
pamphlet
pamphleteer
pamphlets
pan
panacea
pandering
panel
panels
panes
panic
panics
panoplied
panting
papal
paper
papered
papers
par
parade
paraded
paraders
parades
paradox
paradoxical
paragraph
paragraphs
parallel
paralleled
paralleling
parallels
paralysed
paralyses
paralysis
paralytic
paralyze
paralyzed
paralyzing
paramount
paraphernalia
parasite
parasitic
parcel
parceling
parcelled
parcelling
parcels
pardon
pardoned
pardons
parent
parental
parentheses
parenthesis
parents
paresis
pariah
paring
parish
parishes
parity
park
parks
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parleying
parliament
parliamentary
parliaments
parlous
parochial
parole
paroled
parsimony
part
partake
parte
parted
partial
partiality
partially
participant
participants
participate
participated
participates
participating
participation
participations
participators
particle
particles
particular
particularly
particulars
parties
parting
partisan
partisans
partisanship
partition
partitioned
partitioning
partly
partner
partners
partnership
partnerships
partnery
parts
party
pas
pass
passage
passages
passed
passenger
passengers
passes
passing
passion
passionate
passionately
passions
passive
passively
passport
passports
past
pastel
pastimes
pastor
pastoral
pastors
pasturage
pasture
pastured
patch
patched
patches
patent
patented
patentee
patentees
patenting
patents
paternal
paternalistic
paternalized
paternity
path
pathetic
pathology
paths
pathway
patience
patient
patiently
patients
patrimony
patriot
patriotic
patriotism
patriots
patrol
patrolled
patron
patronage
patronaux
patronize
patronized
patronizes
patted
pattern
patterned
patterns
patters
pauper
pauperism
paupers
pause
paused
pausing
pave
paved
pavement
pavements
paving
pawn
pawnshops
pay
payable
payers
paying
paymasters
payment
payments
pays
pea
peace
peaceable
peaceably
peaceful
peacefully
peaches
peal
pear
pearl
pears
peasant
peasantry
peasants
pebble
peculiar
peculiarities
peculiarity
peculiarly
pecuniary
pedagogy
pedantic
peddlers
peer
peerage
peers
pell
pellagra
pen
penal
penalize
penalized
penalties
penalty
pence
pencil
pending
pendulum
penetrate
penetrated
penetration
peninsula
peninsular
penitentiary
pennons
penny
penological
pens
pension
pensioned
pensioner
pensioners
pensioning
pensions
pent
penultimate
peonage
peons
people
peopled
peoples
peopling
per
perceive
perceived
perceives
perceiving
percent
percentage
percentages
perceptible
perceptibly
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perchance
percolate
peremptorily
peremptory
perennial
perfect
perfected
perfecting
perfection
perfectionnement
perfectly
perfidious
perforce
perform
performance
performances
performed
performers
performing
performs
perfunctory
perhaps
peril
perilous
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research
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royalties
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rude
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rugged
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sake
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salary
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salted
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salutary
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scenery
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scenic
scent
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schemes
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schismatical
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scholar
scholars
scholarship
scholarships
scholastic
scholasticism
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schoolboys
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schoolmasters
schoolmates
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schoolrooms
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sciences
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scientifically
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scout
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scrap
scrape
scratch
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scrupulously
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secondly
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secretaryship
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secretly
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secteur
section
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sectionalism
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sector
sectors
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securities
security
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sedulously
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selfishly
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seller
sellers
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sells
selves
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seminarists
seminary
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senator
senatorial
senators
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sensational
sensationalism
sense
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sensibility
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sensibly
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sensitiveness
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sentence
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sententiae
sentiment
sentimental
sentiments
sentries
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separate
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separately
separates
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separatists
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septuagenarian
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sepulchers
sequel
sequence
sequent
sequestered
sequestrated
sequestration
serf
sergeant
sergeants
serial
sericulture
series
serious
seriously
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servants
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serves
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services
servile
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servitude
session
sessional
sessions
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setback
sets
setting
settings
settle
settled
settlement
settlements
settler
settlers
settles
settling
seven
seventeen
seventh
sevenths
seventies
seventieth
seventy
sever
several
severally
severance
severe
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severely
severest
severity
sewage
sewer
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sex
sexes
sexton
sgoruidheacht
shacks
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shades
shadow
shady
shaft
shake
shaken
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shakings
shall
shalt
sham
shame
shamed
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shamefully
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shan
shanty
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share
shared
shareholder
shareholders
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sharpened
sharpest
sharply
sharpness
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shears
sheath
sheaves
shed
sheds
sheep
sheepskin
sheer
sheerly
sheet
sheets
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shelling
shells
shelter
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sheltering
shelters
shelves
shepherd
sheriff
shibboleth
shield
shielding
shields
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shifting
shifts
shilling
shillings
shine
shining
shins
ship
shipbuilding
shipment
shipments
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shipper
shippers
shipping
ships
shipyards
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shirks
shirt
shirtwaist
shivered
shoals
shock
shocked
shocking
shocks
shoe
shoes
shone
shook
shoot
shooters
shooting
shoots
shop
shopkeepers
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shops
shore
shores
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shortage
shortages
shortcomings
shorten
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shortens
shorter
shortest
shortly
shortness
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shots
should
shoulder
shoulders
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shouting
shouts
show
showed
shower
showered
showers
showing
shown
shows
shrewd
shrewdness
shrieked
shrieking
shrieks
shrine
shrink
shrinkage
shrinks
shrugs
shudders
shukai
shunning
shunt
shunters
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shutdown
shuts
shutting
shuttle
siba
sic
sick
sickened
sickening
sicklied
sickness
side
sided
sidereal
sides
siege
sifted
sighing
sight
sighted
sights
sightseers
sign
signal
signalized
signalizes
signalled
signally
signalmen
signals
signatories
signatory
signature
signatures
signed
signers
significance
significant
significantly
signification
signified
signifies
signify
signing
signs
silence
silenced
silent
silk
silkcoated
silken
silks
silliness
sills
silly
silver
similar
similarity
similarly
simple
simpler
simplest
simplicity
simplification
simplified
simplifies
simplify
simplifying
simply
simulacrum
simultaneous
simultaneously
since
sincere
sincerely
sincerest
sincerity
sine
sinews
sing
singing
single
singling
singly
singular
singularly
sinister
sink
sinking
sinks
sins
sinuosities
sire
sister
sisters
sit
site
sites
sits
sitting
sittings
situate
situated
situation
situations
six
sixpence
sixteen
sixteenth
sixth
sixties
sixty
size
sizes
skeleton
skepticism
sketch
sketched
sketches
skies
skiff
skiffs
skilful
skilfully
skill
skilled
skillful
skin
skinned
skins
skipper
skirmish
skirmishers
skirmishes
skirmishing
skirting
skirts
sky
skyddskaren
skyscrapers
skyward
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slack
slackened
slain
slammed
slamming
slander
slanders
slashed
slashes
slashings
slated
slates
slaughter
slaughtered
slaughterers
slaughtering
slave
slavery
slaves
slay
sledge
sledges
sledging
sleep
sleeping
sleepless
sleepy
slender
slept
slew
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slight
slightest
slightingly
slightly
slim
slip
slipped
slips
sloop
slope
slopes
slothfulness
sloughed
slow
slower
slowly
slowness
sluggers
sluggish
slugs
slum
slumbering
slumbers
slums
slung
small
smaller
smallest
smallpox
smart
smarts
smash
smashed
smashing
smeared
smile
smiled
smiling
smilingly
smirches
smoke
smokeless
smokers
smoking
smoky
smoldering
smooth
smoothed
smoothly
smoothness
smothered
smouldering
smuggling
snake
snapped
snare
snatch
snatched
sneer
snipe
snipping
snow
snowdrifts
snows
snuff
so
soap
soaps
sober
sobered
sobering
soberminded
sobers
sobriety
social
socialism
socialist
socialistic
socialists
socialization
socially
societies
society
sociological
sociologist
soda
soever
soft
soften
soil
soiled
soils
sojourn
sojourners
sojourning
sold
soldat
soldier
soldiers
soldiery
sole
solely
solemn
solemnities
solemnity
solemnly
solfataric
solicit
solicitation
solicited
soliciting
solicitors
solicitous
solicitude
solid
solidarity
solidly
solids
solitude
solution
solve
solved
solvent
solving
somber
some
somebody
somehow
someone
somersault
something
sometime
sometimes
somewhat
somewhere
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somnolent
son
songs
sons
soon
sooner
soothe
soothing
sop
sordid
sore
sorely
sores
sorrow
sorrowful
sorrows
sorry
sort
sorties
sorts
sought
soul
soulless
souls
sound
sounded
sounder
sounding
soundness
sounds
soup
source
sources
sous
south
southeast
southeasterly
southeastern
southeasternmost
southerly
southern
southernmost
southward
southwards
southwest
southwesterly
southwestern
sovereign
sovereigns
sovereignty
sow
sowing
sown
sows
space
spaces
spacious
spanning
spare
spared
sparing
spark
sparkle
sparks
sparsely
spasm
spasmodic
speak
speaker
speakers
speaking
speaks
spear
special
specialist
specialists
specialization
specialized
specially
specialties
specialty
specie
species
specific
specifically
specifications
specifics
specified
specifies
specify
specifying
specimen
specimens
speck
spectacle
spectacles
spectacular
spectator
spectators
spectra
spectrograph
spectroscopic
spectroscopically
speculating
speculation
speculations
speculative
speculators
speech
speeches
speechlessness
speed
speediest
speedily
speeds
speedy
spell
spelled
spellings
spells
spend
spending
spends
spent
sphere
spheres
spicules
spider
spies
spin
spindle
spindles
spinners
spinning
spires
spirit
spirited
spirits
spiritual
spirituous
spite
splendid
splendidly
splendor
splinter
splintered
split
splitter
splitting
spoil
spoiled
spoiler
spoiling
spoils
spoke
spoken
spokesman
spoliation
sponge
sponsors
spontaneous
spontaneously
spoons
sporadic
sport
sports
sportsmen
spot
spots
sprang
sprawling
spread
spreading
spreads
spring
springing
springs
springtime
spruce
sprung
spur
spurn
spurned
spurs
spurted
sputtered
sputum
spy
squad
squadron
squadrons
squalid
squalor
squandered
square
squarely
squares
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squatting
squealing
squeezed
squelch
squire
squires
st
stabbed
stability
stable
stacking
staff
staffed
staffs
stage
staged
stages
stagger
staggers
staging
stagnant
stagnation
stain
stained
stairs
stairways
stake
staking
stamp
stamped
stamping
stamps
stanchion
stanchions
stand
standard
standardized
standards
standing
standpoint
standpoints
stands
standstill
staple
staples
star
starboard
starlight
starred
stars
start
started
starting
startings
startled
startling
startlingly
starts
starvation
starve
starved
starving
state
statecraft
stated
statehood
stately
statement
statements
states
statesman
statesmanlike
statesmanship
statesmen
stating
station
stationary
stationed
stationnaires
stations
statistical
statistician
statisticians
statistics
statuary
statue
statues
stature
status
statute
statutes
statutory
staunch
staunchest
staves
stay
stayed
stays
stead
steadfast
steadfastly
steadies
steadily
steadiness
steady
steadying
steal
stealing
stealthily
steam
steamboat
steamboating
steamboats
steamed
steamer
steamers
steaming
steamship
steamships
steel
steels
steep
steepened
steerage
steered
steering
stellar
stemmed
stench
stencil
stenographers
stenographic
step
stepmother
stepped
stepping
steps
stepson
stereopticon
sterilisation
sterling
stern
sterner
sternest
sternly
sternness
sternum
stewards
stewardship
stick
stiffened
stiffness
stifle
stifled
stigmatized
stiletto
still
stimulant
stimulants
stimulate
stimulated
stimulates
stimulating
stimulation
stimulations
stimulus
sting
stinging
stint
stipend
stipulate
stipulated
stipulates
stipulating
stipulation
stipulations
stir
stirred
stirring
stirrings
stock
stockade
stocked
stockholder
stockholders
stocks
stockyards
stokers
stole
stolen
stolidity
stomach
stone
stones
stood
stooped
stop
stoppage
stopped
stopping
stops
storage
store
stored
storekeepers
stores
stories
storing
storm
stormed
storming
storms
stormy
story
stoutly
stove
stoves
stowed
straight
straighten
straightening
straighter
straightforward
straightforwardly
straightforwardness
straightway
strain
strained
strait
straits
strand
stranded
strange
strangely
strangeness
stranger
strangers
strangled
strap
straps
strata
stratagem
strategic
strategical
strategically
strategy
straw
straws
streaks
stream
streaming
streams
street
streets
strength
strengthen
strengthened
strengthening
strenuous
strenuously
strenuousness
stress
stretch
stretched
stretches
stretching
strewn
stricken
strict
stricter
strictest
strictly
strictness
stride
strident
stridently
strides
strife
strifes
strike
strikers
strikes
striking
strikingly
string
stringency
stringent
strings
strip
stripes
stripped
stripping
strive
striven
striving
stroke
strong
stronger
strongest
stronghold
strongly
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struck
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structurally
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structures
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struggles
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stubborn
stubbornly
stuck
student
students
studied
studies
studiously
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stuffs
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stupefied
stupendous
stupid
stupidity
stupidly
stupor
sturdy
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styled
styles
stylobate
sub
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subcommittee
subcommittees
subdivide
subdivided
subdivision
subdue
subdued
subediting
subheading
subject
subjected
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subjects
subjoin
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subjugation
sublet
sublimates
sublime
sublimity
submarine
submarines
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submissive
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submit
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subordinate
subordinates
subordination
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subpœna
subscribe
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subscriber
subscribers
subscribing
subscription
subscriptions
subsection
subsections
subsequent
subsequently
subserve
subsided
subsidence
subsidiary
subsidies
subsidising
subsidized
subsidy
subsist
subsisted
subsistence
subsisting
substance
substances
substantial
substantially
substantiate
substantiating
substantive
substations
substitute
substituted
substitutes
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substitution
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subterranean
subtle
subtlety
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suburban
suburbs
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subventions
subversive
subvert
subway
subways
succeed
succeeded
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success
successes
successful
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succinctly
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succour
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suffrage
suffrages
suffragettes
suffragist
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sugar
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sugars
suggest
suggested
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suggestions
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suicidal
suicide
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summarized
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summary
summed
summer
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summing
summings
summit
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summon
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sun
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sundries
sundry
sung
sunk
sunless
sunlight
sunrise
sunset
sunshine
sunt
sup
super
superannuation
superb
superficial
superficially
superfluous
superheated
superhuman
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superstitions
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supervised
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supervisors
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supplant
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supple
supplement
supplemental
supplementary
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supplemented
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supplied
supplies
supply
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supported
supporter
supporters
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supports
suppose
supposed
supposedly
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suppress
suppressed
suppresses
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suppression
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supremacy
supreme
supremely
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surely
sureness
surest
sureties
surface
surfaces
surged
surgeon
surgeons
surgeries
surgery
surgical
surmise
surmount
surmounted
surpass
surpassed
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surplus
surplusages
surpluses
surprise
surprised
surprising
surrender
surrendered
surrendering
surrenders
surround
surrounded
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surroundings
surrounds
surtax
surveillance
survey
surveyed
surveyor
surveyors
surveys
survivals
survive
survived
survives
surviving
survivor
survivors
susceptibilities
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suspect
suspected
suspend
suspended
suspending
suspends
suspense
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suspensions
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suspicion
suspicions
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sustain
sustained
sustaining
sustains
sustenance
suzerain
suzerainty
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swallow
swallowed
swamp
swamped
swamps
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sway
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swear
swears
sweat
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sweet
sweetmeats
sweetness
swell
swelled
swelling
swept
swerve
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swift
swiftest
swiftly
swill
swim
swimming
swindle
swindlers
swindling
swine
swing
swinging
switching
swivels
swollen
sword
swords
sworn
swung
syllable
syllabus
symbol
symmetrically
sympathetic
sympathetically
sympathies
sympathize
sympathized
sympathizer
sympathizers
sympathizing
sympathy
symptom
symptomatology
symptoms
syndical
syndicale
syndicat
syndicate
syndicates
syndication
syndicats
synonymous
synopsis
syntony
system
systematic
systematically
systematize
systematized
systematizing
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sérieusement
tabernacle
tabernacles
table
tableland
tables
tablet
tablets
tabular
tabulated
tabulating
tabulation
tacens
tacit
tacitly
tacked
tact
tactful
tactical
tactics
tael
taels
tagged
tai
tail
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taint
take
taken
takes
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talc
tale
talent
talents
tales
talk
talkative
talked
talkers
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talks
tall
tamper
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tangible
tangle
tanks
tanner
tantamount
tap
taper
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tapestries
tapism
tapped
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taps
tar
tardily
tardy
target
tariff
tariffs
task
tasks
taste
tastes
tatters
taught
taunt
taunted
tax
taxable
taxation
taxed
taxes
taxing
taxpayer
taxpayers
tea
teach
teacher
teachers
teaches
teaching
teachings
teamsters
teapot
tear
tearing
tearlessness
tears
technical
technicalities
technicality
technicalized
technically
technique
technology
tecum
tedious
tediousness
teeming
teeth
teetotal
telegram
telegrams
telegraph
telegraphed
telegrapher
telegraphic
telegraphically
telegraphing
telegraphist
telegraphs
telegraphy
telephone
telephones
telescope
telescopes
telescopic
tell
telling
tells
temerity
temper
temperament
temperance
temperate
temperateness
temperature
temperatures
tempered
tempest
tempestuous
temple
temples
temporal
temporarily
temporary
temptation
temptations
tempted
tempting
ten
tenable
tenacious
tenaciously
tenacity
tenancies
tenancy
tenant
tenants
tend
tended
tendencies
tendency
tender
tendering
tenderly
tenderness
tenders
tending
tends
tenement
tenements
tenets
tenfold
tenor
tenour
tens
tensile
tension
tent
tentative
tenth
tenths
tents
tenure
tercentenary
term
termed
terminal
terminals
terminate
terminated
terminating
termination
terminology
terminus
termite
terms
terra
terraces
terrarum
terres
terrible
terribly
terrific
terrified
terrifying
territorial
territories
territory
terror
terrorism
terrorist
terroristic
terrorists
terrorize
terrorized
terrorizing
terrors
tersely
test
testators
tested
testified
testifies
testify
testifying
testimonials
testimony
testing
tests
text
textbook
textbooks
textile
textiles
texts
th
thalweg
than
thank
thanked
thankful
thanking
thankless
thanks
thanksgiving
that
thatch
thatched
the
theater
theaters
theatre
theatres
theatrically
theatricals
thee
theft
thefts
their
theirs
them
theme
themselves
then
thence
thenceforth
thenceforward
theocratic
theologians
theological
theology
theoretical
theoretically
theories
theorist
theorists
theory
there
thereabouts
thereafter
thereat
thereby
therefor
therefore
therefrom
therein
thereof
thereon
thereto
theretofore
thereunder
thereunto
thereupon
therewith
thermometer
thermometry
these
thesis
thews
they
thick
thickenings
thickest
thickly
thief
thieves
thievish
thimble
thin
thing
things
think
thinkable
thinkers
thinking
thinks
thinly
third
thirdly
thirds
thirst
thirsting
thirteen
thirteenth
thirtieth
thirty
this
thither
tho
thorium
thorny
thorogoing
thorough
thoroughfares
thoroughly
thoroughness
those
thou
though
thought
thoughtful
thoughtfulness
thoughtless
thoughts
thousand
thousands
thousandth
thraldom
thrall
thread
threat
threaten
threatened
threatening
threateningly
threatenings
threatens
threats
three
threefold
threes
threshed
threshing
threshold
threw
thrice
thrift
thriftiness
thriftless
thriftlessness
thrifty
thrill
thrilled
thrilling
thrills
thrive
throat
throbbed
throes
throne
throned
thrones
throng
thronged
through
throughout
throw
throwing
thrown
throws
thru
thrust
thumb
thunder
thundered
thunders
thus
thwart
thwarted
thwarts
thy
tick
ticker
ticket
tickets
tide
tides
tiding
tidings
tie
tieals
tied
tier
ties
tiger
tight
tightened
tightly
tiles
till
tilled
tilling
timber
timbered
timbers
time
timed
timely
timepieces
times
timid
timidity
timidly
tin
tinkling
tins
tinsmithing
tiny
tiptoe
tirades
tired
tireless
tissue
tissues
tithe
tithes
title
titled
titles
titular
to
tobacco
today
toddling
together
toil
toilers
toils
toilsome
token
tokens
told
tolerable
tolerance
tolerant
tolerate
tolerated
toleration
toll
tolls
tomb
tomorrow
ton
tone
toned
tones
tongue
tongues
tonic
tonnage
tons
too
took
tool
tools
tooth
top
topic
topics
topmost
topographical
tops
torch
torches
tore
tormented
tormenting
torn
torpedo
torpedoes
torpid
torrent
torrents
tortious
tortuous
torture
tortured
tortures
torturing
tossed
total
totaled
totalled
totally
totals
toto
touch
touched
touches
touching
tour
toured
tourist
tourists
tours
touting
tow
toward
towards
towed
towels
tower
towering
towers
town
towns
townsfolk
township
townships
townsman
toxins
toy
toys
trace
traceable
traced
traces
tracing
track
tracked
tracks
tract
traction
tracts
trade
trademarks
trademen
trader
traders
trades
tradesmen
trading
tradition
traditional
traditionally
traditionary
traditions
traffic
tragedies
tragedy
tragic
tragical
tragically
trail
trailing
train
trained
training
trainmen
trains
traitor
traitors
traits
tramlines
trample
trampled
tramples
trampling
trams
tramways
tranquil
tranquility
tranquilizing
tranquillity
trans
transact
transacted
transaction
transactions
transcend
transcended
transcendent
transcontinental
transfer
transferable
transference
transferred
transferring
transfers
transform
transformation
transformations
transformed
transforming
transgress
transgressed
transgressions
transit
transition
translated
translating
translation
translations
translators
transmarinarum
transmigrant
transmission
transmit
transmitted
transmitting
transmutation
transparent
transpired
transplanted
transport
transportation
transported
transporting
transports
trap
trapping
trappings
traps
travail
travailed
travailing
travel
traveled
traveler
travelers
traveling
travelled
traveller
travellers
travelling
travels
traverse
traversed
traverses
traversing
travesty
trawls
treacherous
treachery
treason
treasonable
treasure
treasurer
treasurers
treasures
treasury
treat
treated
treaties
treating
treatise
treatment
treats
treaty
trebled
tree
trees
trembling
tremendous
tremendously
tremor
tremulousness
trench
trenches
trenching
trend
trepidation
trespasser
trespassers
tri
triad
trial
trials
triangular
tribal
tribe
tribelands
tribes
tribesmen
tribunal
tribunals
tribune
tributaries
tributary
tribute
trickery
trickle
tried
triennial
triennium
tries
trifle
trifles
trifling
trigger
trip
tripartite
triple
triplet
trips
triumph
triumphal
triumphant
triumphantly
triumphed
triumphs
trivial
trodden
trolley
tron
troopers
troops
tropic
tropical
trouble
troubled
troublers
troubles
troublesome
troubling
trough
trousers
truancy
truant
truce
truck
truckling
trucks
true
truer
truest
truism
truly
trumpery
trumpets
truncated
trunk
trunnions
trust
trusted
trustee
trustees
trustful
trusting
trusts
trustworthiness
trustworthy
trusty
truth
truthful
truthfully
truthfulness
truths
try
trying
trypanosome
trypanosomes
trypanosomiasis
tsetse
tsin
tube
tuberculosis
tubes
tucked
tug
tugs
tuition
tum
tumble
tumbled
tumbling
tumor
tumult
tumultuous
tun
tune
tung
tuning
tunnel
tunnels
turbine
turbines
turbulence
turbulent
turmoil
turn
turned
turning
turnover
turns
turpentine
turpitude
turret
turrets
tusks
tutelage
tutorial
tutors
tween
twelfth
twelve
twenties
twentieth
twenty
twice
twigs
twin
twinkling
twist
twisted
two
twofold
twos
tying
type
types
typewriter
typhoid
typhus
typical
typify
tyrannical
tyrannically
tyrannies
tyranny
tze
ugly
ukase
ukases
ul
ulema
ulterior
ultimate
ultimately
ultimatum
ultimo
ultra
ultramontane
umbrellas
umpire
umpires
un
unabated
unable
unacceptable
unaccompanied
unaccountable
unaccountably
unacknowledged
unaffected
unaided
unalterable
unaltered
unambiguous
unanimity
unanimous
unanimously
unannealed
unanswerable
unanswered
unappealable
unapproachable
unapproached
unappropriated
unarmed
unarmored
unassailable
unattainable
unauthorised
unauthorized
unavailable
unavailing
unavailingly
unavoidable
unaware
unawares
unbarred
unbearable
unbiased
unbounded
unbroken
unbrokenly
uncalled
uncandid
unceasing
unceasingly
uncertain
uncertainties
uncertainty
uncertificated
unchallenged
unchangeable
unchanged
uncharged
uncharitableness
unchecked
uncinariasis
uncivilized
unclassified
uncle
uncolored
uncomfortable
uncommon
uncompensated
uncomplaining
uncompromisable
uncompromising
uncompromisingly
unconcern
unconditional
unconditionally
unconditioned
uncongenial
unconnected
unconquerable
unconscious
unconstitutional
uncontested
uncontrolled
uncounted
uncovered
uncultivated
uncured
undamaged
undealt
undecided
undefended
undefined
undemocratic
undeniable
undenominational
under
underdevelopment
underestimate
underfed
underflow
undergo
undergoing
undergone
undergraduate
undergraduates
underground
underlie
underlying
undermined
undermines
underneath
undersigned
understand
understandable
understanding
understandings
understands
understated
understood
undertake
undertaken
undertakes
undertaking
undertakings
undertook
underwent
underwriting
underwrote
undeserved
undesirability
undesirable
undetermined
undeveloped
undiluted
undisclosed
undiscoverable
undisguised
undismayed
undisputed
undisturbed
undivided
undo
undoing
undone
undoubted
undoubtedly
undreamt
undressed
undue
unduly
undying
unearned
unearthed
unearthing
uneasily
uneasiness
uneasy
uneconomic
uneducated
unemployable
unemployables
unemployed
unemployment
unequal
unequaled
unequally
unequivocal
unequivocally
uneven
uneventfully
unexampled
unexceptionable
unexercised
unexpected
unexpectedly
unexpended
unexpired
unexplained
unexplored
unfair
unfairly
unfairness
unfaithful
unfaithfulness
unfaltering
unfathomed
unfavorable
unfavorably
unfavourable
unfavourably
unfinished
unfit
unfitness
unfitted
unfittest
unfitting
unflinchingly
unfold
unfolded
unfolding
unfolds
unforeseeing
unforeseen
unforgettable
unfortified
unfortunate
unfortunately
unfounded
unfrequented
unfriendly
unfruitful
unfulfilled
unfurl
unfurled
ungearing
ungenerous
ungrateful
ungrudging
unguarded
unhallowed
unhampered
unhappily
unhappy
unhealed
unhealthiness
unhealthy
unheard
unheeded
unhesitatingly
unhurt
unification
unified
unifies
uniform
uniformity
uniformly
uniforms
unify
unifying
unilingual
unimpaired
unimpeachable
unimportance
unimportant
unimprisoned
unimproved
uninfluenced
uninhabitability
uninhabitable
uninjured
unintelligent
unintentional
unintentionally
uninteresting
uninterrupted
uninvited
union
unionism
unionist
unionists
unionize
unionized
unions
unique
unison
unit
unite
united
unites
uniting
units
unity
universal
universalized
universally
universe
universities
university
unjust
unjustifiable
unjustified
unjustly
unkind
unknown
unlawful
unlawfully
unlawfulness
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unlike
unlikely
unlimited
unload
unloading
unlock
unloosed
unlovely
unlucky
unmaking
unmanageable
unmanufactured
unmask
unmercifully
unmistakable
unmistakably
unmixed
unmodified
unmolested
unmonopolized
unmutilated
unnatural
unnecessarily
unnecessary
unneutral
unnoted
unnoticed
unobjectionable
unobserved
unobtainable
unoffending
unofficial
unofficially
unopened
unopposed
unorganized
unoxidized
unpaid
unparalleled
unpardonable
unpatriotic
unpeopled
unpleasant
unpleasantly
unpleasantness
unpopular
unpopularity
unpopulated
unpreceded
unprecedented
unprecedentedly
unprejudiced
unprepared
unprivileged
unproductive
unprofitable
unprotected
unproved
unprovided
unprovoked
unpublished
unpunished
unqualified
unquestionable
unquestionably
unquestioned
unreadiness
unreal
unreality
unreasonable
unreasonableness
unreasoning
unrecognized
unregarded
unregulated
unrehabilitated
unreliable
unremitting
unremittingly
unremunerative
unrepaid
unreported
unreserved
unreservedly
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unresting
unrestrained
unrestricted
unrestrictedly
unrivalled
unruly
unsafe
unsatisfactory
unscrupulous
unscrupulously
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unseat
unseated
unsectarian
unseduced
unseen
unselfish
unselfishness
unsettled
unshaken
unshriven
unskilled
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unsound
unsparing
unspeakable
unstable
unstinted
unsubdued
unsuccessful
unsuitable
unsuited
unsupported
unsurpassed
unsuspected
unswerving
unswervingly
unsympathetic
untaxed
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untenable
untenanted
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untoward
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untrammeled
untried
untroubled
untrue
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unusually
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unveiled
unveiling
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unwarrantable
unwarranted
unwary
unwearied
unwholesome
unwieldy
unwilling
unwillingly
unwillingness
unwise
unwisely
unwonted
unworthy
unwritten
unyielding
up
upbuilding
upheaval
upheavals
upheaved
upheld
uphold
upholding
upholds
upkeep
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uplifted
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upon
upper
uppermost
upright
uprights
uprising
uprisings
uproar
uproariously
uprooting
ups
upset
upsetting
upshot
upside
upspringing
uptown
upward
upwards
upwelling
uranium
urban
urf
urge
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urgently
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usefully
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utmost
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utterly
uttermost
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vacancy
vacant
vacate
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vacations
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vaccination
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vacuum
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vaguely
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valid
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valleys
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valorem
valuable
valuation
value
valued
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values
valve
valves
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vanguard
vanish
vanished
vanishes
vanishing
vanishment
vanity
vanquished
vans
van’t
vapor
vaporization
vaporize
variable
variance
variation
varied
variedly
varies
varieties
variety
various
variously
vary
varying
vassals
vast
vaster
vastly
vastness
vault
vaults
vaunt
vegetable
vegetables
vegetation
vehemence
vehement
vehemently
vehicle
vehicles
veiled
veils
vein
veins
veld
velocity
velvets
venal
venders
venerable
vengeance
venoms
vent
ventilation
venture
ventured
ventures
venturing
veranda
verandah
verb
verbal
verbally
verbatim
verdict
verge
verging
verification
verified
verify
veritable
vernacular
versa
verses
versified
version
versions
versus
vertical
very
vesicles
vesicular
vessel
vessels
vest
vested
vestibules
vestige
vesting
vestments
vestries
vests
veteran
veterans
veterinary
veto
vetoed
vetoes
vetoing
veult
vexations
vexatious
vexed
vexing
vi
via
vibrate
vibration
vibrations
vicarious
vice
viceroy
viceroyalties
viceroyalty
vices
vicinity
vicious
victim
victims
victor
victories
victorious
victors
victory
vied
view
viewed
viewless
views
vigilance
vigilant
vigor
vigorous
vigorously
vigour
vii
viii
vilayet
vilayets
vilest
village
villager
villagers
villages
vindicated
vindicating
vindication
vindictiveness
vine
vineyard
vineyards
vinous
violate
violated
violates
violating
violation
violations
violence
violent
violently
violet
vires
virgin
virile
virtual
virtually
virtue
virtues
virulence
virulent
vis
viscid
viscous
visibility
visible
vision
visionary
visions
visit
visited
visiting
visitor
visitorial
visitors
visits
visual
visually
viséd
vital
vitality
vitally
vitals
vitiated
vitiating
vivacious
vive
vivendi
vivid
vividly
vivifying
vivos
viz
vizier
viziers
vocation
vocations
vogue
voice
voiced
voiceless
voices
voicing
void
voidable
volatile
volcanic
volcano
volcanoes
volition
volley
volleys
volosts
volte
volume
voluntarily
voluntary
volunteer
volunteered
volunteers
vomited
von
vote
voted
voter
voters
votes
voting
votre
vouched
voucher
vouchers
vouches
vouchsafed
vous
vow
vowed
vows
voyage
voyager
voyages
voyaging
vs
vulgar
vulgarity
vulgarized
vulnerability
vulnerable
vying
vœu
wafted
wage
waged
wagering
wages
waging
wagon
wagons
wailing
waist
waistcoat
wait
waited
waiters
waiting
wake
waked
wakeful
waken
wakened
wakening
waking
walk
walking
walks
wall
walled
walling
walls
walnuts
wan
wander
wandered
wandering
wanderings
waned
want
wanted
wanting
wanton
wantonly
wants
war
ward
wardens
warders
wardrobe
wards
warehouse
warehouses
wares
warfare
warlike
warm
warmest
warming
warmly
warmth
warn
warned
warning
warningly
warnings
warrant
warranted
warred
warring
warrior
warriors
wars
warship
warships
wary
was
wash
washed
washing
wastage
waste
wasted
wasteful
wastes
watch
watchcare
watched
watches
watchful
watchfulness
watching
watchword
water
watered
waterfalls
watering
waters
watershed
waterway
waterways
waterworks
wave
wavering
waves
waving
wax
waxed
waxing
way
waybills
ways
wayside
wayward
we
weak
weaken
weakened
weakening
weaker
weakest
weaklings
weakness
weaknesses
wealth
wealthier
wealthiest
wealthy
weapon
weapons
wear
wearer
wearing
wears
weary
weather
weathered
weathers
weaver
web
wedding
weddings
wedge
weed
weeded
week
weekday
weeklies
weekly
weeks
weep
weeping
wei
weigh
weighed
weigher
weighers
weighing
weight
weighted
weightier
weightiest
weights
weighty
weird
weirdly
weirs
welcome
welcomed
welcomes
welcoming
welded
welding
welfare
well
welled
wells
wending
went
wept
were
west
westerly
western
westward
westwards
wet
whale
whalers
whaling
wharf
wharves
what
whatever
whatsoever
wheat
wheats
wheel
wheels
when
whence
whenever
where
whereabouts
whereas
whereat
whereby
wherefore
wherein
whereof
whereon
whereupon
wherever
wherewith
whether
whetted
which
whichever
while
whilst
whim
whims
whimsical
whining
whip
whipped
whirled
whiskey
whisky
whisper
whispered
whispering
whispers
white
whites
whitewash
whitewashing
whithersoever
who
whoever
whole
wholesale
wholesome
wholly
whom
whose
why
wich
wicked
wickedness
wide
widely
widen
widened
widening
widens
wider
widespread
widest
widow
widowed
widowhood
widows
width
wielded
wielding
wife
wild
wilderness
wildest
wildly
wilds
wilful
wilfully
will
willed
willful
willing
willingly
willingness
wills
wily
win
wind
winding
windings
window
windows
winds
wine
winegrowers
wines
wing
wings
wink
winner
winning
wins
winter
wintered
wintering
wipe
wiped
wiping
wire
wired
wireless
wirelessly
wirepulling
wires
wiring
wisdom
wise
wisely
wiser
wisest
wish
wished
wishes
wishful
wishing
wisp
wit
with
withal
withdraw
withdrawal
withdrawals
withdrawing
withdrawn
withdraws
withdrew
withheld
withhold
withholds
within
without
withstand
withstood
witness
witnessed
witnesses
wits
wives
woman
womb
women
won
wonder
wondered
wonderful
wonderfully
wondering
wonders
wont
wood
wooded
wooden
woods
woodwork
woodworkers
wooed
wool
woolen
woolens
woollen
word
worded
wording
words
wordy
wore
work
workable
worked
worker
workers
workhouse
workhouses
working
workingman
workingmen
workings
workman
workmanship
workmen
workpeople
works
workshop
workshops
world
worldly
worlds
worm
wormwood
worn
worried
worry
worse
worship
worshiping
worshippers
worst
worsted
worsteds
worsting
worth
worthiest
worthless
worthlessness
worthy
would
wound
wounded
wounding
wounds
woven
wrangle
wrangles
wrangling
wrapping
wrappings
wrath
wreck
wreckage
wrecked
wrecking
wrecks
wrested
wrestle
wretch
wretched
wretchedness
wrist
writ
write
writer
writers
writes
writhing
writing
writings
writs
written
wrong
wrongdoers
wrongdoing
wronged
wrongfulness
wrongly
wrongs
wrote
wrought
wrung
wu
www
xi
xii
xiii
xx
xxi
xxiv
xxv
y
yacht
yachting
yachts
yamens
yard
yards
year
yearly
years
yellow
yellowest
yellowish
yen
yeomen
yesterday
yet
yi
yield
yielded
yielding
yields
yoke
you
young
younger
youngsters
your
yours
yourself
yourselves
youth
youthful
youths
yuan
zawia
zeal
zealous
zealously
zemindari
zemindars
zemstvo
zemstvos
zemtsvo
zigzag
zinc
zollverein
zone
zones
zu
Ægospotami
Æolians
Ça
École
Écoles
Élisée
Émile
État
à
école
élite
état
étc
été
über
œcumenical

----------Word List: End--------