The Project Gutenberg EBook of Seventh Annual Report, by Various
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Title: Seventh Annual Report
of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the
Smithsonian Institution, 1885-1886, Government Printing
Office, Washington, 1891
Author: Various
Editor: John Wesley Powell
Release Date: September 10, 2008 [EBook #26568]
Language: English
Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT ***
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[Transcriber's Note:
This text is intended for users whose text readers cannot use the "real"
(unicode/utf-8) version of the file. Characters that could not be fully
displayed have been "unpacked" and shown in brackets:
[-a], [-e] ... (vowel with macron or "long" mark)
[)a], [)e] ... (vowel with breve or "short" mark)
` (glottal stop)
In Introduction only (rare)
[/C] (C with slash)
In Linguistic Families article only (all infrequent):
[ch] (chi)
[t] [k] (inverted letters)
[īs] (s with "acute")
[e°] (e with small ring under),
[.z] (z with over-dot)
In Sacred Formulas article only (only [n] is common):
[n] [i] [u] [U] [w] (small raised letters)
The three "Accompanying Papers" that make up the bulk of this book are
also available as individual texts from Project Gutenberg:
J. W. Powell, _Indian Linguistic Families of America North
of Mexico_ (pages 1-140): e-text 17286
W. J. Hoffman, _The Mid[-e]īwiwin or Grand Medicine Society of the
Ojibwa_ (pages 141-300): e-text 19368
J. Mooney, _The Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees_ (pages 300-398):
e-text 24788
The papers are identical except that a few more typographical errors
have been corrected in this combined version, and some minor formatting
has been changed for consistency. Plates and Figures were numbered
continuously in the published volume, and have not been changed.
Typographical errors are listed separately after each paper and
after the combined Index. Bracketed passages other than footnotes or
illustration tags are in the original.]
* * * * *
* * * *
SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT
of the
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
to the
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution
1885-'86
by
J. W. POWELL
Director
[Illustration]
WASHINGTON
Government Printing Office
1891
* * * * *
CONTENTS.
REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR.
Page.
Letter of transmittal XIII
Introduction XV
Field work XVI
Mound explorations XVI
Work of Prof. Cyrus Thomas XVI
Explorations in stone villages XVIII
Work of Director J. W. Powell XVIII
Work of Mr. James Stevenson XXIV
Work of Messrs. Victor Mindeleff and Cosmos
Mindeleff XXV
Work of Mr. E. W. Nelson XXVIII
General field studies XXVIII
Work of Dr. H. C. Yarrow XXVIII
Work of Mr. James C. Pilling XXX
Work of Mr. Jeremiah Curtin XXX
Office work XXX
Work of Prof. Cyrus Thomas XXX
Work of Mrs. V. L. Thomas XXXI
Work of Mr. James C. Pilling XXXI
Work of Mr. Frank H. Cushing XXXI
Work of Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith XXXI
Work of Mr. Charles C. Royce XXXII
Work of Dr. H. C. Yarrow XXXII
Work of Dr. Washington Matthews XXXII
Work of Mr. W. H. Holmes XXXII
Work of Mr. Victor Mindeleff XXXII
Work of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff XXXIII
Work of Mr. E. W. Nelson XXXIII
Work of Col. Garrick Mallery XXXIV
Work of Mr. H. W. Henshaw XXXIV
Work of Mr. Albert S. Gatschet XXXIV
Work of Rev. J. Owen Dorsey XXXIV
Work of Mr. James Mooney XXXIV
Synonymy of Indian tribes XXXIV
Accompanying papers XXXVI
Linguistic families of North America XXXVI
The Mid[-e]īwiwin or Grand Medicine Society of the
Ojibwa, by Dr. W. J. Hoffman, and The Sacred
Formulas of the Cherokees, by Mr. James Mooney XXXIX
Financial statement XLI
ACCOMPANYING PAPERS
INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES OF AMERICA NORTH OF MEXICO,
BY J. W. POWELL.
Nomenclature of linguistic families 7
Literature relating to the classification of
Indian languages 12
Linguistic map 25
Indian tribes sedentary 30
Population 33
Tribal land 40
Village sites 40
Agricultural land 41
Hunting claims 42
Summary of deductions 44
Linguistic families 45
Adaizen family 45
Algonquian family 47
Algonquian area 47
Principal Algonquian tribes 48
Population 48
Athapascan family 51
Boundaries 52
Northern group 53
Pacific group 53
Southern group 54
Principal tribes 55
Population 55
Attacapan family 56
Beothukan family 57
Geographic distribution 58
Caddoan family 58
Northern group 60
Middle group 60
Southern group 60
Principal tribes 61
Population 62
Chimakuan family 62
Principal tribes 63
Chimarikan family 63
Principal tribes 63
Chimmesyan family 63
Principal tribes or villages 64
Population 64
Chinookan family 65
Principal tribes 66
Population 66
Chitimachan family 66
Chumashan family 67
Population 68
Coahuiltecan family 68
Principal tribes 69
Copehan family 69
Geographic distribution 69
Principal tribes 70
Costanoan family 70
Geographic distribution 71
Population 71
Eskimauan family 71
Geographic distribution 72
Principal tribes and villages 74
Population 74
Esselenian family 75
Iroquoian family 76
Geographic distribution 77
Principal tribes 79
Population 79
Kalapooian family 81
Principal tribes 82
Population 82
Karankawan family 82
Keresan family 83
Villages 83
Population 83
Kiowan family 84
Population 84
Kitunahan family 85
Tribes 85
Population 85
Koluschan family 85
Tribes 87
Population 87
Kulanapan family 87
Geographic distribution 88
Tribes 88
Kusan family 89
Tribes 89
Population 89
Lutuamian family 89
Tribes 90
Population 90
Mariposan family 90
Geographic distribution 91
Tribes 91
Population 91
Moquelumnan family 92
Geographic distribution 93
Principal tribes 93
Population 93
Muskhogean family 94
Geographic distribution 94
Principal tribes 95
Population 95
Natchesan family 95
Principal tribes 97
Population 97
Palaihnihan family 97
Geographic distribution 98
Principal tribes 98
Piman family 98
Principal tribes 99
Population 99
Pujunan family 99
Geographic distribution 100
Principal tribes 100
Quoratean family 100
Geographic distribution 101
Tribes 101
Population 101
Salinan family 101
Population 102
Salishan family 102
Geographic distribution 104
Principal tribes 104
Population 105
Sastean family 105
Geographic distribution 106
Shahaptian family 106
Geographic distribution 107
Principal tribes and population 107
Shoshonean family 108
Geographic distribution 109
Principal tribes and population 110
Siouan family 111
Geographic distribution 112
Principal tribes 114
Population 116
Skittagetan family 118
Geographic distribution 120
Principal tribes 120
Population 121
Takilman family 121
Geographic distribution 121
Taņoan family 121
Geographic distribution 123
Population 123
Timuquanan family 123
Geographic distribution 123
Principal tribes 124
Tonikan family 125
Geographic distribution 125
Tonkawan family 125
Geographic distribution 125
Uchean family 126
Geographic distribution 126
Population 27
Waiilatpuan family 127
Geographic distribution 127
Principal tribes 127
Population 128
Wakashan family 128
Geographic distribution 130
Principal Aht tribes 130
Population 130
Principal Haeltzuk tribes 131
Population 131
Washoan family 131
Weitspekan family 131
Geographic distribution 132
Tribes 132
Wishoskan family 133
Geographic distribution 133
Tribes 133
Yokonan family 133
Geographic distribution 134
Tribes 134
Population 135
Yanan family 135
Geographic distribution 135
Yukian family 135
Geographic distribution 136
Yuman family 136
Geographic distribution 137
Principal tribes 138
Population 138
Zuņian family 138
Geographic distribution 139
Population 139
Concluding remarks 139
THE MID[-E]īWIWIN OR "GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY" OF THE OJIBWA,
BY W. J. HOFFMAN.
Introduction 149
Shamans 156
Mid[-e]īwiwin 164
Mid[-e]īwigân 187
First degree 189
Preparatory instruction 189
Mid[-e]ī therapeutics 197
Imploration for clear weather 207
Initiation of candidate 210
Descriptive notes 220
Second degree 224
Preparation of candidate 224
Initiation of candidate 231
Descriptive notes 236
Third degree 240
Preparation of candidate 241
Initiation of candidate 243
Descriptive notes 251
Fourth degree 255
Preparation of candidate 257
Initiation of candidate 258
Descriptive notes 274
Dzhibaiī Mid[-e]īwigân 278
Initiation by substitution 281
Supplementary notes 286
Pictography 286
Music 289
Dress and ornaments 298
Future of the society 299
THE SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES, BY JAMES MOONEY.
Introduction 307
How the formulas were obtained 310
The A`yû[n]in[)i] (Swimmer) manuscript 310
The Gatigwanast[)i] (Belt) manuscript 312
The Gahun[)i] manuscript 313
The Inâl[)i] (Black Fox) manuscript 314
Other manuscripts 316
The Kanâheīta Ani-Tsaīlag[)i] Et[)i] or
Ancient Cherokee Formulas 317
Character of the formulas-- the Cherokee religion 318
Myth of the origin of disease and medicine 319
Theory of disease-- animals, ghosts, witches 332
Selected list of plants used 324
Medical practice-- theory of resemblances-- fasting--
tabu-- seclusion-- women 328
Illustration of the gaktû[n]ta or tabu 331
Neglect of sanitary regulations 332
The sweat bath-- bleeding-- rubbing-- bathing 333
Opposition of shamans to white physicians 336
Medicine dances 337
Description of symptoms 337
The ugistaī`t[)i] or pay of the shaman 337
Ceremonies for gathering plants and preparing medicine 339
The Cherokee gods and their abiding places 340
Color symbolism 342
Importance attached to names 343
Language of the formulas 343
Specimen formulas 344
Medicine 345
To treat the crippler (rheumatism)-- from Gahuni 345
Second formula for the crippler-- from Gahuni 349
Song and prescription for snake bites-- from Gahuni 351
When something is causing something to eat them--
Gahuni 353
Second formula for the same disease-- A`wanita 355
For moving pains in the teeth (neuralgia?)--
Gatigwanasti 356
Song and prayer for the great chill-- A`yû[n]ini 359
To make children jump down (child birth)-- A`yû[n]ini 363
Second formula for child birth-- Takwatihi 364
Song and prayer for the black yellowness
(biliousness)-- A`yû[n]ini 365
To treat for ordeal diseases (witchcraft)--
A`yû[n]ini 366
Hunting 369
Concerning hunting-- A`yû[n]ini 369
For hunting birds-- A`yû[n]ini 371
To shoot dwellers in the wilderness-- A`wanita 372
Bear song-- A`yû[n]ini 373
For catching large fish-- A`yû[n]ini 374
Love 375
Concerning living humanity-- Gatigwanasti 376
For going to water-- Gatigwanasti 378
Yû[n]wehi song for painting-- Gatigwanasti 379
Song and prayer to fix the affections-- A`yû[n]ini 380
To separate lovers-- A`yû[n]ini 381
Song and prayer to fix the affections-- Gatigwanasti 382
Miscellaneous 384
To shorten a night-goer on this side-- A`yû[n]ini 384
To find lost articles-- Gatigwanasti 386
To frighten away a storm-- A`yû[n]ini 387
To help warriors-- A`wanita 388
To destroy life (ceremony with beads)-- A`yû[n]ini 391
To take to water for the ball play-- A`yû[n]ini 395
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Page.
Plate I. Map. Linguistic stocks of America north
of Mexico In pocket.
II. Map showing present distribution of Ojibwa 150
III. Bed Lake and Leech Lake records 166
IV. Sikasīsige's record 170
V. Origin of Âníshinâīb[-e]g 172
VI. Facial decoration 174
VII. Facial decoration 178
VIII. Ojibwa's record 182
IX. Mnemonic songs 192
X. Mnemonic songs 202
XI. Sacred objects 220
XII. Invitation sticks 226
XIII. Mnemonic songs 228
XIV. Mnemonic songs 238
XV. Sacred posts 240
XVI. Mnemonic songs 244
XVII. Mnemonic songs 266
XVIII. J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī removing disease 278
XIX. Birch-bark records 286
XX. Sacred bark scroll and contents 288
XXI. Mid[-e]ī relics from Leech Lake 290
XXII. Mnemonic songs 292
XXIII. Mid[-e]ī dancing garters 298
XXIV. Portrait of A`yû[n]ini (Swimmer) 306
XXV. Facsimile of A`yû[n]ini manuscript--
Formula for Dalâni Û[n]agei 310
XXVI. Facsimile of Gatigwanasti manuscript--
Yû[n]w[)e]h[)i] formula 312
XXVII. Facsimile of Grahuni manuscript-- Formula for
Didû[n]l[)e]sk[)i] 314
Fig. 1. Herbalist preparing medicine and treating
patient 159
2. Sikasīsig[-e]'s combined charts, showing descent
of M[-i]īnab[-o]īzho 174
3. Origin of ginseng 175
4. Peep-hole post 178
5. Migration of Âníshinâīb[-e]g 179
6. Birch-bark record, from White Earth 185
7. Birch-bark record, from Red Lake 186
8. Birch-bark record, from Red Lake 186
9. Eshgib[-o]īga 187
10. Diagram of Mid[-e]īwigân of the first degree 188
11. Interior of Mid[-e]īwigân 188
12. Ojibwa drums 190
13. Mid[-e]ī rattle 191
14. Mid[-e]ī rattle 191
15. Shooting the M[-i]gis 192
16. Wooden beads 205
17. Wooden effigy 205
18. Wooden effigy 205
19. Hawk-leg fetish 220
20. Hunter's medicine 222
21. Hunter's medicine 222
22. Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī drum 223
23. Diagram of Mid[-e]īwigân of the second degree 224
34. Mid[-e]ī destroying an enemy 238
25. Diagram of Mid[-e]īwigân of the third degree 240
26. J[)e]s'sakkânī, or juggler's lodge 252
27. J[)e]s'sakkânī, or juggler's lodge 252
28. J[)e]s'sakkânī, or juggler's lodge 252
29. J[)e]s'sakkânī, or juggler's lodge 252
30. J[)e]s'sakkânī, or juggler's lodge 252
31. J[)e]s'sakk[-i]dī curing woman 255
32. J[)e]s'sakk[-i]dī curing man 255
33. Diagram of Mid[-e]īwigân of the fourth degree 255
34. General view of Mid[-e]īwigân 256
35. Indian diagram of ghost lodge 279
36. Leech Lake Mid[-e]ī song 295
37. Leech Lake Mid[-e]ī song 296
38. Leech Lake Mid[-e]ī song 297
39. Leech Lake Mid[-e]ī song 297
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL.
Smithsonian Institution,
Bureau of Ethnology,
_Washington, D.C., October 1, 1886_.
SIR: I have the honor to submit my Seventh Annual Report as Director of
the Bureau of Ethnology.
The first part consists of an explanation of the plan and operations
of the Bureau; the second part consists of a series of papers on
anthropologic subjects, prepared to illustrate the methods and results
of the work of the Bureau.
I desire to express my thanks for your earnest support and your wise
counsel relating to the work under my charge. I am, with respect, your
obedient servant,
[Signature:] J. W. Powell
Prof. SPENCER F. BAIRD,
_Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution._
* * * * *
SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT
of the
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.
By J. W. POWELL, Director.
* * * * *
INTRODUCTION.
The prosecution of ethnologic researches among the North American
Indians, in accordance with act of Congress, was continued during the
fiscal year 1885-'86.
The general plan upon which the work has been prosecuted in former
years, and which has been explained in earlier reports, was continued in
operation.
General lines of investigation were indicated by the Director, and the
details intrusted to selected persons trained in their several pursuits,
the results of whose labors are published from time to time in the
manner provided for by law. A brief statement of the work upon which
each of these special students was engaged during the year, with its
condensed result, is presented below. This, however, does not specify in
detail all of the studies undertaken or services rendered by them, as
particular lines of research have been temporarily suspended in order to
accomplish immediately objects regarded as of superior importance. From
this cause the publication of several treatises and monographs has been
delayed, although in some instances they have been heretofore reported
as substantially completed, and, indeed, as partly in type.
The present opportunity is used to invite and urge again the assistance
of explorers, writers, and students, who are not and may not desire to
be officially connected with this Bureau. Their contributions, whether
in the shape of suggestion or of extended communications, will be
gratefully acknowledged and carefully considered. If published in whole
or in part, either in the series of reports or in monographs or
bulletins, as the liberality of Congress may in future allow, the
contributors will always receive proper credit.
The items which form the subject of the present report are presented in
two principal divisions. The first relates to the work prosecuted in the
field, and the second to the office work, which consists largely of the
preparation for publication of the results of the field work,
complemented and extended by study of the literature of the several
subjects and by correspondence relating to them.
FIELD WORK.
This heading may be divided into, first, Mound Explorations; second,
Explorations in Stone Villages; and, third, General Field Studies, among
which those upon mythology, linguistics, and customs have been during
the year the most prominent.
MOUND EXPLORATIONS.
WORK OF PROF. CYRUS THOMAS.
The work of the mound-exploring division, under the charge of Prof.
Cyrus Thomas, was carried on during the fiscal year with the same
success that had attended its earlier operations.
It is proper to explain that the title given above to the division does
not fully indicate the extent of its work. The simple exploration of
mounds is but a part of its scope, which embraces, as contemplated in
its organization, a careful examination and study of the archeologic
remains in the United States east of the Rocky Mountains. The limitation
of the force engaged on this work renders it necessary that the
investigations should be conducted along but one or two selected lines
at a time.
Before and even during some portion of the year now reported upon
attention had been devoted almost exclusively to the exploration of
individual mounds, with a view of ascertaining the different types of
tumuli, as regards form, construction, and other particulars and the
vestiges of art and human remains found in them. The study of these
works in their relation to each other and their segregation into groups,
and of the mural works, inclosures, and works of defense, is important
in the attempt to obtain indications of the social life and customs of
the builders. This plan of study had not received the attention
desirable and involved the necessity of careful surveys. It was thought
best to make a commencement this year in this branch of investigation.
During the summer of 1885 Prof. Thomas was in Wisconsin, engaged in
investigating and studying the effigy mounds and other ancient works of
that section.
Messrs. James D. Middleton, John P. Rogan, and John W. Emmert were
permanent assistants during the year; Mr. Charles M. Smith, Rev. S. D.
Peet, and Mr. H. L. Reynolds were employed for short periods as
temporary assistants.
During the summer and autumn of 1885 Messrs. Middleton and Emmert were
at work on the mounds and ancient monuments of southwestern Wisconsin,
the former surveying the groups of effigy mounds and the latter
exploring the conical tumuli. When the weather became too cold for
operations in that section they were transferred to east Tennessee,
where Mr. Emmert continued at work throughout the remainder of the
fiscal year.
When it had been decided to commence the preparation of a report on the
field work of the division, in the hope of its early publication, Mr.
Middleton was called to the office to assist in that preparation, where
he remained, preparing maps and plats and making a catalogue of the
collections, until the latter part of April, 1886, when he again entered
upon field work in the southern part of Illinois, among the graves of
that neighborhood.
Mr. Rogan was in charge of the office work from the 1st of July until
the latter part of August, during which time Prof. Thomas was in the
field, as before mentioned. He was engaged during the remainder of the
year in exploring the mounds of northern Georgia and east Tennessee.
Rev. S. D. Peet was employed for a few months in preparing a preliminary
map showing the localities of the antiquarian remains of Wisconsin and
the areas formerly occupied by the several Indian tribes which are known
to have inhabited that region. In addition he prepared for use in the
report notes on the distribution and character of the mounds and other
ancient works of Wisconsin.
Mr. Smith was engaged during the month of June, 1886, in exploring
mounds and investigating the ancient works in southwestern Pennsylvania;
and Mr. Reynolds, during the same time, in tracing and exploring the
monumental remains of western New York.
Notwithstanding the details necessary for office work in the preparation
of maps and plats for the report, and cataloguing the collection, the
amount of field work accomplished was equal to that done in previous
years. Although, as before stated, one of the assistants, Mr. Middleton,
was chiefly engaged, while in the field, in surveying, about 3,500
specimens were collected and a large number of drawings obtained
illustrating the different modes of construction of the mounds.
EXPLORATIONS IN STONE VILLAGES.
WORK OF DIRECTOR J. W. POWELL.
During the summer of 1885 the Director, accompanied by Mr. James
Stevenson, revisited portions of Arizona and New Mexico in which many
structures are found which have greatly interested travelers and
anthropologists, and about which various theories have grown. The
results of the investigation have been so much more distinct and
comprehensive than any before obtained that they require to be reported
with some detail.
On the plain to the west of the Little Colorado River and north of the
San Francisco Mountain there are many scattered ruins, usually having
one, two, or three rooms each, all of which are built of basaltic
cinders and blocks. Through the plain a valley runs to the north, and
then east to the Little Colorado. Down the midst of the valley there is
a wash, through which, in seasons of great rainfall, a stream courses.
Along this stream there are extensive ruins built of sandstone and
limestone. At one place a village site was discovered, in which several
hundred people once found shelter. To the north of this and about
twenty-five miles from the summit of San Francisco Peak there is a
volcanic cone of cinder and basalt. This small cone had been used as the
site of a village, a pueblo having been built around the crater. The
materials of construction were derived from a great sandstone quarry
near by, and the pit from which they were taken was many feet in depth
and extended over two or three acres of ground. The cone rises on the
west in a precipitous cliff from the valley of an intermittent creek.
The pueblo was built on that side at the summit of the cliff, and
extending on the north and south sides along the summit of steep slopes,
was inclosed on the east, so that the plaza was entered by a covered
way. The court, or plaza, was about one-third of an acre in area. The
little pueblo contained perhaps sixty or seventy rooms. Southward of San
Francisco Mountain many other ruins were found.
East of the San Francisco Peak, at a distance of about twelve miles,
another cinder cone was found. Here the cinders are soft and friable,
and the cone is a prettily shaped dome. On the southern slope there are
excavations into the indurated and coherent cinder mass, constituting
chambers, often ten or twelve feet in diameter and six to ten feet in
height. The chambers are of irregular shape, and occasionally a larger
central chamber forms a kind of vestibule to several smaller ones
gathered about it. The smaller chambers are sometimes at the same
altitude as the central or principal one, and sometimes at a lower
altitude. About one hundred and fifty of these chambers have been
excavated. Most of them are now partly filled by the caving in of the
walls and ceilings, but some of them are yet in a good state of
preservation. In these chambers, and about them on the summit and sides
of the cinder cone, many stone implements were found, especially
metates. Some bone implements also were discovered. At the very summit
of the little cone there is a plaza, inclosed by a rude wall made of
volcanic cinders, the floor of which was carefully leveled. The plaza is
about forty-five by seventy-five feet in area. Here the people lived in
underground houses--chambers hewn from the friable volcanic cinders.
Before them, to the south, west, and north, stretched beautiful valleys,
beyond which volcanic cones are seen rising amid pine forests. The
people probably cultivated patches of ground in the low valleys.
About eighteen miles still farther to the east of San Francisco Mountain
another ruined village was discovered, built about the crater of a
volcanic cone. This volcanic peak is of much greater magnitude. The
crater opens to the eastward. On the south many stone dwellings have
been built of the basaltic and cinder-like rocks. Between the ridge on
the south and another on the northwest there is a low saddle in which
other buildings have been erected, and in which a great plaza was found,
much like the one previously described. But the most interesting part of
this village was on the cliff which rose on the northwest side of the
crater. In this cliff are many natural caves, and the caves themselves
were utilized as dwellings by inclosing them in front with walls made of
volcanic rocks and cinders. These cliff dwellings are placed tier above
tier, in a very irregular way. In many cases natural caves were thus
utilized; in other cases cavate chambers were made; that is, chambers
have been excavated in the friable cinders. On the very summit of the
ridge stone buildings were erected, so that this village was in part a
cliff village, in part cavate, and in part the ordinary stone pueblo.
The valley below, especially to the southward, was probably occupied by
their gardens. In the chambers among the overhanging cliffs a great many
interesting relics were found, of stone, bone, and wood, and many
potsherds.
About eight miles southeast of Flagstaff, a little town on the southern
slope of San Francisco Mountain, Oak Creek enters a canyon, which runs
to the eastward and then southward for a distance of about ten miles.
The gorge is a precipitous box canyon for the greater part of this
distance. It is cut through carboniferous rocks--sandstones and
limestones--which are here nearly horizontal. The softer sandstones
rapidly disintegrate, and the harder sandstones and limestones remain.
Thus broad shelves are formed on the sides of the cliffs, and these
shelves, or the deep recesses between them, were utilized, so that here
is a village of cliff dwellings. There are several hundred rooms
altogether. The rooms are of sandstone, pretty carefully worked and laid
in mortar, and the interior of the rooms was plastered. The opening for
the chimney was usually by the side of the entrance, and the ceilings of
the rooms are still blackened with soot and smoke. Around this village,
on the terrace of the canyon, great numbers of potsherds, stone
implements, and implements of bone, horn, and wood were found; and here,
as in all of the other ruins mentioned, corncobs in great abundance were
discovered.
In addition to the four principal ruins thus described many others are
found, most of them being of the ordinary pueblo type. From the evidence
presented it would seem that they had all been occupied at a
comparatively late date. They were certainly not abandoned more than
three or four centuries ago.
Later in the season the Director visited the Supai Indians of Cataract
Canyon, and was informed by them that their present home had been taken
up not many generations ago, and that their ancestors occupied the ruins
which have been described; and they gave such a circumstantial account
of the occupation and of their expulsion by the Spaniards, that no doubt
can be entertained of the truth of their traditions in this respect. The
Indians of Cataract Canyon doubtless lived on the north, east, and south
of San Francisco Mountain at the time this country was discovered by the
Spaniards, and they subsequently left their cliff and cavate dwellings
and moved into Cataract Canyon, where they now live. It is thus seen
that these cliff and cavate dwellings are not of an ancient prehistoric
time, but that they were occupied by a people still existing, who also
built pueblos of the common type.
Later in the season the party visited the cavate ruins near Santa Clara,
previously explored by Mr. Stevenson. Here, on the western side of the
Rio Grande del Norte, was found a system of volcanic peaks, constituting
what is known as the Valley Range. To the east of these peaks,
stretching far beyond the present channel of the Rio Grande, there was
once a great Tertiary lake, which was gradually filled with the sands
washed into it on every hand and by the ashes blown out of the adjacent
volcanoes. This great lake formation is in some places a thousand feet
in thickness. When the lake was filled the Rio Grande cut its channel
through the midst to a depth of many hundreds of feet. The volcanic
mountains to the westward send to the Rio Grande a number of minor
streams, which in a general way are parallel with one another. The Rio
Grande itself, and all of these lateral streams, have cut deep gorges
and canyons, so that there are long, irregular table-lands, or mesas,
extending from the Rio Grande back to the Valley Mountains, each mesa
being severed from the adjacent one by a canyon or canyon valley; and
each of these long mesas rises with a precipitous cliff from the valley
below. The cliffs themselves are built of volcanic sands and ashes, and
many of the strata are exceedingly light and friable. The specific
gravity of some of these rocks is so low that they will float on water.
Into the faces of these cliffs, in the friable and easily worked rock,
many chambers have been excavated; for mile after mile the cliffs are
studded with them, so that altogether there are many thousands.
Sometimes a chamber or series of chambers is entered from a terrace, but
usually they were excavated many feet above any landing or terrace
below, so that they could be reached only by ladders. In other places
artificial terraces were built by constructing retaining walls and
filling the interior next to the cliff with loose rock and sand. Very
often steps were cut into the face of a cliff and a rude stairway formed
by which chambers could be reached. The chambers were very irregularly
arranged and very irregular in size and structure. In many cases there
is a central chamber, which seems to have been a general living room for
the people, back of which two, three, or more chambers somewhat smaller
are found. The chambers occupied by one family are sometimes connected
with those occupied by another family, so that two or three or four sets
of chambers have interior communication. Usually, however, the
communication from one system of chambers to another was by the outside.
Many of the chambers had evidently been occupied as dwellings. They
still contained fireplaces and evidences of fire; there were little
caverns or shelves in which various vessels were placed, and many
evidences of the handicraft of the people were left in stone, bone,
horn, and wood, and in the chambers and about the sides of the cliffs
potsherds are abundant. On more careful survey it was found that many
chambers had been used as stables for asses, goats, and sheep. Sometimes
they had been filled a few inches, or even two or three feet, with the
excrement of these animals. Ears of corn and corncobs were also found in
many places. Some of the chambers were evidently constructed to be used
as storehouses or caches for grain. Altogether it is very evident that
the cliff houses have been used in comparatively modern times; at any
rate since the people owned asses, goats, and sheep. The rock is of such
a friable nature that it will not stand atmospheric degradation very
long, and there is abundant evidence of this character testifying to the
recent occupancy of these cavate dwellings.
Above the cliffs, on the mesas, which have already been described,
evidences of more ancient ruins were found. These were pueblos built of
cut stone rudely dressed. Every mesa had at least one ancient pueblo
upon it, evidently far more ancient than the cavate dwellings found in
the face of the cliffs. It is, then, very plain that the cavate
dwellings are not of great age; that they have been occupied since the
advent of the white man, and that on the summit of the cliffs there are
ruins of more ancient pueblos.
Now, the pottery of Santa Clara had been previously studied by Mr.
Stevenson, who made a large collection there two or three years ago, and
it was at once noticed that the potsherds of these cliff dwellings are,
both in shape and material, like those now made by the Santa Clara
Indians. The peculiar pottery of Santa Clara is readily distinguished,
as may be seen by examining the collection now in the National Museum.
While encamped in the valley below, the party met a Santa Clara Indian
and engaged him in conversation. From him the history of the cliff
dwellings was soon obtained. His statement was that originally his
people lived in six pueblos, built of cut stone, upon the summit of the
mesas; that there came a time when they were at war with the Apaches and
Navajos, when they abandoned their stone pueblos above and for greater
protection excavated the chambers in the cliffs below; that when this
war ended part of them returned to the pueblos above, which were
rebuilt; that there afterward came another war, with the Comanche
Indians, and they once more resorted to cliff dwellings. At the close of
this war they built a pueblo in the valley of the Rio Grande, but at the
time of the invasion of the Spaniards their people refused to be
baptized, and a Spanish army was sent against them, when they abandoned
the valley below and once more inhabited the cliff dwellings above. Here
they lived many years, until at last a wise and good priest brought them
peace, and persuaded them to build the pueblo which they now occupy--the
village of Santa Clara. The ruin of the pueblo which they occupied
previous to the invasion of the Spaniards is still to be seen about a
mile distant from the present pueblo.
The history thus briefly given was repeated by the governor and by other
persons, all substantially to the same effect. It is therefore evident
that the cavate dwellings of the Santa Clara region belong to a people
still extant; that they are not of great antiquity, and do not give
evidence of a prehistoric and now extinct race.
Plans and measurements were made of some of the villages with sufficient
accuracy to prepare models. Photographic views and sketches were also
procured with which to illustrate a detailed report of the subject to be
published by the Bureau.
WORK OF MR. JAMES STEVENSON.
After the investigations made in company with the Director, as mentioned
above, Mr. Stevenson proceeded with a party to the ancient province of
Tusayan, in Arizona, to study the characteristics of the Moki tribes,
its inhabitants, and to make collections of such implements and utensils
as illustrate their arts and industries. Several months were spent among
the villages, resulting in a large collection of rare objects, all of
which were selected with special reference to their anthropologic
importance. This collection contains many articles novel in character
and with uses differing from any heretofore obtained, and forms an
important addition to the collections in the National Museum.
A study of their religious ceremonials and mythology was made, of which
full notes were taken. Sketches were made of their masks and other
objects which could not be obtained for the collection.
Mrs. Stevenson was also enabled to obtain a minute description of the
celebrated dance, or medicine ceremony, of the Navajos, called the
Yéibit-cai. She made complete sketches of the sand altars, masks, and
other objects employed in this ceremonial.
WORK OF MESSRS. VICTOR MINDELEFF AND COSMOS MINDELEFF.
Mr. Victor Mindeleff, who had been engaged for several years in
investigating the architecture of the pueblos and the ruins of the
southwest, was at the beginning of the fiscal year at work among the
Moki towns in Arizona, in charge of a party. Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff left
Washington on July 6 for the same locality. He was placed in charge of
the surveying necessary in the Stone Village region, and the result of
his work is included in the general report of that division.
Visits were paid to the Moki villages in succession, obtaining drawings
of some constructional details, and also traditions bearing on the ruins
in that vicinity. The main camp was established near Mashongnavi, one of
the Moki villages. A large ruined pueblo, formerly occupied by the
Mashongnavi, was here surveyed. No standing walls are found at the
present time, and many portions of the plan are entirely obliterated.
Typical fragments of pottery were collected.
Following this work, four other ruined pueblos were surveyed, and such
portions of them as clearly indicated dividing walls were drawn on the
ground plans.
Many of the ruins in this vicinity, according to the traditions of the
Mokis, have been occupied in comparatively recent times---a number of
them having been abandoned since the Spanish conquest of the country. In
several cases the villages now occupied are not upon the same sites as
those first visited by the Spaniards, although retaining the same names.
While the work of surveying was in progress, in charge of Mr. Cosmos
Mindeleff, Mr. Victor Mindeleff made a visit of several days at Keam
Canyon, there to meet a number of the Navajo Indians to explain the
purpose of the work and allay the suspicions of these Indians,
a necessary precaution, as some of the proposed work was laid out in
Canyon de Chelly, in the heart of their reservation. Recent restrictions
to which they had been subjected, as a consequence of new surveys of the
reservation line, had made them especially distrustful of parties
equipped with instruments for surveying. Incidental to explanations of
the purpose of the work, an opportunity was afforded of obtaining a
number of mythologic notes, and also interesting data regarding the
construction of their "hogans," with the rules prescribing the
arrangement of each part of the frame and other particulars. A number of
ceremonial songs are sung at the building of these houses, but of these
only one could be secured, which was obtained in the original and
translated. Whenever opportunity occurred, during the progress of the
work, photographs and diagrams of construction of "hogans" were
procured.
On August 17 the ceremony of the snake-dance took place at Mashongnavi,
similar in every detail to that performed at Walpi, and differing only
in the number of participants. Several instantaneous negatives of the
various phases of the dance were secured. On the following day the same
ceremony was performed on a larger scale at Walpi, the easternmost of
the Moki villages.
Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff assisted in collecting from the present inhabitants
of the region legendary information bearing upon ruins and in observing
the snake-dances, a description of which was prepared for publication.
While the surveys of the ruins were in progress many detailed studies
were made of special features in the modern villages, particularly among
the "kivas" or religious chambers. In several instances the large
roofing timbers of the "kiva" were found to be the old beams from the
Spanish churches, hewn square, and decorated with the characteristic
rude carving of the old Spanish work. A number of legends connected with
the ruined pueblos were recorded.
On closing this work in the vicinity of the Moki villages, late in
August, the party moved into Keam Canyon, en route for Canyon de Chelly.
A day was devoted to the survey of a small pueblo of irregular
elliptical outline, situated about eighteen miles northeast from Keam
Canyon. This ruin is in excellent state of preservation and exhibits in
the masonry some stones of remarkably large size. The early part of
September was employed in making a close survey of the Mummy Cave group
of ruins in Canyon de la Muerte, this work including a five-foot contour
map of the ground and the rocky ledge over which the houses were
distributed. Detailed drawings of a number of special features were made
here, particularly in connection with the circular ceremonial chambers.
The latter were so buried under the accumulated debris of fallen walls
that much excavation was required to lay bare the details of internal
arrangement. A high class of workmanship is here exhibited, both in the
execution of the constructional features and in the interior decoration
of these chambers. Later the White House group, in the Canyon de Chelly,
comprising a village and cliff houses, was examined and platted in the
same manner.
The drawings and plans were supplemented with a series of photographs.
Some negatives of Navajo houses were also made.
On closing this work the party went into Fort Defiance, en route for
Zuņi, and thence to Ojo Caliente, a modern farming pueblo of the Zuņi,
about twelve miles south of the principal village. Here two ruins of
villages, thought to belong to the ancient Cibola group, were platted.
One of these villages had been provided with a circular reservoir of
large size, partially walled in with masonry. Here, also, the well
preserved walls of a stone church can be seen. The other contains the
remains of a large church, built of adobe. A series of widely scattered
house-clusters, occurring two miles west of Ojo Caliente, was also
examined, but the earth had drifted over the fallen walls and so covered
them that the arrangement of rooms could scarcely be traced at all.
The modern village of Ojo Caliente was also surveyed and diagrams and
photographs made.
Towards the end of September camp was moved to the vicinity of Zuņi.
Here four other villages of the Cibola group and the old villages on the
mesa of Ta-ai-ya-lo-ne were examined. Camp was then moved to Nutria,
a farming pueblo of Zuņi. From this camp Nutria was surveyed and
photographed, and also the village of Pescado, which is occupied only
during the farming season. Both of these modern farming pueblos appear
to be built on the ruins of more ancient villages, the remains of which
were especially noticeable in the case of Pescado, where the very
carefully executed masonry, characteristic of the ancient methods of
construction, could be seen outcropping at many points.
WORK OF MR. E. W. NELSON.
Following the return of the main party to Washington, some preliminary
exploration was carried on by Mr. E. W. Nelson, who made an examination
of the headwaters of the South Fork of Salt River, but did not find any
ruins. Thence the Blue Ridge was crossed, and the valley of the Blue
Fork of the San Francisco River visited. Here ruins were frequently
increasing in number toward the south. Farther south three sets of cliff
ruins were also located.
GENERAL FIELD STUDIES.
WORK OF DR. H. C. YARROW.
During the summer and fall of 1885, Dr. H. C. Yarrow, acting assistant
surgeon U.S. Army, examined points in Arizona and Utah. In the vicinity
of Springerville, Apache County, Arizona, in company with Mr. E. W.
Nelson, he visited a number of ancient pueblos and discovered that the
people formerly occupying the towns had followed the custom of burying
their dead immediately outside the walls of their habitations, marking
the places of sepulcher with circles of stones. The graves were four or
five feet in depth, and various household utensils had been deposited
with the dead. Mr. Nelson, who had made a careful search for these
cemeteries, informed him of the locality of hundreds. Unfortunately for
anthropometric science, most of the bones are too much decayed to be of
practical value. The places of burial selected at these pueblos are
similar to the burial places discovered in 1874 near the large ruined
pueblo of Abiquiu, in the valley of the Chama, New Mexico.
Dr. Yarrow also visited the Moki pueblos in Arizona, and obtained from
one of the principal men a clear and succinct account of their burial
customs. While there he witnessed the famous snake dance, which occurs
every two years, and is supposed to have the effect of producing rain.
From his knowledge of the reptilian fauna of the country he was able to
identify the species of serpents used in the dance, and from personal
examination satisfied himself that the fangs had not been extracted from
the poisonous varieties. He thinks, however, that the reptiles are
somewhat tamed by handling during the four days that they are kept in
the estufas and possibly are made to eject the greater part of the venom
contained in the sacs at the roots of the teeth, by being teased and
forced to strike at different objects held near them. He does not think
that a vegetable decoction in which they are washed has a stupefying
effect, as has been supposed by some. He also obtained from a Moki high
priest a full account of the ceremonies attending the dance. Through the
assistance of Mr. Thomas V. Keam, of Keam Canyon, Arizona, and Mr. A. M.
Stephen, he was able to procure from a noted Navajo wise man an exact
account of the burial customs of his people, as well as valuable
information regarding their medical practices, especially such as relate
to obstetrics.
From Arizona Dr. Yarrow proceeded to Utah, and made an examination of an
old rock cemetery near Farmington, finding it similar to the one he
discovered in 1872 near the town of Fillmore. The bodies had been
carried far up the side of the mountain; cavities had been prepared in a
rock slide, and the bodies placed therein. Branches of cottonwood were
then laid over and large boulders piled on top. In several of these
graves the skeletons were in a fair state of preservation, and were
removed, as well as the articles found with them.
Through the kindness of Mr. William Young, of Grantsville, a skeleton of
a Gosiute, in excellent preservation, was obtained, and has been
presented to the Army Medical Museum. It may be stated that the
examination of the rock cemetery at Farmington showed that the
inhabitants of the eastern slope of the Wahsatch Range, in Great Salt
Lake Valley, followed the mode of rock sepulture from this, the most
northern point visited, to below Parowan, a distance of at least two
hundred miles southward, and it seems that these people occupied the
valley long subsequent to those living near the water courses who
constructed the small mounds on top of which were the rude adobe
dwellings, and in some instances used these huts for burial purposes.
WORK OF MR. J. C. PILLING.
In the spring of 1886 Mr. James C. Pilling made a trip to Europe in the
interest of his work on the Bibliography of the Languages of the North
American Indians, and spent many days in the library of the British
Museum, the Bibliothčque Nationale at Paris, and several extensive
private libraries in England and France. The results of this trip are
highly satisfactory and valuable.
WORK OF MR. JEREMIAH CURTIN.
Mr. Jeremiah Curtin continued to collect vocabularies and myths in
California. The whole number of myths obtained in California and Oregon
was over three hundred. The number of vocabularies was eight, being the
Yana, Atsugëi (Hat Creek), Wasco, Miléblama (Warm Springs), Pai Ute,
Shasta, Maidu, and Wintu. Texts were also obtained in Yana, Wasco, Warm
Spring, and Shasta.
OFFICE WORK.
Prof. CYRUS THOMAS was engaged during the year, except the few weeks he
was in the field, in the preparation of his general report and in
correspondence relating to the archeology of the district before
specified. He also finished a paper published in the Sixth Annual Report
of this Bureau under the title, "Aids to the study of the Maya Codices,"
and a special report on the "Burial mounds of the northern sections of
the United States." The latter has appeared in the Fifth Annual Report
of the Bureau.
Mrs. V. L. THOMAS, in addition to her duties as clerk, has been employed
in preparing a catalogue of the ancient works in that part of the United
States east of the Rocky Mountains. This catalogue, now nearly complete,
is intended to give the localities and character of all the antiquities
in the region mentioned, including discoveries which have been noted in
publications, as well as those mentioned in the reports of work done
under the Bureau.
Mr. JAMES C. PILLING continued to give a large share of his time and
attention throughout the year to the "Bibliography of the languages of
the North American Indians," which has been adverted to in previous
reports. The advance "proofsheets" of this work, printed in the last
fiscal year, were distributed to collaborators and have been the means
of obtaining the active cooperation of many persons throughout this and
other countries who are interested in linguistic and bibliographic
science. They have thus elicited a large number of additions,
corrections, suggestions, and criticisms, all of which have received
careful consideration.
Mr. FRANK H. CUSHING was engaged in the preparation, from the large
amount of Zuņi material collected by him during several years, of papers
upon the language, mythology, and institutions of that people.
Mrs. ERMINNIE A. SMITH continued her study of the Iroquoian languages.
The first part of her final contribution on the subject was intended to
be a Tuscarora grammar and dictionary. The first portion of the
dictionary was completed, and had been forwarded to the Bureau when her
sudden and lamented death occurred on June 9, 1886, at her home in
Jersey City. Her former assistant, Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, of Tuscarora
descent, has been engaged to complete the work she so successfully
began, and it is expected that the results of her long labors in the
field will be published without delay.
Mr. CHARLES C. ROYCE resigned his connection with the Bureau in the
early part of the year, thereby delaying the completion of the work upon
the primal title of the Indian tribes to lands within the United States
and the methods of procuring their relinquishment, the scope and value
of which have before been explained. Mr. Royce, before his departure
from Washington, completed a paper on the "Cherokee Nation of Indians,"
which has appeared in the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau.
Dr. H. C. YARROW was still engaged in preparing the material for the
final volume upon the mortuary customs of the North American Indians, in
the prosecution of which the large amount of information received and
obtained from various sources has been carefully classified and arranged
under proper divisions, so that the manuscript is now being rapidly put
into shape for publication.
Dr. WASHINGTON MATTHEWS, U.S. Army, continued to prepare for publication
the copious notes obtained by him during former years in the Navajo
country, his chief work being upon a grammar and dictionary of the
Navajo language. He also wrote several papers, one of which, a "Chant
upon the Mountains," has been published in the Fifth Annual Report.
Mr. W. H. HOLMES continued his work in the office during the year,
superintending the illustration of the various publications of the
Bureau. His scientific studies have been confined principally to the
field of American archeologic art. Two fully illustrated papers have
been finished and have appeared in the Sixth Annual Report of the
Bureau. They are upon "Ancient art of the province of Chiriqui,
Colombia," and "A study of the textile art in its relations to the
development of form and ornament." Mr. Holmes has, in addition,
continued his duties as curator of aboriginal pottery in the National
Museum.
Mr. VICTOR MINDELEFF, when not in the field, prepared reports on the
Tusayan and Cibola architectural groups. These, when completed, are to
be fully illustrated by a series of plans and drawings now being
prepared from the field-notes and other material. In this work it is
proposed to discuss the architecture in detail, particularly in the case
of the modern pueblos, where many of the constructional devices of the
old builders still survive. The examination of these details will be
found to throw light on obscure features of many ruined pueblos whose
state of preservation is such as to exhibit but little detail in
themselves.
In connection with the classification and arrangement of new material
from Canyon de Chelly, a paper was prepared on the cliff ruins of that
region.
Mr. COSMOS MINDELEFF has been in charge of the modeling room during the
last year. Upon his return from the field a series of models to
illustrate the Chaco ruins, architecturally the most important in the
Southwest, was commenced. Two of these, viz, the ruin of Wejegi and that
of a small pueblo near Pueblo Alto, have been finished and duplicates
have been deposited in the National Museum. The third, a large model of
Peņasco Blanco, is still uncompleted. All of these models are made from
entirely new surveys made in the summer of 1884. The scale used in the
previous series--the inhabited pueblos and the cliff ruins--though
larger than usually adopted for this class of work, has shown so much
more detail and has proved generally so satisfactory, that it has been
continued in the Chaco Ruin group, bringing the entire series of models
made by the Bureau to a uniform scale of 1:60, or one inch to five feet.
In addition to this the work of duplicating the existing models of the
Bureau for purposes of exchange was commenced. Three of these have been
completed, and two others are about half finished.
Mr. E. W. NELSON was engaged upon a report of his investigations among
the Eskimo tribes of Alaska. A part of this report, consisting of an
English-Eskimo dictionary, he has already forwarded.
* * * * *
As hereinafter explained, the year was principally devoted to the
synonymy of the Indian tribes, the special studies of several officers
of the Bureau being suspended so that their whole time might be employed
in that direction. In the year 1885, however, and at subsequent
intervals, their work was as follows:
Col. GARRICK MALLERY, U.S. Army, continued the study, by researches and
correspondence, of sign language and pictography. A comprehensive,
though preliminary, paper on the latter subject has been printed, with
copious illustrations, in the Fourth Annual Report.
Mr. H. W. HENSHAW was engaged during the year in work upon the synonymy
of Indian tribes, as specified below.
Mr. ALBERT S. GATSCHET continued to revise and perfect his grammar and
dictionary of the Klamath language, a large part of which work is in
print. He also took down vocabularies from Indian delegates present in
this city on tribal business, and thus succeeded in incorporating into
the collections of the Bureau of Ethnology linguistic material from the
Alibamu, Hitchiti, Muskoki, and Seneca languages.
Rev. J. OWEN DORSEY pursued his work on the [/C]egiha language. Having
the aid of a Winnebago Indian for some time he enlarged his vocabulary
of that language and recorded grammatical notes. He also reported upon
works submitted to his examination upon the Tuscarora, Micmac, and
Cherokee languages.
Mr. JAMES MOONEY, who had been officially connected with the Bureau
since the early part of the fiscal year, was also engaged upon
linguistic work.
SYNONYMY OF INDIAN TRIBES.
The Director has before reported in general terms that the most serious
source of perplexity to the student of the history of the North American
Indians is the confusion existing among their tribal names. The causes
of this confusion are various. The Indian names for themselves have been
understood and recorded in diverse ways by the earlier authors, and have
been variously transmitted by the latter. Nicknames arising from trivial
causes, and often without apparent cause, have been imposed upon many
tribes. Names borne by one tribe at some period of its history have been
transferred to another, or to several other distinct tribes.
Typographical errors, and improved spelling on assumed phonetic grounds,
have swelled the number of synonyms until the investigator of a special
tribe often finds himself in a maze of nomenclatural perplexity.
It has long been the intention of the Director to prepare a work on
tribal names, which so far as possible should refer their confusing
titles to a correct and systematic standard. Delay has been occasioned
chiefly by the fundamental necessity of defining linguistic stocks or
families into which all tribes must be primarily divided; and to
accomplish this, long journeys and laborious field and office
investigations have been required during the whole time since the
establishment of the Bureau. Though a few points still remained in an
unsatisfactory condition, it was considered that a sufficient degree of
accuracy had been attained to allow of the publication for the benefit
of students of a volume devoted to the subject. The preparation of the
plan of such a volume was intrusted to Mr. H. W. Henshaw, late in the
spring of 1885, and in June of that year the work was energetically
begun in accordance with the plans submitted. The preparation of this
work, which to a great extent underlies and is the foundation for every
field of ethnologic investigation among Indians, was considered of such
prime importance that nearly all the available force of the Bureau was
placed upon it, to the suspension of the particular investigations in
which the several officers had been engaged.
In addition to the general charge of the whole work, Mr. Henshaw gave
special attention to the families of the northwest coast from Oregon
northward, including the Eskimo, and also several in California. To Mr.
Albert S. Gatschet the tribes of the southeastern United States,
together with the Pueblo and Yuman tribes, were assigned. The Algonkian
family in all its branches--by far the most important part of the whole,
so far as the great bulk of literature relating to it is concerned--was
intrusted to Col. Garrick Mallery and Mr. James Mooney. They also took
charge of the Iroquoian family. Rev. J. O. Dorsey's intimate
acquaintance with the tribes of the Siouan and Caddoan families
peculiarly fitted him to cope with that part of the work, and he also
undertook the Athapascan tribes. Dr. W. J. Hoffman worked upon the
Shoshonean tribes, aided by the Director's personal supervision. Mr.
Jeremiah Curtin, to whom was assigned the California tribes, also gave
assistance in other sections.
Each of the gentlemen named has been able to contribute largely to the
results by his personal experience and investigations in the field,
there being numerous regions concerning which published accounts are
meager and unsatisfactory. The main source of the material to be dealt
with has, however, been necessarily derived from books. A vast amount of
the current literature pertaining to the North American Indians has been
examined, amounting to over one thousand volumes, with a view to the
extraction of the tribal names and the historical data necessary to fix
their precise application.
The work at the present time is well advanced toward completion. The
examination of literature for the collation of synonyms may be regarded
as practically done. The tables of synonymy and the accounts of the
tribes have been completed for more than one-half the number of
linguistic families.
ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.
LINGUISTIC FAMILIES OF NORTH AMERICA.
In harmony with custom, three scientific papers accompany this report,
designed to illustrate the nature, methods and spirit of the researches
conducted by the Bureau. The first is on the "Classification of the
North American Languages." It is by no means a final paper on the
subject, but is intended rather to give an account of the present status
of the subject, and to place before the workers in this field of
scholarship the data now existing and the conclusions already reached,
so as to constitute a point of departure for new work. With this end in
view Mr. Pilling is engaged upon the bibliography of the subject and is
rapidly publishing the same, and Mr. Henshaw is employed on the tribal
synonymy. Altogether it is hoped that this work will inaugurate a new
era in the investigation of the subject by making available the vast
body of material scattered broadcast through the literature relating to
the North American Indians.
In the course of these ethnic researches an interesting field of facts
has been brought to view relating to the superstitions of the Indians.
Already a very large body of mythology has been collected--stories from
a great number of tongues which embody the rude philosophy of tribal
thought. Such philosophy or opinion finds its expression not only in the
mythic tales, but in the organization of the people into society, in
their daily life and in their habits and customs. There is a realm of
anthropology in this lower state of mankind which we call savagery, that
is hard to understand from the standpoint of modern civilization, where
science, theology, religion, medicine and the esthetic arts are
developed as more or less discrete subjects. In savagery these great
subjects are blended in one, as they are interwoven into a vast plexus
of thought and action, for mythology is the basis of philosophy,
religion, medicine, and art. In savagery the observed facts of the
universe, relating alike to physical nature and to the humanities, are
explained mythologically, and these mythic conceptions give rise to a
great variety of practices. The acts of life are born of the opinions
held as explanations of the environing world. Thus it is that philosophy
finds expression in a complex system of superstitions, ceremonies and
practices, which together constitute the religion of the people. The
purpose of these practices is to avert calamity and to secure prosperity
in the present life. It is astonishing to find how little the condition
of a life to come is involved. The future beyond the grave is scarcely
heeded, or when recognized it seems not to affect the daily life of the
people to any appreciable degree. That which occupies the attention of
the savage mind relates to the pleasures and pains, the joys and sorrows
of present existence.
Perhaps the chief motive is derived from the consideration of health and
disease, as the pleasures and pains arising therefrom are forever
present to the experience or observation. Good and evil are also
involved in those gifts of nature to man by which his biotic life is
sustained, his food, drink, clothing and shelter. These bounties come
not in a never-changing stream, but are apparently fitful and
capricious. Seasons of plenty are accented by seasons of scarcity, and
thus prosperity and adversity are strangely commingled in the history of
the people. To secure this prosperity and avert this adversity seems to
be the second great motive in the development of the superstitious
practices of the people. A third occasion for the development of this
primitive religion inheres in the social organization of mankind,
primarily expressed in the love of man and woman for each other, but
finally expressed in all the relations of kin and kith and in the
relations of tribe with tribe. This gives rise to a very important
development of primitive religion, for the savage man seeks to discover
by occult agencies the power of controlling the love and good will of
his kind and the power of averting the effect of enmity. To attain these
ends he invents a vast system of devices, from love philters to war
dances. A fourth region of exploitation in the realm of the esoteric
relates to the origin of life itself, as many of their practices are
designed to secure perpetuity of life by frequent births and less
painful throes.
It will thus be seen that life, health, prosperity, and peace are the
ends sought in all this region of human activity as they are presented
in the study of savage life. The opinions held by the people on these
subjects are primarily expressed in speech and organized into tales,
which constitute mythology, and they are expressed in acts, as
ceremonies and observances, which constitute their religion, their
medicine, and their esthetic arts. These arts consist of sculpture and
painting, by which their mythic beings are represented, and they also
consist of dancing, by which religious fervor is produced, and they give
rise to music, romance, poetry, and drama. Thus it is that the esthetic
arts have their origin in mythology. The epic poem and the symphony are
lineal descendants of the dance, and the dance arises as the first form
of worship, born of the mythic conception of the powers of nature.
THE MID[-E]īWIWIN, OR GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY OF THE OJIBWA, BY W. J.
HOFFMAN, AND THE SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES, BY JAMES MOONEY.
Mr. Hoffman presents a paper on the "Mid[-e]īwiwin, or Grand Medicine
Society of the Ojibwa," and sets forth the vestiges of a once powerful
organization existing among these people. Mr. Mooney has made a study of
the Cherokee with the same end in view. In the opinion of the Director
they are important contributions to this subject. The same lines of
investigation have been carried on by other members of the Bureau with
other tribes where societies and practices have been but little modified
by the contact of the white man, and where the subject is therefore much
more plainly arrayed. In due time these additional researches will be
published.
In Mr. Hoffman's paper it is seen that two and a half centuries of
association with the white man has not only served to break down this
organization to some extent, but has also inculcated in the minds of the
Ojibwa a clearer conception of a Great Spirit and a future life than is
normal to the savage mind. Mr. Mooney, whose paper largely deals with
the use of plants by the Indians for the healing of disease, naïvely
compares the pharmacopoeia of savagery with that of civilization,
assuming that the latter is a standard of scientific truth. Perchance
scientific men will make one step in advance of this position, and will
be interested in discovering the extent to which savage philosophy is
still represented in civilized materia medica as expressed in officinal
formulas.
A word in relation to the dramatis personæ of Indian mythology. In all
those mythologies which have been studied with any degree of care up to
the present time zoic deities greatly prevail, the progenitors and
prototypes of the animals of the land, air, and water; yet there are
other deities. Chief among these are the sun, moon, stars, fire, and the
spirits of mountains and other geographical and natural phenomena. Yet
these beings are largely zoomorphic, being considered rather as mythic
animals than as mythic men; but it must be understood that the line of
demarcation between man and the lower animals is not so clearly
presented to the savage mind as to the civilized mind. In speaking of
the theology of the North American Indians as being zoomorphic it must
therefore be understood to mean that such is its chief characteristic,
but not its exclusive characteristic; and further, it must be understood
that it contains by survival many elements from an earlier condition in
which hecastotheism prevailed, that is, that the form of philosophy
known as animism was generally accepted, and that psychic life, with
feeling, thought, and will, was attributed to inanimate things. But more
than this, zootheism is not a permanent state of philosophy, but only a
stepping-stone to something higher. That something higher may be
denominated physitheism, or the worship of the powers and more obtrusive
phenomena of nature. In this higher state the sun, the planets, the
stars, the winds, the storms, the rainbow, and fire take the leading
part. The beginnings of this higher state are to be observed in many of
the mythologies of North America. It is worthy of remark that a
mythology with its religion subject to the influences of an overwhelming
civilization yields first in its zoomorphic elements. Zoic mythology
soon degenerates into folk tales of beasts, to be recited by crones to
children or told by garrulous old men as amusing stories inherited from
past generations; while physitheism is more often incorporated into the
compound of paganism and Christianity now held by the more advanced
tribes. Notwithstanding this general tendency, zootheism is often,
though not to so great an extent, compounded in the same way. The study
of this stage of mythology, and of the arts and customs arising
therefrom, as they are exhibited among the North American Indians, will
ultimately throw a flood of light upon that later stage known as
physitheism, or nature worship, now the subject of investigation by an
army of Aryan scholars.
FINANCIAL STATEMENT.
_Table showing amounts appropriated and expended for North American
ethnology for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1886._
--------------------------------------+-----------+---------------
Expenses. | Amount | Amount
| expended. | appropriated.
--------------------------------------+-----------+---------------
| |
Services |$31,287.93 |
Traveling expenses | 2,070.71 |
Transportation of property | 478.91 |
Field subsistence | 284.99 |
Field expenses and supplies | 360.32 |
Field material | 163.61 |
Modeling material | 63.11 |
Photographic material | 34.44 |
Books and maps | 469.69 |
Stationery and drawing material | 169.44 |
Illustrations for reports | 289.65 |
Goods for distribution to Indians | 767.82 |
Office furniture | 12.00 |
Office supplies and repairs | 63.56 |
Correspondence | 13.87 |
Specimens | 800.00 |
Bonded railroad accounts forwarded to | |
Treasury for settlement | 103.84 |
Balance on hand to meet outstanding | |
liabilities | 2,566.11 |
+-----------+---------------
Total | 40,000.00 | $40,000.00
--------------------------------------+-----------+---------------
* * * * *
* * * *
Errata for Introduction:
General Table of Contents:
Adaizen
Yokonan
[_spellings unchanged; Linguistic Families article and general
Index both have "Adaizan", "Yakonan"_]
expressed in officinal formulas. [_not an error_]
* * * * *
* * * *
* * * * *
ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.
* * * * *
INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES OF AMERICA
NORTH OF MEXICO.
by
J. W. POWELL.
* * * * *
CONTENTS.
Nomenclature of linguistic families 7
Literature relating to the classification of
Indian languages 12
Linguistic map 25
Indian tribes sedentary 30
Population 33
Tribal land 40
Village sites 40
Agricultural land 41
Hunting claims 42
Summary of deductions 44
Linguistic families 45
Adaizan family 45
Algonquian family 47
Algonquian area 47
Principal Algonquian tribes 48
Population 48
Athapascan family 51
Boundaries 52
Northern group 53
Pacific group 53
Southern group 54
Principal tribes 55
Population 55
Attacapan family 56
Beothuakan family 57
Geographic distribution 58
Caddoan family 58
Northern group 60
Middle group 60
Southern group 60
Principal tribes 61
Population 62
Chimakuan family 62
Principal tribes 63
Chimarikan family 63
Principal tribes 63
Chimmesyan family 63
Principal tribes or villages 64
Population 64
Chinookan family 65
Principal tribes 66
Population 66
Chitimachan family 66
Chumashan family 67
Population 68
Coahuiltecan family 68
Principal tribes 69
Copehan family 69
Geographic distribution 69
Principal tribes 70
Costanoan family 70
Geographic distribution 71
Population 71
Eskimauan family 71
Geographic distribution 72
Principal tribes and villages 74
Population 74
Esselenian family 75
Iroquoian family 76
Geographic distribution 77
Principal tribes 79
Population 79
Kalapooian family 81
Principal tribes 82
Population 82
Karankawan family 82
Keresan family 83
Villages 83
Population 83
Kiowan family 84
Population 84
Kitunahan family 85
Tribes 85
Population 85
Koluschan family 85
Tribes 87
Population 87
Kulanapan family 87
Geographic distribution 88
Tribes 88
Kusan family 89
Tribes 89
Population 89
Lutuamian family 89
Tribes 90
Population 90
Mariposan family 90
Geographic distribution 91
Tribes 91
Population 91
Moquelumnan family 92
Geographic distribution 93
Principal tribes 93
Population 93
Muskhogean family 94
Geographic distribution 94
Principal tribes 95
Population 95
Natchesan family 95
Principal tribes 97
Population 97
Palaihnihan family 97
Geographic distribution 98
Principal tribes 98
Piman family 98
Principal tribes 99
Population 99
Pujunan family 99
Geographic distribution 100
Principal tribes 100
Quoratean family 100
Geographic distribution 101
Tribes 101
Population 101
Salinan family 101
Population 102
Salishan family 102
Geographic distribution 104
Principal tribes 104
Population 105
Sastean family 105
Geographic distribution 106
Shahaptian family 106
Geographic distribution 107
Principal tribes and population 107
Shoshonean family 108
Geographic distribution 109
Principal tribes and population 110
Siouan family 111
Geographic distribution 112
Principal tribes 114
Population 116
Skittagetan family 118
Geographic distribution 120
Principal tribes 120
Population 121
Takilman family 121
Geographic distribution 121
Taņoan family 121
Geographic distribution 122
Population 123
Timuquanan family 123
Geographic distribution 123
Principal tribes 124
Tonikan family 125
Geographic distribution 125
Tonkawan family 125
Geographic distribution 125
Uchean family 126
Geographic distribution 126
Population 127
Waiilatpuan family 127
Geographic distribution 127
Principal tribes 127
Population 128
Wakashan family 128
Geographic distribution 130
Principal Aht tribes 130
Population 130
Principal Haeltzuk tribes 131
Population 131
Washoan family 131
Weitspekan family 131
Geographic distribution 132
Tribes 132
Wishoskan family 132
Geographic distribution 133
Tribes 133
Yakonan family 133
Geographic distribution 134
Tribes 134
Population 135
Yanan family 135
Geographic distribution 135
Yukian family 135
Geographic distribution 136
Yuman family 136
Geographic distribution 137
Principal tribes 138
Population 138
Zuņian family 138
Geographic distribution 139
Population 139
Concluding remarks 139
ILLUSTRATION
Plate I. Map. Linguistic stocks of North America north of Mexico.
In pocket at end of volume
[Transcriber's Note:
The Map is available in the "images" directory accompanying the html
version of this file. There are two sizes in addition to the thumbnail:
mapsmall.jpg: 615Ũ732 pixels (about 9Ũ11 in / 23Ũ28 cm, 168K)
maplarge.jpg: 1521Ũ1818 pixels (about 22Ũ27 in / 56Ũ70 cm, 1MB)]
* * * * *
INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.
By J. W. POWELL.
* * * * *
NOMENCLATURE OF LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.
The languages spoken by the pre-Columbian tribes of North America were
many and diverse. Into the regions occupied by these tribes travelers,
traders, and missionaries have penetrated in advance of civilization,
and civilization itself has marched across the continent at a rapid
rate. Under these conditions the languages of the various tribes have
received much study. Many extensive works have been published,
embracing grammars and dictionaries; but a far greater number of minor
vocabularies have been collected and very many have been published. In
addition to these, the Bible, in whole or in part, and various religious
books and school books, have been translated into Indian tongues to be
used for purposes of instruction; and newspapers have been published in
the Indian languages. Altogether the literature of these languages and
that relating to them are of vast extent.
While the materials seem thus to be abundant, the student of Indian
languages finds the subject to be one requiring most thoughtful
consideration, difficulties arising from the following conditions:
(1) A great number of linguistic stocks or families are discovered.
(2) The boundaries between the different stocks of languages are not
immediately apparent, from the fact that many tribes of diverse stocks
have had more or less association, and to some extent linguistic
materials have been borrowed, and thus have passed out of the exclusive
possession of cognate peoples.
(3) Where many peoples, each few in number, are thrown together, an
intertribal language is developed. To a large extent this is gesture
speech; but to a limited extent useful and important words are adopted
by various tribes, and out of this material an intertribal "jargon" is
established. Travelers and all others who do not thoroughly study a
language are far more likely to acquire this jargon speech than the real
speech of the people; and the tendency to base relationship upon such
jargons has led to confusion.
(4) This tendency to the establishment of intertribal jargons was
greatly accelerated on the advent of the white man, for thereby many
tribes were pushed from their ancestral homes and tribes were mixed with
tribes. As a result, new relations and new industries, especially of
trade, were established, and the new associations of tribe with tribe
and of the Indians with Europeans led very often to the development of
quite elaborate jargon languages. All of these have a tendency to
complicate the study of the Indian tongues by comparative methods.
The difficulties inherent in the study of languages, together with the
imperfect material and the complicating conditions that have arisen by
the spread of civilization over the country, combine to make the problem
one not readily solved.
In view of the amount of material on hand, the comparative study of the
languages of North America has been strangely neglected, though perhaps
this is explained by reason of the difficulties which have been pointed
out. And the attempts which have been made to classify them has given
rise to much confusion, for the following reasons: First, later authors
have not properly recognized the work of earlier laborers in the field.
Second, the attempt has more frequently been made to establish an ethnic
classification than a linguistic classification, and linguistic
characteristics have been confused with biotic peculiarities, arts,
habits, customs, and other human activities, so that radical differences
of language have often been ignored and slight differences have been
held to be of primary value.
The attempts at a classification of these languages and a corresponding
classification of races have led to the development of a complex, mixed,
and inconsistent synonymy, which must first be unraveled and a selection
of standard names made therefrom according to fixed principles.
It is manifest that until proper rules are recognized by scholars the
establishment of a determinate nomenclature is impossible. It will
therefore be well to set forth the rules that have here been adopted,
together with brief reasons for the same, with the hope that they will
commend themselves to the judgment of other persons engaged in
researches relating to the languages of North America.
A fixed nomenclature in biology has been found not only to be
advantageous, but to be a prerequisite to progress in research, as the
vast multiplicity of facts, still ever accumulating, would otherwise
overwhelm the scholar. In philological classification fixity of
nomenclature is of corresponding importance; and while the analogies
between linguistic and biotic classification are quite limited, many of
the principles of nomenclature which biologists have adopted having no
application in philology, still in some important particulars the
requirements of all scientific classifications are alike, and though
many of the nomenclatural points met with in biology will not occur in
philology, some of them do occur and may be governed by the same rules.
Perhaps an ideal nomenclature in biology may some time be established,
as attempts have been made to establish such a system in chemistry; and
possibly such an ideal system may eventually be established in
philology. Be that as it may, the time has not yet come even for its
suggestion. What is now needed is a rule of some kind leading scholars
to use the same terms for the same things, and it would seem to matter
little in the case of linguistic stocks what the nomenclature is,
provided it becomes denotive and universal.
In treating of the languages of North America it has been suggested that
the names adopted should be the names by which the people recognize
themselves, but this is a rule of impossible application, for where the
branches of a stock diverge very greatly no common name for the people
can be found. Again, it has been suggested that names which are to go
permanently into science should be simple and euphonic. This also is
impossible of application, for simplicity and euphony are largely
questions of personal taste, and he who has studied many languages loses
speedily his idiosyncrasies of likes and dislikes and learns that words
foreign to his vocabulary are not necessarily barbaric.
Biologists have decided that he who first distinctly characterizes and
names a species or other group shall thereby cause the name thus used to
become permanently affixed, but under certain conditions adapted to a
growing science which is continually revising its classifications. This
law of priority may well be adopted by philologists.
By the application of the law of priority it will occasionally happen
that a name must be taken which is not wholly unobjectionable or which
could be much improved. But if names may be modified for any reason, the
extent of change that may be wrought in this manner is unlimited, and
such modifications would ultimately become equivalent to the
introduction of new names, and a fixed nomenclature would thereby be
overthrown. The rule of priority has therefore been adopted.
Permanent biologic nomenclature dates from the time of Linnæus simply
because this great naturalist established the binominal system and
placed scientific classification upon a sound and enduring basis. As
Linnæus is to be regarded as the founder of biologic classification, so
Gallatin may be considered the founder of systematic philology relating
to the North American Indians. Before his time much linguistic work had
been accomplished, and scholars owe a lasting debt of gratitude to
Barton, Adelung, Pickering, and others. But Gallatin's work marks an era
in American linguistic science from the fact that he so thoroughly
introduced comparative methods, and because he circumscribed the
boundaries of many families, so that a large part of his work remains
and is still to be considered sound. There is no safe resting place
anterior to Gallatin, because no scholar prior to his time had properly
adopted comparative methods of research, and because no scholar was
privileged to work with so large a body of material. It must further be
said of Gallatin that he had a very clear conception of the task he was
performing, and brought to it both learning and wisdom. Gallatin's work
has therefore been taken as the starting point, back of which we may not
go in the historic consideration of the systematic philology of North
America. The point of departure therefore is the year 1836, when
Gallatin's "Synopsis of Indian Tribes" appeared in vol. 2 of the
Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society.
It is believed that a name should be simply a denotive word, and that no
advantage can accrue from a descriptive or connotive title. It is
therefore desirable to have the names as simple as possible, consistent
with other and more important considerations. For this reason it has
been found impracticable to recognize as family names designations based
on several distinct terms, such as descriptive phrases, and words
compounded from two or more geographic names. Such phrases and compound
words have been rejected.
There are many linguistic families in North America, and in a number of
them there are many tribes speaking diverse languages. It is important,
therefore, that some form should be given to the family name by which it
may be distinguished from the name of a single tribe or language. In
many cases some one language within a stock has been taken as the type
and its name given to the entire family; so that the name of a language
and that of the stock to which it belongs are identical. This is
inconvenient and leads to confusion. For such reasons it has been
decided to give each family name the termination "an" or "ian."
Conforming to the principles thus enunciated, the following rules have
been formulated:
I. The law of priority relating to the nomenclature of the
systematic philology of the North American tribes shall not extend
to authors whose works are of date anterior to the year 1836.
II. The name originally given by the founder of a linguistic group
to designate it as a family or stock of languages shall be
permanently retained to the exclusion of all others.
III. No family name shall be recognized if composed of more than one
word.
IV. A family name once established shall not be canceled in any
subsequent division of the group, but shall be retained in a
restricted sense for one of its constituent portions.
V. Family names shall be distinguished as such by the termination
"an" or "ian."
VI. No name shall be accepted for a linguistic family unless used to
designate a tribe or group of tribes as a linguistic stock.
VII. No family name shall be accepted unless there is given the
habitat of tribe or tribes to which it is applied.
VIII. The original orthography of a name shall be rigidly preserved
except as provided for in rule III, and unless a typographical error
is evident.
The terms "family" and "stock" are here applied interchangeably to a
group of languages that are supposed to be cognate.
A single language is called a stock or family when it is not found to be
cognate with any other language. Languages are said to be cognate when
such relations between them are found that they are supposed to have
descended from a common ancestral speech. The evidence of cognation is
derived exclusively from the vocabulary. Grammatic similarities are not
supposed to furnish evidence of cognation, but to be phenomena, in part
relating to stage of culture and in part adventitious. It must be
remembered that extreme peculiarities of grammar, like the vocal
mutations of the Hebrew or the monosyllabic separation of the Chinese,
have not been discovered among Indian tongues. It therefore becomes
necessary in the classification of Indian languages into families to
neglect grammatic structure, and to consider lexical elements only. But
this statement must be clearly understood. It is postulated that in the
growth of languages new words are formed by combination, and that these
new words change by attrition to secure economy of utterance, and also
by assimilation (analogy) for economy of thought. In the comparison of
languages for the purposes of systematic philology it often becomes
necessary to dismember compounded words for the purpose of comparing the
more primitive forms thus obtained. The paradigmatic words considered in
grammatic treatises may often be the very words which should be
dissected to discover in their elements primary affinities. But the
comparison is still lexic, not grammatic.
A lexic comparison is between vocal elements; a grammatic comparison is
between grammatic methods, such, for example, as gender systems. The
classes into which things are relegated by distinction of gender may be
animate and inanimate, and the animate may subsequently be divided into
male and female, and these two classes may ultimately absorb, in part at
least, inanimate things. The growth of a system of genders may take
another course. The animate and inanimate may be subdivided into the
standing, the sitting, and the lying, or into the moving, the erect and
the reclined; or, still further, the superposed classification may be
based upon the supposed constitution of things, as the fleshy, the
woody, the rocky, the earthy, the watery. Thus the number of genders may
increase, while further on in the history of a language the genders may
decrease so as almost to disappear. All of these characteristics are in
part adventitious, but to a large extent the gender is a phenomenon of
growth, indicating the stage to which the language has attained. A
proper case system may not have been established in a language by the
fixing of case particles, or, having been established, it may change by
the increase or diminution of the number of cases. A tense system also
has a beginning, a growth, and a decadence. A mode system is variable in
the various stages of the history of a language. In like manner a
pronominal system undergoes changes. Particles may be prefixed, infixed,
or affixed in compounded words, and which one of these methods will
finally prevail can be determined only in the later stage of growth. All
of these things are held to belong to the grammar of a language and to
be grammatic methods, distinct from lexical elements.
With terms thus defined, languages are supposed to be cognate when
fundamental similarities are discovered in their lexical elements. When
the members of a family of languages are to be classed in subdivisions
and the history of such languages investigated, grammatic
characteristics become of primary importance. The words of a language
change by the methods described, but the fundamental elements or roots
are more enduring. Grammatic methods also change, perhaps even more
rapidly than words, and the changes may go on to such an extent that
primitive methods are entirely lost, there being no radical grammatic
elements to be preserved. Grammatic structure is but a phase or accident
of growth, and not a primordial element of language. The roots of a
language are its most permanent characteristics, and while the words
which are formed from them may change so as to obscure their elements or
in some cases even to lose them, it seems that they are never lost from
all, but can be recovered in large part. The grammatic structure or plan
of a language is forever changing, and in this respect the language may
become entirely transformed.
* * * * *
LITERATURE RELATING TO THE CLASSIFICATION
OF INDIAN LANGUAGES.
While the literature relating to the languages of North America is very
extensive, that which relates to their classification is much less
extensive. For the benefit of future students in this line it is thought
best to present a concise account of such literature, or at least so
much as has been consulted in the preparation of this paper.
1836. Gallatin (Albert).
A synopsis of the Indian tribes within the United States east of the
Rocky Mountains, and in the British and Russian possessions in North
America. In Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian
Society (Archæologia Americana) Cambridge, 1836, vol. 2.
The larger part of the volume consists of Gallatin's paper. A short
chapter is devoted to general observations, including certain historical
data, and the remainder to the discussion of linguistic material and the
affinities of the various tribes mentioned. Vocabularies of many of the
families are appended. Twenty-eight linguistic divisions are recognized
in the general table of the tribes. Some of these divisions are purely
geographic, such as the tribes of Salmon River, Queen Charlotte's
Island, etc. Vocabularies from these localities were at hand, but of
their linguistic relations the author was not sufficiently assured. Most
of the linguistic families recognized by Gallatin were defined with much
precision. Not all of his conclusions are to be accepted in the presence
of the data now at hand, but usually they were sound, as is attested by
the fact that they have constituted the basis for much classificatory
work since his time.
The primary, or at least the ostensible, purpose of the colored map
which accompanies Gallatin's paper was, as indicated by its title, to
show the distribution of the tribes, and accordingly their names appear
upon it, and not the names of the linguistic families. Nevertheless, it
is practically a map of the linguistic families as determined by the
author, and it is believed to be the first attempted for the area
represented. Only eleven of the twenty-eight families named in this
table appear, and these represent the families with which he was best
acquainted. As was to be expected from the early period at which the map
was constructed, much of the western part of the United States was left
uncolored. Altogether the map illustrates well the state of knowledge of
the time.
1840. Bancroft (George).
History of the colonization of the United States, Boston. 1840,
vol. 3.
In Chapter XXII of this volume the author gives a brief synopsis of the
Indian tribes east of the Mississippi, under a linguistic
classification, and adds a brief account of the character and methods of
Indian languages. A linguistic map of the region is incorporated, which
in general corresponds with the one published by Gallatin in 1836. A
notable addition to the Gallatin map is the inclusion of the Uchees in
their proper locality. Though considered a distinct family by Gallatin,
this tribe does not appear upon his map. Moreover, the Choctaws and
Muskogees, which appear as separate families upon Gallatin's map (though
believed by that author to belong to the same family), are united upon
Bancroft's map under the term Mobilian.
The linguistic families treated of are, I. Algonquin, II. Sioux or
Dahcota, III. Huron-Iroquois, IV. Catawba, V. Cherokee, VI. Uchee, VII.
Natchez, VIII. Mobilian.
1841. Scouler (John).
Observations of the indigenous tribes of the northwest coast of
America. In Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London.
London, 1841, vol. 11.
The chapter cited is short, but long enough to enable the author to
construct a very curious classification of the tribes of which he
treats. In his account Scouler is guided chiefly, to use his own words,
"by considerations founded on their physical character, manners and
customs, and on the affinities of their languages." As the linguistic
considerations are mentioned last, so they appear to be the least
weighty of his "considerations."
Scouler's definition of a family is very broad indeed, and in his
"Northern Family," which is a branch of his "Insular Group," he includes
such distinct linguistic stocks as "all the Indian tribes in the Russian
territory," the Queen Charlotte Islanders, Koloshes, Ugalentzes, Atnas,
Kolchans, Kenáïes, Tun Ghaase, Haidahs, and Chimmesyans. His
Nootka-Columbian family is scarcely less incongruous, and it is evident
that the classification indicated is only to a comparatively slight
extent linguistic.
1846. Hale (Horatio).
United States exploring expedition, during the years 1838, 1839, 1840,
1841, 1842, under the command of Charles Wilkes, U.S. Navy, vol. 6,
ethnography and philology. Philadelphia, 1846.
In addition to a large amount of ethnographic data derived from the
Polynesian Islands, Micronesian Islands, Australia, etc., more than
one-half of this important volume is devoted to philology, a large share
relating to the tribes of northwestern America.
The vocabularies collected by Hale, and the conclusions derived by him
from study of them, added much to the previous knowledge of the
languages of these tribes. His conclusions and classification were in
the main accepted by Gallatin in his linguistic writings of 1848.
1846. Latham (Robert Gordon).
Miscellaneous contributions to the ethnography of North America. In
Proceedings of the Philological Society of London. London, 1816,
vol. 2.
In this article, which was read before the Philological Society, January
24, 1845, a large number of North American languages are examined and
their affinities discussed in support of the two following postulates
made at the beginning of the paper: First, "No American language has an
isolated position when compared with the other tongues en masse rather
than with the language of any particular class;" second, "The affinities
between the language of the New World, as determined by their
_vocabularies_, is not less real than that inferred from the analogies
of their _grammatical structure_." The author's conclusions are that
both statements are substantiated by the evidence presented. The paper
contains no new family names.
1847. Prichard (James Cowles).
Researches into the physical history of mankind (third edition), vol.
5, containing researches into the history of the Oceanic and of the
American nations. London, 1847.
It was the purpose of this author, as avowed by himself, to determine
whether the races of men are the cooffspring of a single stock or have
descended respectively from several original families. Like other
authors on this subject, his theory of what should constitute a race was
not clearly defined. The scope of the inquiry required the consideration
of a great number of subjects and led to the accumulation of a vast body
of facts. In volume 5 the author treats of the American Indians, and in
connection with the different tribes has something to say of their
languages. No attempt at an original classification is made, and in the
main the author follows Gallatin's classification and adopts his
conclusions.
1848. Gallatin (Albert).
Hale's Indians of Northwest America, and vocabularies of North
America, with an introduction. In Transactions of the American
Ethnological Society, New York, 1848, vol. 2.
The introduction consists of a number of chapters, as follows: First,
Geographical notices and Indian means of subsistence; second, Ancient
semi-civilization of New Mexico, Rio Gila and its vicinity; third,
Philology; fourth, Addenda and miscellaneous. In these are brought
together much valuable information, and many important deductions are
made which illustrate Mr. Gallatin's great acumen. The classification
given is an amplification of that adopted in 1836, and contains changes
and additions. The latter mainly result from a consideration of the
material supplied by Mr. Hale, or are simply taken from his work.
The groups additional to those contained in the Archæologia Americana
are:
1. Arrapahoes.
2. Jakon.
3. Kalapuya.
4. Kitunaha.
5. Lutuami.
6. Palainih.
7. Sahaptin.
8. Selish (Tsihaili-Selish).
9. Saste.
10. Waiilatpu.
1848, Latham (Robert Gordon).
On the languages of the Oregon Territory. In Journal of the
Ethnological Society of London, Edinburgh, 1848, vol. 1.
This paper was read before the Ethnological Society on the 11th of
December. The languages noticed are those that lie between "Russian
America and New California," of which the author aims to give an
exhaustive list. He discusses the value of the groups to which these
languages have been assigned, viz, Athabascan and Nootka-Columbian, and
finds that they have been given too high value, and that they are only
equivalent to the primary subdivisions of _stocks_, like the Gothic,
Celtic, and Classical, rather than to the stocks themselves. He further
finds that the Athabascan, the Kolooch, the Nootka-Columbian, and the
Cadiak groups are subordinate members of one large and important
class--the Eskimo.
No new linguistic groups are presented.
1848. Latham (Robert Gordon).
On the ethnography of Russian America. In Journal of the Ethnological
Society of London, Edinburgh, 1848, vol. 1.
This essay was read before the Ethnological Society February 19, 1845.
Brief notices are given of the more important tribes, and the languages
are classed in two groups, the Eskimaux and the Kolooch. Each of these
groups is found to have affinities--
(1) With the Athabascan tongues, and perhaps equal affinities.
(2) Each has affinities with the Oregon languages, and each perhaps
equally.
(3) Each has definite affinities with the languages of New California,
and each perhaps equal ones.
(4) Each has miscellaneous affinities with all the other tongues of
North and South America.
1848. Berghaus (Heinrich).
Physikalischer Atlas oder Sammlung von Karten, auf denen die
hauptsächlichsten erscheinungen der anorganischen und organischen
Natur nach ihrer geographischen Verbreitung und Vertheilung bildlich
dargestellt sind. Zweiter Band, Gotha, 1848.
This, the first edition of this well known atlas, contains, among other
maps, an ethnographic map of North America, made in 1845. It is based,
as is stated, upon material derived from Gallatin, Humboldt, Clavigero,
Hervas, Vater, and others. So far as the eastern part of the United
States is concerned it is largely a duplication of Gallatin's map of
1836, while in the western region a certain amount of new material is
incorporated.
1852. In the edition of 1852 the ethnographic map bears date of 1851.
Its eastern portion is substantially a copy of the earlier edition, but
its western half is materially changed, chiefly in accordance with the
knowledge supplied by Hall in 1848.
Map number 72 of the last edition of Berghaus by no means marks an
advance upon the edition of 1852. Apparently the number of families is
much reduced, but it is very difficult to interpret the meaning of the
author, who has attempted on the same map to indicate linguistic
divisions and tribal habitats with the result that confusion is made
worse confounded.
1853. Gallatin (Albert).
Classification of the Indian Languages; a letter inclosing a table of
generic Indian Families of languages. In Information respecting the
History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United
States, by Henry E. Schoolcraft. Philadelphia, 1853, vol. 3.
This short paper by Gallatin consists of a letter addressed to W.
Medill, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, requesting his cooperation in an
endeavor to obtain vocabularies to assist in a more complete study of
the grammar and structure of the languages of the Indians of North
America. It is accompanied by a "Synopsis of Indian Tribes," giving the
families and tribes so far as known. In the main the classification is a
repetition of that of 1848, but it differs from that in a number of
particulars. Two of the families of 1848 do not appear in this paper,
viz, Arapaho and Kinai. Queen Charlotte Island, employed as a family
name in 1848, is placed under the Wakash family, while the Skittagete
language, upon which the name Queen Charlotte Island was based in 1848,
is here given as a family designation for the language spoken at "Sitka,
bet. 52 and 59 lat." The following families appear which are not
contained in the list of 1848:
1. Cumanches.
2. Gros Ventres.
3. Kaskaias.
4. Kiaways.
5. Natchitoches.
6. Pani, Towiacks.
7. Ugaljachmatzi.
1853. Gibbs (George).
Observations on some of the Indian dialects of northern California. In
Information respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the
Indian tribes of the United States, by Henry E. Schoolcraft.
Philadelphia, 1853, vol. 3.
The "Observations" are introductory to a series of vocabularies
collected in northern California, and treat of the method employed in
collecting them and of the difficulties encountered. They also contain
notes on the tribes speaking the several languages as well as on the
area covered. There is comparatively little of a classificatory nature,
though in one instance the name Quoratem is proposed as a proper one for
the family "should it be held one."
1854. Latham (Robert Gordon).
On the languages of New California. In Proceedings of the Philological
Society of London for 1852 and 1853. London, 1854, vol. 6.
Read before the Philological Society, May 13, 1853. A number of
languages are examined in this paper for the purpose of determining the
stocks to which they belong and the mutual affinities of the latter.
Among the languages mentioned are the Saintskla, Umkwa, Lutuami, Paduca,
Athabascan, Dieguno, and a number of the Mission languages.
1855. Lane (William Carr).
Letter on affinities of dialects in New Mexico. In Information
respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian
tribes of the United States, by Henry R. Schoolcraft. Philadelphia,
1855, vol. 5.
The letter forms half a page of printed matter. The gist of the
communication is in effect that the author has heard it said that the
Indians of certain pueblos speak three different languages, which he has
heard called, respectively, (1) Chu-cha-cas and Kes-whaw-hay; (2)
E-nagh-magh; (3) Tay-waugh. This can hardly be called a classification,
though the arrangement of the pueblos indicated by Lane is quoted at
length by Keane in the Appendix to Stanford's Compendium.
1856. Latham (Robert Gordon).
On the languages of Northern, Western, and Central America. In
Transactions of the Philological Society of London, for 1856. London
[1857?].
This paper was read before the Philological Society May 9, 1856, and is
stated to be "a supplement to two well known contributions to American
philology by the late A. Gallatin."
So far as classification of North American languages goes, this is
perhaps the most important paper of Latham's, as in it a number of new
names are proposed for linguistic groups, such as Copeh for the
Sacramento River tribes, Ehnik for the Karok tribes, Mariposa Group and
Mendocino Group for the Yokut and Pomo tribes respectively, Moquelumne
for the Mutsun, Pujuni for the Meidoo, Weitspek for the Eurocs.
1856. Turner (William Wadden).
Report upon the Indian tribes, by Lieut. A. W. Whipple, Thomas
Ewbank, esq., and Prof. William W. Turner, Washington, D.C.,
1855. In Reports of Explorations and Surveys to ascertain the most
practicable and economical route for a railroad from the Mississippi
to the Pacific Ocean. Washington, 1856, vol. 3. part 3.
Chapter V of the above report is headed "Vocabularies of North American
Languages," and is by Turner, as is stated in a foot-note. Though the
title page of Part III is dated 1855, the chapter by Turner was not
issued till 1856, the date of the full volume, as is stated by Turner
on page 84. The following are the vocabularies given, with their
arrangement in families:
I. Delaware. }
II. Shawnee. } Algonkin.
III. Choctaw.
IV. Kichai. }
V. Huéco. } Pawnee?
VI. Caddo.
VII. Comanche. }
VIII. Chemehuevi. } Shoshonee.
IX. Cahuillo. }
X. Kioway.
XI. Navajo. }
XII. Pinal Leņo. } Apache.
XIII. Kiwomi. }
XIV. Cochitemi. } Keres.
XV. Acoma. }
XVI. Zuņi.
XVII. Pima.
XVIII. Cuchan. }
XIX. Coco-Maricopa. }
XX. Mojave. } Yuma.
XXI. Diegeno. }
Several of the family names, viz, Keres, Kiowa, Yuma, and Zuņi, have
been adopted under the rules formulated above.
1858. Buschmann (Johann Carl Eduard).
Die Völker und Sprachen Neu-Mexiko's und der Westseite des britischen
Nordamerika's, dargestellt von Hrn. Buschmann. In Abhandlungen (aus
dem Jahre 1857) der königlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu
Berlin. Berlin, 1858.
This work contains a historic review of early discoveries in New Mexico
and of the tribes living therein, with such vocabularies as were
available at the time. On pages 315-414 the tribes of British America,
from about latitude 54° to 60°, are similarly treated, the various
discoveries being reviewed; also those on the North Pacific coast. Much
of the material should have been inserted in the volume of 1859 (which
was prepared in 1854), to which cross reference is frequently made, and
to which it stands in the nature of a supplement.
1859. Buschmann (Johann Carl Eduard).
Die Spuren der aztekischen Sprache im nördlichen Mexico und höheren
amerikanischen Norden. Zugleich eine Musterung der Völker und
Sprachen des nördlichen Mexico's und der Westseite Nordamerika's von
Guadalaxara an bis zum Eismeer. In Abhandlungen aus dem Jahre 1854
der königlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Berlin, 1859.
The above, forming a second supplemental volume of the Transactions for
1854, is an extensive compilation of much previous literature treating
of the Indian tribes from the Arctic Ocean southward to Guadalajara, and
bears specially upon the Aztec language and its traces in the languages
of the numerous tribes scattered along the Pacific Ocean and inland
to the high plains. A large number of vocabularies and a vast amount
of linguistic material are here brought together and arranged in
a comprehensive manner to aid in the study attempted. In his
classification of the tribes east of the Rocky Mountains, Buschmann
largely followed Gallatin. His treatment of those not included in
Gallatin's paper is in the main original. Many of the results obtained
may have been considered bold at the time of publication, but recent
philological investigations give evidence of the value of many of the
author's conclusions.
1859. Kane (Paul).
Wanderings of an artist among the Indians of North America from Canada
to Vancouver's Island and Oregon through the Hudson's Bay Company's
territory and back again. London, 1859.
The interesting account of the author's travels among the Indians,
chiefly in the Northwest, and of their habits, is followed by a four
page supplement, giving the names, locations, and census of the tribes
of the Northwest coast. They are classified by language into Chymseyan,
including the Nass, Chymseyans, Skeena and Sabassas Indians, of whom
twenty-one tribes are given; Ha-eelb-zuk or Ballabola, including the
Milbank Sound Indians, with nine tribes; Klen-ekate, including twenty
tribes; Hai-dai, including the Kygargey and Queen Charlotte's Island
Indians, nineteen tribes being enumerated; and Qua-colth, with
twenty-nine tribes. No statement of the origin of these tables is given,
and they reappear, with no explanation, in Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes,
volume V, pp. 487-489.
In his Queen Charlotte Islands, 1870, Dawson publishes the part of this
table relating to the Haida, with the statement that he received it from
Dr. W. F. Tolmie. The census was made in 1836-'41 by the late Mr. John
Work, who doubtless was the author of the more complete tables published
by Kane and Schoolcraft.
1862. Latham (Robert Gordon).
Elements of comparative philology. London, 1862.
The object of this volume is, as the author states in his preface, "to
lay before the reader the chief facts and the chief trains of reasoning
in Comparative Philology." Among the great mass of material accumulated
for the purpose a share is devoted to the languages of North America.
The remarks under these are often taken verbatim from the author's
earlier papers, to which reference has been made above, and the family
names and classification set forth in them are substantially repeated.
1862. Hayden (Ferdinand Vandeveer).
Contributions to the ethnography and philology of the Indian tribes of
the Missouri Valley. Philadelphia, 1862.
This is a valuable contribution to our knowledge of the Missouri River
tribes, made at a time when the information concerning them was none too
precise. The tribes treated of are classified as follows:
I. Knisteneaux, or Crees. }
II. Blackfeet. } Algonkin Group, A.
III. Shyennes. }
IV. Arapohos. } Arapoho Group, B.
V. Atsinas. }
VI. Pawnees. } Pawnee Group, C.
VII. Arikaras. }
VIII. Dakotas. }
IX. Assiniboins. }
X. Crows. }
XI. Minnitarees. } Dakota Group, D.
XII. Mandans. }
XIII. Omahas. }
XIV. Iowas. }
1864. Orozco y Berra (Manuel).
Geografía de las Lenguas y Carta Etnográfica de México Precedidas de
un ensayo de clasificacion de las mismas lenguas y de apuntes para
las inmigraciones de las tribus. Mexico, 1864.
The work is divided into three parts. (1) Tentative classification of
the languages of Mexico; (2) notes on the immigration of the tribes of
Mexico; (3) geography of the languages of Mexico.
The author states that he has no knowledge whatever of the languages he
treats of. All he attempts to do is to summarize the opinions of others.
His authorities were (1) writers on native grammars; (2) missionaries;
(3) persons who are reputed to be versed in such matters. He professes
to have used his own judgment only when these authorities left him free
to do so.
His stated method in compiling the ethnographic map was to place before
him the map of a certain department, examine all his authorities bearing
on that department, and to mark with a distinctive color all localities
said to belong to a particular language. When this was done he drew a
boundary line around the area of that language. Examination of the map
shows that he has partly expressed on it the classification of languages
as given in the first part of his text, and partly limited himself to
indicating the geographic boundaries of languages, without, however,
giving the boundaries of all the languages mentioned in his lists.
1865. Pimentel (Francisco).
Cuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de las Lenguas Indígenas de México.
México, 1865.
According to the introduction this work is divided into three parts: (1)
descriptive; (2) comparative; (3) critical.
The author divides the treatment of each language into (1) its
mechanism; (2) its dictionary; (3) its grammar. By "mechanism" he means
pronunciation and composition; by "dictionary" he means the commonest or
most notable words.
In the case of each language he states the localities where it is
spoken, giving a short sketch of its history, the explanation of its
etymology, and a list of such writers on that language as he has become
acquainted with. Then follows: "mechanism, dictionary, and grammar."
Next he enumerates its dialects if there are any, and compares specimens
of them when he is able. He gives the Our Father when he can.
Volume I (1862) contains introduction and twelve languages. Volume II
(1865) contains fourteen groups of languages, a vocabulary of the Opata
language, and an appendix treating of the Comanche, the Coahuilteco, and
various languages of upper California.
Volume III (announced in preface of Volume II) is to contain the
"comparative part" (to be treated in the same "mixed" method as the
"descriptive part"), and a scientific classification of all the
languages spoken in Mexico.
In the "critical part" (apparently dispersed through the other two
parts) the author intends to pass judgment on the merits of the
languages of Mexico, to point out their good qualities and their
defects.
1870. Dall (William Healey).
On the distribution of the native tribes of Alaska and the adjacent
territory. In Proceedings of the American Association for the
Advancement of Science. Cambridge, 1870, vol. 18.
In this important paper is presented much interesting information
concerning the inhabitants of Alaska and adjacent territories. The
natives are divided into two groups, the Indians of the interior, and
the inhabitants of the coast, or Esquimaux. The latter are designated by
the term Orarians, which are composed of three lesser groups, Eskimo,
Aleutians, and Tuski. The Orarians are distinguished, first, by their
language; second, by their distribution; third, by their habits; fourth,
by their physical characteristics.
1870. Dall (William Healey).
Alaska and its Resources. Boston, 1870.
The classification followed is practically the same as is given in the
author's article in the Proceedings of the American Association for the
Advancement of Science.
1877. Dall (William Healey).
Tribes of the extreme northwest. In Contributions to North American
Ethnology (published by United States Geographical and Geological
Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region). Washington, 1877, vol. 1.
This is an amplification of the paper published in the Proceedings of
the American Association, as above cited. The author states that
"numerous additions and corrections, as well as personal observations of
much before taken at second hand, have placed it in my power to enlarge
and improve my original arrangement."
In this paper the Orarians are divided into "two well marked groups,"
the Innuit, comprising all the so-called Eskimo and Tuskis, and the
Aleuts. The paper proper is followed by an appendix by Gibbs and Dall,
in which are presented a series of vocabularies from the northwest,
including dialects of the Tlinkit and Haida nations, T'sim-si-ans, and
others.
1877. Gibbs (George).
Tribes of Western Washington and Northwestern Oregon. In Contributions
to North American Ethnology. Washington, 1887, vol. 1.
This is a valuable article, and gives many interesting particulars of
the tribes of which it treats. References are here and there made to the
languages of the several tribes, with, however, no attempt at their
classification. A table follows the report, in which is given by Dall,
after Gibbs, a classification of the tribes mentioned by Gibbs. Five
families are mentioned, viz: N[-u]tka, Sahaptin, Tinneh, Selish, and
T'sin[-u]k. The comparative vocabularies follow Part II.
1877. Powers (Stephen).
Tribes of California. In Contributions to North American Ethnology.
Washington, 1877, vol. 3.
The extended paper on the Californian tribes which makes up the bulk of
this volume is the most important contribution to the subject ever made.
The author's unusual opportunities for personal observation among these
tribes were improved to the utmost and the result is a comparatively
full and comprehensive account of their habits and character.
Here and there are allusions to the languages spoken, with reference to
the families to which the tribes belong. No formal classification is
presented.
1877. Powell (John Wesley).
Appendix. Linguistics edited by J. W. Powell. In Contributions to
North American Ethnology. Washington, 1877, vol. 3.
This appendix consists of a series of comparative vocabularies collected
by Powers, Gibbs and others, classified into linguistic families, as
follows:
Family.
1. Ká-rok.
2. Yú-rok.
3. Chim-a-rí-ko.
4. Wish-osk.
5. Yú-ki.
6. Pómo.
7. Win-t[-u]nī.
8. M[-u]tī-s[-u]n.
9. Santa Barbara.
10. Yó-kuts.
11. Maiī-du.
12. A-cho-mâī-wi.
13. Sha[īs]-ta.
1877. Gatschet (Albert Samuel).
Indian languages of the Pacific States and Territories. In Magazine of
American History. New York, 1877, vol. 1.
After some remarks concerning the nature of language and of the special
characteristics of Indian languages, the author gives a synopsis of the
languages of the Pacific region. The families mentioned are:
1. Shóshoni. 15. Cahrok.
2. Yuma. 16. Tolewa.
3. Pima. 17. Shasta.
4. Santa Barbara. 18. Pit River.
5. Mutsun. 19. Klamath.
6. Yocut. 20. Tinné.
7. Meewoc. 21. Yakon.
8. Meidoo. 22. Cayuse.
9. Wintoon. 23. Kalapuya.
10. Yuka. 24. Chinook.
11. Pomo. 25. Sahaptin.
12. Wishosk. 26. Selish.
13. Eurok. 27. Nootka.
14. Weits-pek. 28. Kootenai.
This is an important paper, and contains notices of several new stocks,
derived from a study of the material furnished by Powers.
The author advocates the plan of using a system of nomenclature similar
in nature to that employed in zoology in the case of generic and
specific names, adding after the name of the tribe the family to which
it belongs; thus: Warm Springs, Sahaptin.
1878. Powell (John Wesley).
The nationality of the Pueblos. In the Rocky Mountain Presbyterian.
Denver, November, 1878.
This is a half-column article, the object of which is to assign the
several Pueblos to their proper stocks. A paragraph is devoted to
contradicting the popular belief that the Pueblos are in some way
related to the Aztecs. No vocabularies are given or cited, though the
classification is stated to be a linguistic one.
1878. Keane (Augustus H).
Appendix. Ethnography and philology of America. In Stanford's
Compendium of Geography and Travel, edited and extended by H. W.
Bates. London, 1878.
In the appendix are given, first, some of the more general
characteristics and peculiarities of Indian languages, followed by a
classification of all the tribes of North America, after which is given
an alphabetical list of American tribes and languages, with their
habitats and the stock to which they belong.
The classification is compiled from many sources, and although it
contains many errors and inconsistencies, it affords on the whole a good
general idea of prevalent views on the subject.
1880. Powell (John Wesley).
Pueblo Indians. In the American Naturalist. Philadelphia, 1880,
vol. 14.
This is a two-page article in which is set forth a classification of the
Pueblo Indians from linguistic considerations. The Pueblos are divided
into four families or stocks, viz:
1. Shínumo.
2. Zunian.
3. Kéran.
4. Téwan.
Under the several stocks is given a list of those who have collected
vocabularies of these languages and a reference to their publication.
1880. Eells (Myron).
The Twana language of Washington Territory. In the American
Antiquarian. Chicago, 1880-'81, vol. 3.
This is a brief article--two and a half pages--on the Twana, Clallam,
and Chemakum Indians. The author finds, upon a comparison of
vocabularies, that the Chemakum language has little in common with
its neighbors.
1885. Dall (William Healey).
The native tribes of Alaska. In Proceedings of the American
Association for the Advancement of Science, thirty-fourth meeting,
held at Ann Arbor, Mich., August, 1885. Salem, 1886.
This paper is a timely contribution to the subject of the Alaska tribes,
and carries it from the point at which the author left it in 1869 to
date, briefly summarizing the several recent additions to knowledge. It
ends with a geographical classification of the Innuit and Indian tribes
of Alaska, with estimates of their numbers.
1885. Bancroft (Hubert Howe).
The works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, vol. 3: the native races, vol. 3,
myths and languages. San Francisco, 1882.
[Transcriber's Note:
Vols. 1-5 collectively are "The Native Races"; vol. 3 is _Myths and
Languages_.]
In the chapter on that subject the languages are classified by divisions
which appear to correspond to groups, families, tribes, and dialects.
The classification does not, however, follow any consistent plan, and is
in parts unintelligible.
1882. Gatschet (Albert Samuel).
Indian languages of the Pacific States and Territories and of the
Pueblos of New Mexico. In the Magazine of American History. New
York, 1882, vol. 8.
This paper is in the nature of a supplement to a previous one in the
same magazine above referred to. It enlarges further on several of the
stocks there considered, and, as the title indicates, treats also of the
Pueblo languages. The families mentioned are:
1. Chimariko.
2. Washo.
3. Yákona.
4. Sayúskla.
5. Kúsa.
6. Takilma.
7. Rio Grande Pueblo.
8. Kera.
9. Zuņi.
1883. Hale (Horatio).
Indian migrations, as evidenced by language. In The American
Antiquarian and Oriental Journal. Chicago, 1888, vol. 5.
In connection with the object of this paper--the study of Indian
migrations--several linguistic stocks are mentioned, and the linguistic
affinities of a number of tribes are given. The stocks mentioned are:
Huron-Cherokee.
Dakota.
Algonkin.
Chahta-Muskoki.
1885. Tolmie (W. Fraser) and Dawson (George M.)
Comparative vocabularies of the Indian tribes of British Columbia,
with a map illustrating distribution (Geological and Natural History
Survey of Canada). Montreal, 1884.
The vocabularies presented constitute an important contribution to
linguistic science. They represent "one or more dialects of every Indian
language spoken on the Pacific slope from the Columbia River north to
the Tshilkat River, and beyond, in Alaska; and from the outermost
sea-board to the main continental divide in the Rocky Mountains."
A colored map shows the area occupied by each linguistic family.
* * * * *
LINGUISTIC MAP.
In 1836 Gallatin conferred a great boon upon linguistic students by
classifying all the existing material relating to this subject. Even in
the light of the knowledge of the present day his work is found to rest
upon a sound basis. The material of Gallatin's time, however, was too
scanty to permit of more than an outline of the subject. Later writers
have contributed to the work, and the names of Latham, Turner, Prichard,
Buschmann, Hale, Gatschet, and others are connected with important
classificatory results.
The writer's interest in linguistic work and the inception of a plan for
a linguistic classification of Indian languages date back about 20
years, to a time when he was engaged in explorations in the West. Being
brought into contact with many tribes, it was possible to collect a
large amount of original material. Subsequently, when the Bureau of
Ethnology was organized, this store was largely increased through the
labors of others. Since then a very large body of literature published
in Indian languages has been accumulated, and a great number of
vocabularies have been gathered by the Bureau assistants and by
collaborators in various parts of the country. The results of a study of
all this material, and of much historical data, which necessarily enters
largely into work of this character, appear in the accompanying map.
The contributions to the subject during the last fifty years have been
so important, and the additions to the material accessible to the
student of Gallatin's time have been so large, that much of the reproach
which deservedly attached to American scholars because of the neglect of
American linguistics has been removed. The field is a vast one, however,
and the workers are comparatively few. Moreover, opportunities for
collecting linguistic material are growing fewer day by day, as tribes
are consolidated upon reservations, as they become civilized, and as the
older Indians, who alone are skilled in their language, die, leaving, it
may be, only a few imperfect vocabularies as a basis for future study.
History has bequeathed to us the names of many tribes, which became
extinct in early colonial times, of whose language not a hint is left
and whose linguistic relations must ever remain unknown.
It is vain to grieve over neglected opportunities unless their
contemplation stimulates us to utilize those at hand. There are yet many
gaps to be filled, even in so elementary a part of the study as the
classification of the tribes by language. As to the detailed study of
the different linguistic families, the mastery and analysis of the
languages composing them, and their comparison with one another and with
the languages of other families, only a beginning has been made.
After the above statement it is hardly necessary to add that the
accompanying map does not purport to represent final results. On the
contrary, it is to be regarded as tentative, setting forth in visible
form the results of investigation up to the present time, as a guide and
aid to future effort.
Each of the colors or patterns upon the map represents a distinct
linguistic family, the total number of families contained in the whole
area being fifty-eight. It is believed that the families of languages
represented upon the map can not have sprung from a common source; they
are as distinct from one another in their vocabularies and apparently in
their origin as from the Aryan or the Scythian families. Unquestionably,
future and more critical study will result in the fusion of some of
these families. As the means for analysis and comparison accumulate,
resemblances now hidden will be brought to light, and relationships
hitherto unsuspected will be shown to exist. Such a result may be
anticipated with the more certainty inasmuch as the present
classification has been made upon a conservative plan. Where
relationships between families are suspected, but can not be
demonstrated by convincing evidence, it has been deemed wiser not to
unite them, but to keep them apart until more material shall have
accumulated and proof of a more convincing character shall have been
brought forward. While some of the families indicated on the map may in
future be united to other families, and the number thus be reduced,
there seems to be no ground for the belief that the total of the
linguistic families of this country will be materially diminished, at
least under the present methods of linguistic analysis, for there is
little reason to doubt that, as the result of investigation in the
field, there will be discovered tribes speaking languages not
classifiable under any of the present families; thus the decrease in the
total by reason of consolidation may be compensated by a corresponding
increase through discovery. It may even be possible that some of the
similarities used in combining languages into families may, on further
study, prove to be adventitious, and the number may be increased
thereby. To which side the numerical balance will fall remains for the
future to decide.
As stated above, all the families occupy the same basis of dissimilarity
from one another--i.e., none of them are related--and consequently no
two of them are either more or less alike than any other two, except
in so far as mere coincidences and borrowed material may be said to
constitute likeness and relationship. Coincidences in the nature of
superficial word resemblances are common in all languages of the world.
No matter how widely separated geographically two families of languages
may be, no matter how unlike their vocabularies, how distinct their
origin, some words may always be found which appear upon superficial
examination to indicate relationship. There is not a single Indian
linguistic family, for instance, which does not contain words similar
in sound, and more rarely similar in both sound and meaning, to words
in English, Chinese, Hebrew, and other languages. Not only do such
resemblances exist, but they have been discovered and pointed out, not
as mere adventitious similarities, but as proof of genetic relationship.
Borrowed linguistic material also appears in every family, tempting the
unwary investigator into making false analogies and drawing erroneous
conclusions. Neither coincidences nor borrowed material, however, can be
properly regarded as evidence of cognation.
While occupying the same plane of genetic dissimilarity, the families
are by no means alike as regards either the extent of territory
occupied, the number of tribes grouped under them respectively, or the
number of languages and dialects of which they are composed. Some of
them cover wide areas, whose dimensions are stated in terms of latitude
and longitude rather than by miles. Others occupy so little space that
the colors representing them are hardly discernible upon the map. Some
of them contain but a single tribe; others are represented by scores of
tribes. In the case of a few, the term "family" is commensurate with
language, since there is but one language and no dialects. In the case
of others, their tribes spoke several languages, so distinct from one
another as to be for the most part mutually unintelligible, and the
languages shade into many dialects more or less diverse.
The map, designed primarily for the use of students who are engaged in
investigating the Indians of the United States, was at first limited to
this area; subsequently its scope was extended to include the whole of
North America north of Mexico. Such an extension of its plan was,
indeed, almost necessary, since a number of important families, largely
represented in the United States, are yet more largely represented in
the territory to the north, and no adequate conception of the size and
relative importance of such families as the Algonquian, Siouan,
Salishan, Athapascan, and others can be had without including
extralimital territory.
To the south, also, it happens that several linguistic stocks extend
beyond the boundaries of the United States. Three families are, indeed,
mainly extralimital in their position, viz: Yuman, the great body of the
tribes of which family inhabited the peninsula of Lower California;
Piman, which has only a small representation in southern Arizona; and
the Coahuiltecan, which intrudes into southwestern Texas. The Athapascan
family is represented in Arizona and New Mexico by the well known Apache
and Navajo, the former of whom have gained a strong foothold in northern
Mexico, while the Taņoan, a Pueblo family of the upper Rio Grande, has
established a few pueblos lower down the river in Mexico. For the
purpose of necessary comparison, therefore, the map is made to include
all of North America north of Mexico, the entire peninsula of Lower
California, and so much of Mexico as is necessary to show the range of
families common to that country and to the United States. It is left to
a future occasion to attempt to indicate the linguistic relations of
Mexico and Central America, for which, it may be remarked in passing,
much material has been accumulated.
It is apparent that a single map can not be made to show the locations
of the several linguistic families at different epochs; nor can a single
map be made to represent the migrations of the tribes composing the
linguistic families. In order to make a clear presentation of the latter
subject, it would be necessary to prepare a series of maps showing the
areas successively occupied by the several tribes as they were disrupted
and driven from section to section under the pressure of other tribes or
the vastly more potent force of European encroachment. Although the data
necessary for a complete representation of tribal migration, even for
the period subsequent to the advent of the European, does not exist,
still a very large body of material bearing upon the subject is at hand,
and exceedingly valuable results in this direction could be presented
did not the amount of time and labor and the large expense attendant
upon such a project forbid the attempt for the present.
The map undertakes to show the habitat of the linguistic families only,
and this is for but a single period in their history, viz, at the time
when the tribes composing them first became known to the European, or
when they first appear on recorded history. As the dates when the
different tribes became known vary, it follows as a matter of course
that the periods represented by the colors in one portion of the map are
not synchronous with those in other portions. Thus the data for the
Columbia River tribes is derived chiefly from the account of the journey
of Lewis and Clarke in 1803-'05, long before which period radical
changes of location had taken place among the tribes of the eastern
United States. Again, not only are the periods represented by the
different sections of the map not synchronous, but only in the case of a
few of the linguistic families, and these usually the smaller ones, is
it possible to make the coloring synchronous for different sections of
the same family. Thus our data for the location of some of the northern
members of the Shoshonean family goes back to 1804, a date at which
absolutely no knowledge had been gained of most of the southern members
of the group, our first accounts of whom began about 1850. Again, our
knowledge of the eastern Algonquian tribes dates back to about 1600,
while no information was had concerning the Atsina, Blackfeet, Cheyenne,
and the Arapaho, the westernmost members of the family, until two
centuries later.
Notwithstanding these facts, an attempt to fix upon the areas formerly
occupied by the several linguistic families, and of the pristine homes
of many of the tribes composing them, is by no means hopeless. For
instance, concerning the position of the western tribes during the
period of early contact of our colonies and its agreement with their
position later when they appear in history, it may be inferred that as a
rule it was stationary, though positive evidence is lacking. When
changes of tribal habitat actually took place they were rarely in the
nature of extensive migration, by which a portion of a linguistic family
was severed from the main body, but usually in the form of encroachment
by a tribe or tribes upon neighboring territory, which resulted simply
in the extension of the limits of one linguistic family at the expense
of another, the defeated tribes being incorporated or confined within
narrower limits. If the above inference be correct, the fact that
different chronologic periods are represented upon the map is of
comparatively little importance, since, if the Indian tribes were in the
main sedentary, and not nomadic, the changes resulting in the course of
one or two centuries would not make material differences. Exactly the
opposite opinion, however, has been expressed by many writers, viz, that
the North American Indian tribes were nomadic. The picture presented by
these writers is of a medley of ever-shifting tribes, to-day here,
to-morrow there, occupying new territory and founding new homes--if
nomads can be said to have homes--only to abandon them. Such a picture,
however, is believed to convey an erroneous idea of the former condition
of our Indian tribes. As the question has significance in the present
connection it must be considered somewhat at length.
INDIAN TRIBES SEDENTARY.
In the first place, the linguistic map, based as it is upon the earliest
evidence obtainable, itself offers conclusive proof, not only that the
Indian tribes were in the main sedentary at the time history first
records their position, but that they had been sedentary for a very long
period. In order that this may be made plain, it should be clearly
understood, as stated above, that each of the colors or patterns upon
the map indicates a distinct linguistic family. It will be noticed that
the colors representing the several families are usually in single
bodies, i.e., that they represent continuous areas, and that with some
exceptions the same color is not scattered here and there over the map
in small spots. Yet precisely this last state of things is what would be
expected had the tribes representing the families been nomadic to a
marked degree. If nomadic tribes occupied North America, instead of
spreading out each from a common center, as the colors show that the
tribes composing the several families actually did, they would have been
dispersed here and there over the whole face of the country. That they
are not so dispersed is considered proof that in the main they were
sedentary. It has been stated above that more or less extensive
migrations of some tribes over the country had taken place prior to
European occupancy. This fact is disclosed by a glance at the present
map. The great Athapascan family, for instance, occupying the larger
part of British America, is known from linguistic evidence to have sent
off colonies into Oregon (Wilopah, Tlatskanai, Coquille), California
(Smith River tribes, Kenesti or Wailakki tribes, Hupa), and Arizona and
New Mexico (Apache, Navajo). How long before European occupancy of this
country these migrations took place can not be told, but in the case of
most of them it was undoubtedly many years. By the test of language it
is seen that the great Siouan family, which we have come to look upon as
almost exclusively western, had one offshoot in Virginia (Tutelo),
another in North and South Carolina (Catawba), and a third in
Mississippi (Biloxi); and the Algonquian family, so important in the
early history of this country, while occupying a nearly continuous area
in the north and east, had yet secured a foothold, doubtless in very
recent times, in Wyoming and Colorado. These and other similar facts
sufficiently prove the power of individual tribes or gentes to sunder
relations with the great body of their kindred and to remove to distant
homes. Tested by linguistic evidence, such instances appear to be
exceptional, and the fact remains that in the great majority of cases
the tribes composing linguistic families occupy continuous areas, and
hence are and have been practically sedentary. Nor is the bond of a
common language, strong and enduring as that bond is usually thought to
be, entirely sufficient to explain the phenomenon here pointed out. When
small in number the linguistic tie would undoubtedly aid in binding
together the members of a tribe; but as the people speaking a common
language increase in number and come to have conflicting interests, the
linguistic tie has often proved to be an insufficient bond of union. In
the case of our Indian tribes feuds and internecine conflicts were
common between members of the same linguistic family. In fact, it is
probable that a very large number of the dialects into which Indian
languages are split originated as the result of internecine strife.
Factions, divided and separated from the parent body, by contact,
intermarriage, and incorporation with foreign tribes, developed distinct
dialects or languages.
But linguistic evidence alone need not be relied upon to prove that the
North American Indian was not nomadic.
Corroborative proof of the sedentary character of our Indian tribes is
to be found in the curious form of kinship system, with mother-right as
its chief factor, which prevails. This, as has been pointed out in
another place, is not adapted to the necessities of nomadic tribes,
which need to be governed by a patriarchal system, and, as well, to be
possessed of flocks and herds.
There is also an abundance of historical evidence to show that, when
first discovered by Europeans, the Indians of the eastern United States
were found living in fixed habitations. This does not necessarily imply
that the entire year was spent in one place. Agriculture not being
practiced to an extent sufficient to supply the Indian with full
subsistence, he was compelled to make occasional changes from his
permanent home to the more or less distant waters and forests to procure
supplies of food. When furnished with food and skins for clothing, the
hunting parties returned to the village which constituted their true
home. At longer periods, for several reasons--among which probably the
chief were the hostility of stronger tribes, the failure of the fuel
supply near the village, and the compulsion exercised by the ever lively
superstitious fancies of the Indians--the villages were abandoned and
new ones formed to constitute new homes, new focal points from which to
set out on their annual hunts and to which to return when these were
completed. The tribes of the eastern United States had fixed and
definitely bounded habitats, and their wanderings were in the nature of
temporary excursions to established points resorted to from time
immemorial. As, however, they had not yet entered completely into the
agricultural condition, to which they were fast progressing from the
hunter state, they may be said to have been nomadic to a very limited
extent. The method of life thus sketched was substantially the one which
the Indians were found practicing throughout the eastern part of the
United States, as also, though to a less degree, in the Pacific States.
Upon the Pacific coast proper the tribes were even more sedentary than
upon the Atlantic, as the mild climate and the great abundance and
permanent supply of fish and shellfish left no cause for a seasonal
change of abode.
When, however, the interior portions of the country were first visited
by Europeans, a different state of affairs was found to prevail. There
the acquisition of the horse and the possession of firearms had wrought
very great changes in aboriginal habits. The acquisition of the former
enabled the Indian of the treeless plains to travel distances with ease
and celerity which before were practically impossible, and the
possession of firearms stimulated tribal aggressiveness to the utmost
pitch. Firearms were everywhere doubly effective in producing changes in
tribal habitats, since the somewhat gradual introduction of trade placed
these deadly weapons in the hands of some tribes, and of whole congeries
of tribes, long before others could obtain them. Thus the general state
of tribal equilibrium which had before prevailed was rudely disturbed.
Tribal warfare, which hitherto had been attended with inconsiderable
loss of life and slight territorial changes, was now made terribly
destructive, and the territorial possessions of whole groups of tribes
were augmented at the expense of those less fortunate. The horse made
wanderers of many tribes which there is sufficient evidence to show were
formerly nearly sedentary. Firearms enforced migration and caused
wholesale changes in the habitats of tribes, which, in the natural order
of events, it would have taken many centuries to produce. The changes
resulting from these combined agencies, great as they were, are,
however, slight in comparison with the tremendous effects of the
wholesale occupancy of Indian territory by Europeans. As the acquisition
of territory by the settlers went on, a wave of migration from east to
west was inaugurated which affected tribes far remote from the point of
disturbance, ever forcing them within narrower and narrower bounds, and,
as time went on, producing greater and greater changes throughout the
entire country.
So much of the radical change in tribal habitats as took place in the
area remote from European settlements, mainly west of the Mississippi,
is chiefly unrecorded, save imperfectly in Indian tradition, and is
chiefly to be inferred from linguistic evidence and from the few facts
in our possession. As, however, the most important of these changes
occurred after, and as a result of, European occupancy, they are noted
in history, and thus the map really gives a better idea of the pristine
or prehistoric habitat of the tribes than at first might be thought
possible.
Before speaking of the method of establishing the boundary lines between
the linguistic families, as they appear upon the map, the nature of the
Indian claim to land and the manner and extent of its occupation should
be clearly set forth.
POPULATION.
As the question of the Indian population of the country has a direct
bearing upon the extent to which the land was actually occupied, a few
words on the subject will be introduced here, particularly as the area
included in the linguistic map is so covered with color that it may
convey a false impression of the density of the Indian population.
As a result of an investigation of the subject of the early Indian
population, Col. Mallery long ago arrived at the conclusion that their
settlements were not numerous, and that the population, as compared with
the enormous territory occupied, was extremely small.[1]
[Footnote 1: Proc. Am. Ass. Adv. Science, 1877, vol. 26.]
Careful examination since the publication of the above tends to
corroborate the soundness of the conclusions there first formulated.
The subject may be set forth as follows:
The sea shore, the borders of lakes, and the banks of rivers, where fish
and shell-fish were to be obtained in large quantities, were naturally
the Indians' chief resort, and at or near such places were to be found
their permanent settlements. As the settlements and lines of travel of
the early colonists were along the shore, the lakes and the rivers,
early estimates of the Indian population were chiefly based upon the
numbers congregated along these highways, it being generally assumed
that away from the routes of travel a like population existed. Again,
over-estimates of population resulted from the fact that the same body
of Indians visited different points during the year, and not
infrequently were counted two or three times; change of permanent
village sites also tended to augment estimates of population.
For these and other reasons a greatly exaggerated idea of the Indian
population was obtained, and the impressions so derived have been
dissipated only in comparatively recent times.
As will be stated more fully later, the Indian was dependent to no small
degree upon natural products for his food supply. Could it be affirmed
that the North American Indians had increased to a point where they
pressed upon the food supply, it would imply a very much larger
population than we are justified in assuming from other considerations.
But for various reasons the Malthusian law, whether applicable elsewhere
or not, can not be applied to the Indians of this country. Everywhere
bountiful nature had provided an unfailing and practically inexhaustible
food supply. The rivers teemed with fish and mollusks, and the forests
with game, while upon all sides was an abundance of nutritious roots and
seeds. All of these sources were known, and to a large extent they were
drawn upon by the Indian, but the practical lesson of providing in the
season of plenty for the season of scarcity had been but imperfectly
learned, or, when learned, was but partially applied. Even when taught
by dire experience the necessity of laying up adequate stores, it was
the almost universal practice to waste great quantities of food by a
constant succession of feasts, in the superstitious observances of which
the stores were rapidly wasted and plenty soon gave way to scarcity and
even to famine.
Curiously enough, the hospitality which is so marked a trait among our
North American Indians had its source in a law, the invariable practice
of which has had a marked effect in retarding the acquisition by the
Indian of the virtue of providence. As is well known, the basis of the
Indian social organization was the kinship system. By its provisions
almost all property was possessed in common by the gens or clan. Food,
the most important of all, was by no means left to be exclusively
enjoyed by the individual or the family obtaining it.
For instance, the distribution of game among the families of a party was
variously provided for in different tribes, but the practical effect of
the several customs relating thereto was the sharing of the supply. The
hungry Indian had but to ask to receive and this no matter how small the
supply, or how dark the future prospect. It was not only his privilege
to ask, it was his right to demand. Undoubtedly what was originally a
right, conferred by kinship connections, ultimately assumed broader
proportions, and finally passed into the exercise of an almost
indiscriminate hospitality. By reason of this custom, the poor hunter
was virtually placed upon equality with the expert one, the lazy with
the industrious, the improvident with the more provident. Stories of
Indian life abound with instances of individual families or parties
being called upon by those less fortunate or provident to share their
supplies.
The effect of such a system, admirable as it was in many particulars,
practically placed a premium upon idleness. Under such communal rights
and privileges a potent spur to industry and thrift is wanting.
There is an obverse side to this problem, which a long and intimate
acquaintance with the Indians in their villages has forced upon the
writer. The communal ownership of food and the great hospitality
practiced by the Indian have had a very much greater influence upon his
character than that indicated in the foregoing remarks. The peculiar
institutions prevailing in this respect gave to each tribe or clan a
profound interest in the skill, ability and industry of each member. He
was the most valuable person in the community who supplied it with the
most of its necessities. For this reason the successful hunter or
fisherman was always held in high honor, and the woman, who gathered
great store of seeds, fruits, or roots, or who cultivated a good
corn-field, was one who commanded the respect and received the highest
approbation of the people. The simple and rude ethics of a tribal people
are very important to them, the more so because of their communal
institutions; and everywhere throughout the tribes of the United States
it is discovered that their rules of conduct were deeply implanted in
the minds of the people. An organized system of teaching is always
found, as it is the duty of certain officers of the clan to instruct the
young in all the industries necessary to their rude life, and simple
maxims of industry abound among the tribes and are enforced in diverse
and interesting ways. The power of the elder men in the clan over its
young members is always very great, and the training of the youth is
constant and rigid. Besides this, a moral sentiment exists in favor of
primitive virtues which is very effective in molding character. This may
be illustrated in two ways.
Marriage among all Indian tribes is primarily by legal appointment, as
the young woman receives a husband from some other prescribed clan or
clans, and the elders of the clan, with certain exceptions, control
these marriages, and personal choice has little to do with the affair.
When marriages are proposed, the virtues and industry of the candidates,
and more than all, their ability to properly live as married couples and
to supply the clan or tribe with a due amount of subsistence, are
discussed long and earnestly, and the young man or maiden who fails in
this respect may fail in securing an eligible and desirable match. And
these motives are constantly presented to the savage youth.
A simple democracy exists among these people, and they have a variety of
tribal offices to fill. In this way the men of the tribe are graded, and
they pass from grade to grade by a selection practically made by the
people. And this leads to a constant discussion of the virtues and
abilities of all the male members of the clan, from boyhood to old age.
He is most successful in obtaining clan and tribal promotion who is most
useful to the clan and the tribe. In this manner all of the ambitious
are stimulated, and this incentive to industry is very great.
When brought into close contact with the Indian, and into intimate
acquaintance with his language, customs, and religious ideas, there is a
curious tendency observable in students to overlook aboriginal vices and
to exaggerate aboriginal virtues. It seems to be forgotten that after
all the Indian is a savage, with the characteristics of a savage, and he
is exalted even above the civilized man. The tendency is exactly the
reverse of what it is in the case of those who view the Indian at a
distance and with no precise knowledge of any of his characteristics. In
the estimation of such persons the Indian's vices greatly outweigh his
virtues; his language is a gibberish, his methods of war cowardly, his
ideas of religion utterly puerile.
The above tendencies are accentuated in the attempt to estimate the
comparative worth and position of individual tribes. No being is more
patriotic than the Indian. He believes himself to be the result of a
special creation by a partial deity and holds that his is the one
favored race. The name by which the tribes distinguish themselves from
other tribes indicates the further conviction that, as the Indian is
above all created things, so in like manner each particular tribe is
exalted above all others. "Men of men" is the literal translation of one
name; "the only men" of another, and so on through the whole category. A
long residence with any one tribe frequently inoculates the student with
the same patriotic spirit. Bringing to his study of a particular tribe
an inadequate conception of Indian attainments and a low impression of
their moral and intellectual plane, the constant recital of its virtues,
the bravery and prowess of its men in war, their generosity, the chaste
conduct and obedience of its women as contrasted with the opposite
qualities of all other tribes, speedily tends to partisanship. He
discovers many virtues and finds that the moral and intellectual
attainments are higher than he supposed; but these advantages he
imagines to be possessed solely, or at least to an unusual degree, by
the tribe in question. Other tribes are assigned much lower rank in the
scale.
The above is peculiarly true of the student of language. He who studies
only one Indian language and learns its manifold curious grammatic
devices, its wealth of words, its capacity of expression, is speedily
convinced of its superiority to all other Indian tongues, and not
infrequently to all languages by whomsoever spoken.
If like admirable characteristics are asserted for other tongues he is
apt to view them but as derivatives from one original. Thus he is led to
overlook the great truth that the mind of man is everywhere practically
the same, and that the innumerable differences of its products are
indices merely of different stages of growth or are the results of
different conditions of environment. In its development the human mind
is limited by no boundaries of tribe or race.
Again, a long acquaintance with many tribes in their homes leads to the
belief that savage people do not lack industry so much as wisdom. They
are capable of performing, and often do perform, great and continuous
labor. The men and women alike toil from day to day and from year to
year, engaged in those tasks that are presented with the recurring
seasons. In civilization, hunting and fishing are often considered
sports, but in savagery they are labors, and call for endurance,
patience, and sagacity. And these are exercised to a reasonable degree
among all savage peoples.
It is probable that the real difficulty of purchasing quantities of food
from Indians has, in most cases, not been properly understood. Unless
the alien is present at a time of great abundance, when there is more on
hand or easily obtainable than sufficient to supply the wants of the
people, food can not be bought of the Indians. This arises from the fact
that the tribal tenure is communal, and to get food by purchase requires
a treaty at which all the leading members of the tribe are present and
give consent.
As an illustration of the improvidence of the Indians generally, the
habits of the tribes along the Columbia River may be cited. The Columbia
River has often been pointed to as the probable source of a great part
of the Indian population of this country, because of the enormous supply
of salmon furnished by it and its tributaries. If an abundant and
readily obtained supply of food was all that was necessary to insure a
large population, and if population always increased up to the limit of
food supply, unquestionably the theory of repeated migratory waves of
surplus population from the Columbia Valley would be plausible enough.
It is only necessary, however, to turn to the accounts of the earlier
explorers of this region, Lewis and Clarke, for example, to refute the
idea, so far at least as the Columbia Valley is concerned, although a
study of the many diverse languages spread over the United States would
seem sufficiently to prove that the tribes speaking them could not have
originated at a common center, unless, indeed, at a period anterior to
the formation of organized language.
The Indians inhabiting the Columbia Valley were divided into many
tribes, belonging to several distinct linguistic families. They all were
in the same culture status, however, and differed in habits and arts
only in minor particulars. All of them had recourse to the salmon of the
Columbia for the main part of their subsistence, and all practiced
similar crude methods of curing fish and storing it away for the winter.
Without exception, judging from the accounts of the above mentioned and
of more recent authors, all the tribes suffered periodically more or
less from insufficient food supply, although, with the exercise of due
forethought and economy, even with their rude methods of catching and
curing salmon, enough might here have been cured annually to suffice for
the wants of the Indian population of the entire Northwest for several
years.
In their ascent of the river in spring, before the salmon run, it was
only with great difficulty that Lewis and Clarke were able to provide
themselves by purchase with enough food to keep themselves from
starving. Several parties of Indians from the vicinity of the Dalles,
the best fishing station on the river, were met on their way down in
quest of food, their supply of dried salmon having been entirely
exhausted.
Nor is there anything in the accounts of any of the early visitors to
the Columbia Valley to authorize the belief that the population there
was a very large one. As was the case with all fish-stocked streams, the
Columbia was resorted to in the fishing season by many tribes living at
considerable distance from it; but there is no evidence tending to show
that the settled population of its banks or of any part of its drainage
basin was or ever had been by any means excessive.
The Dalles, as stated above, was the best fishing station on the river,
and the settled population there may be taken as a fair index of that of
other favorable locations. The Dalles was visited by Ross in July, 1811,
and the following is his statement in regard to the population:
The main camp of the Indians is situated at the head of the narrows,
and may contain, during the salmon season, 3,000 souls, or more; but
the constant inhabitants of the place do not exceed 100 persons, and
are called Wy-am-pams; the rest are all foreigners from different
tribes throughout the country, who resort hither, not for the
purpose of catching salmon, but chiefly for gambling and
speculation.[2]
[Footnote 2: Adventures on the Columbia River, 1849, p. 117.]
And as it was on the Columbia with its enormous supply of fish, so was
it elsewhere in the United States.
Even the practice of agriculture, with its result of providing a more
certain and bountiful food supply, seems not to have had the effect of
materially augmenting the Indian population. At all events, it is in
California and Oregon, a region where agriculture was scarcely practiced
at all, that the most dense aboriginal population lived. There is no
reason to believe that there ever existed within the limits of the
region included in the map, with the possible exception of certain areas
in California, a population equal to the natural food supply. On the
contrary, there is every reason for believing that the population at the
time of the discovery might have been many times more than what it
actually was had a wise economy been practised.
The effect of wars in decimating the people has often been greatly
exaggerated. Since the advent of the white man on the continent, wars
have prevailed to a degree far beyond that existing at an earlier time.
From the contest which necessarily arose between the native tribes and
invading nations many wars resulted, and their history is well known.
Again, tribes driven from their ancestral homes often retreated to lands
previously occupied by other tribes, and intertribal wars resulted
therefrom. The acquisition of firearms and horses, through the agency of
white men, also had its influence, and when a commercial value was given
to furs and skins, the Indian abandoned agriculture to pursue hunting
and traffic, and sought new fields for such enterprises, and many new
contests arose from this cause. Altogether the character of the Indian
since the discovery of Columbus has been greatly changed, and he has
become far more warlike and predatory. Prior to that time, and far away
in the wilderness beyond such influence since that time, Indian tribes
seem to have lived together in comparative peace and to have settled
their difficulties by treaty methods. A few of the tribes had distinct
organizations for purposes of war; all recognized it to a greater or
less extent in their tribal organization; but from such study as has
been given the subject, and from the many facts collected from time to
time relating to the intercourse existing between tribes, it appears
that the Indians lived in comparative peace. Their accumulations were
not so great as to be tempting, and their modes of warfare were not
excessively destructive. Armed with clubs and spears and bows and
arrows, war could be prosecuted only by hand-to-hand conflict, and
depended largely upon individual prowess, while battle for plunder,
tribute, and conquest was almost unknown. Such intertribal wars as
occurred originated from other causes, such as infraction of rights
relating to hunting grounds and fisheries, and still oftener prejudices
growing out of their superstitions.
That which kept the Indian population down sprang from another source,
which has sometimes been neglected. The Indians had no reasonable or
efficacious system of medicine. They believed that diseases were caused
by unseen evil beings and by witchcraft, and every cough, every
toothache, every headache, every chill, every fever, every boil, and
every wound, in fact, all their ailments, were attributed to such cause.
Their so-called medicine practice was a horrible system of sorcery, and
to such superstition human life was sacrificed on an enormous scale. The
sufferers were given over to priest doctors to be tormented, bedeviled,
and destroyed; and a universal and profound belief in witchcraft made
them suspicious, and led to the killing of all suspected and obnoxious
people, and engendered blood feuds on a gigantic scale. It may be safely
said that while famine, pestilence, disease, and war may have killed
many, superstition killed more; in fact, a natural death in a savage
tent is a comparatively rare phenomenon; but death by sorcery, medicine,
and blood feud arising from a belief in witchcraft is exceedingly
common.
Scanty as was the population compared with the vast area teeming with
natural products capable of supporting human life, it may be safely said
that at the time of the discovery, and long prior thereto, practically
the whole of the area included in the present map was claimed and to
some extent occupied by Indian tribes; but the possession of land by the
Indian by no means implies occupancy in the modern or civilized sense of
the term. In the latter sense occupation means to a great extent
individual control and ownership. Very different was it with the
Indians. Individual ownership of land was, as a rule, a thing entirely
foreign to the Indian mind, and quite unknown in the culture stage to
which he belonged. All land, of whatever character or however utilized,
was held in common by the tribe, or in a few instances by the clan.
Apparently an exception to this broad statement is to be made in the
case of the Haida of the northwest coast, who have been studied by
Dawson. According to him[3] the land is divided among the different
families and is held as strictly personal property, with hereditary
rights or possessions descending from one generation to another. "The
lands may be bartered or given away. The larger salmon streams are,
however, often the property jointly of a number of families." The
tendency in this case is toward personal right in land.
[Footnote 3: Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands, 1878, p. 117.]
TRIBAL LAND.
For convenience of discussion, Indian tribal land may be divided into
three classes: First, the land occupied by the villages; second, the
land actually employed in agriculture; third, the land claimed by the
tribe but not occupied, except as a hunting ground.
_Village sites_.--The amount of land taken up as village sites varied
considerably in different parts of the country. It varied also in the
same tribe at different times. As a rule, the North American Indians
lived in communal houses of sufficient size to accommodate several
families. In such cases the village consisted of a few large structures
closely grouped together, so that it covered very little ground. When
territory was occupied by warlike tribes, the construction of rude
palisades around the villages and the necessities of defense generally
tended to compel the grouping of houses, and the permanent village sites
of even the more populous tribes covered only a very small area. In the
case of confederated tribes and in the time of peace the tendency was
for one or more families to establish more or less permanent settlements
away from the main village, where a livelihood was more readily
obtainable. Hence, in territory which had enjoyed a considerable
interval of peace the settlements were in the nature of small
agricultural communities, established at short distances from each other
and extending in the aggregate over a considerable extent of country. In
the case of populous tribes the villages were probably of the character
of the Choctaw towns described by Adair.[4] "The barrier towns, which
are next to the Muskohge and Chikkasah countries, are compactly settled
for social defense, according to the general method of other savage
nations; but the rest, both in the center and toward the Mississippi,
are only scattered plantations, as best suits a separate easy way of
living. A stranger might be in the middle of one of their populous,
extensive towns without seeing half a dozen houses in the direct course
of his path." More closely grouped settlements are described by Wayne in
American State Papers, 1793, in his account of an expedition down the
Maumee Valley, where he states that "The margins of the Miamis of the
Lake and the Au Glaize appear like one continuous village for a number
of miles, nor have I ever beheld such immense fields of corn in any part
of America from Canada to Florida." Such a chain of villages as this was
probably highly exceptional; but even under such circumstances the
village sites proper formed but a very small part of the total area
occupied.
[Footnote 4: Hist. of Am. Ind., 1775, p. 282.]
From the foregoing considerations it will be seen that the amount of
land occupied as village sites under any circumstances was
inconsiderable.
_Agricultural land_.--It is practically impossible to make an accurate
estimate of the relative amount of land devoted to agricultural purposes
by any one tribe or by any family of tribes. None of the factors which
enter into the problem are known to us with sufficient accuracy to
enable reliable estimates to be made of the amount of land tilled or of
the products derived from the tillage; and only in few cases have we
trustworthy estimates of the population of the tribe or tribes
practicing agriculture. Only a rough approximation of the truth can be
reached from the scanty data available and from a general knowledge of
Indian methods of subsistence.
The practice of agriculture was chiefly limited to the region south of
the St. Lawrence and east of the Mississippi. In this region it was far
more general and its results were far more important than is commonly
supposed. To the west of the Mississippi only comparatively small areas
were occupied by agricultural tribes and these lay chiefly in New Mexico
and Arizona and along the Arkansas, Platte, and Missouri Rivers. The
rest of that region was tenanted by non-agricultural tribes--unless
indeed the slight attention paid to the cultivation of tobacco by a few
of the west coast tribes, notably the Haida, may be considered
agriculture. Within the first mentioned area most of the tribes, perhaps
all, practiced agriculture to a greater or less extent, though
unquestionably the degree of reliance placed upon it as a means of
support differed much with different tribes and localities.
Among many tribes agriculture was relied upon to supply an
important--and perhaps in the case of a few tribes, the most
important--part of the food supply. The accounts of some of the early
explorers in the southern United States, where probably agriculture was
more systematized than elsewhere, mention corn fields of great extent,
and later knowledge of some northern tribes, as the Iroquois and some of
the Ohio Valley tribes, shows that they also raised corn in great
quantities. The practice of agriculture to a point where it shall prove
the main and constant supply of a people, however, implies a degree of
sedentariness to which our Indians as a rule had not attained and an
amount of steady labor without immediate return which was peculiarly
irksome to them. Moreover, the imperfect methods pursued in clearing,
planting, and cultivating sufficiently prove that the Indians, though
agriculturists, were in the early stages of development as such--a fact
also attested by the imperfect and one-sided division of labor between
the sexes, the men as a rule taking but small share of the burdensome
tasks of clearing land, planting, and harvesting.
It is certain that by no tribe of the United States was agriculture
pursued to such an extent as to free its members from the practice of
the hunter's or fisher's art. Admitting the most that can be claimed for
the Indian as an agriculturist, it may be stated that, whether because
of the small population or because of the crude manner in which his
operations were carried on, the amount of land devoted to agriculture
within the area in question was infinitesimally small as compared with
the total. Upon a map colored to show only the village sites and
agricultural land, the colors would appear in small spots, while by far
the greater part of the map would remain uncolored.
_Hunting claims_.--The great body of the land within the area mapped
which was occupied by agricultural tribes, and all the land outside it,
was held as a common hunting ground, and the tribal claim to territory,
independent of village sites and corn fields, amounted practically to
little else than hunting claims. The community of possession in the
tribe to the hunting ground was established and practically enforced by
hunting laws, which dealt with the divisions of game among the village,
or among the families of the hunters actually taking part in any
particular hunt. As a rule, such natural landmarks as rivers, lakes,
hills, and mountain chains served to mark with sufficient accuracy the
territorial tribal limits. In California, and among the Haida and
perhaps other tribes of the northwest coast, the value of certain
hunting and fishing claims led to their definition by artificial
boundaries, as by sticks or stones.[5]
[Footnote 5: Powers, Cont. N.A. Eth. 1877, vol. 3, p. 109: Dawson,
Queen Charlotte Islands, 1880, p. 117.]
Such precautions imply a large population, and in such regions as
California the killing of game upon the land of adjoining tribes was
rigidly prohibited and sternly punished.
As stated above, every part of the vast area included in the present map
is to be regarded as belonging, according to Indian ideas of land title,
to one or another of the Indian tribes. To determine the several tribal
possessions and to indicate the proper boundary lines between individual
tribes and linguistic families is a work of great difficulty. This is
due more to the imperfection and scantiness of available data concerning
tribal claims than to the absence of claimants or to any ambiguity in
the minds of the Indians as to the boundaries of their several
possessions.
Not only is precise data wanting respecting the limits of land actually
held or claimed by many tribes, but there are other tribes, which
disappeared early in the history of our country, the boundaries to whose
habitat is to be determined only in the most general way. Concerning
some of these, our information is so vague that the very linguistic
family they belonged to is in doubt. In the case of probably no one
family are the data sufficient in amount and accuracy to determine
positively the exact areas definitely claimed or actually held by the
tribes. Even in respect of the territory of many of the tribes of the
eastern United States, much of whose land was ceded by actual treaty
with the Government, doubt exists. The fixation of the boundary points,
when these are specifically mentioned in the treaty, as was the rule, is
often extremely difficult, owing to the frequent changes of geographic
names and the consequent disagreement of present with ancient maps.
Moreover, when the Indian's claim to his land had been admitted by
Government, and the latter sought to acquire a title through voluntary
cession by actual purchase, land assumed a value to the Indian never
attaching to it before.
Under these circumstances, either under plea of immemorial occupancy or
of possession by right of conquest, the land was often claimed, and the
claims urged with more or less plausibility by several tribes, sometimes
of the same linguistic family, sometimes of different families.
It was often found by the Government to be utterly impracticable to
decide between conflicting claims, and not infrequently the only way out
of the difficulty lay in admitting the claim of both parties, and in
paying for the land twice or thrice. It was customary for a number of
different tribes to take part in such treaties, and not infrequently
several linguistic families were represented. It was the rule for each
tribe, through its representatives, to cede its share of a certain
territory, the natural boundaries of which as a whole are usually
recorded with sufficient accuracy. The main purpose of the Government in
treaty-making being to obtain possession of the land, comparatively
little attention was bestowed to defining the exact areas occupied by
the several tribes taking part in a treaty, except in so far as the
matter was pressed upon attention by disputing claimants. Hence the
territory claimed by each tribe taking part in the treaty is rarely
described, and occasionally not all the tribes interested in the
proposed cession are even mentioned categorically. The latter statement
applies more particularly to the territory west of the Mississippi, the
data for determining ownership to which is much less precise, and the
doubt and confusion respecting tribal boundary lines correspondingly
greater than in the country east of that river. Under the above
circumstances, it will be readily understood that to determine tribal
boundaries within accurately drawn lines is in the vast majority of
cases quite impossible.
Imperfect and defective as the terms of the treaties frequently are as
regards the definition of tribal boundaries, they are by far the most
accurate and important of the means at our command for fixing boundary
lines upon the present map. By their aid the territorial possessions of
a considerable number of tribes have been determined with desirable
precision, and such areas definitely established have served as checks
upon the boundaries of other tribes, concerning the location and extent
of whose possessions little is known.
For establishing the boundaries of such tribes as are not mentioned in
treaties, and of those whose territorial possessions are not given with
sufficient minuteness, early historical accounts are all important. Such
accounts, of course, rarely indicate the territorial possessions of the
tribes with great precision. In many cases, however, the sites of
villages are accurately given. In others the source of information
concerning a tribe is contained in a general statement of the occupancy
of certain valleys or mountain ranges or areas at the heads of certain
rivers, no limiting lines whatever being assigned. In others, still, the
notice of a tribe is limited to a brief mention of the presence in a
certain locality of hunting or war parties.
Data of this loose character would of course be worthless in an attempt
to fix boundary lines in accordance with the ideas of the modern
surveyor. The relative positions of the families and the relative size
of the areas occupied by them, however, and not their exact boundaries,
are the chief concern in a linguistic map, and for the purpose of
establishing these, and, in a rough way, the boundaries of the territory
held by the tribes composing them, these data are very important, and
when compared with one another and corrected by more definite data, when
such are at hand, they have usually been found to be sufficient for the
purpose.
SUMMARY OF DEDUCTIONS.
In conclusion, the more important deductions derivable from the data
upon which the linguistic map is based, or that are suggested by it, may
be summarized as follows:
First, the North American Indian tribes, instead of speaking related
dialects, originating in a single parent language, in reality speak many
languages belonging to distinct families, which have no apparent unity
of origin.
Second, the Indian population of North America was greatly exaggerated
by early writers, and instead of being large was in reality small as
compared with the vast territory occupied and the abundant food supply;
and furthermore, the population had nowhere augmented sufficiently,
except possibly in California, to press upon the food supply.
Third, although representing a small population, the numerous tribes had
overspread North America and had possessed themselves of all the
territory, which, in the case of a great majority of tribes, was owned
in common by the tribe.
Fourth, prior to the advent of the European, the tribes were probably
nearly in a state of equilibrium, and were in the main sedentary, and
those tribes which can be said with propriety to have been nomadic
became so only after the advent of the European, and largely as the
direct result of the acquisition of the horse and the introduction of
firearms.
Fifth, while agriculture was general among the tribes of the eastern
United States, and while it was spreading among western tribes, its
products were nowhere sufficient wholly to emancipate the Indian from
the hunter state.
* * * * *
LINGUISTIC FAMILIES.
Within the area covered by the map there are recognized fifty-eight
distinct linguistic families.
These are enumerated in alphabetical order and each is accompanied by
a table of the synonyms of the family name, together with a brief
statement of the geographical area occupied by each family, so far as it
is known. A list of the principal tribes of each family also is given.
ADAIZAN FAMILY.
= Adaize, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116, 306,
1836. Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc., Lond., II, 31-59, 1846. Latham,
Opuscula, 293, 1860. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, xcix, 1848.
Gallatin in Schoolcraft Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853. Latham, Elements
Comp. Phil., 477, 1862 (referred to as one of the most isolated
languages of N.A.). Keane, App. to Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So.
Am.), 478, 1878 (or Adees).
= Adaizi, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 406, 1847.
= Adaise, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848.
= Adahi, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 342, 1850. Latham in Trans. Philolog.
Soc., Lond., 103, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 366, 368, 1860. Latham,
Elements Comp., Phil., 473, 477, 1863 (same as his Adaize above).
= Adaes, Buschmann, Spuren der aztekischen Sprache, 424, 1859.
= Adees. Keane, App. to Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.) 478, 1878
(same as his Adaize).
= Adái, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., 41, 1884.
Derivation: From a Caddo word hadai, sig. "brush wood."
This family was based upon the language spoken by a single tribe who,
according to Dr. Sibley, lived about the year 1800 near the old Spanish
fort or mission of Adaize, "about 40 miles from Natchitoches, below the
Yattassees, on a lake called Lac Macdon, which communicates with the
division of Red River that passes by Bayau Pierre."[6] A vocabulary of
about two hundred and fifty words is all that remains to us of their
language, which according to the collector, Dr. Sibley, "differs from
all others, and is so difficult to speak or understand that no nation
can speak ten words of it."
[Footnote 6: Travels of Lewis and Clarke, London, 1809, p. 189.]
It was from an examination of Sibley's vocabulary that Gallatin reached
the conclusion of the distinctness of this language from any other
known, an opinion accepted by most later authorities. A recent
comparison of this vocabulary by Mr. Gatschet, with several Caddoan
dialects, has led to the discovery that a considerable percentage of the
Adái words have a more or less remote affinity with Caddoan, and he
regards it as a Caddoan dialect. The amount of material, however,
necessary to establish its relationship to Caddoan is not at present
forthcoming, and it may be doubted if it ever will be, as recent inquiry
has failed to reveal the existence of a single member of the tribe, or
of any individual of the tribes once surrounding the Adái who remembers
a word of the language.
Mr. Gatschet found that some of the older Caddo in the Indian Territory
remembered the Adái as one of the tribes formerly belonging to the Caddo
Confederacy. More than this he was unable to learn from them.
Owing to their small numbers, their remoteness from lines of travel, and
their unwarlike character the Adái have cut but a small figure in
history, and accordingly the known facts regarding them are very meager.
The first historical mention of them appears to be by Cabeįa de Vaca,
who in his "Naufragios," referring to his stay in Texas, about 1530,
calls them Atayos. Mention is also made of them by several of the early
French explorers of the Mississippi, as d'Iberville and Joutel.
The Mission of Adayes, so called from its proximity to the home of the
tribe, was established in 1715. In 1792 there was a partial emigration
of the Adái to the number of fourteen families to a site south of San
Antonio de Bejar, southwest Texas, where apparently they amalgamated
with the surrounding Indian population and were lost sight of. (From
documents preserved at the City Hall, San Antonio, and examined by Mr.
Gatschet in December, 1886.) The Adái who were left in their old homes
numbered one hundred in 1802, according to Baudry de Lozieres. According
to Sibley, in 1809 there were only "twenty men of them remaining, but
more women." In 1820 Morse mentions only thirty survivors.
ALGONQUIAN FAMILY.
> Algonkin-Lenape, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 23, 305,
1836. Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid, 1852.
> Algonquin, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., III, 337, 1840. Prichard Phys.
Hist. Mankind, V, 381, 1847 (follows Gallatin).
> Algonkins, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77,
1848. Gallatin in Schoolcraft Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853.
> Algonkin, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rept., III, pt. 3, 55, 1856 (gives
Delaware and Shawnee vocabs.). Hayden, Cont. Eth. and Phil. Missouri
Inds., 232, 1862 (treats only of Crees, Blackfeet, Shyennes). Hale in
Am. Antiq., 112, April, 1883 (treated with reference to migration).
< Algonkin, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 1856 (adds to
Gallatin's list of 1836 the Bethuck, Shyenne, Blackfoot, and
Arrapaho). Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860 (as in preceding). Latham,
Elements Comp. Phil, 447, 1862.
< Algonquin, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp., (Cent. and S. Am.), 460,
465, 1878 (list includes the Maquas, an Iroquois tribe).
> Saskatschawiner, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848 (probably
designates the Arapaho).
> Arapahoes, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.
X Algonkin und Beothuk, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.
Derivation: Contracted from Algomequin, an Algonkin word, signifying
"those on the other side of the river," i.e., the St. Lawrence River.
ALGONQUIAN AREA.
The area formerly occupied by the Algonquian family was more extensive
than that of any other linguistic stock in North America, their
territory reaching from Labrador to the Rocky Mountains, and from
Churchill River of Hudson Bay as far south at least as Pamlico Sound of
North Carolina. In the eastern part of this territory was an area
occupied by Iroquoian tribes, surrounded on almost all sides by their
Algonquian neighbors. On the south the Algonquian tribes were bordered
by those of Iroquoian and Siouan (Catawba) stock, on the southwest and
west by the Muskhogean and Siouan tribes, and on the northwest by the
Kitunahan and the great Athapascan families, while along the coast of
Labrador and the eastern shore of Hudson Bay they came in contact with
the Eskimo, who were gradually retreating before them to the north. In
Newfoundland they encountered the Beothukan family, consisting of but a
single tribe. A portion of the Shawnee at some early period had
separated from the main body of the tribe in central Tennessee and
pushed their way down to the Savannah River in South Carolina, where,
known as Savannahs, they carried on destructive wars with the
surrounding tribes until about the beginning of the eighteenth century
they were finally driven out and joined the Delaware in the north. Soon
afterwards the rest of the tribe was expelled by the Cherokee and
Chicasa, who thenceforward claimed all the country stretching north to
the Ohio River.
The Cheyenne and Arapaho, two allied tribes of this stock, had become
separated from their kindred on the north and had forced their way
through hostile tribes across the Missouri to the Black Hills country of
South Dakota, and more recently into Wyoming and Colorado, thus forming
the advance guard of the Algonquian stock in that direction, having the
Siouan tribes behind them and those of the Shoshonean family in front.
PRINCIPAL ALGONQUINIAN TRIBES.
Abnaki. Menominee. Ottawa.
Algonquin. Miami. Pamlico.
Arapaho. Micmac. Pennacook.
Cheyenne. Mohegan. Pequot.
Conoy. Montagnais. Piankishaw.
Cree. Montauk. Pottawotomi.
Delaware. Munsee. Powhatan.
Fox. Nanticoke. Sac.
Illinois. Narraganset. Shawnee.
Kickapoo. Nauset. Siksika.
Mahican. Nipmuc. Wampanoag.
Massachuset. Ojibwa. Wappinger.
_Population._--The present number of the Algonquian stock is about
95,600, of whom about 60,000 are in Canada and the remainder in the
United States. Below is given the population of the tribes officially
recognized, compiled chiefly from the United States Indian
Commissioner's report for 1889 and the Canadian Indian report for 1888.
It is impossible to give exact figures, owing to the fact that in many
instances two or more tribes are enumerated together, while many
individuals are living with other tribes or amongst the whites:
Abnaki:
"Oldtown Indians," Maine 410
Passamaquoddy Indians, Maine 215?
Abenakis of St. Francis and Bécancour, Quebec 369
"Amalecites" of Témiscouata and Viger, Quebec 198
"Amalecites" of Madawaska, etc., New Brunswick 683
----- 1,874?
Algonquin:
Of Renfrew, Golden Lake and Carleton, Ontario 797
With Iroquois (total 131) at Gibson, Ontario 31?
With Iroquois at Lake of Two Mountains, Quebec 30
Quebec Province 3,909
----- 4,767?
Arapaho:
Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian Territory 1,272
Shoshone Agency, Wyoming (Northern Arapaho) 885
Carlisle school, Pennsylvania,
and Lawrence school, Kansas 55
----- 2,212
Cheyenne:
Pine Ridge Agency, South Dakota (Northern Cheyenne) 517
Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian Territory 2,091
Carlisle school, Pennsylvania,
and Lawrence school, Kansas 153
Tongue River Agency, Montana (Northern Cheyenne) 865
----- 3,626
Cree:
With Salteau in Manitoba, etc., British America
(treaties Nos. 1, 2, and 5: total, 6,066) 3,066?
Plain and Wood Cree, treaty No. 6, Manitoba, etc. 5,790
Cree (with Salteau, etc.), treaty No. 4,
Manitoba, etc. 8,530
----- 17,386?
Delaware, etc.:
Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Agency, Indian Territory 95
Incorporated with Cherokee, Indian Territory 1,000?
Delaware with the Seneca in New York 3
Hampton and Lawrence schools 3
Muncie in New York,
principally with Onondaga and Seneca 36
Munsee with Stockbridge (total 133),
Green Bay Agency, Wis. 23?
Munsee with Chippewa at Pottawatomie and
Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas (total 75) 37?
Munsee with Chippewa on the Thames, Ontario 131
"Moravians" of the Thames, Ontario 288
Delaware with Six Nations on Grand River, Ontario 134
----- 1,750?
Kickapoo:
Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory 325
Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas 237
In Mexico 200?
----- 762?
Menominee:
Green Bay Agency, Wisconsin 1,311
Carlisle school 1
----- 1,312
Miami:
Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory 67
Indiana, no agency 300?
Lawrence and Carlisle schools 7
----- 374?
Micmac:
Restigouche, Maria, and Gaspé, Quebec 732
In Nova Scotia 2,145
New Brunswick 912
Prince Edward Island 319
----- 4,108
Misisauga:
Alnwick, New Credit, etc., Ontario 774
Monsoni, Maskegon, etc.:
Eastern Rupert's Land, British America 4,016
Montagnais:
Betsiamits, Lake St. John, Grand Romaine, etc., Quebec 1,607
Seven Islands, Quebec 312
----- 1,919
Nascapee:
Lower St. Lawrence, Quebec 2,860
Ojibwa:
White Earth Agency, Minnesota 6,263
La Pointe Agency, Wisconsin 4,778
Mackinac Agency, Michigan
(about one-third of 5,563 Ottawa and Chippewa) 1,854?
Mackinac Agency, Michigan (Chippewa alone) 1,351
Devil's Lake Agency, North Dakota
(Turtle Mountain Chippewa) 1,340
Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas
(one-half of 75 Chippewa and Muncie) 38?
Lawrence and Carlisle schools 15
"Ojibbewas" of Lake Superior and Lake Huron, Ontario 5,201
"Chippewas" of Sarnia, etc., Ontario 1,956
"Chippewas" with Munsees on Thames, Ontario 454
"Chippewas" with Pottawatomies
on Walpole Island, Ontario 658
"Ojibbewas" with Ottawas (total 1,856)
on Manitoulin and Cockburn Islands, Ontario 928?
"Salteaux" of treaty Nos. 3 and 4, etc.,
Manitoba, etc. 4,092
"Chippewas" with Crees in Manitoba, etc.,
treaties Nos. 1, 2, and 5 (total Chippewa
and Cree, 6,066) 3,000?
----- 31,928?
Ottawa:
Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory 137
Mackinac Agency, Michigan (5,563 Ottawa and Chippewa) 3,709?
Lawrence and Carlisle schools 20
With "Ojibbewas" on Manitoulin and Cockburn
Islands, Ontario 928
----- 4,794?
Peoria, etc.:
Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory 160
Lawrence and Carlisle schools 5
----- 165
Pottawatomie:
Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory 480
Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas 462
Mackinac Agency, Michigan 77
Prairie band, Wisconsin 280
Carlisle, Lawrence and Hampton schools 117
With Chippewa on Walpole Island, Ontario 166
----- 1,582
Sac and Fox:
Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory 515
Sac and Fox Agency, Iowa 381
Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas 77
Lawrence, Hampton, and Carlisle schools 8
----- 981
Shawnee:
Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory 79
Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory 640
Incorporated with Cherokee, Indian Territory 800?
Lawrence, Carlisle, and Hampton schools 40
----- 1,559?
Siksika:
Blackfoot Agency, Montana. (Blackfoot, Blood, Piegan) 1,811
Blackfoot reserves in Alberta, British America
(with Sarcee and Assiniboine) 4,932
----- 6,743
Stockbridge (Mahican):
Green Bay Agency, Wisconsin 110
In New York (with Tuscarora and Seneca) 7
Carlisle school 4
----- 121
ATHAPASCAN FAMILY.
> Athapascas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 16,
305, 1836. Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 375, 1847. Gallatin in
Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Berghaus (1845),
Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. Turner in "Literary World,"
281, April 17, 1852 (refers Apache and Navajo to this family on
linguistic evidence).
> Athapaccas, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853.
(Evident misprint.)
> Athapascan, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 84, 1856. (Mere
mention of family; Apaches and congeners belong to this family, as
shown by him in "Literary World." Hoopah also asserted to be
Athapascan.)
> Athabaskans, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 302, 1850. (Under Northern
Athabaskans, includes Chippewyans Proper, Beaver Indians, Daho-dinnis,
Strong Bows, Hare Indians, Dog-ribs, Yellow Knives, Carriers. Under
Southern Athabaskans, includes (p. 308) Kwalioqwa, Tlatskanai, Umkwa.)
= Athabaskan, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 65, 96, 1856.
Buschmann (1854), Der athapaskische Sprachstamm, 250, 1856 (Hoopahs,
Apaches, and Navajoes included). Latham, Opuscula, 333, 1860. Latham,
El. Comp. Phil., 388, 1862. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II,
31-50, 1846 (indicates the coalescence of Athabascan family with
Esquimaux). Latham (1844), in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 161, 1848
(Nagail and Taculli referred to Athabascan). Scouler (1846), in Jour.
Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 230, 1848. Latham, Opuscula, 257, 259, 276, 1860.
Keane, App. to Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 463, 1878.
> Kinai, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 14, 305,
1836 (Kinai and Ugaljachmutzi; considered to form a distinct family,
though affirmed to have affinities with western Esquimaux and with
Athapascas). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 440-448, 1847 (follows
Gallatin; also affirms a relationship to Aztec). Gallatin in Trans.
Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848.
> Kenay, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, 32-34, 1846.
Latham, Opuscula, 275, 1860. Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 389, 1862
(referred to Esquimaux stock).
> Kinætzi, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 441, 1847 (same as his
Kinai above).
> Kenai, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, xcix, 1848 (see Kinai
above). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 695, 1856 (refers it to
Athapaskan).
X Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 218, 1841.
(Includes Atnas, Kolchans, and Kenáïes of present family.)
X Haidah, Scouler, ibid., 224 (same as his Northern family).
> Chepeyans, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 375, 1847 (same as
Athapascas above).
> Tahkali-Umkwa, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 198, 201, 569, 1846
("a branch of the great Chippewyan, or Athapascan, stock;" includes
Carriers, Qualioguas, Tlatskanies, Umguas). Gallatin, after Hale in
Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 9, 1848.
> Digothi, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Digothi,
Loucheux, ibid. 1852.
> Lipans, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (Lipans (Sipans) between
Rio Arkansas and Rio Grande).
> Tototune, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850 (seacoast south of the
Saintskla).
> Ugaljachmutzi, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853
("perhaps Athapascas").
> Umkwa, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., VI, 72, 1854 (a single
tribe). Latham, Opuscula, 300, 1860.
> Tahlewah. Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853
(a single tribe). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 76, 1856
(a single tribe). Latham. Opuscula, 342, 1860.
> Tolewa, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 163, 1877 (vocab. from Smith
River, Oregon; affirmed to be distinct from any neighboring tongue).
Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Miscellany, 438, 1877.
> Hoo-pah, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853 (tribe on
Lower Trinity, California).
> Hoopa, Powers in Overland Monthly, 135, August, 1872.
> Hú-pâ, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 72, 1877 (affirmed to be
Athapascan).
= Tinneh, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass. A. S., XVIII, 269, 1869 (chiefly
Alaskan tribes). Dall, Alaska and its Resources, 428, 1870. Dall in
Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 24, 1877. Bancroft, Native Races, III, 562, 583,
603, 1882.
= Tinné, Gatschet in Mag. Am, Hist., 165, 1877 (special mention of
Hoopa, Rogue River, Umpqua.) Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 440, 1877.
Gatschet in Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., VII, 406, 1879. Tolmie and
Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 62, 1884. Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72,
1887.
= Tinney, Keane, App. to Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460,
463, 1878.
X Klamath, Keane, App. to Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475,
1878; or Lutuami, (Lototens and Tolewahs of his list belong here.)
Derivation: From the lake of the same name; signifying, according to
Lacombe, "place of hay and reeds."
As defined by Gallatin, the area occupied by this great family is
included in a line drawn from the mouth of the Churchill or Missinippi
River to its source; thence along the ridge which separates the north
branch of the Saskatchewan from those of the Athapascas to the Rocky
Mountains; and thence northwardly till within a hundred miles of the
Pacific Ocean, in latitude 52° 30'.
The only tribe within the above area excepted by Gallatin as of probably
a different stock was the Quarrelers or Loucheux, living at the mouth of
Mackenzie River. This tribe, however, has since been ascertained to be
Athapascan.
The Athapascan family thus occupied almost the whole of British Columbia
and of Alaska, and was, with the exception of the Eskimo, by whom they
were cut off on nearly all sides from the ocean, the most northern
family in North America.
Since Gallatin's time the history of this family has been further
elucidated by the discovery on the part of Hale and Turner that isolated
branches of the stock have become established in Oregon, California, and
along the southern border of the United States.
The boundaries of the Athapascan family, as now understood, are best
given under three primary groups--Northern, Pacific, and Southern.
_Northern group_.--This includes all the Athapascan tribes of British
North America and Alaska. In the former region the Athapascans occupy
most of the western interior, being bounded on the north by the Arctic
Eskimo, who inhabit a narrow strip of coast; on the east by the Eskimo
of Hudson's Bay as far south as Churchill River, south of which river
the country is occupied by Algonquian tribes. On the south the
Athapascan tribes extended to the main ridge between the Athapasca and
Saskatchewan Rivers, where they met Algonquian tribes; west of this area
they were bounded on the south by Salishan tribes, the limits of whose
territory on Fraser River and its tributaries appear on Tolmie and
Dawson's map of 1884. On the west, in British Columbia, the Athapascan
tribes nowhere reach the coast, being cut off by the Wakashan, Salishan,
and Chimmesyan families.
The interior of Alaska is chiefly occupied by tribes of this family.
Eskimo tribes have encroached somewhat upon the interior along the
Yukon, Kuskokwim, Kowak, and Noatak Rivers, reaching on the Yukon to
somewhat below Shageluk Island,[7] and on the Kuskokwim nearly or quite
to Kolmakoff Redoubt.[8] Upon the two latter they reach quite to their
heads.[9] A few Kutchin tribes are (or have been) north of the Porcupine
and Yukon Rivers, but until recently it has not been known that they
extended north beyond the Yukon and Romanzoff Mountains. Explorations of
Lieutenant Stoney, in 1885, establish the fact that the region to the
north of those mountains is occupied by Athapascan tribes, and the map
is colored accordingly. Only in two places in Alaska do the Athapascan
tribes reach the coast--the K'naia-khotana, on Cook's Inlet, and the
Ahtena, of Copper River.
[Footnote 7: Dall, Map Alaska, 1877.]
[Footnote 8: Fide Nelson in Dall's address, Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci.,
1885, p. 13.]
[Footnote 9: Cruise of the _Corwin_, 1887.]
_Pacific group_.--Unlike the tribes of the Northern group, most of those
of the Pacific group have removed from their priscan habitats since the
advent of the white race. The Pacific group embraces the following:
Kwalhioqua, formerly on Willopah River, Washington, near the Lower
Chinook;[10] Owilapsh, formerly between Shoalwater Bay and the heads of
the Chehalis River, Washington, the territory of these two tribes being
practically continuous; Tlatscanai, formerly on a small stream on the
northwest side of Wapatoo Island.[11] Gibbs was informed by an old
Indian that this tribe "formerly owned the prairies on the Tsihalis at
the mouth of the Skukumchuck, but, on the failure of game, left the
country, crossed the Columbia River, and occupied the mountains to the
south"--a statement of too uncertain character to be depended upon; the
Athapascan tribes now on the Grande Ronde and Siletz Reservations,
Oregon,[12] whose villages on and near the coast extended from Coquille
River southward to the California line, including, among others, the
Upper Coquille, Sixes, Euchre, Creek, Joshua, Tutu tûnn[)e], and other
"Rogue River" or "Tou-touten bands," Chasta Costa, Galice Creek,
Naltunne tûnn[)e] and Chetco villages;[13] the Athapascan villages
formerly on Smith River and tributaries, California;[14] those villages
extending southward from Smith River along the California coast to the
mouth of Klamath River;[15] the Hupâ villages or "clans" formerly on
Lower Trinity River, California;[16] the Kenesti or Wailakki (2),
located as follows: "They live along the western slope of the Shasta
Mountains, from North Eel River, above Round Valley, to Hay Fork; along
Eel and Mad Rivers, extending down the latter about to Low Gap; also on
Dobbins and Larrabie Creeks;"[17] and Saiaz, who "formerly occupied the
tongue of land jutting down between Eel River and Van Dusen's Fork."[18]
[Footnote 10: Gibbs in Pac. R. R. Rep. I, 1855, p. 428.]
[Footnote 11: Lewis and Clarke, Exp., 1814, vol. 2, p. 382.]
[Footnote 12: Gatschet and Dorsey, MS., 1883-'84.]
[Footnote 13: Dorsey, MS., map, 1884, B.E.]
[Footnote 14: Hamilton, MS., Haynarger Vocab., B.E.; Powers,
Contr. N.A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, p. 65.]
[Footnote 15: Dorsey, MS., map, 1884, B.E.]
[Footnote 16: Powers, Contr. N.A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, pp. 72, 73.]
[Footnote 17: Powers, Contr. N.A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, p. 114.]
[Footnote 18: Powers, Contr. N.A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, p. 122.]
_Southern group_.--Includes the Navajo, Apache, and Lipan. Engineer José
Cortez, one of the earliest authorities on these tribes, writing in
1799, defines the boundaries of the Lipan and Apache as extending north
and south from 29° N. to 36° N., and east and west from 99° W. to 114°
W.; in other words from central Texas nearly to the Colorado River in
Arizona, where they met tribes of the Yuman stock. The Lipan occupied
the eastern part of the above territory, extending in Texas from the
Comanche country (about Red River) south to the Rio Grande.[19] More
recently both Lipan and Apache have gradually moved southward into
Mexico where they extend as far as Durango.[20]
[Footnote 19: Cortez in Pac. R. R. Rep., 1856, vol. 3, pt. 3,
pp. 118, 119.]
[Footnote 20: Bartlett, Pers. Narr., 1854; Orozco y Berra, Geog.,
1864.]
The Navajo, since first known to history, have occupied the country on
and south of the San Juan River in northern New Mexico and Arizona and
extending into Colorado and Utah. They were surrounded on all sides by
the cognate Apache except upon the north, where they meet Shoshonean
tribes.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
A. Northern group: B. Pacific group: C. Southern group:
Ah-tena. [)A]ta[)a]kût. Arivaipa.
Kaiyuh-khotana. Chasta Costa. Chiricahua.
Kcaltana. Chetco. Coyotero.
K'naia-khotana. Dakube tede Faraone.
Koyukukhotana. (on Applegate Creek). Gileņo.
Kutchin. Euchre Creek. Jicarilla.
Montagnais. Hupâ. Lipan.
Montagnards. K[)a]lts'erea tûnn[)e]. Llanero.
Nagailer. Kenesti or Wailakki. Mescalero.
Slave. Kwalhioqua. Mimbreņo.
Sluacus-tinneh. Kwa[t]ami. Mogollon.
Taculli. Micikqwûtme tûnn[)e]. Na-isha.
Tahl-tan (1). Mikono tûnn[)e]. Navajo.
Unakhotana. Owilapsh. Pinal Coyotero.
Qwinctûnnetûn. Tch[)e]kûn.
Saiaz. Tchishi.
Taltûctun tûde.
(on Galice Creek).
Tcęmę (Joshuas).
Tc[)e]tl[)e]stcan tûnn[)e].
Terwar.
Tlatscanai.
Tolowa.
Tutu tûnn[)e].
_Population._--The present number of the Athapascan family is about
32,899, of whom about 8,595, constituting the Northern group, are in
Alaska and British North America, according to Dall, Dawson, and the
Canadian Indian-Report for 1888; about 895, comprising the Pacific
group, are in Washington, Oregon, and California; and about 23,409,
belonging to the Southern group, are in Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado,
and Indian Territory. Besides these are the Lipan and some refugee
Apache, who are in Mexico. These have not been included in the above
enumeration, as there are no means of ascertaining their number.
Northern group.--This may be said to consist of the following:
Ah-tena (1877) 364?
Ai-yan (1888) 250
Al-ta-tin (Sicannie) estimated (1888) 500
of whom there are at Fort Halkett (1887) 73
of whom there are at Fort Liard (1887) 78
Chippewyan, Yellow Knives, with a few Slave and Dog Rib
at Fort Resolution 469
Dog Rib at Fort Norman 133
Dog Rib, Slave, and Yellow Knives at Fort Rae 657
Hare at Fort Good Hope 364
Hare at Fort Norman 103
Kai-yuh-kho-tána (1877), Koyukukhotána (1877),
and Unakhotána (1877) 2,000?
K'nai-a Khotána (1880) 250?
Kutchin and Bastard Loucheux at Fort Good Hope 95
Kutchin at Peel River and La Pierre's House 337
Kutchin on the Yukon (six tribes) 842
Nahanie at Fort Good Hope 8
Nahanie at Fort Halkett (including Mauvais Monde,
Bastard Nahanie, and Mountain Indians) 332
Nahanie at Fort Liard 38
Nahanie at Fort Norman 43
---
421
Nahanie at Fort Simpson and Big Island
(Hudson Bay Company's Territory) 87
Slave, Dog Rib, and Hare at Fort Simpson and Big Island
(Hudson Bay Company's Territory) 658
Slave at Fort Liard 281
Slave at Fort Norman 84
Tenán Kutchin (1877) 700?
-----
8,595?
To the Pacific Group may be assigned the following:
Hupa Indians, on Hoopa Valley Reservation, California 468
Rogue River Indians at Grande Ronde Reservation, Oregon 47
Siletz Reservation, Oregon
(about one-half the Indians thereon) 300?
Umpqua at Grande Ronde Reservation, Oregon 80
---
895?
Southern Group, consisting of Apache, Lipan, and Navajo:
Apache children at Carlisle, Pennsylvania 142
Apache prisoners at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama 356
Coyotero Apache (San Carlos Reservation) 733?
Jicarilla Apache (Southern Ute Reservation, Colorado) 808
Lipan with Tonkaway on Oakland Reserve, Indian Territory 15?
Mescalero Apache (Mescalero Reservation, New Mexico) 513
Na-isha Apache (Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Reservation,
Indian Territory) 326
Navajo (most on Navajo Reservation, Arizona
and New Mexico; 4 at Carlisle, Pennsylvania) 17,208
San Carlos Apache (San Carlos Reservation, Arizona) 1,352?
White Mountain Apache (San Carlos Reservation, Arizona) 36
White Mountain Apache
(under military at Camp Apache, Arizona) 1,920
------
23,409?
ATTACAPAN FAMILY.
= Attacapas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116,
306, 1836. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II. pt. 1, xcix, 77,
1848. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 343, 1850 (includes Attacapas and
Carankuas). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853.
Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 426, 1859.
= Attacapa, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, 31-50, 1846.
Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 406, 1847 (or "Men eaters"). Latham
in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 105, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 293,
1860.
= Attakapa, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 103, 1856. Latham,
Opuscula, 366, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 477, 1862 (referred to
as one of the two most isolated languages of N.A.).
= Atákapa, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., I, 45, 1884. Gatschet in
Science, 414, Apr. 29, 1887.
Derivation: From a Choctaw word meaning "man-eater."
Little is known of the tribe, the language of which forms the basis of
the present family. The sole knowledge possessed by Gallatin was derived
from a vocabulary and some scanty information furnished by Dr. John
Sibley, who collected his material in the year 1805. Gallatin states
that the tribe was reduced to 50 men. According to Dr. Sibley the
Attacapa language was spoken also by another tribe, the "Carankouas,"
who lived on the coast of Texas, and who conversed in their own language
besides. In 1885 Mr. Gatschet visited the section formerly inhabited by
the Attacapa and after much search discovered one man and two women at
Lake Charles, Calcasieu Parish, Louisiana, and another woman living 10
miles to the south; he also heard of five other women then scattered in
western Texas; these are thought to be the only survivors of the tribe.
Mr. Gatschet collected some two thousand words and a considerable body
of text. His vocabulary differs considerably from the one furnished by
Dr. Sibley and published by Gallatin, and indicates that the language of
the western branch of the tribe was dialectically distinct from that of
their brethren farther to the east.
The above material seems to show that the Attacapa language is distinct
from all others, except possibly the Chitimachan.
BEOTHUKAN FAMILY.
= Bethuck, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58, 1856 (stated to
be "Algonkin rather than aught else"). Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860.
Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 453, 1862.
= Beothuk, Gatschet in Proc. Am. Philosoph. Soc., 408, Oct., 1885.
Gatschet, ibid., 411, July, 1886 (language affirmed to represent a
distinct linguistic family). Gatschet, ibid., 1, Jan-June, 1890.
Derivation: Beothuk signifies "Indian" or "red Indian."
The position of the language spoken by the aborigines of Newfoundland
must be considered to be doubtful.
In 1846 Latham examined the material then accessible, and was led to the
somewhat ambiguous statement that the language "was akin to those of the
ordinary American Indians rather than to the Eskimo; further
investigation showing that, of the ordinary American languages, it was
Algonkin rather than aught else."
Since then Mr. Gatschet has been able to examine a much larger and more
satisfactory body of material, and although neither in amount nor
quality is the material sufficient to permit final and satisfactory
deductions, yet so far as it goes it shows that the language is quite
distinct from any of the Algonquian dialects, and in fact from any other
American tongue.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
It seems highly probable that the whole of Newfoundland at the time of
its discovery by Cabot in 1497 was inhabited by Beothuk Indians.
In 1534 Cartier met with Indians inhabiting the southeastern part of the
island, who, very likely, were of this people, though the description is
too vague to permit certain identification. A century later the southern
portion of the island appears to have been abandoned by these Indians,
whoever they were, on account of European settlements, and only the
northern and eastern parts of the island were occupied by them. About
the beginning of the eighteenth century western Newfoundland was
colonized by the Micmac from Nova Scotia. As a consequence of the
persistent warfare which followed the advent of the latter and which was
also waged against the Beothuk by the Europeans, especially the French,
the Beothuk rapidly wasted in numbers. Their main territory was soon
confined to the neighborhood of the Exploits River. The tribe was
finally lost sight of about 1827, having become extinct, or possibly the
few survivors having crossed to the Labrador coast and joined the
Nascapi with whom the tribe had always been on friendly terms.
Upon the map only the small portion of the island is given to the
Beothuk which is known definitely to have been occupied by them, viz.,
the neighborhood of the Exploits River, though, as stated above, it
seems probable that the entire island was once in their possession.
CADDOAN FAMILY.
> Caddoes, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116, 306,
1836 (based on Caddoes alone). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 406,
1847. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1858 [gives as
languages Caddo, Red River, (Nandakoes, Tachies, Nabedaches)].
> Caddokies, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116,
1836 (same as his Caddoes). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 406,
1847.
> Caddo, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, 31-50, 1846
(indicates affinities with Iroquois, Muskoge, Catawba, Pawnee).
Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848, (Caddo
only). Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848 (Caddos, etc.).
Ibid., 1852. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 338, 1850 (between the
Mississippi and Sabine). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 101,
1856. Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 70, 1856 (finds
resemblances to Pawnee but keeps them separate). Buschmann, Spuren der
aztek. Sprache, 426, 448, 1859. Latham, Opuscula, 290, 366, 1860.
> Caddo, Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 470, 1862 (includes Pawni and
Riccari).
> Pawnees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 128, 306,
1836 (two nations: Pawnees proper and Ricaras or Black Pawnees).
Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 408, 1847 (follows Gallatin).
Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 1848. Latham, Nat.
Hist. Man, 344, 1850 (or Panis; includes Loup and Republican Pawnees).
Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (gives as
languages: Pawnees, Ricaras, Tawakeroes, Towekas, Wachos?). Hayden,
Cont. Eth. and Phil. Missouri Indians, 232, 345, 1863 (includes
Pawnees and Arikaras).
> Panis, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 117, 128,
1836 (of Red River of Texas; mention of villages; doubtfully indicated
as of Pawnee family). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 407, 1847
(supposed from name to be of same race with Pawnees of the Arkansa).
Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 344, 1850 (Pawnees or). Gallatin in
Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 403, 1853 (here kept separate from
Pawnee family).
> Pawnies, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (see
Pawnee above).
> Pahnies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852.
> Pawnee(?), Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 65, 1856
(Kichai and Hueco vocabularies).
= Pawnee, Keane, App. to Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 478,
1878 (gives four groups, viz: Pawnees proper; Arickarees; Wichitas;
Caddoes).
= Pani, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 42, 1884. Berghaus, Physik.
Atlas, map 72, 1887.
> Towiaches. Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116,
128, 1836 (same as Panis above). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V,
407, 1847.
> Towiachs, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (includes Towiach,
Tawakenoes, Towecas?, Wacos).
> Towiacks, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853.
> Natchitoches, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116,
1836 (stated by Dr. Sibley to speak a language different from any
other). Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 342, 1850. Prichard, Phys. Hist.
Mankind, V, 406, 1847 (after Gallatin). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind.
Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (a single tribe only).
> Aliche, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (near Nacogdoches; not
classified).
> Yatassees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116,
1836 (the single tribe; said by Dr. Sibley to be different from any
other; referred to as a family).
> Riccarees, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 344, 1850 (kept distinct from
Pawnee family).
> Washita, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 103, 1856.
Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 441, 1859 (revokes previous
opinion of its distinctness and refers it to Pawnee family).
> Witchitas, Buschmann, ibid., (same as his Washita).
Derivation: From the Caddo term kaī-ede, signifying "chief" (Gatschet).
The Pawnee and Caddo, now known to be of the same linguistic family,
were supposed by Gallatin and by many later writers to be distinct, and
accordingly both names appear in the Archæologia Americana as family
designations. Both names are unobjectionable, but as the term Caddo has
priority by a few pages preference is given to it.
Gallatin states "that the Caddoes formerly lived 300 miles up Red River
but have now moved to a branch of Red River." He refers to the
Nandakoes, the Inies or Tachies, and the Nabedaches as speaking dialects
of the Caddo language.
Under Pawnee two tribes were included by Gallatin: The Pawnees proper
and the Ricaras. The Pawnee tribes occupied the country on the Platte
River adjoining the Loup Fork. The Ricara towns were on the upper
Missouri in latitude 46° 30'. The boundaries of the Caddoan family, as
at present understood, can best be given under three primary groups,
Northern, Middle, and Southern.
_Northern group_.--This comprises the Arikara or Ree, now confined to a
small village (on Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota,) which they
share with the Mandan and Hidatsa tribes of the Siouan family. The
Arikara are the remains of ten different tribes of "Paneas," who had
been driven from their country lower down the Missouri River (near the
Ponka habitat in northern Nebraska) by the Dakota. In 1804 they were in
three villages, nearer their present location.[21]
[Footnote 21: Lewis, Travels of Lewis and Clarke, 15, 1809.]
According to Omaha tradition, the Arikara were their allies when these
two tribes and several others were east of the Mississippi River.[22]
Fort Berthold Reservation, their present abode, is in the northwest
corner of North Dakota.
[Footnote 22: Dorsey in Am. Naturalist, March, 1886, p. 215.]
_Middle group_.--This includes the four tribes or villages of Pawnee,
the Grand, Republican, Tapage, and Skidi. Dunbar says: "The original
hunting ground of the Pawnee extended from the Niobrara," in Nebraska,
"south to the Arkansas, but no definite boundaries can be fixed." In
modern times their villages have been on the Platte River west of
Columbus, Nebraska. The Omaha and Oto were sometimes southeast of them
near the mouth of the Platte, and the Comanche were northwest of them on
the upper part of one of the branches of the Loup Fork.[23] The Pawnee
were removed to Indian Territory in 1876. The Grand Pawnee and Tapage
did not wander far from their habitat on the Platte. The Republican
Pawnee separated from the Grand about the year 1796, and made a village
on a "large northwardly branch of the Kansas River, to which they have
given their name; afterwards they subdivided, and lived in different
parts of the country on the waters of Kansas River. In 1805 they
rejoined the Grand Pawnee." The Skidi (Panimaha, or Pawnee Loup),
according to Omaha tradition,[24] formerly dwelt east of the Mississippi
River, where they were the allies of the Arikara, Omaha, Ponka, etc.
After their passage of the Missouri they were conquered by the Grand
Pawnee, Tapage, and Republican tribes, with whom they have remained to
this day. De L'Isle[25] gives twelve Panimaha villages on the Missouri
River north of the Pani villages on the Kansas River.
[Footnote 23: Dorsey, Omaha map of Nebraska.]
[Footnote 24: Dorsey in Am. Nat., March, 1886, p. 215.]
[Footnote 25: Carte de la Louisiane, 1718.]
_Southern group_.--This includes the Caddo, Wichita, Kichai, and other
tribes or villages which were formerly in Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas,
and Indian Territory.
The Caddo and Kichai have undoubtedly been removed from their priscan
habitats, but the Wichita, judging from the survival of local names
(Washita River, Indian Territory, Wichita Falls, Texas) and the
statement of La Harpe,[26] are now in or near one of their early abodes.
Dr. Sibley[27] locates the Caddo habitat 35 miles west of the main
branch of Red River, being 120 miles by land from Natchitoches, and they
formerly lived 375 miles higher up. Cornell's Atlas (1870) places Caddo
Lake in the northwest corner of Louisiana, in Caddo County. It also
gives both Washita and Witchita as the name of a tributary of Red River
of Louisiana. This duplication of names seems to show that the Wichita
migrated from northwestern Louisiana and southwestern Arkansas to the
Indian Territory. After comparing the statements of Dr. Sibley (as
above) respecting the habitats of the Anadarko, Ioni, Nabadache, and
Eyish with those of Schermerhorn respecting the Kädo hadatco,[28] of Le
Page Du Pratz (1758) concerning the Natchitoches, of Tonti[29] and La
Harpe[30] about the Yatasi, of La Harpe (as above) about the Wichita,
and of Sibley concerning the Kichai, we are led to fix upon the
following as the approximate boundaries of the habitat of the southern
group of the Caddoan family: Beginning on the northwest with that part
of Indian Territory now occupied by the Wichita, Chickasaw, and Kiowa
and Comanche Reservations, and running along the southern border of the
Choctaw Reservation to the Arkansas line; thence due east to the
headwaters of Washita or Witchita River, Polk County, Arkansas; thence
through Arkansas and Louisiana along the western bank of that river to
its mouth; thence southwest through Louisiana striking the Sabine River
near Salem and Belgrade; thence southwest through Texas to Tawakonay
Creek, and along that stream to the Brazos River; thence following that
stream to Palo Pinto, Texas; thence northwest to the mouth of the North
Fork of Red River; and thence to the beginning.
[Footnote 26: In 1719, _fide_ Margry, VI, 289, "the Ousita village
is on the southwest branch of the Arkansas River."]
[Footnote 27: 1805, in Lewis and Clarke, Discov., 1806, p. 66.]
[Footnote 28: Second Mass, Hist. Coll., vol. 2, 1814, p. 23.]
[Footnote 29: 1690, in French, Hist. Coll. La., vol. 1, p. 72.]
[Footnote 30: 1719, in Margry, vol. 6, p. 264.]
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
A. Pawnee.
Grand Pawnee.
Tappas.
Republican Pawnee.
Skidi.
B. Arikara.
C. Wichita.
(Ki-Ēiī-tcac, Omaha pronunciation of the name of a Pawnee tribe,
Ki-dhiī-chash or Ki-riī-chash).
D. Kichai.
E. Caddo (Käī-do).
_Population._--The present number of the Caddoan stock is 2,259, of whom
447 are on the Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota, and the rest in
the Indian Territory, some on the Ponca, Pawnee, and Otoe Reservation,
the others on the Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Reservation. Below is
given the population of the tribes officially recognized, compiled
chiefly from the Indian Report for 1889:
Arikara 448
Pawnee 824
Wichita 176
Towakarehu 145
Waco 64
--- 385
Kichai 63
Caddo 539
-----
Total 2,259
CHIMAKUAN FAMILY.
= Chimakum, Gibbs in Pac. R. R. Rep., I, 431, 1855 (family doubtful).
= Chemakum, Eells in Am. Antiquarian, 52, Oct., 1880 (considers
language different from any of its neighbors).
< Puget Sound Group, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.),
474, 1878 (Chinakum included in this group).
< Nootka, Bancroft, Native Races, III, 564, 1882 (contains Chimakum).
Derivation unknown.
Concerning this language Gibbs, as above cited, states as follows:
The language of the Chimakum "differs materially from either that of the
Clallams or the Nisqually, and is not understood by any of their
neighbors. In fact, they seem to have maintained it a State secret. To
what family it will ultimately be referred, cannot now be decided."
Eells also asserts the distinctness of this language from any of its
neighbors. Neither of the above authors assigned the language family
rank, and accordingly Mr. Gatschet, who has made a comparison of
vocabularies and finds the language to be quite distinct from any other,
gives it the above name.
The Chimakum are said to have been formerly one of the largest and most
powerful tribes of Puget Sound. Their warlike habits early tended to
diminish their numbers, and when visited by Gibbs in 1854 they counted
only about seventy individuals. This small remnant occupied some fifteen
small lodges on Port Townsend Bay. According to Gibbs "their territory
seems to have embraced the shore from Port Townsend to Port Ludlow."[31]
In 1884 there were, according to Mr. Myron Eells, about twenty
individuals left, most of whom are living near Port Townsend,
Washington. Three or four live upon the Skokomish Reservation at the
southern end of Hood's Canal.
[Footnote 31: Dr. Boas was informed in 1889, by a surviving Chimakum
woman and several Clallam, that the tribe was confined to the
peninsula between Hood's Canal and Port Townsend.]
The Quile-ute, of whom in 1889 there were 252 living on the Pacific
south of Cape Flattery, belong to the family. The Hoh, a sub-tribe of
the latter, number 71 and are under the Puyallup Agency.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
The following tribes are recognized:
Chimakum.
Quile-ute.
CHIMARIKAN FAMILY.
= Chim-a-riī-ko, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 474, 1877. Gatschet
in Mag. Am. Hist., 255, April, 1882 (stated to be a distinct family).
According to Powers, this family was represented, so far as known, by
two tribes in California, one the Chi-mál-a-kwe, living on New River,
a branch of the Trinity, the other the Chimariko, residing upon the
Trinity itself from Burnt Ranch up to the mouth of North Fork,
California. The two tribes are said to have been as numerous formerly as
the Hupa, by whom they were overcome and nearly exterminated. Upon the
arrival of the Americans only twenty-five of the Chimalakwe were left.
In 1875 Powers collected a Chimariko vocabulary of about two hundred
words from a woman, supposed to be one of the last three women of that
tribe. In 1889 Mr. Curtin, while in Hoopa Valley, found a Chimariko man
seventy or more years old, who is believed to be one of the two living
survivors of the tribe. Mr. Curtin obtained a good vocabulary and much
valuable information relative to the former habitat and history of the
tribe. Although a study of these vocabularies reveals a number of words
having correspondences with the Kulanapan (Pomo) equivalents, yet the
greater number show no affinities with the dialects of the latter
family, or indeed with any other. The family is therefore classed as
distinct.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Chimariko.
Chimalakwe.
CHIMMESYAN FAMILY.
= Chimmesyan, Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 154, 1848 (between
53° 30' and 55° 30' N.L.). Latham, Opuscula, 250, 1860.
Chemmesyan, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 300, 1850 (includes Naaskok,
Chemmesyan, Kitshatlah, Kethumish). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc.
Lond., 72, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 339, 1860. Latham, Elements Comp.
Phil., 401, 1862.
= Chymseyans, Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, app., 1859 (a census of
tribes of N.W. coast classified by languages).
= Chimayans, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 487, 1855 (gives Kane's list
but with many orthographical changes). Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 269,
1869 (published in 1870). Dall in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 36, 39, 40, 1877
(probably distinct from T'linkets). Bancroft, Native Races, III, 564,
607, 1882.
= Tshimsian, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 14-25, 1884.
= Tsimpsi-anī, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 379, 1885 (mere mention of
family).
X Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 220, 1841
(includes Chimmesyans).
X Haidah, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 220, 1841 (same
as his Northern family).
< Naas, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 1848
(including Chimmesyan). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.
< Naass, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848.
Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853.
= Nasse, Dall in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 36, 40, 1877 (or Chimsyan).
< Nass, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 606, 1882 (includes Nass and
Sebassa Indians of this family, also Hailtza).
= Hydahs, Keane, App. to Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 473,
1878 (includes Tsimsheeans, Nass, Skeenas, Sebasses of present
family).
Derivation: From the Chimsian ts'em, "on;" kcian, "main river:" "On the
main (Skeena) river."
This name appears in a paper of Latham's published in 1848. To it is
referred a vocabulary of Tolmie's. The area where it is spoken is said
by Latham to be 50° 30' and 55° 30'. The name has become established by
long usage, and it is chiefly on this account that it has been given
preference over the Naas of Gallatin of the same year. The latter name
was given by Gallatin to a group of languages now known to be not
related, viz, Hailstla, Haceltzuk Billechola, and Chimeysan. Billechola
belongs under Salishan, a family name of Gallatin's of 1836.
Were it necessary to take Naas as a family name it would best apply to
Chimsian, it being the name of a dialect and village of Chimsian
Indians, while it has no pertinency whatever to Hailstla and Haceltzuk,
which are closely related and belong to a family quite distinct from the
Chimmesyan. As stated above, however, the term Naas is rejected in favor
of Chimmesyan of the same date.
For the boundaries of this family the linguistic map published by Tolmie
and Dawson, in 1884, is followed.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Following is a list of the Chimmesyan tribes, according to Boas:[32]
A. Nasqaī:
Nasqaī.
Gyitksaīn.
B. Tsimshian proper:
Ts'emsiaīn.
Gyits'umräīlon.
Gyits'alaīser.
Gyitq[-a]ītla.
Gyitg·[-a]īata.
Gyidesdzoī.
[Footnote 32: B.A.A.S. Fifth Rep. of Committee on NW. Tribes of
Canada. Newcastle-upon-Tyne meeting, 1889, pp. 8-9.]
_Population._--The Canadian Indian Report for 1888 records a total for
all the tribes of this family of 5,000. In the fall of 1887 about 1,000
of these Indians, in charge of Mr. William Duncan, removed to Annette
Island, about 60 miles north of the southern boundary of Alaska, near
Port Chester, where they have founded a new settlement called New
Metlakahtla. Here houses have been erected, day and industrial schools
established, and the Indians are understood to be making remarkable
progress in civilization.
CHINOOKAN FAMILY.
> Chinooks, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 134,
306, 1836 (a single tribe at mouth of Columbia).
= Chinooks, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., VI, 198, 1846. Gallatin, after
Hale, in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 15, 1848 (or Tsinuk).
= Tshinuk, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., VI, 562, 569, 1846 (contains
Watlala or Upper Chinook, including Watlala, Nihaloitih, or Echeloots;
and Tshinuk, including Tshinuk, Tlatsap, Wakaikam).
= Tsinuk, Gallatin, after Hale, in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1,
15, 1848. Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.
> Cheenook, Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 236, 1848. Latham,
Opuscula, 253, 1860.
> Chinuk, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 317, 1850 (same as Tshinúk; includes
Chinúks proper, Klatsops, Kathlamut, Wakáikam, Watlala, Nihaloitih).
Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856 (mere mention of
family name). Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. Buschmann. Spuren der
aztek. Sprache, 616-619, 1859.
= Tschinuk, Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Latham in
Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856 (mere mention of family name).
Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 402, 1862 (cites
a short vocabulary of Watlala).
= Tshinook, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853
(Chinooks, Clatsops, and Watlala). Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs.
Brit. Col., 51, 61, 1884.
> Tshinuk, Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 616, 1859 (same as
his Chinuk).
= T'sin[-u]k, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N.A. Eth., 1, 241, 1877
(mere mention of family).
= Chinook, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 167, 1877 (names and gives
habitats of tribes). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 442, 1877.
< Chinooks, Keane, App. to Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 474,
1878 (includes Skilloots, Watlalas, Lower Chinooks, Wakiakurns,
Cathlamets, Clatsops, Calapooyas, Clackamas, Killamooks, Yamkally,
Chimook Jargon; of these Calapooyas and Yamkally are Kalapooian,
Killamooks are Salishan).
> Chinook, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 626-628, 1882 (enumerates
Chinook, Wakiakum, Cathlamet, Clatsop, Multnomah, Skilloot, Watlala).
X Nootka-Columbian, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 224,
1841 (includes Cheenooks, and Cathlascons of present family).
X Southern, Scouler, ibid., 234 (same as his Nootka-Columbian family
above).
The vocabulary of the Chinook tribe, upon which the family name was
based, was derived from the mouth of the Columbia. As now understood the
family embraces a number of tribes, speaking allied languages, whose
former homes extended from the mouth of the river for some 200 miles, or
to The Dalles. According to Lewis and Clarke, our best authorities on
the pristine home of this family, most of their villages were on the
banks of the river, chiefly upon the northern bank, though they probably
claimed the land upon either bank for several miles back. Their villages
also extended on the Pacific coast north nearly to the northern extreme
of Shoalwater Bay, and to the south to about Tillamook Head, some 20
miles from the mouth of the Columbia.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Lower Chinook:
Chinook.
Clatsop.
Upper Chinook:
Cathlamet.
Cathlapotle.
Chilluckquittequaw.
Clackama.
Cooniac.
Echeloot.
Multnoma.
Wahkiacum.
Wasco.
_Population._--There are two hundred and eighty-eight Wasco on the Warm
Springs Reservation, Oregon, and one hundred and fifty on the Yakama
Reservation, Washington. On the Grande Ronde Reservation, Oregon, there
are fifty-nine Clackama. From information derived from Indians by Mr.
Thomas Priestly, United States Indian Agent at Yakama, it is learned
that there still remain three or four families of "regular Chinook
Indians," probably belonging to one of the down-river tribes, about 6
miles above the mouth of the Columbia. Two of these speak the Chinook
proper, and three have an imperfect command of Clatsop. There are eight
or ten families, probably also of one of the lower river tribes, living
near Freeport, Washington.
Some of the Watlala, or Upper Chinook, live near the Cascades, about 55
miles below The Dalles. There thus remain probably between five and six
hundred of the Indians of this family.
CHITIMACHAN FAMILY.
= Chitimachas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 114,
117, 1836. Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 407, 1847.
= Chetimachas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 306,
1836. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 1848. Latham,
Nat. Hist. Man, 341, 1850. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III,
402, 1853.
= Chetimacha, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, 31-50, 1846.
Latham, Opuscula, 293, 1860.
= Chetemachas, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848
(same as Chitimachas).
= Shetimasha, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 44, 1884. Gatschet in
Science, 414, April 29, 1887.
Derivation: From Choctaw words tchúti, "cooking vessels," másha, "they
possess," (Gatschet).
This family was based upon the language of the tribe of the same name,
"formerly living in the vicinity of Lake Barataria, and still existing
(1836) in lower Louisiana."
Du Pratz asserted that the Taensa and Chitimacha were kindred tribes of
the Na'htchi. A vocabulary of the Shetimasha, however, revealed to
Gallatin no traces of such affinity. He considered both to represent
distinct families, a conclusion subsequent investigations have
sustained.
In 1881 Mr. Gatschet visited the remnants of this tribe in Louisiana. He
found about fifty individuals, a portion of whom lived on Grand River,
but the larger part in Charenton, St. Mary's Parish. The tribal
organization was abandoned in 1879 on the death of their chief.
CHUMASHAN FAMILY.
> Santa Barbara, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 85, 1856
(includes Santa Barbara, Santa Inez, San Luis Obispo languages).
Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 531, 535, 538, 602, 1859.
Latham, Opuscula, 351, 1860. Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 550, 567,
1877 (Kasuá, Santa Inez, Id. of Santa Cruz, Santa Barbara). Gatschet
in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., VII, 419, 1879 (cites La Purísima,
Santa Inez, Santa Barbara, Kasuá, Mugu, Santa Cruz Id.).
X Santa Barbara, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 156, 1877 (Santa Inez,
Santa Barbara, Santa Cruz Id., San Luis Obispo, San Antonio).
Derivation: From Chumash, the name of the Santa Rosa Islanders.
The several dialects of this family have long been known under the group
or family name, "Santa Barbara," which seems first to have been used in
a comprehensive sense by Latham in 1856, who included under it three
languages, viz: Santa Barbara, Santa Inez, and San Luis Obispo. The term
has no special pertinence as a family designation, except from the fact
that the Santa Barbara Mission, around which one of the dialects of the
family was spoken, is perhaps more widely known than any of the others.
Nevertheless, as it is the family name first applied to the group and
has, moreover, passed into current use its claim to recognition would
not be questioned were it not a compound name. Under the rule adopted
the latter fact necessitates its rejection. As a suitable substitute the
term Chumashan is here adopted. Chumash is the name of the Santa Rosa
Islanders, who spoke a dialect of this stock, and is a term widely known
among the Indians of this family.
The Indians of this family lived in villages, the villages as a whole
apparently having no political connection, and hence there appears to
have been no appellation in use among them to designate themselves as a
whole people.
Dialects of this language were spoken at the Missions of San
Buenaventura, Santa Barbara, Santa Iņez, Purísima, and San Luis Obispo.
Kindred dialects were spoken also upon the Islands of Santa Rosa and
Santa Cruz, and also, probably, upon such other of the Santa Barbara
Islands as formerly were permanently inhabited.
These dialects collectively form a remarkably homogeneous family, all of
them, with the exception of the San Luis Obispo, being closely related
and containing very many words in common. Vocabularies representing six
dialects of the language are in possession of the Bureau of Ethnology.
The inland limits of this family can not be exactly defined, although a
list of more than one hundred villages with their sites, obtained by Mr.
Henshaw in 1884, shows that the tribes were essentially maritime and
were closely confined to the coast.
_Population._--In 1884 Mr. Henshaw visited the several counties formerly
inhabited by the populous tribes of this family and discovered that
about forty men, women, and children survived. The adults still speak
their old language when conversing with each other, though on other
occasions they use Spanish. The largest settlement is at San
Buenaventura, where perhaps 20 individuals live near the outskirts of
the town.
COAHUILTECAN FAMILY.
= Coahuilteco, Orozco y Berra, Geografía de las Lenguas de México,
map, 1864.
= Tejano ó Coahuilteco, Pimentel, Cuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de
las Lenguas Indígenas de México, II, 409, 1865. (A preliminary notice
with example from the language derived from Garcia's Manual, 1760.)
Derivation: From the name of the Mexican State Coahuila.
This family appears to have included numerous tribes in southwestern
Texas and in Mexico. They are chiefly known through the record of the
Rev. Father Bartolomé Garcia (Manual para administrar, etc.), published
in 1760. In the preface to the "Manual" he enumerates the tribes and
sets forth some phonetic and grammatic differences between the dialects.
On page 63 of his Geografía de las Lenguas de México, 1864, Orozco y
Berra gives a list of the languages of Mexico and includes Coahuilteco,
indicating it as the language of Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and Tamaulipas.
He does not, however, indicate its extension into Texas. It would thus
seem that he intended the name as a general designation for the language
of all the cognate tribes.
Upon his colored ethnographic map, also, Orozco y Berra designates the
Mexican portion of the area formerly occupied by the tribes of this
family Coahuilteco.[33] In his statement that the language and tribes
are extinct this author was mistaken, as a few Indians still survive who
speak one of the dialects of this family, and in 1886 Mr. Gatschet
collected vocabularies of two tribes, the Comecrudo and Cotoname, who
live on the Rio Grande, at Las Prietas, State of Tamaulipas. Of the
Comecrudo some twenty-five still remain, of whom seven speak the
language.
[Footnote 33: Geografía de las Lenguas de México, map, 1864.]
The Cotoname are practically extinct, although Mr. Gatschet obtained one
hundred and twenty-five words from a man said to be of this blood.
Besides the above, Mr. Gatschet obtained information of the existence of
two women of the Pinto or Pakawá tribe who live at La Volsa, near
Reynosa, Tamaulipas, on the Rio Grande, and who are said to speak their
own language.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Alasapa. Pajalate.
Cachopostate. Pakawá.
Casa chiquita. Pamaque.
Chayopine. Pampopa.
Comecrudo. Pastancoya.
Cotoname. Patacale.
Mano de perro. Pausane.
Mescal. Payseya.
Miakan. Sanipao.
Orejone. Tâcame.
Pacuâche. Venado.
COPEHAN FAMILY.
> Cop-eh, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 421, 1853 (mentioned
as a dialect).
= Copeh, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 79, 1856 (of Upper
Sacramento; cites vocabs. from Gallatin and Schoolcraft). Latham,
Opuscula, 345, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 412, 1862.
= Wintoons, Powers in Overland Monthly, 530, June, 1874 (Upper
Sacramento and Upper Trinity). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 160, 1877
(defines habitat and names tribes). Gatschet in Beach, Ind.
Miscellany, 434, 1877.
= Win-tún, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 518-534, 1877 (vocabularies
of Wintun, Sacramento River, Trinity Indians). Gatschet in U.S. Geog.
Surv. W. 100th M., VII, 418, 1879 (defines area occupied by family).
X Klamath, Keane, App. to Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475,
1878 (cited as including Copahs, Patawats, Wintoons). Bancroft, Nat.
Races, III, 565, 1882 (contains Copah).
> Napa, Keane, ibid., 476, 524, 1878 (includes Myacomas, Calayomanes,
Caymus, Ulucas, Suscols). Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 567, 1882
(includes Napa, Myacoma, Calayomane, Caymus, Uluca, Suscol).
This name was proposed by Latham with evident hesitation. He says of it:
"How far this will eventually turn out to be a convenient name for the
group (or how far the group itself will be real), is uncertain." Under
it he places two vocabularies, one from the Upper Sacramento and the
other from Mag Redings in Shasta County. The head of Putos Creek is
given as headquarters for the language. Recent investigations have
served to fully confirm the validity of the family.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The territory of the Copehan family is bounded on the north by Mount
Shasta and the territory of the Sastean and Lutuamian families, on the
east by the territory of the Palaihnihan, Yanan, and Pujunan families,
and on the south by the bays of San Pablo and Suisun and the lower
waters of the Sacramento.
The eastern boundary of the territory begins about 5 miles east of Mount
Shasta, crosses Pit River a little east of Squaw Creek, and reaches to
within 10 miles of the eastern bank of the Sacramento at Redding. From
Redding to Chico Creek the boundary is about 10 miles east of the
Sacramento. From Chico downward the Pujunan family encroaches till at
the mouth of Feather River it occupies the eastern bank of the
Sacramento. The western boundary of the Copehan family begins at the
northernmost point of San Pablo Bay, trends to the northwest in a
somewhat irregular line till it reaches John's Peak, from which point it
follows the Coast Range to the tipper waters of Cottonwood Creek, whence
it deflects to the west, crossing the headwaters of the Trinity and
ending at the southern boundary of the Sastean family.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
A. Patwin: B. Wintu:
Chenposel. Daupom.
Gruilito. Nomlaki.
Korusi. Nommuk.
Liwaito. Norelmuk.
Lolsel. Normuk.
Makhelchel. Waikenmuk.
Malaka. Wailaki.
Napa.
Olelato.
Olposel.
Suisun.
Todetabi.
Topaidisel.
Waikosel.
Wailaksel.
COSTANOAN FAMILY.
= Costano, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 82, 1856 (includes
the Ahwastes, Olhones or Costanos, Romonans, Tulornos, Altatmos).
Latham, Opuscula, 348, 1860.
< Mutsun, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 157, 1877 (includes Ahwastes,
Olhones, Altahmos, Romonans, Tulomos). Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III,
535, 1877 (includes under this family vocabs. of Costano, Mutsun,
Santa Clara, Santa Cruz).
Derivation: From the Spanish costano, "coast-men."
Under this group name Latham included five tribes, given above, which
were under the supervision of the Mission Dolores. He gives a few words
of the Romonan language, comparing it with Tshokoyem which he finds to
differ markedly. He finally expresses the opinion that, notwithstanding
the resemblance of a few words, notably personal pronouns, to Tshokoyem
of the Moquelumnan group, the affinities of the dialects of the Costano
are with the Salinas group, with which, however, he does not unite it
but prefers to keep it by itself. Later, in 1877, Mr. Gatschet,[34]
under the family name Mutsun, united the Costano dialects with the ones
classified by Latham under Moquelumnan. This arrangement was followed by
Powell in his classification of vocabularies.[35] More recent comparison
of all the published material by Mr. Curtin, of the Bureau, revealed
very decided and apparently radical differences between the two groups
of dialects. In 1888 Mr. H. W. Henshaw visited the coast to the north
and south of San Francisco, and obtained a considerable body of
linguistic material for further comparison. The result seems fully
to justify the separation of the two groups as distinct families.
[Footnote 34: Mag. Am. Hist., 1877, p. 157.]
[Footnote 35: Cont. N.A. Eth., 1877, vol. 3, p. 535.]
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The territory of the Costanoan family extends from the Golden Gate to a
point near the southern end of Monterey Bay. On the south it is bounded
from Monterey Bay to the mountains by the Esselenian territory. On the
east side of the mountains it extends to the southern end of Salinas
Valley. On the east it is bounded by a somewhat irregular line running
from the southern end of Salinas Valley to Gilroy Hot Springs and the
upper waters of Conestimba Creek, and, northward from the latter points
by the San Joaquin River to its mouth. The northern boundary is formed
by Suisun Bay, Carquinez Straits, San Pablo and San Francisco Bays, and
the Golden Gate.
_Population._--The surviving Indians of the once populous tribes of this
family are now scattered over several counties and probably do not
number, all told, over thirty individuals, as was ascertained by Mr.
Henshaw in 1888. Most of these are to be found near the towns of Santa
Cruz and Monterey. Only the older individuals speak the
language.
ESKIMAUAN FAMILY.
> Eskimaux, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 9, 305,
1836. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848.
Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853.
= Eskimo, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852.
Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 288, 1850 (general remarks on origin and
habitat). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 689, 1859. Latham, El.
Comp. Phil., 385, 1862. Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 562, 574, 1882.
> Esquimaux, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 367-371, 1847 (follows
Gallatin). Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 182-191, 1848. Latham,
Opuscula, 266-274, 1860.
> Eskimo, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 266, 1869 (treats of Alaskan Eskimo
and Tuski only). Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887 (excludes the
Aleutian).
> Eskimos, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 1878
(excludes Aleutian).
> Ounángan, Veniamínoff, Zapíski ob ostrova[ch] Unaláshkinskago
otdailo, II, 1, 1840 (Aleutians only).
> [-U]n[)u][īg][)u]n, Dall in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 22, 1877 (Aleuts a
division of his Orarian group).
> Unangan, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.
X Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 218, 1841
(includes Ugalentzes of present family).
X Haidah, Scouler, ibid., 224, 1841 (same as his Northern family).
> Ugaljachmutzi, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853
(lat. 60°, between Prince Williams Sound and Mount St. Elias, perhaps
Athapascas).
Aleuten, Holmberg, Ethnog. Skizzen d. Völker Russ. Am., 1855.
> Aleutians, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 266, 1869. Dall, Alaska and
Resources, 374, 1870 (in both places a division of his Orarian
family).
> Aleuts, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 1878
(consist of Unalaskans of mainland and of Fox and Shumagin Ids., with
Akkhas of rest of Aleutian Arch.).
> Aleut, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 562, 1882 (two dialects, Unalaska
and Atkha).
> Konjagen, Holmberg, Ethnograph. Skizzen Volker Russ. Am., 1855
(Island of Koniag or Kadiak).
= Orarians, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 265, 1869 (group name; includes
Innuit, Aleutians, Tuski). Dall, Alaska and Resources, 374, 1870. Dall
in Cont. N.A. Eth., 1, 8, 9, 1877.
X Tinneb, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 269, 1869 (includes "Ugalense").
> Innuit, Dall in Cont. N.A. Eth., 1, 9, 1877 ("Major group" of
Orarians: treats of Alaska Innuit only). Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map
73, 1887 (excludes the Aleutians).
Derivation: From an Algonkin word eskimantik, "eaters of raw flesh."
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The geographic boundaries of this family were set forth by Gallatin
in 1836 with considerable precision, and require comparatively little
revision and correction.
In the linear extent of country occupied, the Eskimauan is the most
remarkable of the North American linguistic families. It extends
coastwise from eastern Greenland to western Alaska and to the extremity
of the Aleutian Islands, a distance of considerably more than 5,000
miles. The winter or permanent villages are usually situated on the
coast and are frequently at considerable distances from one another,
the intervening areas being usually visited in summer for hunting and
fishing purposes. The interior is also visited by the Eskimo for the
purpose of hunting reindeer and other animals, though they rarely
penetrate farther than 50 miles. A narrow strip along the coast,
perhaps 30 miles wide, will probably, on the average, represent
Eskimo occupancy.
Except upon the Aleutian Islands, the dialects spoken over this vast
area are very similar, the unity of dialect thus observable being in
marked contrast to the tendency to change exhibited in other linguistic
families of North America.
How far north the east coast of Greenland is inhabited by Eskimo is
not at present known. In 1823 Capt. Clavering met with two families of
Eskimo north of 74° 30'. Recent explorations (1884-'85) by Capt. Holm,
of the Danish Navy, along the southeast coast reveal the presence of
Eskimo between 65° and 66° north latitude. These Eskimo profess entire
ignorance of any inhabitants north of themselves, which may be taken as
proof that if there are fiords farther up the coast which are inhabited
there has been no intercommunication in recent times at least between
these tribes and those to the south. It seems probable that more or less
isolated colonies of Eskimo do actually exist along the east coast of
Greenland far to the north.
Along the west coast of Greenland, Eskimo occupancy extends to
about 74°. This division is separated by a considerable interval of
uninhabited coast from the Etah Eskimo who occupy the coast from Smith
Sound to Cape York, their most northerly village being in 78° 18'. For
our knowledge of these interesting people we are chiefly indebted to
Ross and Bessels.
In Grinnell Land, Gen. Greely found indications of permanent Eskimo
habitations near Fort Conger, lat. 81° 44'.
On the coast of Labrador the Eskimo reach as far south as Hamilton
Inlet, about 55° 30'. Not long since they extended to the Straits of
Belle Isle, 50° 30'.
On the east coast of Hudson Bay the Eskimo reach at present nearly to
James Bay. According to Dobbs[36] in 1744 they extended as far south as
east Maine River, or about 52°. The name Notaway (Eskimo) River at the
southern end of the bay indicates a former Eskimo extension to that
point.
[Footnote 36: Dobbs (Arthur). An account of the Countries adjoining
to Hudson's Bay. London, 1744.]
According to Boas and Bessels the most northern Eskimo of the middle
group north of Hudson Bay reside on the southern extremity of Ellesmere
Land around Jones Sound. Evidences of former occupation of Prince
Patrick, Melville, and other of the northern Arctic islands are not
lacking, but for some unknown cause, probably a failure of food supply,
the Eskimo have migrated thence and the islands are no longer inhabited.
In the western part of the central region the coast appears to be
uninhabited from the Coppermine River to Cape Bathurst. To the west of
the Mackenzie, Herschel Island marks the limit of permanent occupancy by
the Mackenzie Eskimo, there being no permanent villages between that
island and the settlements at Point Barrow.
The intervening strip of coast is, however, undoubtedly hunted over more
or less in summer. The Point Barrow Eskimo do not penetrate far into the
interior, but farther to the south the Eskimo reach to the headwaters of
the Nunatog and Koyuk Rivers. Only visiting the coast for trading
purposes, they occupy an anomalous position among Eskimo.
Eskimo occupancy of the rest of the Alaska coast is practically
continuous throughout its whole extent as far to the south and east as
the Atna or Copper River, where begin the domains of the Koluschan
family. Only in two places do the Indians of the Athapascan family
intrude upon Eskimo territory, about Cook's Inlet, and at the mouth of
Copper River.
Owing to the labors of Dall, Petroff, Nelson, Turner, Murdoch, and
others we are now pretty well informed as to the distribution of the
Eskimo in Alaska.
Nothing is said by Gallatin of the Aleutian Islanders and they were
probably not considered by him to be Eskimauan. They are now known to
belong to this family, though the Aleutian dialects are unintelligible
to the Eskimo proper. Their distribution has been entirely changed since
the advent of the Russians and the introduction of the fur trade, and at
present they occupy only a very small portion of the islands. Formerly
they were much more numerous than at present and extended throughout the
chain.
The Eskimauan family is represented in northeast Asia by the Yuit of the
Chukchi peninsula, who are to be distinguished from the sedentary
Chukchi or the Tuski of authors, the latter being of Asiatic origin.
According to Dall the former are comparatively recent arrivals from the
American continent, and, like their brethren of America, are confined
exclusively to the coast.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES AND VILLAGES.
Greenland group-- Labrador group: Alaska group:
East Greenland villages: Itivimiut. Chiglit.
Akorninak. Kiguaqtagmiut. Chugachigmiut.
Aluik. Suqinimiut. Ikogmiut.
Anarnitsok. Taqagmiut. Imahklimiut.
Angmagsalik. Inguhklimiut.
Igdlolnarsuk. Middle Group: Kaialigmiut.
Ivimiut. Aggomiut. Kangmaligmiut.
Kemisak. Ahaknanelet. Kaviagmiut.
Kikkertarsoak. Aivillirmiut. Kittegareut.
Kinarbik. Akudliarmiut. Kopagmiut.
Maneetsuk. Akudnirmiut. Kuagmiut.
Narsuk. Amitormiut. Kuskwogmiut.
Okkiosorbik. Iglulingmiut. Magemiut.
Sermiligak. Kangormiut. Mahlemiut.
Sermilik. Kinnepatu. Nunatogmiut.
Taterat. Kramalit. Nunivagmiut.
Umanak. Nageuktormiut. Nushagagmiut.
Umerik. Netchillirmiut. Nuwungmiut.
Nugumiut. Oglemiut.
West coast villages: Okomiut. Selawigmiut.
Akbat. Pilinginiut. Shiwokugmiut.
Karsuit. Sagdlirmiut. Ukivokgmiut.
Tessuisak. Sikosuilarmiut. Unaligmiut.
Sinimiut.
Ugjulirmiut. Aleutian group:
Ukusiksalingmiut. Atka.
Unalashka.
Asiatic group:
Yuit.
_Population._--Only a rough approximation of the population of the
Eskimo can be given, since of some of the divisions next to nothing is
known. Dall compiles the following estimates of the Alaskan Eskimo from
the most reliable figures up to 1885: Of the Northwestern Innuit 3,100
(?), including the Kopagmiut, Kangmaligmiut, Nuwukmiut, Nunatogmiut,
Kuagmiut, the Inguhklimiut of Little Diomede Island 40 (?), Shiwokugmiut
of St. Lawrence Island 150 (?), the Western Innuit 14,500 (?), the
Aleutian Islanders (Unungun) 2,200 (?); total of the Alaskan Innuit,
about 20,000.
The Central or Baffin Land Eskimo are estimated by Boas to number about
1,100.[37]
[Footnote 37: Sixth Ann. Rep. Bu. Eth., 426, 1888.]
From figures given by Rink, Packard, and others, the total number of
Labrador Eskimo is believed to be about 2,000.
According to Holm (1884-'85) there are about 550 Eskimo on the east
coast of Greenland. On the west coast the mission Eskimo numbered 10,122
in 1886, while the northern Greenland Eskimo, the Arctic Highlanders of
Ross, number about 200.
Thus throughout the Arctic regions generally there is a total of about
34,000.
ESSELENIAN FAMILY.
< Salinas, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 85, 1856 (includes
Gioloco?, Ruslen, Soledad, Eslen, Carmel, San Antonio, and San Miguel,
cited as including Eslen). Latham, Opuscula, 350, 1860.
As afterwards mentioned under the Salinan family, the present family was
included by Latham in the heterogeneous group called by him Salinas. For
reasons there given the term Salinan was restricted to the San Antonio
and San Miguel languages, leaving the present family without a name. It
is called Esselenian, from the name of the single tribe Esselen, of
which it is composed.
Its history is a curious and interesting one. Apparently the first
mention of the tribe and language is to be found in the Voyage de la
Pérouse, Paris, 1797, page 288, where Lamanon (1786) states that the
language of the Ecclemachs (Esselen) differs "absolutely from all those
of their neighbors." He gives a vocabulary of twenty-two words and by
way of comparison a list of the ten numerals of the Achastlians
(Costanoan family). It was a study of the former short vocabulary,
published by Taylor in the California Farmer, October 24, 1862, that
first led to the supposition of the distinctness of this language.
A few years later the Esselen people came under the observation of
Galiano,[38] who mentions the Eslen and Runsien as two distinct nations,
and notes a variety of differences in usages and customs which are of no
great weight. It is of interest to note, however, that this author also
appears to have observed essential differences in the languages of the
two peoples, concerning which he says: "The same difference as in usage
and custom is observed in the languages of the two nations, as will be
perceived from the following comparison with which we will conclude this
chapter."
[Footnote 38: Relacion del viage hecho por las Goletas Sutil y
Mexicana en el aņo de 1792. Madrid, 1802, p. 172.]
Galiano supplies Esselen and Runsien vocabularies of thirty-one words,
most of which agree with the earlier vocabulary of Lamanon. These were
published by Taylor in the California Farmer under date of April 20,
1860.
In the fall of 1888 Mr. H. W. Henshaw visited the vicinity of Monterey
with the hope of discovering survivors of these Indians. Two women were
found in the Salinas Valley to the south who claimed to be of Esselen
blood, but neither of them was able to recall any of the language, both
having learned in early life to speak the Runsien language in place of
their own. An old woman was found in the Carmelo Valley near Monterey
and an old man living near the town of Cayucos, who, though of Runsien
birth, remembered considerable of the language of their neighbors with
whom they were connected by marriage. From them a vocabulary of one
hundred and ten words and sixty-eight phrases and short sentences were
obtained. These serve to establish the general correctness of the short
lists of words collected so long ago by Lamanon and Galiano, and they
also prove beyond reasonable doubt that the Esselen language forms a
family by itself and has no connection with any other known.
The tribe or tribes composing this family occupied a narrow strip of the
California coast from Monterey Bay south to the vicinity of the Santa
Lucia Mountain, a distance of about 50 miles.
IROQUOIAN FAMILY.
> Iroquois, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 21, 23, 305, 1836
(excludes Cherokee). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 381, 1847
(follows Gallatin). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix,
77, 1848 (as in 1836). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 401,
1853. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58, 1856. Latham,
Opuscula, 327, 1860. Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 463, 1862.
> Irokesen, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852.
X Irokesen, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887 (includes Kataba and
said to be derived from Dakota).
> Huron-Iroquois, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., III, 243, 1840.
> Wyandot-Iroquois, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.),
460, 468, 1878.
> Cherokees, Gallatin in Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 89, 306, 1836 (kept
apart from Iroquois though probable affinity asserted). Bancroft,
Hist. U.S., III, 246, 1840. Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 401,
1847. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848.
Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58, 1856 (a separate group
perhaps to be classed with Iroquois and Sioux). Gallatin in
Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853. Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860.
Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 472, 1878 (same
as Chelekees or Tsalagi--"apparently entirely distinct from all other
American tongues").
> Tschirokies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848.
> Chelekees, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 473,
1878 (or Cherokees).
> Cheroki, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 34, 1884. Gatschet in
Science, 413, April 29, 1887.
= Huron-Cherokee, Hale in Am. Antiq., 20, Jan., 1883 (proposed as a
family name instead of Huron-Iroquois; relationship to Iroquois
affirmed).
Derivation: French, adaptation of the Iroquois word hiro, used to
conclude a speech, and koué, an exclamation (Charlevoix). Hale gives as
possible derivations ierokwa, the indeterminate form of the verb to
smoke, signifying "they who smoke;" also the Cayuga form of bear,
iakwai.[39] Mr. Hewitt[39] suggests the Algonkin words [-i]r[-i]n, true,
or real; ako, snake; with the French termination ois, the word becomes
Irinakois.
[Footnote 39: Iroquois Book of Rites, 1883, app., p. 173.]
[Footnote 40: American Anthropologist, 1888, vol. 1, p. 188.]
With reference to this family it is of interest to note that as early as
1798 Barton[41] compared the Cheroki language with that of the Iroquois
and stated his belief that there was a connection between them.
Gallatin, in the Archæologia Americana, refers to the opinion expressed
by Barton, and although he states that he is inclined to agree with that
author, yet he does not formally refer Cheroki to that family,
concluding that "We have not a sufficient knowledge of the grammar, and
generally of the language of the Five Nations, or of the Wyandots, to
decide that question."[42]
[Footnote 41: New Views of the Origin of the Tribes and Nations of
America. Phila., 1798.]
[Footnote 42: Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1836, vol. 2, p. 92.]
Mr. Hale was the first to give formal expression to his belief in the
affinity of the Cheroki to Iroquois.[43] Recently extensive Cheroki
vocabularies have come into possession of the Bureau of Ethnology, and a
careful comparison of them with ample Iroquois material has been made by
Mr. Hewitt. The result is convincing proof of the relationship of the
two languages as affirmed by Barton so long ago.
[Footnote 43: Am. Antiq., 1883, vol. 5, p. 20.]
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
Unlike most linguistic stocks, the Iroquoian tribes did not occupy a
continuous area, but when first known to Europeans were settled in three
distinct regions, separated from each other by tribes of other lineage.
The northern group was surrounded by tribes of Algonquian stock, while
the more southern groups bordered upon the Catawba and Maskoki.
A tradition of the Iroquois points to the St. Lawrence region as the
early home of the Iroquoian tribes, whence they gradually moved down to
the southwest along the shores of the Great Lakes.
When Cartier, in 1534, first explored the bays and inlets of the Gulf of
St. Lawrence he met a Huron-Iroquoian people on the shores of the Bay of
Gaspé, who also visited the northern coast of the gulf. In the following
year when he sailed up the St. Lawrence River he found the banks of the
river from Quebec to Montreal occupied by an Iroquoian people. From
statements of Champlain and other early explorers it seems probable that
the Wyandot once occupied the country along the northern shore of Lake
Ontario.
The Conestoga, and perhaps some allied tribes, occupied the country
about the Lower Susquehanna, in Pennsylvania and Maryland, and have
commonly been regarded as an isolated body, but it seems probable that
their territory was contiguous to that of the Five Nations on the north
before the Delaware began their westward movement.
As the Cherokee were the principal tribe on the borders of the southern
colonies and occupied the leading place in all the treaty negotiations,
they came to be considered as the owners of a large territory to which
they had no real claim. Their first sale, in 1721, embraced a tract in
South Carolina, between the Congaree and the South Fork of the
Edisto,[44] but about one-half of this tract, forming the present
Lexington County, belonging to the Congaree.[45] In 1755 they sold a
second tract above the first and extending across South Carolina from
the Savannah to the Catawba (or Wateree),[46] but all of this tract east
of Broad River belonged to other tribes. The lower part, between the
Congaree and the Wateree, had been sold 20 years before, and in the
upper part the Broad River was acknowledged as the western Catawba
boundary.[48] In 1770 they sold a tract, principally in Virginia and
West Virginia, bounded east by the Great Kanawha,[47] but the Iroquois
claimed by conquest all of this tract northwest of the main ridge of the
Alleghany and Cumberland Mountains, and extending at least to the
Kentucky River,[49] and two years previously they had made a treaty
with Sir William Johnson by which they were recognized as the owners of
all between Cumberland Mountains and the Ohio down to the Tennessee.[50]
The Cumberland River basin was the only part of this tract to which the
Cherokee had any real title, having driven out the former occupants, the
Shawnee, about 1721.[51] The Cherokee had no villages north of the
Tennessee (this probably includes the Holston as its upper part), and at
a conference at Albany the Cherokee delegates presented to the Iroquois
the skin of a deer, which they said belonged to the Iroquois, as the
animal had been killed north of the Tennessee.[52] In 1805, 1806, and
1817 they sold several tracts, mainly in middle Tennessee, north of the
Tennessee River and extending to the Cumberland River watershed, but
this territory was claimed and had been occupied by the Chickasaw, and
at one conference the Cherokee admitted their claim.[53] The adjacent
tract in northern Alabama and Georgia, on the headwaters of the Coosa,
was not permanently occupied by the Cherokee until they began to move
westward, about 1770.
[Footnote 44: Cession No. 1, on Royce's Cherokee map, 1884.]
[Footnote 45: Howe in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1854, vol. 4,
p. 163.]
[Footnote 46: Cession 2, on Royce's Cherokee map, 1884.]
[Footnote 47: Howe in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1854, vol. 4, pp.
155-159.]
[Footnote 48: Cession 4, on Royce's Cherokee map, 1884.]
[Footnote 49: Sir William Johnson in Parkman's Conspiracy of
Pontiac, app.]
[Footnote 50: Bancroft, Hist. U.S.]
[Footnote 51: Ramsey, Annals of Tennessee, 1853.]
[Footnote 52: Ramsey, Annals of Tennessee, 1853.]
[Footnote 53: Blount (1792) in Am. State Papers, 1832, vol. 4,
p. 336.]
The whole region of West Virginia, Kentucky, and the Cumberland River
region of Tennessee was claimed by the Iroquois and Cherokee, but the
Iroquois never occupied any of it and the Cherokee could not be said to
occupy any beyond the Cumberland Mountains. The Cumberland River was
originally held by the Shawnee, and the rest was occupied, so far as it
was occupied at all, by the Shawnee, Delaware, and occasionally by the
Wyandot and Mingo (Iroquoian), who made regular excursions southward
across the Ohio every year to hunt and to make salt at the licks. Most
of the temporary camps or villages in Kentucky and West Virginia were
built by the Shawnee and Delaware. The Shawnee and Delaware were the
principal barrier to the settlement of Kentucky and West Virginia for a
period of 20 years, while in all that time neither the Cherokee nor the
Iroquois offered any resistance or checked the opposition of the Ohio
tribes.
The Cherokee bounds in Virginia should be extended along the mountain
region as far at least as the James River, as they claim to have lived
at the Peaks of Otter,[54] and seem to be identical with the Rickohockan
or Rechahecrian of the early Virginia writers, who lived in the
mountains beyond the Monacan, and in 1656 ravaged the lowland country as
far as the site of Richmond and defeated the English and the Powhatan
Indians in a pitched battle at that place.[55]
[Footnote 54: Schoolcraft, Notes on Iroquois, 1847.]
[Footnote 55: Bancroft, Hist. U.S.]
The language of the Tuscarora, formerly of northeastern North Carolina,
connect them directly with the northern Iroquois. The Chowanoc and
Nottoway and other cognate tribes adjoining the Tuscarora may have been
offshoots from that tribe.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Cayuga.
Cherokee.
Conestoga.
Erie.
Mohawk.
Neuter.
Nottoway.
Oneida.
Onondaga.
Seneca.
Tionontate.
Tuscarora.
Wyandot.
_Population._--The present number of the Iroquoian stock is about
43,000, of whom over 34,000 (including the Cherokees) are in the United
States while nearly 9,000 are in Canada. Below is given the population
of the different tribes, compiled chiefly from the Canadian Indian
Report for 1888, and the United States Census Bulletin for 1890:
Cherokee:
Cherokee and Choctaw Nations, Indian Territory
(exclusive of adopted Indians, negroes, and whites) 25,557
Eastern Band, Qualla Reservation, Cheowah, etc., North Carolina
(exclusive of those practically white) 1,500?
Lawrence school, Kansas 6
------
27,063
Caughnawaga:
Caughnawaga, Quebec 1,673
Cayuga:
Grand River, Ontario 972?
With Seneca, Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory (total 255) 128?
Cattaraugus Reserve, New York 165
Other Reserves in New York 36
------
1,301?
"Iroquois":
Of Lake of Two Mountains, Quebec, mainly Mohawk
(with Algonquin) 345
With Algonquin at Gibson, Ontario (total 131) 31?
------
376?
Mohawk:
Quinte Bay, Ontario 1,050
Grand River, Ontario 1,302
Tonawanda, Onondaga, and Cattaraugus Reserves, New York 6
------
2,358
Oneida:
Oneida and other Reserves, New York 295
Green Bay Agency, Wisconsin ("including homeless Indians") 1,716
Carlisle and Hampton schools 104
Thames River, Ontario 778
Grand River, Ontario 236
------
3,129
Onondaga:
Onondaga Reserve, New York 380
Allegany Reserve, New York 77
Cattaraugus Reserve, New York 38
Tuscarora (41) and Tonawanda (4) Reserves, New York 45
Carlisle and Hampton schools 4
Grand River, Ontario 346
------
890
Seneca:
With Cayuga, Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory (total 255) 127?
Allegany Reserve, New York 862
Cattaraugus Reserve, New York 1,318
Tonawanda Reserve, New York 517
Tusarora and Onondaga Reserves, New York 12
Lawrence, Hampton, and Carlisle schools 13
Grand River, Ontario 206
------
3,055?
St. Regis:
St. Regis Reserve, New York 1,053
Onondaga and other Reserves, New York 17
St. Regis Reserve, Quebec 1,179
------
2,249
Tuscarora:
Tuscarora Reserve, New York 398
Cattaraugus and Tonawanda Reserves, New York 6
Grand River, Ontario 329
------
733
Wyandot:
Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory 288
Lawrence, Hampton, and Carlisle schools 18
"Hurons" of Lorette, Quebec 279
"Wyandots" of Anderdon, Ontario 98
------
683
The Iroquois of St. Regis, Caughnawaga, Lake of Two Mountains (Oka), and
Gibson speak a dialect mainly Mohawk and Oneida, but are a mixture of
all the tribes of the original Five Nations.
KALAPOOIAN FAMILY.
= Kalapooiah, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 335, 1841
(includes Kalapooiah and Yamkallie; thinks the Umpqua and Cathlascon
languages are related). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 599,
617, 1859, (follows Scouler).
= Kalapuya, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 3217, 584, 1846 (of Willamet
Valley above Falls). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., I pt. 1, c, 17,
77, 1848. Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1853. Gallatin in
Sohoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853. Latham in Trans. Philolog.
Soc. Lond., 73, 1856. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 617, 1859.
Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. Gatschet in Mag. Arn. Hist., 167, 1877.
Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 443, 1877.
> Calapooya, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 639, 1883.
X Chinooks, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 474,
1878 (includes Calapooyas and Yamkally).
> Yamkally, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 630, 1883 (bears a certain
relationship to Calapooya).
Under this family name Scouler places two tribes, the Kalapooiah,
inhabiting "the fertile Willamat plains" and the Yamkallie, who live
"more in the interior, towards the sources of the Willamat River."
Scouler adds that the Umpqua "appear to belong to this Family, although
their language is rather more remote from the Kalapooiah than the
Yamkallie is." The Umpqua language is now placed under the Athapascan
family. Scouler also asserts the intimate relationship of the Cathlascon
tribes to the Kalapooiah family. They are now classed as Chinookan.
The tribes of the Kalapooian family inhabited the valley of Willamette
River, Oregon, above the falls, and extended well up to the headwaters
of that stream. They appear not to have reached the Columbia River,
being cut off by tribes of the Chinookan family, and consequently were
not met by Lewis and Clarke, whose statements of their habitat were
derived solely from natives.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES
_Ahántchuyuk_
(Pudding River Indians).
Atfálati.
Calapooya.
Chelamela.
Lákmiut.
Santiam.
Yámil.
_Population._--So far as known the surviving Indians of this family are
all at the Grande Ronde Agency, Oregon.
The following is a census for 1890:
Atfálati 28
Calapooya 22
Lákmiut 29
Mary's River 28
Santiam 27
Yámil 30
Yonkalla 7
---
Total 171
KARANKAWAN FAMILY.
= Karánkawa, Gatschet in Globus, XLIX, No. 8, 123, 1886 (vocabulary
of 25 terms; distinguished as a family provisionally). Gatschet in
Science, 414, April 9, 1887.
The Karankawa formerly dwelt upon the Texan coast, according to Sibley,
upon an island or peninsula in the Bay of St. Bernard (Matagorda Bay).
In 1804 this author, upon hearsay evidence, stated their number to be
500 men.[56] In several places in the paper cited it is explicitly
stated that the Karankawa spoke the Attakapa language; the Attakapa was
a coast tribe living to the east of them. In 1884 Mr. Gatschet found a
Tonkawe at Fort Griffin, Texas, who claimed to have formerly lived among
the Karankawa. From him a vocabulary of twenty-five terms was obtained,
which was all of the language he remembered.
[Footnote 56: Am. State Papers, 1832, vol. 4, p. 722.]
The vocabulary is unsatisfactory, not only because of its meagerness,
but because most of the terms are unimportant for comparison.
Nevertheless, such as it is, it represents all of the language that is
extant. Judged by this vocabulary the language seems to be distinct not
only from the Attakapa but from all others. Unsatisfactory as the
linguistic evidence is, it appears to be safer to class the language
provisionally as a distinct family upon the strength of it than to
accept Sibley's statement of its identity with Attakapa, especially as
we know nothing of the extent of his information or whether indeed his
statement was based upon a personal knowledge of the language.
A careful search has been made with the hope of finding a few survivors
of this family, but thus far not a single descendant of the tribe has
been discovered and it is probable that not one is now living.
KERESAN FAMILY.
> Keres, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 86-90, 1856
(includes Kiwomi, Cochitemi, Acoma).
= Kera, Powell in Rocky Mt. Presbyterian, Nov., 1878 (includes San
Felipe, Santo Domingo, Cóchiti, Santa Aņa, Cia, Acoma, Laguna, Povate,
Hasatch, Mogino). Gratschet in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., VII, 417,
1879. Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist. 259, 1883.
= Keran, Powell in Am. Nat., 604, Aug., 1880 (enumerates pueblos and
gives linguistic literature).
= Queres, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Ana.), 479,
1878.
= Chu-cha-cas, Lane in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 689, 1855
(includes Laguna, Acoma, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana,
Cochite, Sille).
= Chu-cha-chas, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479,
1878 (misprint; follows Lane).
= Kes-whaw-hay, Lane in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 689, 1855 (same
as Chu-cha-cas above). Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So.
Am.), 479, 1878 (follows Lane).
Derivation unknown. The name is pronounced with an explosive initial
sound, and Ad. F. Bandelier spells it Qq'uęres, Quéra, Quéris.
Under this name Turner, as above quoted, includes the vocabularies of
Kiwomi, Cochitemi, and Acoma.
The full list of pueblos of Keresan stock is given below. They are
situated in New Mexico on the upper Rio Grande, on several of its small
western affluents, and on the Jemez and San José, which also are
tributaries of the Rio Grande.
VILLAGES.
Acoma.
Acomita.[57]
Cochití.
Hasatch.
Laguna.
Paguate.
Pueblito.[57]
Punyeestye.
Punyekia.
Pusityitcho.
San Felipe.
Santa Ana.
Santo Domingo.
Seemunah.
Sia.
Wapuchuseamma.
Ziamma.
[Footnote 57: Summer pueblos only.]
_Population._--According to the census of 1890 the total population of
the villages of the family is 3,560, distributed as follows:
Acoma[58] 566
Cochití 268
Laguna[59] 1,143
Santa Ana 253
San Felipe 554
Santo Domingo 670
Sia 106
[Footnote 58: Includes Acomita and Pueblito.]
[Footnote 59: Includes Hasatch, Paguate, Punyeestye, Punyekia,
Pusityitcho, Seemunah, Wapuchuseamma, and Ziamma.]
KIOWAN FAMILY.
= Kiaways, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (on
upper waters Arkansas).
= Kioway, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 80, 1856 (based
on the (Caigua) tribe only). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache,
432, 433, 1859. Latham, EL. Comp. Phil., 444, 1862 ("more Paduca than
aught else").
= Kayowe, Gatschet in Am. Antiq., 280, Oct., 1882 (gives phonetics
of).
Derivation: From the Kiowa word Kó-i, plural Kó-igu, meaning "Káyowe
man." The Comanche term káyowe means "rat."
The author who first formally separated this family appears to have been
Turner. Gallatin mentions the tribe and remarks that owing to the loss
of Dr. Say's vocabularies "we only know that both the Kiowas and
Kaskaias languages were harsh, guttural, and extremely difficult."[60]
Turner, upon the strength of a vocabulary furnished by Lieut. Whipple,
dissents from the opinion expressed by Pike and others to the effect
that the language is of the same stock as the Comanche, and, while
admitting that its relationship to Camanche is greater than to any other
family, thinks that the likeness is merely the result of long
intercommunication. His opinion that it is entirely distinct from any
other language has been indorsed by Buschmann and other authorities. The
family is represented by the Kiowa tribe.
[Footnote 60: Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1836, vol. II,
p. 133.]
So intimately associated with the Comanches have the Kiowa been since
known to history that it is not easy to determine their pristine home.
By the Medicine Creek treaty of October 18, 1867, they and the Comanches
were assigned their present reservation in the Indian Territory, both
resigning all claims to other territory, especially their claims and
rights in and to the country north of the Cimarron River and west of the
eastern boundary of New Mexico.
The terms of the cession might be taken to indicate a joint ownership of
territory, but it is more likely that the Kiowa territory adjoined the
Comanche on the northwest. In fact Pope[61] definitely locates the Kiowa
in the valley of the Upper Arkansas, and of its tributary, the Purgatory
(Las Animas) River. This is in substantial accord with the statements of
other writers of about the same period. Schermerhorn (1812) places the
Kiowa on the heads of the Arkansas and Platte. Earlier still they appear
upon the headwaters of the Platte, which is the region assigned them
upon the map.[62] This region was occupied later by the Cheyenne and
Arapaho of Algonquian stock.
[Footnote 61: Pac. R. R. Rep., 1855, vol. 2, pt. 3, p. 16.]
[Footnote 62: Pike, Exp. to sources of the Mississippi, App., 1810,
pt. 3, p. 9.]
_Population._--According to the United States census for 1890 there are
1,140 Kiowa on the Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Reservation, Indian
Territory.
KITUNAHAN FAMILY.
= Kitunaha, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 204, 535, 1846 (between the
forks of the Columbia). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1,
c, 10, 77, 1848 (Flatbow). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17,
1853. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 70, 1856. Latham,
Opuscula, 388, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 395, 1862 (between 52°
and 48° N.L., west of main ridge of Rocky Mountains). Gatschet in Mag.
Am. Hist., 170, 1877 (on Kootenay River).
= Coutanies, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 204, 1846 (= Kitunaha).
= Kútanis, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man., 316, 1850 (Kitunaha).
= Kituanaha, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853
(Coutaria or Flatbows, north of lat. 49°).
= Kootanies, Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 661, 1859.
= Kutani, Latham, El. Comp. Phil, 395, 1862 (or Kitunaha).
= Cootanie, Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 395, 1862 (synonymous with
Kitunaha).
= Kootenai, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 170, 1877 (defines area
occupied). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 446, 1877. Bancroft, Nat.
Races, III, 565, 1882.
= Kootenuha, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 79-87, 1884 (vocabulary
of Upper Kootenuha).
= Flatbow, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 204, 1846 (= Kitunaha).
Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 10, 77, 1848 (after
Hale). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 661, 1859. Latham, El.
Comp. Phil., 395, 1862 (or Kitunaha). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 170,
1877.
= Flachbogen, Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.
X Shushwaps, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460,
474, 1878 (includes Kootenais (Flatbows or Skalzi)).
This family was based upon a tribe variously termed Kitunaha, Kutenay,
Cootenai, or Flatbow, living on the Kootenay River, a branch of the
Columbia in Oregon.
Mr. Gatschet thinks it is probable that there are two dialects of the
language spoken respectively in the extreme northern and southern
portions of the territory occupied, but the vocabularies at hand are not
sufficient to definitely settle the question.
The area occupied by the Kitunahan tribes is inclosed between the
northern fork of the Columbia River, extending on the south along the
Cootenay River. By far the greater part of the territory occupied by
these tribes is in British Columbia.
TRIBES.
The principal divisions or tribes are Cootenai, or Upper Cootenai;
Akoklako, or Lower Cootenai; Klanoh-Klatklam, or Flathead Cootenai;
Yaketahnoklatakmakanay, or Tobacco Plains Cootenai.
_Population._--There are about 425 Cootenai at Flathead Agency, Montana,
and 539 at Kootenay Agency, British Columbia; total, 964.
KOLUSCHAN FAMILY.
= Koluschen, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 14,
1836 (islands and adjacent coast from 60° to 55° N.L.).
= Koulischen, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 306,
1836. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848,
(Koulischen and Sitka languages). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind.
Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (Sitka, bet. 52° and 59° lat.).
< Kolooch, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, 31-50, 1846
(tends to merge Kolooch into Esquimaux). Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc.
Lond., 1, 163, 1848 (compared with Eskimo language.). Latham,
Opuscula, 259, 276, 1860.
= Koluschians, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 433, 1847 (follows
Gallatin). Scouler (1846) in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 231, 1848.
< Kolúch, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 294, 1850 (more likely forms a
subdivision of Eskimo than a separate class; includes Kenay of Cook's
Inlet, Atna of Copper River, Koltshani, Ugalents, Sitkans, Tungaas,
Inkhuluklait, Magimut, Inkalit; Digothi and Nehanni are classed as
"doubtful Kolúches").
= Koloschen, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid.,
1852. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 680, 1859. Berghaus,
Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.
= Kolush, Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 401, 1862 (mere mention of family
with short vocabulary).
= Kaloshians, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 375, 1885 (gives tribes and
population).
X Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 218, 1841
(includes Koloshes and Tun Ghasse).
X Haidah, Scouler, ibid, 219, 1841 (same as his Northern).
= Klen-ee-kate, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 489, 1855.
= Klen-e-kate, Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, app., 1859 (a census of
N.W. coast tribes classified by language).
= Thlinkithen, Holmberg in Finland Soc., 284, 1856 (fide Buschmann,
676, 1859).
= Thl'nkets, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 268, 269, 1869 (divided into
Sitka-kwan, Stahkin-kwan, "Yakutats").
= T'linkets, Dall in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 36, 1877 (divided into
Y[)a]kī[-u]t[)a]ts, Chilk[-a]ht'-kwan, Sitka-kwan,
St[-a]khinī-kw[-a]n, Kyg[-a]hīni).
= Thlinkeet, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 460,
462, 1878 (from Mount St. Elias to Nass River; includes Ugalenzes,
Yakutats, Chilkats, Hoodnids, Hoodsinoos, Takoos, Auks, Kakas,
Stikines, Eeliknûs, Tungass, Sitkas). Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 562,
579, 1882.
= Thlinkit, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 14, 1884 (vocab. of
Skutkwan Sept; also map showing distribution of family). Berghaus,
Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.
= Tlinkit, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 375, 1885 (enumerates tribes and
gives population).
Derivation: From the Aleut word kolosh, or more properly, kaluga,
meaning "dish," the allusion being to the dish-shaped lip ornaments.
This family was based by Gallatin upon the Koluschen tribe (the
Tshinkitani of Marchand), "who inhabit the islands and the adjacent
coast from the sixtieth to the fifty-fifth degree of north latitude."
In the Koluschan family, Gallatin observes that the remote analogies to
the Mexican tongue to be found in several of the northern tribes, as the
Kinai, are more marked than in any other.
The boundaries of this family as given by Gallatin are substantially in
accordance with our present knowledge of the subject. The southern
boundary is somewhat indeterminate owing to the fact, ascertained by the
census agents in 1880, that the Haida tribes extend somewhat farther
north than was formerly supposed and occupy the southeast half of Prince
of Wales Island. About latitude 56°, or the mouth of Portland Canal,
indicates the southern limit of the family, and 60°, or near the mouth
of Atna River, the northern limit. Until recently they have been
supposed to be exclusively an insular and coast people, but Mr. Dawson
has made the interesting discovery[63] that the Tagish, a tribe living
inland on the headwaters of the Lewis River, who have hitherto been
supposed to be of Athapascan extraction, belong to the Koluschan family.
This tribe, therefore, has crossed the coast range of mountains, which
for the most part limits the extension of this people inland and
confines them to a narrow coast strip, and have gained a permanent
foothold in the interior, where they share the habits of the neighboring
Athapascan tribes.
[Footnote 63: Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Canada,
1887.]
TRIBES.
Auk.
Chilcat.
Hanega.
Hoodsunu.
Hunah.
Kek.
Sitka.
Stahkin.
Tagish.
Taku.
Tongas.
Yakutat.
_Population._--The following figures are from the census of 1880.[64]
The total population of the tribes of this family, exclusive of the
Tagish, is 6,437, distributed as follows:
Auk 640
Chilcat 988
Hanega (including Kouyon
and Klanak) 587
Hoodsunu 666
Hunah 908
Kek 568
Sitka 721
Stahkin 317
Taku 269
Tongas 273
Yakutat 500
[Footnote 64: Petroff, Report on the Population, Industries, and
Resources of Alaska, 1884, p. 33.]
KULANAPAN FAMILY.
X Kula-napo, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 431, 1853 (the
name of one of the Clear Lake bands).
> Mendocino (?), Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 77, 1856 (name
suggested for Choweshak, Batemdaikai, Kulanapo, Yukai, Khwaklamayu
languages). Latham, Opuscula, 343, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 410,
1863 (as above).
> Pomo, Powers in Overland Monthly, IX, 498, Dec., 1873 (general
description of habitat and of family). Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III,
146, 1877. Powell, ibid., 491 (vocabularies of Gal-li-no-mé-ro,
Yo-kaiī-a, Ba-tem-da-kaii, Chau-i-shek, Yu-kai, Ku-la-na-po, H'hana,
Venaambakaiia, Kaī-bi-na-pek, Chwachamaju). Gatschet in Mag. Am.
Hist., 16, 1877 (gives habitat and enumerates tribes of family).
Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 436, 1877. Keane, App. Stanford's Comp.
(Cent, and So. Am.), 476, 1878 (includes Castel Pomos, Ki, Cahto,
Choam, Chadela, Matomey Ki, Usal or Calamet, Shebalne Pomos,
Gallinomeros, Sanels, Socoas, Lamas, Comachos).
< Pomo, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 566, 1882 (includes Ukiah,
Gallinomero, Masallamagoon, Gualala, Matole, Kulanapo, Sanél, Yonios,
Choweshak, Batemdakaie, Chocuyem, Olamentke, Kainamare, Chwachamaju.
Of these, Chocuyem and Olamentke are Moquelumnan).
The name applied to this family was first employed by Gibbs in 1853, as
above cited. He states that it is the "name of one of the Clear Lake
bands," adding that "the language is spoken by all the tribes occupying
the large valley." The distinctness of the language is now generally
admitted.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The main territory of the Kulanapan family is bounded on the west by the
Pacific Ocean, on the east by the Yukian and Copehan territories, on the
north by the watershed of the Russian River, and on the south by a line
drawn from Bodega Head to the southwest corner of the Yukian territory,
near Santa Rosa, Sonoma County, California. Several tribes of this
family, viz, the Kastel Pomo, Kai Pomo, and Kato Pomo, are located in
the valley between the South Fork of Eel River and the main river, and
on the headwaters of the South Fork, extending thence in a narrow strip
to the ocean. In this situation they were entirely cut off from the main
body by the intrusive Yuki tribes, and pressed upon from the north by
the warlike Wailakki, who are said to have imposed their language and
many of their customs upon them and as well doubtless to have
extensively intermarried with them.
TRIBES.
Balló Kaė Pomo, "Oat Valley People."
Batemdikáyi.
Búldam Pomo (Rio Grande or Big River).
Chawishek.
Choam Chadila Pomo (Capello).
Chwachamajų.
Dápishul Pomo (Redwood Caņon).
Eastern People (Clear Lake about Lakeport).
Erío (mouth of Russian River).
Erússi (Fort Ross).
Gallinoméro (Russian River Valley below Cloverdale
and in Dry Creek Valley).
Grualála (northwest corner of Sonoma County).
Kabinapek (western part of Clear Lake basin).
Kaimé (above Healdsburgh).
Kai Pomo (between Eel River and South Fork).
Kastel Pomo (between Eel River and South Fork).
Kato Pomo, "Lake People."
Komácho (Anderson and Rancheria Valleys).
Kulá Kai Pomo (Sherwood Valley).
Kulanapo.
Láma (Russian River Valley).
Misálamag[-u]n or Musakak[-u]n (above Healdsburgh).
Mitoám Kai Pomo, "Wooded Valley People" (Little Lake).
Poam Pomo.
Senel (Russian River Valley).
Shódo Kaí Pomo (Coyote Valley).
Síako (Russian River Valley).
Sokóa (Russian River Valley).
Yokáya Pomo, "Lower Valley People" (Ukiah City).
Yusâl (or Kámalel) Pomo, "Ocean People"
(on coast and along Yusal Creek).
KUSAN FAMILY.
= Kúsa, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 257, 1883.
Derivation: Milhau, in a manuscript letter to Gibbs (Bureau of
Ethnology), states that "Coos in the Rogue River dialect is said to mean
lake, lagoon or inland bay."
The "Kaus or Kwokwoos" tribe is merely mentioned by Hale as living on a
river of the same name between the Umqua and the Clamet.[65] Lewis and
Clarke[66] also mention them in the same location as the Cookkoo-oose.
The tribe was referred to also under the name Kaus by Latham,[67] who
did not attempt its classification, having in fact no material for the
purpose.
[Footnote 65: U.S. Expl. Exp., 1846, vol. 6, p, 221.]
[Footnote 66: Allen Ed., 1814, vol. 2, p. 118.]
[Footnote 67: Nat. Hist. Man, 1850, p. 325.]
Mr. Gatschet, as above, distinguishes the language as forming a distinct
stock. It is spoken on the coast of middle Oregon, on Coos River and
Bay, and at the mouth of Coquille River, Oregon.
TRIBES.
Anasitch.
Melukitz.
Mulluk or Lower Coquille.
Nacu?.
_Population._--Most of the survivors of this family are gathered upon
the Siletz Reservation, Oregon, but their number can not be stated as
the agency returns are not given by tribes.
LUTUAMIAN FAMILY.
= Lutuami, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 199, 569, 1846 (headwaters
Klamath River and lake). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1,
c, 17, 77, 1848 (follows Hale). Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850
(headwaters Clamet River). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17,
1852. Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., VI, 82, 1854. Latham in
Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 74, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 300, 310,
1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 407, 1862.
= Luturim, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853
(misprint for Lutuami; based on Clamets language).
= Lutumani, Latham, Opuscula, 341, 1860 (misprint for Lutuami).
= Tlamatl, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 569, 1846 (alternative of
Lutuami). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.
= Clamets, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 569, 1846 (alternative of
Lutuami).
= Klamath, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 164, 1877. Gatschet in Beach.
Ind. Misc., 439, 1877. Gatschet in Am. Antiq., 81-84, 1878 (general
remarks upon family).
< Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 475,
1878 (a geographic group rather than a linguistic family; includes, in
addition to the Klamath proper or Lutuami, the Yacons, Modocs, Copahs,
Shastas, Palaiks, Wintoons, Eurocs, Cahrocs, Lototens, Weeyots,
Wishosks, Wallies, Tolewahs, Patawats, Yukas, "and others between Eel
River and Humboldt Bay." The list thus includes several distinct
families). Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 640, 1882 (includes Lutuami
or Klamath, Modoc and Copah, the latter belonging to the Copehan
family).
= Klamath Indians of Southwestern Oregon, Gatschet in Cont, N.A. Eth.,
II, pt. 1, XXXIII, 1890.
Derivation: From a Pit River word meaning "lake."
The tribes of this family appear from time immemorial to have occupied
Little and Upper Klamath Lakes, Klamath Marsh, and Sprague River,
Oregon. Some of the Modoc have been removed to the Indian Territory,
where 84 now reside; others are in Sprague River Valley.
The language is a homogeneous one and, according to Mr. Gatschet who has
made a special study of it, has no real dialects, the two divisions of
the family, Klamath and Modoc, speaking an almost identical language.
The Klamaths' own name is É-ukshikni, "Klamath Lake people." The Modoc
are termed by the Klamath Módokni, "Southern people."
TRIBES.
Klamath.
Modoc.
_Population._--There were 769 Klamath and Modoc on the Klamath
Reservation in 1889. Since then they have slightly decreased.
MARIPOSAN FAMILY.
> Mariposa, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 84, 1856 (Coconoons
language, Mariposa County). Latham, Opuscula, 350, 1860. Latham, El.
Comp. Philology, 416, 1862 (Coconoons of Mercede River).
= Yoī-kuts, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 369, 1877. Powell, ibid.,
570 (vocabularies of Yoī-kuts, Wiī-chi-kik, Tinī-lin-neh, King's
River, Coconoons, Calaveras County).
= Yocut, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 158, 1877 (mentions Taches,
Chewenee, Watooga, Chookchancies, Coconoons and others). Gatschet in
Beach, Ind. Misc., 432, 1877.
Derivation: A Spanish word meaning "butterfly," applied to a county in
California and subsequently taken for the family name.
Latham mentions the remnants of three distinct bands of the Coconoon,
each with its own language, in the north of Mariposa County. These are
classed together under the above name. More recently the tribes speaking
languages allied to the Cocon[-u]n have been treated of under the family
name Yokut. As, however, the stock was established by Latham on a sound
basis, his name is here restored.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The territory of the Mariposan family is quite irregular in outline. On
the north it is bounded by the Fresno River up to the point of its
junction with the San Joaquin; thence by a line running to the northeast
corner of the Salinan territory in San Benito County, California; on the
west by a line running from San Benito to Mount Pinos. From the middle
of the western shore of Tulare Lake to the ridge at Mount Pinos on the
south, the Mariposan area is merely a narrow strip in and along the
foothills. Occupying one-half of the western and all the southern shore
of Tulare Lake, and bounded on the north by a line running from the
southeast corner of Tulare Lake due east to the first great spur of the
Sierra Nevada range is the territory of the intrusive Shoshoni. On the
east the secondary range of the Sierra Nevada forms the Mariposan
boundary.
In addition to the above a small strip of territory on the eastern
bank of the San Joaquin is occupied by the Cholovone division of the
Mariposan family, between the Tuolumne and the point where the San
Joaquin turns to the west before entering Suisun Bay.
TRIBES.
Ayapaė (Tule River).
Chainímaini (lower King's River).
Chukaímina (Squaw Valley).
Ch[-u]k'chansi (San Joaquin River above Millerton).
[īC]hunut (Kaweah River at the lake).
Cocon[-u]nī (Merced River).
Ititcha (King's River).
Kassovo (Day Creek).
Kau-í-a (Kaweah River; foothills).
Kiawétni (Tule River at Porterville).
Mayáyu (Tule River, south fork).
Notoánaiti (on the lake).
Ochíngita (Tule River).
Pitkachė (extinct; San Joaquin River below Millerton).
Pohállin Tinleh (near Kern lake).
Sawákhtu (Tule River, south fork).
Táchi (Kingston).
Télumni (Kaweah River below Visalia).
Tínlinneh (Fort Tejon).
Tisčchu (upper King's River).
Wíchikik (King's River).
Wikchúmni (Kaweah River; foothills).
Wíksachi (upper Kaweah Valley).
Yúkol (Kaweah River plains).
_Population._--There are 145 of the Indians of this family now attached
to the Mission Agency, California.
MOQUELUMNAN FAMILY.
> Tcho-ko-yem, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 421, 1853
(mentioned as a band and dialect).
> Moquelumne, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 81, 1856
(includes Hale's Talatui, Tuolumne from Schoolcraft, Mumaltachi,
Mullateco, Apangasi, Lapappu, Siyante or Typoxi, Hawhaw's band of
Aplaches, San Rafael vocabulary, Tshokoyem vocabulary, Cocouyem and
Yonkiousme Paternosters, Olamentke of Kostromitonov, Paternosters
for Mission de Santa Clara and the Vallee de los Tulares of Mofras,
Paternoster of the Langue Guiloco de la Mission de San Francisco).
Latham, Opuscula, 347, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 414, 1862 (same
as above).
= Meewoc, Powers in Overland Monthly, 322, April, 1873 (general
account of family with allusions to language). Gatschet in Mag. Am.
Hist., 159, 1877 (gives habitat and bands of family). Gatschet in
Beach, Ind. Misc., 433, 1877.
= Mí-wok, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 346, 1877 (nearly as above).
< Mutsun, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 535, 1877 (vocabs. of
Miī-wok, Tuolumne, Costano, Tcho-ko-yem, M[-u]ts[-u]n, Santa Clara,
Santa Cruz, Chum-teī-ya, Kawéya, San Raphael Mission, Talatui,
Olamentke). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 157, 1877 (gives habitat and
members of family). Gatschet, in Beach, Ind. Misc., 430, 1877.
X Runsiens, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 476,
1878 (includes Olhones, Eslenes, Santa Cruz, San Miguel,
Lopillamillos, Mipacmacs, Kulanapos, Yolos, Suisunes, Talluches,
Chowclas, Waches, Talches, Poowells).
Derivation: From the river and hill of same name in Calaveras County,
California; according to Powers the Meewoc name for the river is
Wakalumitoh.
The Talatui mentioned by Hale[68] as on the Kassima (Cosumnes) River
belong to the above family. Though this author clearly distinguished the
language from any others with which he was acquainted, he nowhere
expressed the opinion that it is entitled to family rank or gave it a
family name. Talatui is mentioned as a tribe from which he obtained an
incomplete vocabulary.
[Footnote 68: U.S. Expl. Exp., 1846, vol. 6, pp. 630, 633.]
It was not until 1856 that the distinctness of the linguistic family was
fully set forth by Latham. Under the head of Moquelumne, this author
gathers several vocabularies representing different languages and
dialects of the same stock. These are the Talatui of Hale, the Tuolumne
from Schoolcraft, the Sonoma dialects as represented by the Tshokoyem
vocabulary, the Chocuyem and Youkiousme paternosters, and the Olamentke
of Kostromitonov in Bäer's Beiträge. He also places here provisionally
the paternosters from the Mission de Santa Clara and the Vallee de los
Tulares of Mofras; also the language Guiloco de la Mission de San
Francisco. The Costano containing the five tribes of the Mission of
Dolores, viz., the Ahwastes, Olhones or Costanos of the coast, Romonans,
Tulomos and the Altahmos seemed to Latham to differ from the Moquelumnan
language. Concerning them he states "upon the whole, however, the
affinities seem to run in the direction of the languages of the next
group, especially in that of the Ruslen." He adds: "Nevertheless, for
the present I place the Costano by itself, as a transitional form of
speech to the languages spoken north, east, and south of the Bay of San
Francisco." Recent investigation by Messrs. Curtin and Henshaw have
confirmed the soundness of Latham's views and, as stated under head of
the Costanoan family, the two groups of languages are considered to be
distinct.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The Moquelumnan family occupies the territory bounded on the north by
the Cosumne River, on the south by the Fresno River, on the east by the
Sierra Nevada, and on the west by the San Joaquin River, with the
exception of a strip on the east bank occupied by the Cholovone. A part
of this family occupies also a territory bounded on the south by San
Francisco Bay and the western half of San Pablo Bay; on the west by the
Pacific Ocean from the Golden Gate to Bodega Head; on the north by a
line running from Bodega Head to the Yukian territory northeast of Santa
Rosa, and on the east by a line running from the Yukian territory to the
northernmost point of San Pablo Bay.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Miwok division: Olamentke division:
Awani. Olowidok. Bollanos.
Chauchila. Olowit. Chokuyem.
Chumidok. Olowiya. Guimen.
Chumtiwa. Sakaiakumni. Likatuit.
Chumuch. Seroushamne. Nicassias.
Chumwit. Talatui. Numpali.
Hettitoya. Tamoleka. Olamentke.
Kani. Tumidok. Olumpali.
Lopolatimne. Tumun. Sonomi.
Machemni. Walakumni. Tamal.
Mokelumni. Yuloni. Tulare.
Newichumni. Utchium.
_Population._--Comparatively few of the Indians of this family survive,
and these are mostly scattered in the mountains and away from the routes
of travel. As they were never gathered on reservations, an accurate
census has not been taken.
In the detached area north of San Francisco Bay, chiefly in Marin
County, formerly inhabited by the Indians of this family, almost none
remain. There are said to be none living about the mission of San
Rafael, and Mr. Henshaw, in 1888, succeeded in locating only six at
Tomales Bay, where, however, he obtained a very good vocabulary from a
woman.
MUSKHOGEAN FAMILY.
> Muskhogee, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 94,
306, 1836 (based upon Muskhogees, Hitchittees, Seminoles). Prichard,
Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 402, 1847 (includes Muskhogees, Seminoles,
Hitchittees).
> Muskhogies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid.,
1852.
> Muscogee, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460,
471, 1878 (includes Muscogees proper, Seminoles, Choctaws, Chickasaws,
Hitchittees, Coosadas or Coosas, Alibamons, Apalaches).
= Maskoki, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 50, 1884 (general account
of family; four branches, Maskoki, Apalachian, Alibamu, Chahta).
Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.
> Choctaw Muskhogee, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II,
119, 1836.
> Chocta-Muskhog, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix,
77, 1848. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853.
= Chata-Muskoki, Hale in Am. Antiq., 108, April, 1883 (considered with
reference to migration).
> Chahtas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 100, 306,
1836 (or Choctaws).
> Chahtahs, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 403, 1847 (or Choktahs
or Flatheads).
> Tschahtas, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid.,
1852.
> Choctah, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 337, 1850 (includes Choctahs,
Muscogulges, Muskohges). Latham in Trans. Phil. Soc. Lond., 103, 1856.
Latham, Opuscula, 366, 1860.
> Mobilian, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., 349, 1840.
> Flat-heads, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 403, 1847 (Chahtahs or
Choktahs).
> Coshattas, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (not classified).
> Humas, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 341, 1850 (east of Mississippi above
New Orleans).
Derivation: From the name of the principal tribe of the Creek
Confederacy.
In the Muskhogee family Gallatin includes the Muskhogees proper, who
lived on the Coosa and Tallapoosa Rivers; the Hitchittees, living on the
Chattahoochee and Flint Rivers; and the Seminoles of the peninsula of
Florida. It was his opinion, formed by a comparison of vocabularies,
that the Choctaws and Chickasaws should also be classed under this
family. In fact, he called[69] the family Choctaw Muskhogee. In
deference, however, to established usage, the two tribes were kept
separate in his table and upon the colored map. In 1848 he appears to be
fully convinced of the soundness of the view doubtfully expressed in
1836, and calls the family the Chocta-Muskhog.
[Footnote 69: On p. 119, Archæologia Americana.]
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The area occupied by this family was very extensive. It may be described
in a general way as extending from the Savannah River and the Atlantic
west to the Mississippi, and from the Gulf of Mexico north to the
Tennessee River. All of this territory was held by Muskhogean tribes
except the small areas occupied by the Yuchi, Ná'htchi, and some small
settlements of Shawni.
Upon the northeast Muskhogean limits are indeterminate. The Creek
claimed only to the Savannah River; but upon its lower course the Yamasi
are believed to have extended east of that river in the sixteenth to the
eighteenth century.[70] The territorial line between the Muskhogean
family and the Catawba tribe in South Carolina can only be conjectured.
[Footnote 70: Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, 1884, vol. 1, p. 62.]
It seems probable that the whole peninsula of Florida was at one time
held by tribes of Timuquanan connection; but from 1702 to 1708, when the
Apalachi were driven out, the tribes of northern Florida also were
forced away by the English. After that time the Seminole and the Yamasi
were the only Indians that held possession of the Floridian peninsula.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Alibamu.
Apalachi.
Chicasa.
Choctaw.
Creek or Maskoki proper.
Koasáti.
Seminole.
Yamacraw.
Yamasi.
_Population._--There is an Alibamu town on Deep Creek, Indian Territory,
an affluent of the Canadian, Indian Territory. Most of the inhabitants
are of this tribe. There are Alibamu about 20 miles south of Alexandria,
Louisiana, and over one hundred in Polk County, Texas.
So far as known only three women of the Apalachi survived in 1886, and
they lived at the Alibamu town above referred to. The United States
Census bulletin for 1890 gives the total number of pureblood Choctaw at
9,996, these being principally at Union Agency, Indian Territory. Of the
Chicasa there are 3,464 at the same agency; Creek 9,291; Seminole 2,539;
of the latter there are still about 200 left in southern Florida.
There are four families of Koasáti, about twenty-five individuals, near
the town of Shepherd, San Jacinto County, Texas. Of the Yamasi none are
known to survive.
NATCHESAN FAMILY.
> Natches, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 95, 806,
1836 (Natches only). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 402, 403, 1847.
> Natsches, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852.
> Natchez, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., 248, 1840. Gallatin in Trans. Am.
Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848 (Natchez only). Latham, Nat.
Hist. Man, 340, 1850 (tends to include Taensas, Pascagoulas,
Colapissas, Biluxi in same family). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind.
Tribes, III, 401, 1853 (Natchez only). Keane, App. Stanford's Comp.
(Cent, and So. Am.), 460, 473, 1878 (suggests that it may include the
Utchees).
> Naktche, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 34, 1884. Gatschet in
Science, 414, April 29, 1887.
> Taensa, Gatschet in The Nation, 383, May 4, 1882. Gatschet in Am.
Antiq., IV, 238, 1882. Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 33, 1884.
Gatschet in Science, 414, April 29, 1887 (Taensas only).
The Na'htchi, according to Gallatin, a residue of the well-known nation
of that name, came from the banks of the Mississippi, and joined the
Creek less than one hundred years ago.[71] The seashore from Mobile to
the Mississippi was then inhabited by several small tribes, of which the
Na'htchi was the principal.
[Footnote 71: Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1836, vol. 2, p. 95.]
Before 1730 the tribe lived in the vicinity of Natchez, Miss., along St.
Catherine Creek. After their dispersion by the French in 1730 most of
the remainder joined the Chicasa and afterwards the Upper Creek. They
are now in Creek and Cherokee Nations, Indian Territory.
The linguistic relations of the language spoken by the Taensa tribe have
long been in doubt, and it is probable that they will ever remain so. As
no vocabulary or text of this language was known to be in existence, the
"Grammaire et vocabulaire de la langue Taensa, avec textes traduits et
commentés par J.-D. Haumonté, Parisot, L. Adam," published in Paris in
1882, was received by American linguistic students with peculiar
interest. Upon the strength of the linguistic material embodied in the
above Mr. Gatschet (loc. cit.) was led to affirm the complete linguistic
isolation of the language.
Grave doubts of the authenticity of the grammar and vocabulary have,
however, more recently been brought forward.[72] The text contains
internal evidences of the fraudulent character, if not of the whole, at
least of a large part of the material. So palpable and gross are these
that until the character of the whole can better be understood by the
inspection of the original manuscript, alleged to be in Spanish, by a
competent expert it will be far safer to reject both the vocabulary and
grammar. By so doing we are left without any linguistic evidence
whatever of the relations of the Taensa language.
[Footnote 72: D. G. Brinton in Am. Antiquarian, March, 1885,
pp. 109-114.]
D'Iberville, it is true, supplies us with the names of seven Taensa
towns which were given by a Taensa Indian who accompanied him; but most
of these, according to Mr. Gatschet, were given, in the Chicasa trade
jargon or, as termed by the French, the "Mobilian trade jargon," which
is at least a very natural supposition. Under these circumstances we
can, perhaps, do no better than rely upon the statements of several of
the old writers who appear to be unanimous in regarding the language of
the Taensa as of Na'htchi connection. Du Pratz's statement to that
effect is weakened from the fact that the statement also includes the
Shetimasha, the language of which is known from a vocabulary to be
totally distinct not only from the Na'htchi but from any other. To
supplement Du Pratz's testimony, such as it is, we have the statements
of M. de Montigny, the missionary who affirmed the affinity of the
Taensa language to that of the Na'htchi, before he had visited the
latter in 1699, and of Father Gravier, who also visited them. For the
present, therefore, the Taensa language is considered to be a branch of
the Na'htchi.
The Taensa formerly dwelt upon the Mississippi, above and close to the
Na'htchi. Early in the history of the French settlements a portion of
the Taensa, pressed upon by the Chicasa, fled and were settled by the
French upon Mobile Bay.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Na'htchi.
Taensa.
_Population._--There still are four Na'htchi among the Creek in Indian
Territory and a number in the Cheroki Hills near the Missouri border.
PALAIHNIHAN FAMILY.
= Palaihnih, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., VI, 218, 569, 1846 (used in
family sense).
= Palaik, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., VI, 199, 218, 569, 1846 (southeast
of Lutuami in Oregon), Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1,
18, 77, 1848. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man., 325, 1850 (southeast of
Lutuami). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Latham in
Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., VI, 82, 1854 (cites Hale's vocab). Latham
in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 74, 1856 (has Shoshoni affinities).
Latham, Opuscula, 310, 341, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 407, 1862.
= Palainih, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 1848.
(after Hale). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.
= Pulairih, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853
(obvious typographical error; quotes Hale's Palaiks).
= Pit River, Powers in Overland Monthly, 412, May, 1874 (three
principal tribes: Achomáwes, Hamefcuttelies, Astakaywas or
Astakywich). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 164, 1877 (gives habitat;
quotes Hale for tribes). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 439, 1877.
= A-cho-mâī-wi, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 601, 1877 (vocabs. of
A-cho-mâī-wi and Lutuami). Powers in ibid., 267 (general account of
tribes; A-cho-mâī-wi, Hu-mâī-whi, Es-ta-keī-wach, Han-teī-wa,
Chu-mâī-wa, A-tu-aī-mih, Il-mâī-wi).
< Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 475,
1878 (includes Palaiks).
< Shasta, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 1882 (contains Palaik of
present family).
Derivation: From the Klamath word _p'laikni_, signifying "mountaineers"
or "uplanders" (Gatschet).
In two places[73] Hale uses the terms Palaihnih and Palaiks
interchangeably, but inasmuch as on page 569, in his formal table of
linguistic families and languages, he calls the family Palaihnih, this
is given preference over the shorter form of the name.
[Footnote 73: U.S. Expl. Expd., 1846, vol. 6, pp. 199, 218.]
Though here classed as a distinct family, the status of the Pit River
dialects can not be considered to be finally settled. Powers speaks of
the language as "hopelessly consonantal, harsh, and sesquipedalian,"
* * * "utterly unlike the sweet and simple languages of the Sacramento."
He adds that the personal pronouns show it to be a true Digger Indian
tongue. Recent investigations by Mr. Gatschet lead him, however, to
believe that ultimately it will be found to be linguistically related
to the Sastean languages.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The family was located by Hale to the southeast of the Lutuami
(Klamath). They chiefly occupied the area drained by the Pit River in
extreme northeastern California. Some of the tribe were removed to Round
Valley Reservation, California.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Powers, who has made a special study of the tribe, recognizes the
following principal tribal divisions:[74]
Achomâīwi.
Atuaīmih.
Chumâīwa.
Estakeīwach.
Hanteīwa.
Humâīwhi.
Ilmâīwi.
Pakamalli?
[Footnote 74: Cont. N.A. Eth. vol. 3, p. 267.]
PIMAN FAMILY.
= Pima, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 898, 1850 (cites three languages from
the Mithridates, viz, Pima proper, Opata, Eudeve). Turner in Pac. R.
R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 1856 (Pima proper). Latham in Trans.
Philolog. Soc. Lond., 92, 1856 (contains Pima proper, Opata, Eudeve,
Papagos). Latham, Opuscula, 356, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 427,
1862 (includes Pima proper, Opata, Eudeve, Papago, Ibequi, Hiaqui,
Tubar, Tarahumara, Cora). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 156, 1877
(includes Pima, Névome, Pápago). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 429,
1877 (defines area and gives habitat).
Latham used the term Pima in 1850, citing under it three dialects or
languages. Subsequently, in 1856, he used the same term for one of the
five divisions into which he separates the languages of Sonora and
Sinaloa.
The same year Turner gave a brief account of Pima as a distinct
language, his remarks applying mainly to Pima proper of the Gila River,
Arizona. This tribe had been visited by Emory and Johnston and also
described by Bartlett. Turner refers to a short vocabulary in the
Mithridates, another of Dr. Coulter's in Royal Geological Society
Journal, vol. XI, 1841, and a third by Parry in Schoolcraft, Indian
Tribes, vol. III, 1853. The short vocabulary he himself published was
collected by Lieut. Whipple.
Only a small portion of the territory occupied by this family is
included within the United States, the greater portion being in Mexico
where it extends to the Gulf of California. The family is represented in
the United States by three tribes, Pima alta, Sobaipuri, and Papago. The
former have lived for at least two centuries with the Maricopa on the
Gila River about 160 miles from the mouth. The Sobaipuri occupied the
Santa Cruz and San Pedro Rivers, tributaries of the Gila, but are no
longer known. The Papago territory is much more extensive and extends to
the south across the border. In recent times the two tribes have been
separated, but the Pima territory as shown upon the map was formerly
continuous to the Gila River.
According to Buschmann, Gatschet, Brinton, and others the Pima language
is a northern branch of the Nahuatl, but this relationship has yet to be
demonstrated.[75]
[Footnote 75: Buschmann, Die Pima-Sprache und die Sprache der
Koloschen, pp. 321-432.]
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Northern group:
Opata.
Papago.
Pima.
Southern group:
Cahita.
Cora.
Tarahumara.
Tepeguana.
_Population._--Of the above tribes the Pima and Papago only are within
our boundaries. Their numbers under the Pima Agency, Arizona,[76] are
Pima, 4,464; Papago, 5,163.
[Footnote 76: According to the U.S. Census Bulletin for 1890.]
PUJUNAN FAMILY.
> Pujuni, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 80, 1856 (contains
Pujuni, Secumne, Tsamak of Hale, Cushna of Schoolcraft). Latham,
Opuscula, 346, 1860.
> Meidoos, Powers in Overland Monthly, 420, May, 1874.
= Meidoo, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 159, 1877 (gives habitat and
tribes). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 433, 1877.
> Maiī-du, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 282, 1877 (same as
Maiī-deh; general account of; names the tribes). Powell, ibid., 586
(vocabs. of Konī-kau, Hol-oī-lu-pai, Naī-kum, Niī-shi-nam, "Digger,"
Cushna, Nishinam, Yuba or Nevada, Punjuni, Sekumne, Tsamak).
> Neeshenams, Powers in Overland Monthly, 21, Jan., 1874 (considers
this tribe doubtfully distinct from Meidoo family).
> Ni-shi-nam, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 313, 1877
(distinguishes them from Maidu family).
X Sacramento Valley, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.),
476, 1878 (Ochecumne, Chupumne, Secumne, Cosumne, Sololumne, Puzlumne,
Yasumne, etc.; "altogether about 26 tribes").
The following tribes were placed in this group by Latham: Pujuni,
Secumne, Tsamak of Hale, and the Cushna of Schoolcraft. The name adopted
for the family is the name of a tribe given by Hale.[77] This was one of
the two races into which, upon the information of Captain Sutter as
derived by Mr. Dana, all the Sacramento tribes were believed to be
divided. "These races resembled one another in every respect but
language."
[Footnote 77: U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, p. 631.]
Hale gives short vocabularies of the Pujuni, Sekumne, and Tsamak. Hale
did not apparently consider the evidence as a sufficient basis for a
family, but apparently preferred to leave its status to be settled
later.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The tribes of this family have been carefully studied by Powers, to whom
we are indebted for most all we know of their distribution. They
occupied the eastern bank of the Sacramento in California, beginning
some 80 or 100 miles from its mouth, and extended northward to within a
short distance of Pit River, where they met the tribes of the
Palaihnihan family. Upon the east they reached nearly to the border of
the State, the Palaihnihan, Shoshonean, and Washoan families hemming
them in in this direction.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Bayu. Olla.
Boka. Otaki.
Eskin. Paupákan.
Hélto. Pusúna.
Hoak. Taitchida.
Hoankut. Tíshum.
Hololúpai. Toámtcha.
Koloma. Tosikoyo.
Konkau. Toto.
K[-u]īlmeh. Ustóma.
Kulomum. Wapúmni.
Kwatóa. Wima.
Nakum. Yuba.
QUORATEAN FAMILY.
> Quoratem, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853
(proposed as a proper name of family "should it be held one").
> Eh-nek, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 423, 1853 (given as
name of a band only; but suggests Quoratem as a proper family name).
> Ehnik, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 76, 1856 (south of
Shasti and Lutuami areas). Latham, Opuscula, 342, 1860.
= Cahrocs, Powers in Overland Monthly, 328, April, 1872 (on Klamath
and Salmon Rivers).
= Cahrok, Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 438, 1877.
= Kaī-rok, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 19, 1877. Powell in ibid.,
447, 1877 (vocabularies of Kaī-rok, Arra-Arra, Pehī-tsik, Eh-nek).
< Klamath, Keane, App. to Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475,
1878 (cited as including Cahrocs).
Derivation: Name of a band at mouth of Salmon River, California.
Etymology unknown.
This family name is equivalent to the Cahroc or Karok of Powers and
later authorities.
In 1853, as above cited, Gibbs gives Eh-nek as the titular heading of
his paragraphs upon the language of this family, with the remark that it
is "The name of a band at the mouth of the Salmon, or Quoratem river."
He adds that "This latter name may perhaps be considered as proper to
give to the family, should it be held one." He defines the territory
occupied by the family as follows: "The language reaches from Bluff
creek, the upper boundary of the Pohlik, to about Clear creek, thirty or
forty miles above the Salmon; varying, however, somewhat from point to
point."
The presentation of the name Quoratem, as above, seems sufficiently
formal, and it is therefore accepted for the group first indicated by
Gibbs.
In 1856 Latham renamed the family Ehnik, after the principal band,
locating the tribe, or rather the language, south of the Shasti and
Lutuami areas.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The geographic limits of the family are somewhat indeterminate, though
the main area occupied by the tribes is well known. The tribes occupy
both banks of the lower Klamath from a range of hills a little above
Happy Camp to the junction of the Trinity, and the Salmon River from its
mouth to its sources. On the north, Quoratean tribes extended to the
Athapascan territory near the Oregon line.
TRIBES.
Ehnek.
Karok.
Pehtsik.
_Population._--According to a careful estimate made by Mr. Curtin in the
region in 1889, the Indians of this family number about 600.
SALINAN FAMILY.
< Salinas, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 85, 1856 (includes
Gioloco, Ruslen, Soledad of Mofras, Eslen, Carmel, San Antonio, San
Miguel). Latham, Opuscula, 350, 1860.
> San Antonio, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 568, 1877 (vocabulary
of; not given as a family, but kept by itself).
< Santa Barbara, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 157, 1877 (cited here as
containing San Antonio). Gatschet in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M.,
VII, 419, 1879 (contains San Antonio, San Miguel).
X Runsiens, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 476,
1878 (San Miguel of his group belongs here).
Derivation: From river of same name.
The language formerly spoken at the Missions of San Antonio and San
Miguel in Monterey County, California, have long occupied a doubtful
position. By some they have been considered distinct, not only from each
other, but from all other languages. Others have held that they
represent distinct dialects of the Chumashan (Santa Barbara) group of
languages. Vocabularies collected in 1884 by Mr. Henshaw show clearly
that the two are closely connected dialects and that they are in no wise
related to any other family.
The group established by Latham under the name Salinas is a
heterogeneous one, containing representatives of no fewer than four
distinct families. Gioloco, which he states "may possibly belong to this
group, notwithstanding its reference to the Mission of San Francisco,"
really is congeneric with the vocabularies assigned by Latham to the
Mendocinan family. The "Soledad of Mofras" belongs to the Costanoan
family mentioned on page 348 of the same essay, as also do the Ruslen
and Carmel. Of the three remaining forms of speech, Eslen, San Antonio,
and San Miguel, the two latter are related dialects, and belong within
the drainage of the Salinas River. The term Salinan is hence applied to
them, leaving the Eslen language to be provided with a name.
_Population._--Though the San Antonio and San Miguel were probably never
very populous tribes, the Missions of San Antonio and San Miguel, when
first established in the years 1771 and 1779, contained respectively
1,400 and 1,300 Indians. Doubtless the larger number of these converts
were gathered in the near vicinity of the two missions and so belonged
to this family. In 1884 when Mr. Henshaw visited the missions he was
able to learn of the existence of only about a dozen Indians of this
family, and not all of these could speak their own language.
SALISHAN FAMILY.
> Salish, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 134, 306, 1836 (or
Flat Heads only). Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, 31-50,
1846 (of Duponceau. Said to be the Okanagan of Tolmie).
X Salish, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 474,
1878 (includes Flatheads, Kalispelms, Skitsuish, Colvilles, Quarlpi,
Spokanes, Pisquouse, Soaiatlpi).
= Salish, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 618, 1882.
> Selish, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. II, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (vocab.
of Nsietshaws). Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 63, 78, 1884
(vocabularies of Lillooet and Kull[-e]spelm).
> Jelish, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 403, 1853
(obvious misprint for Selish; follows Hale as to tribes).
= Selish, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 169, 1877 (gives habitat and
tribes of family). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 444, 1877.
< Selish, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N.A. Eth., 1, 241, 1877
(includes Yakama, which is Shahaptian).
> Tsihaili-Selish, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 205, 535, 569, 1846
(includes Shushwaps. Selish or Flatheads, Skitsuish, Piskwaus, Skwale,
Tsihailish, Kawelitsk, Nsietshawus). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc.,
II, pt. 1, c, 10, 1848 (after Hale). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas,
map 17, 1852. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 658-661, 1859.
Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 399, 1862 (contains Shushwap or Atna Proper,
Kuttelspelm or Pend d'Oreilles, Selish, Spokan, Okanagan, Skitsuish,
Piskwaus, Nusdalum, Kawitchen, Cathlascou, Skwali, Chechili, Kwaintl,
Kwenaiwtl, Nsietshawus, Billechula).
> Atnahs, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 134, 135, 306, 1836
(on Fraser River). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 427, 1847 (on
Fraser River).
> Atna, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 71, 1856
(Tsihaili-Selish of Hale and Gallatin).
X Nootka-Columbian, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 224,
1841 (includes, among others, Billechoola, Kawitchen, Noosdalum,
Squallyamish of present family).
X Insular, Scouler, ibid., (same as Nootka-Columbian family).
X Shahaptan, Scouler, ibid., 225 (includes Okanagan of this family).
X Southern, Scouler, ibid., 224 (same as Nootka-Columbian family).
> Billechoola, Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 154, 1848 (assigns
Friendly Village of McKenzie here). Latham, Opuscula, 250, 1860 (gives
Tolmie's vocabulary).
> Billechula, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 300, 1850 (mouth of Salmon
River). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 72, 1856 (same).
Latham, Opuscula, 339, 1860.
> Bellacoola, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 607, 1882 (Bellacoolas
only; specimen vocabulary).
> Bilhoola, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 62, 1884 (vocab. of
Noothl[-a]kimish).
> Bilchula, Boas in Petermann's Mitteilungen, 130, 1887 (mentions
S[-a]tsq, N[-u]t[e°]īl, Nuchalkm[ch], Taleóm[ch]).
X Naass, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. II, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848
(cited as including Billechola).
> Tsihaili, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 310, 1850 (chiefly lower part of
Fraser River and between that and the Columbia; includes Shuswap,
Salish, Skitsuish, Piskwaus, Kawitchen, Skwali, Checheeli, Kowelits,
Noosdalum, Nsietshawus).
X Wakash, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 301, 1850 (cited as including
Klallems).
X Shushwaps, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460,
474, 1878 (quoted as including Shewhapmuch and Okanagans).
X Hydahs, Keane, ibid., 473 (includes Bellacoolas of present family).
X Nootkahs, Keane, ibid., 473 (includes Komux, Kowitchans, Klallums,
Kwantlums, Teets of present family).
X Nootka, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 1882 (contains the following
Salishan tribes: Cowichin, Soke, Comux, Noosdalum, Wickinninish,
Songhie, Sanetch, Kwantlum, Teet, Nanaimo, Newchemass, Shimiahmoo,
Nooksak, Samish, Skagit, Snohomish, Clallam, Toanhooch).
< Puget Sound Group, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.),
474, 1878 (comprises Nooksahs, Lummi, Samish, Skagits, Nisqually,
Neewamish, Sahmamish, Snohomish, Skeewamish, Squanamish, Klallums,
Classets, Chehalis, Cowlitz, Pistchin, Chinakum; all but the last
being Salishan).
> Flatheads, Keane, ibid., 474, 1878 (same as his Salish above).
> Kawitshin, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 39, 1884 (vocabs. of
Songis and Kwantlin Sept and Kowmook or Tlathool).
> Qauitschin, Boas in Petermann's Mitteilungen, 131, 1887.
> Niskwalli, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 50, 121, 1884 (or
Skwalliamish vocabulary of Sinahomish).
The extent of the Salish or Flathead family was unknown to Gallatin, as
indeed appears to have been the exact locality of the tribe of which he
gives an anonymous vocabulary from the Duponceau collection. The tribe
is stated to have resided upon one of the branches of the Columbia
River, "which must be either the most southern branch of Clarke's River
or the most northern branch of Lewis's River." The former supposition
was correct. As employed by Gallatin the family embraced only a single
tribe, the Flathead tribe proper. The Atnah, a Salishan tribe, were
considered by Gallatin to be distinct, and the name would be eligible as
the family name; preference, however, is given to Salish. The few words
from the Friendly Village near the sources of the Salmon River given by
Gallatin in Archæologia Americana, II, 1836, pp. 15, 306, belong under
this family.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
Since Gallatin's time, through the labors of Riggs, Hale, Tolmie,
Dawson, Boas, and others, our knowledge of the territorial limits of
this linguistic family has been greatly extended. The most southern
outpost of the family, the Tillamook and Nestucca, were established on
the coast of Oregon, about 50 miles to the south of the Columbia, where
they were quite separated from their kindred to the north by the
Chinookan tribes. Beginning on the north side of Shoalwater Bay,
Salishan tribes held the entire northwestern part of Washington,
including the whole of the Puget Sound region, except only the Macaw
territory about Cape Flattery, and two insignificant spots, one near
Port Townsend, the other on the Pacific coast to the south of Cape
Flattery, which were occupied by Chimakuan tribes. Eastern Vancouver
Island to about midway of its length was also held by Salishan tribes,
while the great bulk of their territory lay on the mainland opposite and
included much of the upper Columbia. On the south they were hemmed in
mainly by the Shahaptian tribes. Upon the east Salishan tribes dwelt to
a little beyond the Arrow Lakes and their feeder, one of the extreme
north forks of the Columbia. Upon the southeast Salishan tribes extended
into Montana, including the upper drainage of the Columbia. They were
met here in 1804 by Lewis and Clarke. On the northeast Salish territory
extended to about the fifty-third parallel. In the northwest it did not
reach the Chilcat River.
Within the territory thus indicated there is considerable diversity of
customs and a greater diversity of language. The language is split into
a great number of dialects, many of which are doubtless mutually
unintelligible.
The relationship of this family to the Wakashan is a very interesting
problem. Evidences of radical affinity have been discovered by Boas and
Gatschet, and the careful study of their nature and extent now being
prosecuted by the former may result in the union of the two, though
until recently they have been considered quite distinct.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Atnah. Pentlatc. Skitsuish.
Bellacoola. Pisquow. Skokomish.
Chehalis. Puyallup. Skopamish.
Clallam. Quaitso. Sktehlmish.
Colville. Queniut. Smulkamish.
Comux. Queptlmamish. Snohomish.
Copalis. Sacumehu. Snoqualmi.
Cowichin. Sahewamish. Soke.
Cowlitz. Salish. Songish.
Dwamish. Samamish. Spokan.
Kwantlen. Samish. Squawmisht.
Lummi. Sanetch. Squaxon.
Met'how. Sans Puell. Squonamish.
Nanaimo. Satsop. Stehtsasamish.
Nanoos. Sawamish. Stillacum.
Nehalim. Sekamish. Sumass.
Nespelum. Shomamish. Suquamish.
Nicoutamuch. Shooswap. Swinamish.
Nisqualli. Shotlemamish. Tait.
Nuksahk. Skagit. Tillamook.
Okinagan. Skihwamish. Twana.
Pend d'Oreilles.
_Population._--The total Salish population of British Columbia is
12,325, inclusive of the Bellacoola, who number, with the Hailtzuk,
2,500, and those in the list of unclassified, who number 8,522,
distributed as follows:
Under the Fraser River Agency, 4,986; Kamloops Agency, 2,579; Cowichan
Agency, 1,852; Okanagan Agency, 942; Williams Lake Agency, 1,918;
Kootenay Agency, 48.
Most of the Salish in the United States are on reservations. They number
about 5,500, including a dozen small tribes upon the Yakama Reservation,
which have been consolidated with the Clickatat (Shahaptian) through
intermarriage. The Salish of the United States are distributed as
follows (Indian Affairs Report, 1889, and U.S. Census Bulletin, 1890):
Colville Agency, Washington, Coeur d' Alene, 422; Lower Spokane, 417;
Lake, 303; Colville, 247; Okinagan, 374; Kespilem, 67; San Pueblo (Sans
Puell), 300; Calispel, 200; Upper Spokane, 170.
Puyallup Agency, Washington, Quaitso, 82; Quinaielt (Queniut), 101;
Humptulip, 19; Puyallup, 563; Chehalis, 135; Nisqually, 94; Squaxon, 60;
Clallam, 351; Skokomish, 191; Oyhut, Hoquiam, Montesano, and Satsup, 29.
Tulalip Agency, Washington, Snohomish, 443; Madison, 144; Muckleshoot,
103; Swinomish, 227; Lummi, 295.
Grande Ronde Agency, Oregon, Tillamook, 5.
SASTEAN FAMILY.
= Saste, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 569, 1846. Gallatin in
Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848. Berghaus (1851), Physik.
Atlas, map 17, 1852. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 572, 1859.
= Shasty, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 1846 (= Saste). Buschmann,
Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 573, 1859 (= Saste).
= Shasties, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 199, 569, 1846 (= Saste).
Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.
= Shasti, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850 (southwest of Lutuami).
Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc., Lond., VI, 82, 1854. Latham, ibid, 74,
1856. Latham, Opuscula, 310, 341, 1860 (allied to both Shoshonean and
Shahaptian families). Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 407, 1862.
= Shaste, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853 (mentions
Watsa-he'-wa, a Scott's River band).
= Sasti, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853
(= Shasties).
= Shasta, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 607, 1877. Gatschet in Mag.
Am. Hist., 164, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 438, 1877.
= Shas-ti-ka, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 243, 1877.
= Shasta, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 164, 1877 (= Shasteecas).
< Shasta, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 1882 (includes Palaik,
Watsahewah, Shasta).
< Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878
(contains Shastas of present family).
Derivation: The single tribe upon the language of which Hale based his
name was located by him to the southwest of the Lutuami or Klamath
tribes. He calls the tribe indifferently Shasties or Shasty, but the
form applied by him to the family (see pp. 218, 569) is Saste, which
accordingly is the one taken.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The former territory of the Sastean family is the region drained by the
Klamath River and its tributaries from the western base of the Cascade
range to the point where the Klamath flows through the ridge of hills
east of Happy Camp, which forms the boundary between the Sastean and the
Quoratean families. In addition to this region of the Klamath, the
Shasta extended over the Siskiyou range northward as far as Ashland,
Oregon.
SHAHAPTIAN FAMILY.
X Shahaptan, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., XI, 225, 1841 (three
tribes, Shahaptan or Nez-percés, Kliketat, Okanagan; the latter being
Salishan).
< Shahaptan, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 428, 1847 (two classes,
Nez-perces proper of mountains, and Polanches of plains; includes also
Kliketat and Okanagan).
> Sahaptin, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., VI, 198, 212, 542, 1846
(Shahaptin or Nez-percés, Wallawallas, Pelooses, Yakemas, Klikatats).
Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 14, 1848 (follows
Hale). Gallatin, ibid., II, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848 (Nez-percés only).
Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Gallatin in Schoolcraft,
Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (Nez-perces and Wallawallas). Dall, after
Gibbs, in Cont. N.A. Eth., 1, 241, 1877 (includes Taitinapam and
Kliketat).
> Saptin, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 428, 1847 (or Shahaptan).
< Sahaptin, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 323, 1850 (includes Wallawallas,
Kliketat, Proper Sahaptin or Nez-percés, Pelús, Yakemas, Cayús?).
Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856 (includes Waiilatpu).
Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 614, 615, 1859. Latham,
Opuscula, 340, 1860 (as in 1856). Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 440, 1862
(vocabularies Sahaptin, Wallawalla, Kliketat). Keane, App. Stanford's
Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 460, 474, 1878 (includes Palouse, Walla
Wallas, Yakimas, Tairtlas, Kliketats or Pshawanwappams, Cayuse,
Mollale; the two last are Waiilatpuan).
= Sahaptin, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 168, 1877 (defines habitat and
enumerates tribes of). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 443, 1877.
Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 620, 1882.
> Shahaptani, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 78, 1884 (Whulwhaipum
tribe).
< Nez-percés, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 428, 1847 (see
Shahaptan). Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 474,
1878 (see his Sahaptin).
X Seliah, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 241, 1877
(includes Yakama which belongs here).
Derivation: From a Selish word of unknown significance.
The Shahaptan family of Scouler comprised three tribes--the Shahaptan or
Nez Percés, the Kliketat, a scion of the Shahaptan, dwelling near Mount
Ranier, and the Okanagan, inhabiting the upper part of Fraser River and
its tributaries; "these tribes were asserted to speak dialects of the
same language." Of the above tribes the Okinagan are now known to be
Salishan.
The vocabularies given by Scouler were collected by Tolmie. The term
"Sahaptin" appears on Gallatin's map of 1836, where it doubtless refers
only to the Nez Percé tribe proper, with respect to whose linguistic
affinities Gallatin apparently knew nothing at the time. At all events
the name occurs nowhere in his discussion of the linguistic families.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The tribes of this family occupied a large section of country along the
Columbia and its tributaries. Their western boundary was the Cascade
Mountains; their westernmost bands, the Klikitat on the north, the Tyigh
and Warm Springs on the south, enveloping for a short distance the
Chinook territory along the Columbia which extended to the Dalles.
Shahaptian tribes extended along the tributaries of the Columbia for a
considerable distance, their northern boundary being indicated by about
the forty-sixth parallel, their southern by about the forty-fourth.
Their eastern extension was interrupted by the Bitter Root Mountains.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES AND POPULATION.
Chopunnish (Nez Percé), 1,515 on Nez Percé Reservation, Idaho.
Klikitat, say one-half of 330 natives, on Yakama Reservation,
Washington.
Paloos, Yakama Reservation, number unknown.
Tenaino, 69 on Warm Springs Reservation, Oregon.
Tyigh, 430 on Warm Springs Reservation, Oregon.
Umatilla, 179 on Umatilla Reservation, Oregon.
Walla Walla, 405 on Umatilla Reservation, Oregon.
SHOSHONEAN FAMILY.
> Shoshonees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 120,
133, 306, 1836 (Shoshonee or Snake only). Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI,
218, 1846 (Wihinasht, Pánasht, Yutas, Sampiches, Comanches). Gallatin
in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848 (as above). Gallatin,
ibid., 18, 1848 (follows Hale; see below). Gallatin in Schoolcraft,
Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853. Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3,
55, 71, 76, 1856 (treats only of Comanche, Chemehuevi, Cahuillo).
Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 553, 649, 1859.
> Shoshoni, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 199, 218, 569, 1846
(Shóshoni, Wihinasht, Pánasht, Yutas, Sampiches, Comanches). Latham in
Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860.
> Schoschonenu Kamantschen, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17,
1848. Ibid., 1852.
> Shoshones, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 429, 1847 (or Snakes;
both sides Rocky Mountains and sources of Missouri).
= Shoshóni, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist. 154, 1877. Gatschet in Beach,
Ind. Misc., 426, 1877.
< Shoshone, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460,
477, 1878 (includes Washoes of a distinct family). Bancroft, Nat.
Races, III, 567, 661, 1882.
> Snake, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 120, 133,
1836 (or Shoshonees). Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 1846 (as under
Shoshonee). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 429, 1847 (as under
Shoshones). Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 76, 1856 (as under
Shoshonees). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 552, 649, 1859 (as
under Shoshonees).
< Snake, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 477, 1878
(contains Washoes in addition to Shoshonean tribes proper).
> Kizh, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 569, 1846 (San Gabriel language
only).
> Netela, Hale, ibid., 569, 1846 (San Juan Capestrano language).
> Paduca, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 415, 1847 (Cumanches,
Kiawas, Utas). Latham, Nat. Hist., Man., 310, 326, 1850. Latham (1853)
in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., VI, 73, 1854 (includes Wihinast,
Shoshoni, Uta). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 96, 1856.
Latham, Opuscula, 300, 360, 1860.
< Paduca, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man., 346, 1850 (Wihinast, Bonaks,
Diggers, Utahs, Sampiches, Shoshonis, Kiaways, Kaskaias?, Keneways?,
Bald-heads, Cumanches, Navahoes, Apaches, Carisos). Latham, El. Comp.
Phil., 440, 1862 (defines area of; cites vocabs. of Shoshoni,
Wihinasht, Uta, Comanch, Piede or Pa-uta, Chemuhuevi, Cahuillo,
Kioway, the latter not belonging here).
> Cumanches, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853.
> Netela-Kij, Latham (1853) in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., VI, 76,
1854 (composed of Netela of Hale, San Juan Capistrano of Coulter, San
Gabriel of Coulter, Kij of Hale).
> Capistrano, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 85, 1856 (includes
Netela, of San Luis Rey and San Juan Capistrano, the San Gabriel or
Kij of San Gabriel and San Fernando).
In his synopsis of the Indian tribes[78] Gallatin's reference to this
great family is of the most vague and unsatisfactory sort. He speaks of
"some bands of Snake Indians or Shoshonees, living on the waters of the
river Columbia" (p. 120), which is almost the only allusion to them to
be found. The only real claim he possesses to the authorship of the
family name is to be found on page 306, where, in his list of tribes and
vocabularies, he places "Shoshonees" among his other families, which is
sufficient to show that he regarded them as a distinct linguistic group.
The vocabulary he possessed was by Say.
[Footnote 78: Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 1836.]
Buschmann, as above cited, classes the Shoshonean languages as a
northern branch of his Nahuatl or Aztec family, but the evidence
presented for this connection is deemed to be insufficient.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
This important family occupied a large part of the great interior basin
of the United States. Upon the north Shoshonean tribes extended far into
Oregon, meeting Shahaptian territory on about the forty-fourth parallel
or along the Blue Mountains. Upon the northeast the eastern limits of
the pristine habitat of the Shoshonean tribes are unknown. The narrative
of Lewis and Clarke[79] contains the explicit statement that the
Shoshoni bands encountered upon the Jefferson River, whose summer home
was upon the head waters of the Columbia, formerly lived within their
own recollection in the plains to the east of the Rocky Mountains,
whence they were driven to their mountain retreats by the Minnetaree
(Atsina), who had obtained firearms. Their former habitat thus given is
indicated upon the map, although the eastern limit is of course quite
indeterminate. Very likely much of the area occupied by the Atsina was
formerly Shoshonean territory. Later a division of the Bannock held the
finest portion of southwestern Montana,[80] whence apparently they were
being pushed westward across the mountains by Blackfeet.[81] Upon the
east the Tukuarika or Sheepeaters held the Yellowstone Park country,
where they were bordered by Siouan territory, while the Washaki occupied
southwestern Wyoming. Nearly the entire mountainous part of Colorado was
held by the several bands of the Ute, the eastern and southeastern parts
of the State being held respectively by the Arapaho and Cheyenne
(Algonquian), and the Kaiowe (Kiowan). To the southeast the Ute country
included the northern drainage of the San Juan, extending farther east a
short distance into New Mexico. The Comanche division of the family
extended farther east than any other. According to Crow tradition the
Comanche formerly lived northward in the Snake River region. Omaha
tradition avers that the Comanche were on the Middle Loup River,
probably within the present century. Bourgemont found a Comanche tribe
on the upper Kansas River in 1724.[82] According to Pike the Comanche
territory bordered the Kaiowe on the north, the former occupying the
head waters of the upper Red River, Arkansas, and Rio Grande.[83] How
far to the southward Shoshonean tribes extended at this early period is
not known, though the evidence tends to show that they raided far down
into Texas to the territory they have occupied in more recent years,
viz, the extensive plains from the Rocky Mountains eastward into Indian
Territory and Texas to about 97°. Upon the south Shoshonean territory
was limited generally by the Colorado River. The Chemehuevi lived on
both banks of the river between the Mohave on the north and the Cuchan
on the south, above and below Bill Williams Fork.[84] The Kwaiantikwoket
also lived to the east of the river in Arizona about Navajo Mountain,
while the Tusayan (Moki) had established their seven pueblos, including
one founded by people of Taņoan stock, to the east of the Colorado
Chiquito. In the southwest Shoshonean tribes had pushed across
California, occupying a wide band of country to the Pacific. In their
extension northward they had reached as far as Tulare Lake, from which
territory apparently they had dispossessed the Mariposan tribes, leaving
a small remnant of that linguistic family near Fort Tejon.[85]
[Footnote 79: Allen ed., Philadelphia, 1814, vol. 1, p. 418.]
[Footnote 80: U.S. Ind. Aff., 1869, p. 289.]
[Footnote 81: Stevens in Pac. R. R. Rep., 1855, vol. 1, p. 329.]
[Footnote 82: Lewis and Clarke, Allen ed., 1814, vol. 1, p. 34.]
[Footnote 83: Pike, Expl. to sources of the Miss., app. pt. 3, 16,
1810.]
[Footnote 84: Ives, Colorado River, 1861, p. 54.]
[Footnote 85: Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., 1877, vol. 3, p. 369.]
A little farther north they had crossed the Sierras and occupied the
heads of San Joaquin and Kings Rivers. Northward they occupied nearly
the whole of Nevada, being limited on the west by the Sierra Nevada. The
entire southeastern part of Oregon was occupied by tribes of Shoshoni
extraction.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES AND POPULATION.
Bannock, 514 on Fort Hall Reservation
and 75 on the Lemhi Reservation, Idaho.
Chemehuevi, about 202 attached to the Colorado River Agency, Arizona.
Comanche, 1,598 on the Kiowa, Comanche and Wichita Reservation,
Indian Territory.
Gosiute, 256 in Utah at large.
Pai Ute, about 2,300 scattered in southeastern California and
southwestern Nevada.
Paviotso, about 3,000 scattered in western Nevada and southern Oregon.
Saidyuka, 145 under Klamath Agency.
Shoshoni, 979 under Fort Hall Agency and 249 at the Lemhi Agency.
Tobikhar, about 2,200, under the Mission Agency, California.
Tukuarika, or Sheepeaters, 108 at Lemhi Agency.
Tusayan (Moki), 1,996 (census of 1890).
Uta, 2,839 distributed as follows:
985 under Southern Ute Agency, Colorado;
1,021 on Ouray Reserve, Utah;
833 on Uintah Reserve, Utah.
SIOUAN FAMILY.
X Sioux, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 121, 306,
1836 (for tribes included see text below). Prichard, Phys. Hist.
Mankind, V, 408, 1847 (follows Gallatin). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth.
Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848 (as in 1836). Berghaus (1845), Physik.
Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind.
Tribes, III, 402, 1853. Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.
> Sioux, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 333, 1850 (includes Winebagoes,
Dakotas, Assineboins, Upsaroka, Mandans, Minetari, Osage). Latham in
Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58, 1856 (mere mention of family).
Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil, 458, 1862.
> Catawbas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 87, 1836
(Catawbas and Woccons). Bancroft, Hist. U.S., III, 245, et map, 1840.
Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 399, 1847. Gallatin in Trans. Am.
Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Keane, App. Stanford's Comp.
(Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 473, 1878.
> Catahbas, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852.
> Catawba, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man., 334, 1850 (Woccoon are allied).
Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853.
> Kataba, Gatschet in Am. Antiquarian, IV, 238, 1882. Gatschet, Creek
Mig. Legend, I, 15, 1884. Gatschet in Science, 413, April 29, 1887.
> Woccons, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 306, 1836
(numbered and given as a distinct family in table, but inconsistently
noted in foot-note where referred to as Catawban family.)
> Dahcotas, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., III, 243, 1840.
> Dakotas, Hayden, Cont. Eth. and Phil. Missouri Ind., 232, 1862
(treats of Dakotas, Assiniboins, Crows, Minnitarees, Mandans, Omahas,
Iowas).
> Dacotah, Keane, App. to Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460,
470, 1878. (The following are the main divisions given: Isaunties,
Sissetons, Yantons, Teetons, Assiniboines, Winnebagos, Punkas, Omahas,
Missouris, Iowas, Otoes, Kaws, Quappas, Osages, Upsarocas,
Minnetarees.)
> Dakota, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.
Derivation: A corruption of the Algonkin word "nadowe-ssi-wag," "the
snake-like ones," "the enemies" (Trumbull).
Under the family Gallatin makes four subdivisions, viz, the Winnebagos,
the Sioux proper and the Assiniboins, the Minnetare group, and the
Osages and southern kindred tribes. Gallatin speaks of the distribution
of the family as follows: The Winnebagoes have their principal seats on
the Fox River of Lake Michigan and towards the heads of the Rock River
of the Mississippi; of the Dahcotas proper, the Mendewahkantoan or "Gens
du Lac" lived east of the Mississippi from Prairie du Chien north to
Spirit Lake. The three others, Wahkpatoan, Wahkpakotoan and Sisitoans
inhabit the country between the Mississippi and the St. Peters, and that
on the southern tributaries of this river and on the headwaters of the
Red River of Lake Winnipek. The three western tribes, the Yanktons, the
Yanktoanans and the Tetons wander between the Mississippi and the
Missouri, extending southerly to 43° of north latitude and some distance
west of the Missouri, between 43° and 47° of latitude. The "Shyennes"
are included in the family but are marked as doubtfully belonging here.
Owing to the fact that "Sioux" is a word of reproach and means snake or
enemy, the term has been discarded by many later writers as a family
designation, and "Dakota," which signifies friend or ally, has been
employed in its stead. The two words are, however, by no means properly
synonymous. The term "Sioux" was used by Gallatin in a comprehensive or
family sense and was applied to all the tribes collectively known to him
to speak kindred dialects of a widespread language. It is in this sense
only, as applied to the linguistic family, that the term is here
employed. The term "Dahcota" (Dakota) was correctly applied by Gallatin
to the Dakota tribes proper as distinguished from the other members of
the linguistic family who are not Dakotas in a tribal sense. The use of
the term with this signification should be perpetuated.
It is only recently that a definite decision has been reached respecting
the relationship of the Catawba and Woccon, the latter an extinct tribe
known to have been linguistically related to the Catawba. Gallatin
thought that he was able to discern some affinities of the Catawban
language with "Muskhogee and even with Choctaw," though these were not
sufficient to induce him to class them together. Mr. Gatschet was the
first to call attention to the presence in the Catawba language of a
considerable number of words having a Siouan affinity.
Recently Mr. Dorsey has made a critical examination of all the Catawba
linguistic material available, which has been materially increased by
the labors of Mr. Gatschet, and the result seems to justify its
inclusion as one of the dialects of the widespread Siouan family.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The pristine territory of this family was mainly in one body, the only
exceptions being the habitats of the Biloxi, the Tutelo, the Catawba and
Woccon.
Contrary to the popular opinion of the present day, the general trend of
Siouan migration has been westward. In comparatively late prehistoric
times, probably most of the Siouan tribes dwelt east of the Mississippi
River.
The main Siouan territory extended from about 53° north in the Hudson
Bay Company Territory, to about 33°, including a considerable part of
the watershed of the Missouri River and that of the Upper Mississippi.
It was bounded on the northwest, north, northeast, and for some distance
on the east by Algonquian territory. South of 45° north the line ran
eastward to Lake Michigan, as the Green Bay region belonged to the
Winnebago.[86]
[Footnote 86: See treaty of Prairie du Chien, 1825.]
It extended westward from Lake Michigan through Illinois, crossing the
Mississippi River at Prairie du Chien. At this point began the
Algonquian territory (Sac, etc.) on the west side of the Mississippi,
extending southward to the Missouri, and crossing that river it returned
to the Mississippi at St. Louis. The Siouan tribes claimed all of the
present States of Iowa and Missouri, except the parts occupied by
Algonquian tribes. The dividing line between the two for a short
distance below St. Louis was the Mississippi River. The line then ran
west of Dunklin, New Madrid, and Pemiscot Counties, in Missouri, and
Mississippi County and those parts of Craighead and Poinsett Counties,
Arkansas, lying east of the St. Francis River. Once more the Mississippi
became the eastern boundary, but in this case separating the Siouan from
the Muskhogean territory. The Quapaw or Akansa were the most southerly
tribe in the main Siouan territory. In 1673[87] they were east of the
Mississippi. Joutel (1687) located two of their villages on the Arkansas
and two on the Mississippi one of the latter being on the east bank, in
our present State of Mississippi, and the other being on the opposite
side, in Arkansas. Shea says[88] that the Kaskaskias were found by De
Soto in 1540 in latitude 36°, and that the Quapaw were higher up the
Mississippi. But we know that the southeast corner of Missouri and the
northeast corner of Arkansas, east of the St. Francis River, belonged to
Algonquian tribes. A study of the map of Arkansas shows reason for
believing that there may have been a slight overlapping of habitats, or
a sort of debatable ground. At any rate it seems advisable to
compromise, and assign the Quapaw and Osage (Siouan tribes) all of
Arkansas up to about 36° north.
[Footnote 87: Marquette's Autograph Map.]
[Footnote 88: Disc. of Miss. Valley, p. 170, note.]
On the southwest of the Siouan family was the Southern Caddoan group,
the boundary extending from the west side of the Mississippi River in
Louisiana, nearly opposite Vicksburg, Mississippi, and running
northwestwardly to the bend of Red River between Arkansas and Louisiana;
thence northwest along the divide between the watersheds of the Arkansas
and Red Rivers. In the northwest corner of Indian Territory the Osages
came in contact with the Comanche (Shoshonean), and near the western
boundary of Kansas the Kiowa, Cheyenne, and Arapaho (the two latter
being recent Algonquian intruders?) barred the westward march of the
Kansa or Kaw.
The Pawnee group of the Caddoan family in western Nebraska and
northwestern Kansas separated the Ponka and Dakota on the north from the
Kansa on the south, and the Omaha and other Siouan tribes on the east
from Kiowa and other tribes on the west. The Omaha and cognate peoples
occupied in Nebraska the lower part of the Platte River, most of the
Elkhorn Valley, and the Ponka claimed the region watered by the Niobrara
in northern Nebraska.
There seems to be sufficient evidence for assigning to the Crows
(Siouan) the northwest corner of Nebraska (i.e., that part north of the
Kiowan and Caddoan habitats) and the southwest part of South Dakota (not
claimed by Cheyenne[89]), as well as the northern part of Wyoming and
the southern part of Montana, where they met the Shoshonean stock.[90]
[Footnote 89: See Cheyenne treaty, in Indian Treaties, 1873, pp.
124, 5481-5489.]
[Footnote 90: Lewis and Clarke, Trav., Lond., 1807, p. 25. Lewis
and Clarke, Expl., 1874, vol. 2, p. 390. A. L. Riggs, MS. letter
to Dorsey, 1876 or 1877. Dorsey, Ponka tradition: "The Black Hills
belong to the Crows." That the Dakotas were not there till this
century see Corbusier's Dakota Winter Counts, in 4th Rept. Bur.
Eth., p. 130, where it is also said that the Crow were the
original owners of the Black Hills.]
The Biloxi habitat in 1699 was on the Pascogoula river,[91] in the
southeast corner of the present State of Mississippi. The Biloxi
subsequently removed to Louisiana, where a few survivors were found by
Mr. Gatschet in 1886.
[Footnote 91: Margry, Découvertes, vol. 4, p. 195.]
The Tutelo habitat in 1671 was in Brunswick County, southern Virginia,
and it probably included Lunenburgh and Mecklenburg Counties.[92] The
Earl of Bellomont (1699) says[93] that the Shateras were "supposed to be
the Toteros, on Big Sandy River, Virginia," and Pownall, in his map of
North America (1776), gives the Totteroy (i.e., Big Sandy) River.
Subsequently to 1671 the Tutelo left Virginia and moved to North
Carolina.[94] They returned to Virginia (with the Sapona), joined the
Nottaway and Meherrin, whom they and the Tuscarora followed into
Pennsylvania in the last century; thence they went to New York, where
they joined the Six Nations, with whom they removed to Grand River
Reservation, Ontario, Canada, after the Revolutionary war. The last
full-blood Tutelo died in 1870. For the important discovery of the
Siouan affinity of the Tutelo language we are indebted to Mr. Hale.
[Footnote 92: Batts in Doc. Col. Hist. N.Y., 1853, vol. 3, p. 194.
Harrison, MS. letter to Dorsey, 1886.]
[Footnote 93: Doc. Col. Hist. N.Y., 1854, vol. 4. p. 488.]
[Footnote 94: Lawson, Hist. Carolina, 1714; reprint of 1860,
p. 384.]
The Catawba lived on the river of the same name on the northern boundary
of South Carolina. Originally they were a powerful tribe, the leading
people of South Carolina, and probably occupied a large part of the
Carolinas. The Woccon were widely separated from kinsmen living in North
Carolina in the fork of the Cotentnea and Neuse Rivers.
The Wateree, living just below the Catawba, were very probably of the
same linguistic connection.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
I. _Dakota_.
(A) Santee: include Mdeī-wa-ka[n]-to[n]-wa[n] (Spirit Lake village,
Santee Reservation, Nebraska), and Wa-qpeī-ku-te (Leaf Shooters);
some on Fort Peck Reservation, Montana.
(B) Sisseton (Si-siī-to[n]-wa[n]), on Sisseton Reservation, South
Dakota, and part on Devil's Lake Reservation, North Dakota.
(C) Wahpeton (Wa-qpeī-to[n]-wa[n], Wa-hpe-ton-wan); Leaf village.
Some on Sisseton Reservation; most on Devil's Lake Reservation.
(D) Yankton (I-haņkī-to[n]-wa[n]), at Yankton Reservation, South
Dakota.
(E) Yanktonnais (I-haņkī-to[n]-wa[n]ī-na); divided into _Upper_ and
_Lower_. Of the _Upper Yanktonnais_, there are some of the
_Cut-head band_ (Paī-ba-ksa gens) on Devil's Lake Reservation.
_Upper Yanktonnais_, most are on Standing Rock Reservation, North
Dakota; _Lower Yanktonnais_, most are on Crow Creek Reservation,
South Dakota, some are on Standing Rock Reservation, and some on
Fort Peck Reservation, Montana.
(F) Teton (Ti-to[n]-wa[n]); some on Fort Peck Reservation, Montana.
(a) _Brulé_ (Si-tca[n]ī-xu); some are on Standing Rock Reservation.
Most of the _Upper Brulé_ (Highland Sitca[n]xu) are on Rosebud
Reservation, South Dakota. Most of the _Lower Brulé_ (Lowland
Sitca[n]xu) are on Lower Brulé Reservation, South Dakota.
(b) _Sans Arcs_ (I-taī-zip-tcoī, Without Bows).
Most are on Cheyenne Reservation, South Dakota; some on Standing
Rock Reservation.
(c) _Blackfeet_ (Si-haīsaī-pa).
Most are on Cheyenne Reservation; some on Standing Rock
Reservation.
(d) _Minneconjou_ (Miī-ni-koī-o-ju).
Most are on Cheyenne Reservation, some are on Rosebud Reservation,
and some on Standing Rock Reservation.
(e) _Two Kettles_ (O-oī-he-no[n]ī-pa, Two Boilings), on Cheyenne
Reservation.
(f) _Ogalalla_ (O-glaī-la). Most on Pine Ridge Reservation, South
Dakota; some on Standing Rock Reservation. _Wa-[.z]a-[.z]a_
(Wa-ja-ja, Wa-zha-zha), a gens of the Oglala (Pine Ridge
Reservation); _Loafers_ (Wa-glu-xe, In-breeders), a gens of the
Oglala; most on Pine Ridge Reservation; some on Rosebud
Reservation.
(g) _Uncpapa_ (1862-'63), _Uncapapa_ (1880-'81), (Huņī-kpa-pa), on
Standing Rock Reservation.
II. _Assinaboin_ (Hohe, Dakota name); most in British North America;
some on Fort Peck Reservation, Montana.
III. _Omaha_ (U-ma[n]ī-ha[n]), on Omaha Reservation, Nebraska.
IV. _Ponca_ (formerly _Ponka_ on maps; Ponka); 605 on Ponca Reservation,
Indian Territory; 217 at Santee Agency, Nebraska.
[Transcriber's Note: [K] and [S] represent inverted K and S]
V. _Kaw_ ([K]a[n]ī-ze; the Kansa Indians); on the Kansas Reservation,
Indian Territory.
VI. _Osage_; _Big Osage_ (Pa-heī-tsi, Those on a Mountain); _Little
Osage_ (Those at the foot of the Mountain); _Arkansas Band_
([S]an-[t]su-[k]Ēi[n], Dwellers in a Highland Grove), Osage
Reservation, Indian Territory.
VII. _Quapaw_ (U-[k]aī-qpa; Kwapa). A few are on the Quapaw Reserve, but
about 200 are on the Osage Reserve, Oklahoma. (They are the _Arkansa_
of early times.)
VIII. _Iowa_, on Great Nemaha Reserve, Kansas and Nebraska, and 86 on
Sac and Fox Reserve, Indian Territory.
IX. _Otoe_ (Wa-toī-qta-ta), on Otoe Reserve, Indian Territory.
X. _Missouri_ or _Missouria_ (Ni-uī-t'a-tci), on Otoe Reserve.
XI. _Winnebago_ (Ho-tcaņī-ga-ra); most in Nebraska, on their reserve:
some are in Wisconsin; some in Michigan, according to Dr. Reynolds.
XII. _Mandan_, on Fort Berthold Reserve, North Dakota.
XIII. _Gros Ventres_ (a misleading name; syn. _Minnetaree_; Hi-daī-tsa);
on the same reserve.
XIV. _Crow_ (Absáruqe, Aubsároke, etc.), Crow Reserve, Montana.
XV. _Tutelo_ (Ye-sa[n]ī); among the Six Nations, Grand River Reserve,
Province of Ontario, Canada.
XVI. _Biloxi_ (Taī-neks haī-ya), part on the Red River, at Avoyelles,
Louisiana; part in Indian Territory, among the Choctaw and Caddo.
XVII. _Catawba_.
XVIII. _Woccon_.
_Population._--The present number of the Siouan family is about 43,400,
of whom about 2,204 are in British North America, the rest being in the
United States. Below is given the population of the tribes officially
recognized, compiled chiefly from the Canadian Indian Report for 1888,
the United States Indian Commissioner's Report for 1889, and the United
States Census Bulletin for 1890:
Dakota:
Mdewakantonwan and Wahpekute (Santee) on Santee Reserve,
Nebraska 869
At Flandreau, Dakota 292
Santee at Devil's Lake Agency 54
Sisseton and Wahpeton on Sisseton Reserve, South Dakota 1,522
Sisseton, Wahpeton, and Cuthead (Yanktonnais)
at Devil's Lake Reservation 857
Yankton:
On Yankton Reservation, South Dakota 1,725
At Devil's Lake Agency 123
On Fort Peck Reservation, Montana 1,121
A few on Crow Creek Reservation, South Dakota 10
A few on Lower Brulé Reservation, South Dakota 10
----- 2,989
Yanktonnais:
Upper Yanktonnais on Standing Rock Reservation 1,786
Lower Yanktonnais on Crow Creek Reservation 1,058
At Standing Rock Agency 1,739
----- 4,583
Teton:
Brulé, Upper Brulé on Rosebud Reservation 3,245
On Devil's Lake Reservation 2
Lower Brulé at Crow Creek and Lower Brulé Agency 1,026
Minneconjou (mostly) and Two Kettle, on Cheyenne
River Reserve 2,823
Blackfeet on Standing Rock Reservation 545
Two Kettle on Rosebud Reservation 315
Oglala on Pine Ridge Reservation 4,552
Wajaja (Oglala gens) on Rosebud Reservation 1,825
Wagluxe (Oglala gens) on Rosebud Reservation 1,353
Uncapapa, on Standing Rock Reservation 571
Dakota at Carlisle, Lawrence, and Hampton schools 169
----- 16,426
Dakota in British North America (tribes not stated):
On Bird Tail Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency,
Northwest Territory 108
On Oak River Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency 276
On Oak Lake Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency 55
On Turtle Mountain Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency 34
On Standing Buffalo Reserve, under Northwest Territory 184
Muscowpetung's Agency:
White Cap Dakota (Moose Woods Reservation) 105
American Sioux (no reserve) 95
----- 857
Assinaboin:
On Fort Belknap Reservation, Montana 952
On Fort Peck Reservation, Montana 719
At Devil's Lake Agency 2
The following are in British North America:
Pheasant Rump's band, at Moose Mountain (of whom 6 at
Missouri and 4 at Turtle Mountain) 69
Ocean Man's band, at Moose Mountain (of whom 4 at
Missouri) 68
The-man-who-took-the-coat's band, at Indian Head (of
whom 5 are at Milk River) 248
Bear's Head band, Battleford Agency 227
Chee-pooste-quahn band, at Wolf Creek, Peace Hills
Agency 128
Bear's Paw band, at Morleyville 236
Chiniquy band, Reserve, at Sarcee Agency 134
Jacob's band 227
----- 3,008
Omaha:
Omaha and Winnebago Agency, Nebraska 1,158
At Carlisle School, Pennsylvania 19
At Hampton School, Virginia 10
At Lawrence School, Kansas 10
----- 1,197
Ponka:
In Nebraska (under the Santee agent) 217
In Indian Territory (under the Ponka agent) 605
At Carlisle, Pennsylvania 1
At Lawrence, Kansas 24
----- 847
Osage:
At Osage Agency, Indian Territory 1,509
At Carlisle, Pennsylvania 7
At Lawrence, Kansas 65
----- 1,581
Kansa or Kaw:
At Osage Agency, Indian Territory 198
At Carlisle, Pennsylvania 1
At Lawrence, Kansas 15
----- 214
Quapaw:
On Quapaw Reserve, Indian Territory 154
On Osage Reserve, Indian Territory 71
At Carlisle, Pennsylvania 3
At Lawrence, Kansas 4
----- 232
Iowa:
On Great Nemaha Reservation, Kansas 165
On Sac and Fox Reservation, Oklahoma 102
At Carlisle, Pennsylvania 1
At Lawrence, Kansas 5
----- 273
Oto and Missouri, in Indian Territory 358
Winnebago:
In Nebraska 1,215
In Wisconsin (1889) 930
At Carlisle, Pennsylvania 27
At Lawrence, Kansas 2
At Hampton, Virginia 10
----- 2,184
Mandan:
On Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota 251
At Hampton, Virginia 1
----- 252
Hidatsa, on Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota 522
Crow, on Crow Reservation, Montana 2,287
Tutelo, about a dozen mixed bloods on Grand River
Reserve, Ontario, Canada, and a few more near
Montreal (?), say, about 20
Biloxi:
In Louisiana, about 25
At Atoka, Indian Territory 1
----- 26
Catawba:
In York County, South Carolina, about 80
Scattered through North Carolina, about 40?
----- 120?
SKITTAGETAN FAMILY.
> Skittagets, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1,
c, 1848 (the equivalent of his Queen Charlotte's Island group, p. 77).
> Skittagetts, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.
> Skidegattz, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 403, 1853
(obvious typographical error; Queen Charlotte Island).
X Haidah, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 224, 1841 (same
as his Northern family; see below).
= Haidah, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 300, 1850 (Skittegats, Massets,
Kumshahas, Kyganie). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 72, 1856
(includes Skittigats, Massetts, Kumshahas, and Kyganie of Queen
Charlotte's Ids. and Prince of Wales Archipelago). Latham, Opuscula,
339, 1860. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 673, 1859. Latham,
El. Comp. Phil., 401, 1862 (as in 1856). Dall in Proc. Am. Ass'n. 269,
1869 (Queen Charlotte's Ids. and southern part of Alexander
Archipelago). Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 604, 1882.
> Hai-dai, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 489, 1855. Kane, Wanderings of
an Artist, app., 1859, (Work's census, 1836-'41, of northwest coast
tribes, classified by language).
= Haida, Gibbs in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 135, 1877. Tolmie and Dawson,
Comp. Vocabs., 15, 1884 (vocabs. of Kaigani Sept, Masset, Skidegate,
Kumshiwa dialects; also map showing distribution). Dall in Proc. Am.
Ass'n, 375, 1885 (mere mention of family).
< Hydahs, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 473,
1878 (enumerates Massets, Klue, Kiddan, Ninstance, Skid-a-gate,
Skid-a-gatees, Cum-she-was, Kaiganies, Tsimsheeans, Nass, Skeenas,
Sebasses, Hailtzas, Bellacoolas).
> Queen Charlotte's Island, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq.
Soc., II, 15, 306, 1836 (no tribe indicated). Gallatin in Trans. Am.
Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (based on Skittagete language). Latham
in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 154, 1848. Latham, Opuscula, 349, 1860.
X Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 219, 1841
(includes Queen Charlotte's Island and tribes on islands and coast up
to 60° N.L.; Haidas, Massettes, Skittegás, Cumshawás). Prichard,
Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 433, 1847 (follows Scouler).
= Kygáni, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass'n, 269, 1869 (Queen Charlotte's Ids.
or Haidahs).
X Nootka, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 1882 (contains Quane,
probably of present family; Quactoe, Saukaulutuck).
The vocabulary referred by Gallatin[95] to "Queen Charlotte's Islands"
unquestionably belongs to the present family. In addition to being a
compound word and being objectionable as a family name on account of its
unwieldiness, the term is a purely geographic one and is based upon no
stated tribe; hence it is not eligible for use in systematic
nomenclature. As it appears in the Archæologia Americana it represents
nothing but the locality whence the vocabulary of an unknown tribe was
received.
[Footnote 95: Archæologia Americana, 1836, II, pp. 15, 306.]
The family name to be considered as next in order of date is the
Northern (or Haidah) of Scouler, which appears in volume XI, Royal
Geographical Society, page 218, et seq. The term as employed by Scouler
is involved in much confusion, and it is somewhat difficult to determine
just what tribes the author intended to cover by the designation.
Reduced to its simplest form, the case stands as follows: Scouler's
primary division of the Indians of the Northwest was into two groups,
the insular and the inland. The insular (and coast tribes) were then
subdivided into two families, viz, Northern or Haidah family (for the
terms are interchangeably used, as on page 224) and the Southern or
Nootka-Columbian family. Under the Northern or Haidah family the author
classes all the Indian tribes in the Russian territory, the Kolchians
(Athapascas of Gallatin, 1836), the Koloshes, Ugalentzes, and Tun Ghaase
(the Koluscans of Gallatin, 1836); the Atnas (Salish of Gallatin, 1836);
the Kenaians (Athapascas, Gallatin, 1836); the Haidah tribes proper of
Queen Charlotte Island, and the Chimesyans.
It will appear at a glance that such a heterogeneous assemblage of
tribes, representing as they do several distinct stocks, can not have
been classed together on purely linguistic evidence. In point of fact,
Scouler's remarkable classification seems to rest only in a very slight
degree upon a linguistic basis, if indeed it can be said to have a
linguistic basis at all. Consideration of "physical character, manners,
and customs" were clearly accorded such weight by this author as to
practically remove his Northern or Haidah family from the list of
linguistic stocks.
The next family name which was applied in this connection is the
Skittagets of Gallatin as above cited. This name is given to designate a
family on page _c_, volume II, of Transactions of the Ethnological
Society, 1848. In his subsequent list of vocabularies, page 77, he
changes his designation to Queen Charlotte Island, placing under this
family name the Skittagete tribe. His presentation of the former name of
Skittagets in his complete list of families is, however, sufficiently
formal to render it valid as a family designation, and it is, therefore,
retained for the tribes of the Queen Charlotte Archipelago which have
usually been called Haida.
From a comparison of the vocabularies of the Haida language with others
of the neighboring Koluschan family, Dr. Franz Boas is inclined to
consider that the two are genetically related. The two languages possess
a considerable number of words in common, but a more thorough
investigation is requisite for the settlement of the question than has
yet been given. Pending this the two families are here treated
separately.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The tribes of this family occupy Queen Charlotte Islands, Forrester
Island to the north of the latter, and the southeastern part of Prince
of Wales Island, the latter part having been ascertained by the agents
of the Tenth Census.[96]
[Footnote 96: See Petroff map of Alaska, 1880-'81.]
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
The following is a list of the principal villages:
Haida: Kaigani:
Aseguang. Chatcheeni.
Cumshawa. Clickass.
Kayung. Howakan.
Kung. Quiahanless.
Kun[ch]it. Shakan.
Massett.
New Gold Harbor.
Skedan.
Skiteiget.
Tanu.
Tartanee.
Uttewas.
_Population._--The population of the Haida is 2,500, none of whom are at
present under an agent.
TAKILMAN FAMILY.
= Takilma, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 1882 (Lower Rogue River).
This name was proposed by Mr. Gatschet for a distinct language spoken on
the coast of Oregon about the lower Rogue River. Mr. Dorsey obtained a
vocabulary in 1884 which he has compared with Athapascan, Kusan,
Yakonan, and other languages spoken in the region without finding any
marked resemblances. The family is hence admitted provisionally. The
language appears to be spoken by but a single tribe, although there is
a manuscript vocabulary in the Bureau of Ethnology exhibiting certain
differences which may be dialectic.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The Takilma formerly dwelt in villages along upper Rogue River, Oregon,
all the latter, with one exception, being on the south side, from
Illinois River on the southwest, to Deep Rock, which was nearer the head
of the stream. They are now included among the "Rogue River Indians,"
and they reside to the number of twenty-seven on the Siletz Reservation,
Tillamook County, Oregon, where Dorsey found them in 1884.
TAŅOAN FAMILY.
> Tay-waugh, Lane (1854) in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V. 689, 1855
(Pueblos of San Juan, Santa Clara, Pojuaque, Nambe. San Il de Conso,
and one Moqui pueblo). Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent, and So.
Am.), 479, 1878.
> Taņo, Powell in Rocky Mountain Presbyterian, Nov., 1878 (includes
Sandia, Téwa, San Ildefonso, San Juan, Santa Clara, Pojoaque, Nambé,
Tesuque, Sinecú, Jemez, Taos, Picuri).
> Tegna, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 479, 1878
(includes S. Juan, Sta. Clara, Pojuaque, Nambe, Tesugue, S. Ildefonso,
Haro).
= Téwan, Powell in Am. Nat., 605, Aug., 1880 (makes five divisions: 1.
Taņo (Isleta, Isleta near El Paso, Sandía); 2. Taos (Taos, Picuni); 3.
Jemes (Jemes); 4. Tewa or Tehua (San Ildefonso, San Juan, Pojoaque,
Nambe, Tesuque, Santa Clara, and one Moki pueblo); 5. Piro).
> E-nagh-magh, Lane (1854) in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 689, 1855
(includes Taos, Vicuris, Zesuqua, Sandia, Ystete, and two pueblos near
El Paso, Texas). Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.),
479, 1878 (follows Lane, but identifies Texan pueblos with Lentis? and
Socorro?).
> Picori, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 479, 1878
(or Enaghmagh).
= Stock of Rio Grande Pueblos, Gatschet in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th
M., vii, 415, 1879.
= Rio Grande Pueblo, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 258, 1882.
Derivation: Probably from "taínin," plural of tá-ide, "Indian," in the
dialect of Isleta and Sandia (Gatschet).
In a letter[97] from Wm. Carr Lane to H. R. Schoolcraft, appear some
remarks on the affinities of the Pueblo languages, based in large part
on hearsay evidence. No vocabularies are given, nor does any real
classification appear to be attempted, though referring to such of his
remarks as apply in the present connection, Lane states that the Indians
of "Taos, Vicuris, Zesuqua, Sandia, and Ystete, and of two pueblos of
Texas, near El Paso, are said to speak the same language, which I have
heard called E-nagh-magh," and that the Indians of "San Juan, Santa
Clara, Pojuaque, Nambe, San Il de Conso, and one Moqui pueblo, all speak
the same language, as it is said: this I have heard called Tay-waugh."
The ambiguous nature of his reference to these pueblos is apparent from
the above quotation.
[Footnote 97: Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, 1855, vol. 5, p. 689.]
The names given by Lane as those he had "heard" applied to certain
groups of pueblos which "it is said" speak the same language, rest on
too slender a basis for serious consideration in a classificatory sense.
Keane in the appendix to Stanford's Compendium (Central and South
America), 1878, p. 479, presents the list given by Lane, correcting his
spelling in some cases and adding the name of the Tusayan pueblo as Haro
(Hano). He gives the group no formal family name, though they are
classed together as speaking "Tegua or Tay-waugh."
The Taņo of Powell (1878), as quoted, appears to be the first name
formally given the family, and is therefore accepted. Recent
investigations of the dialect spoken at Taos and some of the other
pueblos of this group show a considerable body of words having
Shoshonean affinities, and it is by no means improbable that further
research will result in proving the radical relationship of these
languages to the Shoshonean family. The analysis of the language has not
yet, however, proceeded far enough to warrant a decided opinion.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The tribes of this family in the United States resided exclusively upon
the Rio Grande and its tributary valleys from about 33° to about 36°.
A small body of these people joined the Tusayan in northern Arizona,
as tradition avers to assist the latter against attacks by the
Apache--though it seems more probable that they fled from the Rio Grande
during the pueblo revolt of 1680--and remained to found the permanent
pueblo of Hano, the seventh pueblo of the group. A smaller section of
the family lived upon the Rio Grande in Mexico and Texas, just over the
New Mexico border.
_Population._--The following pueblos are included in the family, with a
total population of about 3,237:
Hano (of the Tusayan group) 132
Isleta (New Mexico) 1,059
Isleta (Texas) few
Jemez 428
Nambé 79
Picuris 100
Pojoaque 20
Sandia 140
San Ildefonso 148
San Juan 406
Santa Clara 225
Senecú (below El Paso) few
Taos 409
Tesuque 91
TIMUQUANAN FAMILY.
= Timuquana, Smith in Hist. Magazine, II, 1, 1858 (a notice of the
language with vocabulary; distinctness of the language affirmed).
Brinton. Floridian Peninsula, 134, 1859 (spelled also Timuaca,
Timagoa, Timuqua).
= Timucua, Gatschet in Proc. Am. Phil. Soc., XVI, April 6, 1877 (from
Cape Caņaveral to mouth of St. John's River). Gatschet, Creek Mig.
Legend I, 11-13, 1884. Gatschet in Science, 413, April 29, 1887.
= Atimuca, Gatschet in Science, ibid, (proper name).
Derivation: From ati-muca, "ruler," "master;" literally, "servants
attend upon him."
In the Historical Magazine as above cited appears a notice of the
Timuquana language by Buckingham Smith, in which is affirmed its
distinctness upon the evidence of language. A short vocabulary is
appended, which was collated from the "Confessionario" by Padre Pareja,
1613. Brinton and Gatschet have studied the Timuquana language and have
agreed as to the distinctness of the family from any other of the United
States. Both the latter authorities are inclined to take the view that
it has affinities with the Carib family to the southward, and it seems
by no means improbable that ultimately the Timuquana language will be
considered an offshoot of the Carib linguistic stock. At the present
time, however, such a conclusion would not be justified by the evidence
gathered and published.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
It is impossible to assign definite limits to the area occupied by the
tribes of this family. From documentary testimony of the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries the limits of the family domain appear to have
been about as follows: In general terms the present northern limits of
the State of Florida may be taken as the northern frontier, although
upon the Atlantic side Timuquanan territory may have extended into
Georgia. Upon the northwest the boundary line was formed in De Soto's
time by the Ocilla River. Lake Okeechobee on the south, or as it was
then called Lake Sarrape or Mayaimi, may be taken as the boundary
between the Timuquanan tribes proper and the Calusa province upon the
Gulf coast and the Tegesta province upon the Atlantic side. Nothing
whatever of the languages spoken in these two latter provinces is
available for comparison. A number of the local names of these provinces
given by Fontanedo (1559) have terminations similar to many of the
Timuquanan local names. This slender evidence is all that we have from
which to infer the Timuquanan relationship of the southern end of the
peninsula.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
The following settlements appear upon the oldest map of the regions we
possess, that of De Bry (Narratio; Frankf. a. M. 15, 1590):
(A) Shores of St. John's River, from mouth to sources:
Patica. Utina.
Saturiwa. Patchica.
Atore. Chilili.
Homolua or Molua. Calanay.
Alimacani. Onochaquara.
Casti. Mayarca.
Malica. Mathiaca.
Melona. Maiera.
Timoga or Timucua. Mocoso.
Enecaqua. Cadica.
Choya. Eloquale.
Edelano (island). Aquonena.
Astina.
(B) On a (fictitious) western tributary of St. John's River, from mouth
to source:
Hicaranaou.
Appalou.
Oustaca.
Onathcaqua.
Potanou.
Ehiamana.
Anouala.
(C) East Floridian coast, from south to north:
Mocossou.
Oathcaqua.
Sorrochos.
Hanocoroucouay.
Marracou.
(D) On coast north of St. John's River:
Hiouacara.
(E) The following are gathered from all other authorities, mostly from
the accounts of De Soto's expedition:
Acquera. San Mateo (1688).
Aguile. Santa Lucia de Acuera
Basisa or Vacissa (SE. coast).
(1688). Tacatacuru.
Cholupaha. Tocaste.
Hapaluya. Tolemato.
Hirrihiqua. Topoqui.
Itafi Tucururu
(perhaps a province). (SE. coast)
Itara Ucita.
Machaua (1688). Urriparacuxi.
Napetuca. Yupaha
Osile (Oxille). (perhaps a province).
San Juan de Guacara
(1688).
TONIKAN FAMILY.
= Tunicas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 115, 116,
1836 (quotes Dr. Sibley, who states they speak a distinct language).
Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 341, 1850 (opposite mouth of Red River; quotes
Dr. Sibley as to distinctness of language).
= Tonica, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 39, 1884 (brief account of
tribe).
= Tonika, Gatschet in Science, 412, April 29, 1887 (distinctness as a
family asserted; the tribe calls itself Túni[ch]ka).
Derivation: From the Tonika word óni, "man," "people;" t- is a prefix or
article; -ka, -[ch]ka a nominal suffix.
The distinctness of the Tonika language, has long been suspected, and
was indeed distinctly stated by Dr. Sibley in 1806.[98] The statement to
this effect by Dr. Sibley was quoted by Gallatin in 1836, but as the
latter possessed no vocabulary of the language he made no attempt to
classify it. Latham also dismisses the language with the same quotation
from Sibley. Positive linguistic proof of the position of the language
was lacking until obtained by Mr. Gatschet in 1886, who declared it to
form a family by itself.
[Footnote 98: President's message, February 19, 1806.]
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The Tonika are known to have occupied three localities: First, on the
Lower Yazoo River (1700); second, east shore of Mississippi River (about
1704); third, in Avoyelles Parish, Louisiana (1817). Near Marksville,
the county seat of that parish, about twenty-five are now living.
TONKAWAN FAMILY.
= Tonkawa, Gatschet, Zwölf Sprachen aus dem Südwesten Nordamerikas,
76, 1876 (vocabulary of about 300 words and some sentences). Gatschet,
Die Sprache der Tonkawas, in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 64, 1877.
Gatschet (1876), in Proc. Am. Philosoph. Soc., XVI, 318, 1877.
Derivation: the full form is the Caddo or Wako term tonkawéya, "they all
stay together" (wéya, "all").
After a careful examination of all the linguistic material available for
comparison, Mr. Gatschet has concluded that the language spoken by the
Tonkawa forms a distinct family.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The Tónkawa were a migratory people and a _colluvies gentium_, whose
earliest habitat is unknown. Their first mention occurs in 1719; at that
time and ever since they roamed in the western and southern parts of
what is now Texas. About 1847 they were engaged as scouts in the United
States Army, and from 1860-'62 (?) were in the Indian Territory; after
the secession war till 1884 they lived in temporary camps near Fort
Griffin, Shackelford County, Texas, and in October, 1884, they removed
to the Indian Territory (now on Oakland Reserve). In 1884 there were
seventy-eight individuals living; associated with them were nineteen
Lipan Apache, who had lived in their company for many years, though in a
separate camp. They have thirteen divisions (partly totem-clans) and
observe mother-right.
UCHEAN FAMILY.
= Uchees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II., 95, 1836
(based upon the Uchees alone). Bancroft, Hist. U.S., III., 247, 1840.
Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. II., pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Keane,
App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 472, 1878 (suggests that
the language may have been akin to Natchez).
= Utchees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II., 306,
1836. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III., 401, 1853. Keane,
App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 472, 1878.
= Utschies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852.
= Uché, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 338, 1850 (Coosa River). Latham in
Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II., 31-50, 1846. Latham, Opuscula, 293,
1860.
= Yuchi, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 17, 1884. Gatschet in
Science, 413, April 29, 1887.
The following is the account of this tribe given by Gallatin (probably
derived from Hawkins) in Archæologia Americana, page 95:
The original seats of the Uchees were east of Coosa and probably of
the Chatahoochee; and they consider themselves as the most ancient
inhabitants of the country. They may have been the same nation which
is called Apalaches in the accounts of De Soto's expedition, and
their towns were till lately principally on Flint River.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The pristine homes of the Yuchi are not now traceable with any degree of
certainty. The Yuchi are supposed to have been visited by De Soto during
his memorable march, and the town of Cofitachiqui chronicled by him, is
believed by many investigators to have stood at Silver Bluff, on the
left bank of the Savannah, about 25 miles below Augusta. If, as is
supposed by some authorities, Cofitachiqui was a Yuchi town, this would
locate the Yuchi in a section which, when first known to the whites, was
occupied by the Shawnee. Later the Yuchi appear to have lived somewhat
farther down the Savannah, on the eastern and also the western side, as
far as the Ogeechee River, and also upon tracts above and below Augusta,
Georgia. These tracts were claimed by them as late as 1736.
In 1739 a portion of the Yuchi left their old seats and settled among
the Lower Creek on the Chatahoochee River; there they established three
colony villages in the neighborhood, and later on a Yuchi settlement is
mentioned on Lower Tallapoosa River, among the Upper Creek.[99]
Filson[100] gives a list of thirty Indian tribes and a statement
concerning Yuchi towns, which he must have obtained from a much earlier
source: "Uchees occupy four different places of residence--at the head
of St. John's, the fork of St. Mary's, the head of Cannouchee, and the
head of St. Tillis" (Satilla), etc.[101]
[Footnote 99: Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 21-22, 1884.]
[Footnote 100: Discovery, etc., of Kentucky, 1793, II, 84-7.]
[Footnote 101: Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, p. 20.]
_Population._--More than six hundred Yuchi reside in northeastern Indian
Territory, upon the Arkansas River, where they are usually classed as
Creek. Doubtless the latter are to some extent intermarried with them,
but the Yuchi are jealous of their name and tenacious of their position
as a tribe.
WAIILATPUAN.
= Waiilatpu, Hale, in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 199, 214, 569, 1846
(includes Cailloux or Cayuse or Willetpoos, and Molele). Gallatin,
after Hale, in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 14, 56, 77, 1848
(after Hale). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Buschmann,
Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 628, 1859. Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565,
1882 (Cayuse and Mollale).
= Wailatpu, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853
(Cayuse and Molele).
X Sahaptin, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 323, 1850 (cited as including
Cayús?).
X Sahaptins, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 474,
1878 (cited because it includes Cayuse and Mollale).
= Molele, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 324, 1850 (includes Molele, Cayús?).
> Cayús?, Latham, ibid.
= Cayuse, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 166, 1877 (Cayuse and Moléle).
Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 442, 1877.
Derivation: Wayíletpu, plural form of Wa-ílet, "one Cayuse man"
(Gatschet).
Hale established this family and placed under it the Cailloux or Cayuse
or Willetpoos, and the Molele. Their headquarters as indicated by Hale
are the upper part of the Walla Walla River and the country about Mounts
Hood and Vancouver.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The Cayuse lived chiefly near the mouth of the Walla Walla River,
extending a short distance above and below on the Columbia, between the
Umatilla and Snake Rivers. The Molále were a mountain tribe and occupied
a belt of mountain country south of the Columbia River, chiefly about
Mounts Hood and Jefferson.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Cayuse.
Molále.
_Population._--There are 31 Molále now on the Grande Ronde Reservation,
Oregon,[102] and a few others live in the mountains west of Klamath
Lake. The Indian Affairs Report for 1888 credits 401 and the United
States Census Bulletin for 1890, 415 Cayuse Indians to the Umatilla
Reservation, but Mr. Henshaw was able to find only six old men and women
upon the reservation in August, 1888, who spoke their own language. The
others, though presumably of Cayuse blood, speak the Umatilla tongue.
[Footnote 102: U.S. Ind. Aff., 1889.]
WAKASHAN FAMILY.
> Wakash, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 15, 306,
1836 (of Nootka Sound; gives Jewitt's vocab.). Gallatin in Trans. Am.
Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (based on Newittee). Berghaus (1851),
Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes,
III, 402, 1853 (includes Newittee and Nootka Sound). Latham in Trans.
Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856 (of Quadra and Vancouver's Island).
Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 403, 1862
(Tlaoquatsh and Wakash proper; Nutka and congeners also referred
here).
X Wakash, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 301. 1850 (includes Naspatle, proper
Nutkans, Tlaoquatsh, Nittenat, Klasset, Klallems; the last named is
Salishan).
X Nootka-Columbian, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., XI, 221, 1841
(includes Quadra and Vancouver Island, Haeeltzuk, Billechoola,
Tlaoquatch, Kawitchen, Noosdalum, Squallyamish, Cheenooks). Prichard,
Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 435, 1847 (follows Scouler). Latham in Jour.
Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 162, 1848 (remarks upon Scouler's group of this
name). Latham, Opuscula, 257, 1860 (the same).
< Nootka, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 220, 569, 1846 (proposes family
to include tribes of Vancouver Island and tribes on south side of Fuca
Strait).
> Nutka, Buschmann, Neu-Mexico, 329, 1858.
> Nootka, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 170, 1877 (mentions only Makah,
and Classet tribes of Cape Flattery). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc.,
446. 1877.
X Nootkahs, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 473,
1878 (includes Muchlahts, Nitinahts, Ohyahts, Manosahts, and
Quoquoulths of present family, together with a number of Salishan
tribes).
X Nootka, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 607, 1882 (a heterogeneous
group, largely Salishan, with Wakashan, Skittagetan, and other
families represented).
> Straits of Fuca, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II,
134, 306, 1836 (vocabulary of, referred here with doubt; considered
distinct by Gallatin).
X Southern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., XI, 224, 1841 (same as
his Noctka-Columbian above).
X Insular, Scouler ibid. (same as his Nootka-Columbian above).
X Haeltzuk, Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 155, 1848 (cities
Tolmie's vocab. Spoken from 50°30' to 53°30' N.L.). Latham, Opuscula,
251, 1860 (the same).
> Haeeltsuk and Hailtsa, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 300, 1850 (includes
Hyshalla, Hyhysh, Esleytuk, Weekenoch, Nalatsenoch, Quagheuil,
Tlatla-Shequilla, Lequeeltoch).
> Hailtsa, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 72, 1856. Buschmann,
Neu-Mexico, 322, 1858. Latham, Opuscula, 339, 1860. Latham, El. Comp.
Phil., 401, 1862 (includes coast dialects between Hawkesbury Island,
Broughton's Archipelago, and northern part of Vancouver Island).
> Ha-eelb-zuk, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 487, 1855. Kane, Wand. of
an Artist, app., 1859 (or Ballabola; a census of N.W. tribes
classified by language).
> Ha-iltī-z[)u]kh, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 144, 1877
(vocabularies of Bel-bella of Milbank Sound and of Kwáki[-u]tl').
< Nass, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt 1, c, 1848.
< Naass, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848
(includes Hailstla, Haceltzuk, Billechola, Chimeysan). Gallatin in
Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (includes Huitsla).
X Nass, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 606, 1882 (includes Hailtza of
present family).
> Aht, Sproat, Savage Life, app., 312, 1868 (name suggested for family
instead of Nootka-Columbian).
> Aht, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 50, 1884 (vocab. of
Kaiookw[-a]ht).
X Puget Sound Group, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.),
460, 474, 1878.
X Hydahs, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 473, 1878
(includes Hailtzas of the present family).
> Kwakiool, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 27-48, 1884 (vocabs. of
Haishilla, Hailtzuk, Kwiha, Likwiltoh, Septs; also map showing family
domain).
> Kw[-a]īki[-u]tl, Boas in Petermann's Mitteilungen, 130, 1887
(general account of family with list of tribes).
Derivation: Waukash, waukash, is the Nootka word "good" "good." When
heard by Cook at Friendly Cove, Nootka Sound, it was supposed to be the
name of the tribe.
Until recently the languages spoken by the Aht of the west coast of
Vancouver Island and the Makah of Cape Flattery, congeneric tribes, and
the Haeltzuk and Kwakiutl peoples of the east coast of Vancouver Island
and the opposite mainland of British Columbia, have been regarded as
representing two distinct families. Recently Dr. Boas has made an
extended study of these languages, has collected excellent vocabularies
of the supposed families, and as a result of his study it is now
possible to unite them on the basis of radical affinity. The main body
of the vocabularies of the two languages is remarkably distinct, though
a considerable number of important words are shown to be common to the
two.
Dr. Boas, however, points out that in both languages suffixes only are
used in forming words, and a long list of these shows remarkable
similarity.
The above family name was based upon a vocabulary of the Wakash Indians,
who, according to Gallatin, "inhabit the island on which Nootka Sound is
situated." The short vocabulary given was collected by Jewitt. Gallatin
states[103] that this language is the one "in that quarter, which, by
various vocabularies, is best known to us." In 1848[104] Gallatin
repeats his Wakash family, and again gives the vocabulary of Jewitt.
There would thus seem to be no doubt of his intention to give it formal
rank as a family.
[Footnote 103: Archæologia Americana, II, p. 15.]
[Footnote 104: Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. II, p. 77.]
The term "Wakash" for this group of languages has since been generally
ignored, and in its place Nootka or Nootka-Columbian has been adopted.
"Nootka-Columbian" was employed by Scouler in 1841 for a group of
languages, extending from the mouth of Salmon River to the south of the
Columbia River, now known to belong to several distinct families.
"Nootka family" was also employed by Hale[105] in 1846, who proposed the
name for the tribes of Vancouver Island and those along the south side
of the Straits of Fuca.
[Footnote 105: U.S. Expl. Expd., vol. 6, p. 220.]
The term "Nootka-Columbian" is strongly condemned by Sproat.[106] For
the group of related tribes on the west side of Vancouver Island this
author suggests Aht, "house, tribe, people," as a much more appropriate
family appellation.
[Footnote 106: Savage Life, 312.]
Though by no means as appropriate a designation as could be found, it
seems clear that for the so-called Wakash, Newittee, and other allied
languages usually assembled under the Nootka family, the term Wakash of
1836 has priority and must be retained.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The tribes of the Aht division of this family are confined chiefly to
the west coast of Vancouver Island. They range to the north as far as
Cape Cook, the northern side of that cape being occupied by Haeltzuk
tribes, as was ascertained by Dr. Boas in 1886. On the south they
reached to a little above Sooke Inlet, that inlet being in possession of
the Soke, a Salishan tribe.
The neighborhood of Cape Flattery, Washington, is occupied by the Makah,
one of the Wakashan tribes, who probably wrested this outpost of the
family from the Salish (Clallam) who next adjoin them on Puget Sound.
The boundaries of the Haeltzuk division of this family are laid down
nearly as they appear on Tolmie and Dawson's linguistic map of 1884. The
west side of King Island and Cascade Inlet are said by Dr. Boas to be
inhabited by Haeltzuk tribes, and are colored accordingly.
PRINCIPAL AHT TRIBES.
Ahowsaht. Mowachat.
Ayhuttisaht. Muclaht.
Chicklesaht. Nitinaht.
Clahoquaht. Nuchalaht.
Hishquayquaht. Ohiaht.
Howchuklisaht. Opechisaht.
Kitsmaht. Pachenaht.
Kyoquaht. Seshaht.
Macaw. Toquaht.
Manosaht. Yuclulaht.
_Population._--There are 457 Makah at the Neah Bay Agency,
Washington.[107] The total population of the tribes of this family under
the West Coast Agency, British Columbia, is 3,160.[108] The grand total
for this division of the family is thus 3,617.
[Footnote 107: U.S. Census Bulletin for 1890.]
[Footnote 108: Canada Ind. Aff. Rep. for 1888.]
PRINCIPAL HAELTZUK TRIBES.
Aquamish. Likwiltoh.
Belbellah. Mamaleilakitish.
Clowetsus. Matelpa.
Hailtzuk. Nakwahtoh.
Haishilla. Nawiti.
Kakamatsis. Nimkish.
Keimanoeitoh. Quatsino.
Kwakiutl. Tsawadinoh.
Kwashilla.
_Population._--There are 1,898 of the Haeltzuk division of the family
under the Kwawkewlth Agency, British Columbia. Of the Bellacoola
(Salishan family) and Haeltzuk, of the present family, there are 2,500
who are not under agents. No separate census of the latter exists at
present.
WASHOAN FAMILY.
= Washo, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 255, April, 1882.
< Shoshone, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 477,
1878 (contains Washoes).
< Snake, Keane, ibid. (Same as Shoshone, above.)
This family is represented by a single well known tribe, whose range
extended from Reno, on the line of the Central Pacific Railroad, to the
lower end of the Carson Valley.
On the basis of vocabularies obtained by Stephen Powers and other
investigators, Mr. Gatschet was the first to formally separate the
language. The neighborhood of Carson is now the chief seat of the tribe,
and here and in the neighboring valleys there are about 200 living a
parasitic life about the ranches and towns.
WEITSPEKAN FAMILY.
= Weits-pek, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853 (a band
and language on Klamath at junction of Trinity). Latham, El. Comp.
Phil., 410, 1862 (junction of Klamath and Trinity Rivers). Gatschet in
Mag. Am. Hist., 163, 1877 (affirmed to be distinct from any
neighboring tongue). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 438, 1877.
< Weitspek, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 77, 1856 (junction
of Klamath and Trinity Rivers; Weyot and Wishosk dialects). Latham,
Opuscula, 343, 1860.
= Eurocs, Powers in Overland Monthly, VII, 530, June, 1872 (of the
Lower Klamath and coastwise; Weitspek, a village of).
= Eurok, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 163, 1877. Gatschet in Beach,
Ind. Misc., 437, 1877.
= Yuī-rok, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 45, 1877 (from junction of
Trinity to mouth and coastwise). Powell, ibid., 460 (vocabs. of
Al-i-kwa, Klamath, Yuī-rok.)
X Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878
(Eurocs belong here).
Derivation: Weitspek is the name of a tribe or village of the family
situated on Klamath River. The etymology is unknown.
Gibbs was the first to employ this name, which he did in 1853, as above
cited. He states that it is "the name of the principal band on the
Klamath, at the junction of the Trinity," adding that "this language
prevails from a few miles above that point to the coast, but does not
extend far from the river on either side." It would thus seem clear that
in this case, as in several others, he selected the name of a band to
apply to the language spoken by it. The language thus defined has been
accepted as distinct by later authorities except Latham, who included as
dialects under the Weitspek language, the locality of which he gives as
the junction of the Klamath and Trinity Rivers, the Weyot and Wishosk,
both of which are now classed under the Wishoskan family.
By the Karok these tribes are called Yurok, "down" or "below," by which
name the family has recently been known.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
For our knowledge of the range of the tribes of this family we are
chiefly indebted to Stephen Powers.[109] The tribes occupy the lower
Klamath River, Oregon, from the mouth of the Trinity down. Upon the
coast, Weitspekan territory extends from Gold Bluff to about 6 miles
above the mouth of the Klamath. The Chillúla are an offshoot of the
Weitspek, living to the south of them, along Redwood Creek to a point
about 20 miles inland, and from Gold Bluff to a point about midway
between Little and Mad Rivers.
[Footnote 109: Cont. N.A. Eth., 1877, vol. 3, p. 44.]
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Chillúla, Redwood Creek.
Mita, Klamath River.
Pekwan, Klamath River.
Rikwa, Regua, fishing village at outlet of Klamath River.
Sugon, Shragoin, Klamath River.
Weitspek, Klamath River (above Big Bend).
WISHOSKAN FAMILY.
> Wish-osk, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853 (given
as the name of a dialect on Mad River and Humboldt Bay).
= Wish-osk, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 478, 1877 (vocabularies of
Wish-osk, Wi-yot, and Ko-wilth). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 162, 1877
(indicates area occupied by family). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc.,
437, 1877.
> Wee-yot, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853 (given as
the name of a dialect on Eel River and Humboldt Bay).
X Weitspek, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 77, 1856 (includes
Weyot and Wishosk). Latham, Opuscula, 343, 1860.
< Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878
(cited as including Patawats, Weeyots, Wishosks).
Derivation: Wish-osk is the name given to the Bay and Mad River Indians
by those of Eel River.
This is a small and obscure linguistic family and little is known
concerning the dialects composing it or of the tribes which speak it.
Gibbs[110] mentions Wee-yot and Wish-osk as dialects of a general
language extending "from Cape Mendocino to Mad River and as far back
into the interior as the foot of the first range of mountains," but does
not distinguish the language by a family name.
[Footnote 110: Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1853, vol. 3, p. 422.]
Latham considered Weyot and Wishosk to be mere dialects of the same
language, i.e., the Weitspek, from which, however, they appeared to him
to differ much more than they do from each other. Both Powell and
Gatschet have treated the language represented by these dialects as
quite distinct from any other, and both have employed the same name.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The area occupied by the tribes speaking dialects of this language was
the coast from a little below the mouth of Eel River to a little north
of Mad River, including particularly the country about Humboldt Bay.
They also extended up the above-named rivers into the mountain passes.
TRIBES.
Patawat, Lower Mad River and Humboldt Bay as far south as Arcata.
Weeyot, mouth of Eel River.
Wishosk, near mouth of Mad River and north part of Humboldt Bay.
YAKONAN FAMILY.
> Yakones, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 198, 218, 1846 (or Iakon,
coast of Oregon). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 612, 1859.
> Iakon, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 569, 1846 (or Lower
Killamuks). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 612, 1859.
> Jacon, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848.
> Jakon, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 17, 1848.
Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Gallatin in Schoolcraft,
Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (language of Lower Killamuks). Latham in
Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 78, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860.
> Yakon, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 324, 1850. Gatschet, in Mag. Am.
Hist., 166, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 441, 1877. Bancroft,
Nat. Races, III, 565, 640, 1882.
> Yákona, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 256, 1882.
> Southern Killamuks, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 569, 1846 (or
Yakones). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, 17, 1848 (after Hale).
> Süd Killamuk, Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.
> Sainstskla, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850 ("south of the Yakon,
between the Umkwa and the sea").
> Sayúskla, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 257, 1882 (on Lower Umpqua,
Sayúskla, and Smith Rivers).
> Killiwashat, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850 ("mouth of the
Umkwa").
X Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878
(cited as including Yacons).
Derivation: From yakwina, signifying "spirit" (Everette).
The Yakwina was the leading tribe of this family. It must have been of
importance in early days, as it occupied fifty-six villages along
Yaquina River, from the site of Elk City down to the ocean. Only a few
survive, and they are with the Alsea on the Siletz Reservation,
Tillamook County, Oregon. They were classed by mistake with the
Tillamook or "Killamucks" by Lewis and Clarke. They are called by Lewis
and Clarke[111] Youikcones and Youkone.[112]
[Footnote 111: Allen, ed. 1814, vol. 2, p. 473.]
[Footnote 112: Ibid., p. 118.]
The Alsea formerly dwelt in villages along both sides of Alsea River,
Oregon, and on the adjacent coast. They are now on the Siletz
Reservation, Oregon. Perhaps a few are on the Grande Ronde Reservation,
Oregon.
The Siuslaw used to inhabit villages on the Siuslaw River, Oregon. There
may be a few pure Siuslaw on the Siletz Reservation, but Mr. Dorsey did
not see any of them. They are mentioned by Drew,[113] who includes them
among the "Kat-la-wot-sett" bands. At that time, they were still on the
Siuslaw River. The Ku-itc or Lower Umpqua villages were on both sides of
the lower part of Umpqua River, Oregon, from its mouth upward for about
30 miles. Above them were the Upper Umpqua villages, of the Athapascan
stock. A few members of the Ku-itc still reside on the Siletz
Reservation, Oregon.
[Footnote 113: U.S. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 359.]
This is a family based by Hale upon a single tribe, numbering six or
seven hundred, who live on the coast, north of the Nsietshawus, from
whom they differ merely in language. Hale calls the tribe Iakon or
Yakones or Southern Killamuks.
The Sayúsklan language has usually been assumed to be distinct from all
others, and the comments of Latham and others all tend in this
direction. Mr. Gatschet, as above quoted, finally classed it as a
distinct stock, at the same time finding certain strong coincidences
with the Yakonan family. Recently Mr. Dorsey has collected extensive
vocabularies of the Yakonan, Sayúskla, and Lower Umpqua languages and
finds unquestioned evidence of relationship.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The family consists of four primary divisions or tribes: Yakwina, Alsea,
Siuslaw, and Ku-itc or Lower Umpqua. Each one of these comprised many
villages, which were stretched along the western part of Oregon on the
rivers flowing into the Pacific, from the Yaquina on the north down to
and including the Umpqua River.
TRIBES.
Alsea (on Alseya River).
Yakw[)i]īna.
Kuitc.
Siuslaw.
_Population._--The U.S. Census Bulletin for 1890 mentions thirty-one
tribes as resident on the Siletz Reservation with a combined population
of 571. How many Yakwina are among this number is not known. The
breaking down of tribal distinctions by reason of the extensive
intermarriage of the several tribes is given as the reason for the
failure to give a census by tribes.
YANAN FAMILY.
= Nó-zi, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 275, 1877 (or No-si; mention
of tribe; gives numerals and states they are different from any he has
found in California).
= Noces, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 160, March, 1877 (or Nozes;
merely mentioned under Meidoo family).
Derivation: Yana means "people" in the Yanan language.
In 1880 Powell collected a short vocabulary from this tribe, which is
chiefly known to the settlers by the name Noje or Nozi. Judged by this
vocabulary the language seemed to be distinct from any other. More
recently, in 1884, Mr. Curtin visited the remnants of the tribe,
consisting of thirty-five individuals, and obtained an extensive
collection of words, the study of which seems to confirm the impression
of the isolated position of the language as regards other American
tongues.
The Nozi seem to have been a small tribe ever since known to Europeans.
They have a tradition to the effect that they came to California from
the far East. Powers states that they differ markedly in physical traits
from all California tribes met by him. At present the Nozi are reduced
to two little groups, one at Redding, the other in their original
country at Round Mountain, California.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The eastern boundary of the Yanan territory is formed by a range of
mountains a little west of Lassen Butte and terminating near Pit River;
the northern boundary by a line running from northeast to southwest,
passing near the northern side of Round Mountain, 3 miles from Pit
River. The western boundary from Redding southward is on an average 10
miles to the east of the Sacramento. North of Redding it averages double
that distance or about 20 miles.
YUKIAN FAMILY.
= Yuki, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 125-138, 1877 (general
description of tribe).
= Yú-ki, Powell in ibid., 483 (vocabs. of Yú-ki, H[-u]chnp[-o]m, and a
fourth unnamed vocabulary).
= Yuka, Powers in Overland Monthly, IX, 305, Oct., 1872 (same as
above). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 161, 1877 (defines habitat of
family; gives Yuka, Ashochemies or Wappos, Shumeias, Tahtoos).
Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 435, 1877. Bancroft, Nat. Races, III,
566, 1882 (includes Yuka, Tahtoo, Wapo or Ashochemic).
= Uka, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 161, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind.
Misc., 435, 1877 (same as his Yuka).
X Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878
(Yukas of his Klamath belong here).
Derivation: From the Wintun word yuki, meaning "stranger;" secondarily,
"bad" or "thieving."
A vocabulary of the Yuki tribe is given by Gibbs in vol. III of
Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, 1853, but no indication is afforded that
the language is of a distinct stock.
Powell, as above cited, appears to have been the first to separate the
language.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
Round Valley, California, subsequently made a reservation to receive the
Yuki and other tribes, was formerly the chief seat of the tribes of the
family, but they also extended across the mountains to the coast.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Ashochimi (near Healdsburgh).
Chumaya (Middle Eel River).
Napa (upper Napa Valley).
Tatu (Potter Valley).
Yuki (Round Valley, California).
YUMAN FAMILY.
> Yuma, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 94, 101, 1856
(includes Cuchan, Coco-Maricopa, Mojave, Diegeņo). Latham in Trans.
Philolog. Soc. Lond., 86, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 351, 1860 (as
above). Latham in addenda to Opuscula, 392, 1860 (adds Cuchan to the
group). Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 420, 1862 (includes Cuchan,
Cocomaricopa, Mojave, Dieguno). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 156, 1877
(mentions only U.S. members of family). Keane, App. Stanford's Comp.
(Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 479, 1878 (includes Yumas, Maricopas,
Cuchans, Mojaves, Yampais, Yavipais, Hualpais). Bancroft, Nat. Races,
III, 569, 1882.
= Yuma, Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 429, 1877 (habitat and dialects
of family). Gatschet in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., VII, 413, 414,
1879.
> Dieguno, Latham (1853) in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., VI, 75, 1854
(includes mission of San Diego, Dieguno, Cocomaricopas, Cuchaņ, Yumas,
Amaquaquas.)
> Cochimi, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 87, 1856 (northern
part peninsula California). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 471,
1859 (center of California peninsula). Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860.
Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 423, 1862. Orozco y Berra, Geografía de las
Lenguas de México, map, 1864. Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and
So. Am.), 476, 1878 (head of Gulf to near Loreto).
> Layamon, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 88, 1856 (a dialect
of Waikur?). Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil.,
423, 1862.
> Waikur, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 90, 1856 (several
dialects of). Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil.,
423, 1862.
> Guaycura, Orozco y Berra, Geografía de las Lenguas de México, map,
1864.
> Guaicuri, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 476,
1878 (between 26th and 23d parallels).
> Ushiti, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 88, 1856 (perhaps a
dialect of Waikur). Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860.
> Utshiti, Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 423, 1862 (same as Ushiti).
> Pericú, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 88, 1856. Latham,
Opuscula, 353, 1860. Orozco y Berra, Geografía de las Lenguas de
México, map, 1864.
> Pericui, Keane, App. Stanford's Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 476, 1878
(from 23° N.L. to Cape S. Lucas and islands).
> Seri, Gatschet in Zeitschr. für Ethnologie, XV, 129, 1883, and
XVIII, 115, 1886.
Derivation: A Cuchan word signifying "sons of the river" (Whipple).
In 1856 Turner adopted Yuma as a family name, and placed under it
Cuchan, Coco-Maricopa, Mojave and Diegeno.
Three years previously (1853) Latham[114] speaks of the Dieguno
language, and discusses with it several others, viz, San Diego,
Cocomaricopa, Cuohaņ, Yuma, Amaquaqua (Mohave), etc. Though he seems to
consider these languages as allied, he gives no indication that he
believes them to collectively represent a family, and he made no formal
family division. The context is not, however, sufficiently clear to
render his position with respect to their exact status as precise as is
to be desired, but it is tolerably certain that he did not mean to make
Diegueņo a family name, for in the volume of the same society for 1856
he includes both the Diegueņo and the other above mentioned tribes in
the Yuma family, which is here fully set forth. As he makes no allusion
to having previously established a family name for the same group of
languages, it seems pretty certain that he did not do so, and that the
term Diegueņo as a family name may be eliminated from consideration. It
thus appears that the family name Yuma was proposed by both the above
authors during the same year. For, though part 3 of vol. III of Pacific
Railroad Reports, in which Turner's article is published, is dated 1855,
it appears from a foot-note (p. 84) that his paper was not handed to Mr.
Whipple till January, 1856, the date of title page of volume, and that
his proof was going through the press during the month of May, which is
the month (May 9) that Latham's paper was read before the Philological
Society. The fact that Latham's article was not read until May 9 enables
us to establish priority of publication in favor of Turner with a
reasonable degree of certainty, as doubtless a considerable period
elapsed between the presentation of Latham's paper to the society and
its final publication, upon which latter must rest its claim. The Yuma
of Turner is therefore adopted as of precise date and of undoubted
application. Pimentel makes Yuma a part of Piman stock.
[Footnote 114: Proc. London Philol. Soc., vol. 6, 75, 1854.]
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The center of distribution of the tribes of this family is generally
considered to be the lower Colorado and Gila Valleys. At least this is
the region where they attained their highest physical and mental
development. With the exception of certain small areas possessed by
Shoshonean tribes, Indians of Yuman stock occupied the Colorado River
from its mouth as far up as Cataract Creek where dwell the Havasupai.
Upon the Gila and its tributaries they extended as far east as the Tonto
Basin. From this center they extended west to the Pacific and on the
south throughout the peninsula of Lower California. The mission of San
Luis Rey in California was, when established, in Yuman territory, and
marks the northern limit of the family. More recently and at the present
time this locality is in possession of Shoshonean tribes.
The island of Angel de la Guardia and Tiburon Island were occupied by
tribes of the Yuman family, as also was a small section of Mexico lying
on the gulf to the north of Guaymas.
PRINCIPAL TRIBES.
Cochimi.
Cocopa.
Cuchan or Yuma proper.
Diegueņo.
Havasupai.
Maricopa.
Mohave.
Seri.
Waicuru.
Walapai.
_Population._--The present population of these tribes, as given in
Indian Affairs Report for 1889, and the U.S. Census Bulletin for 1890,
is as follows:
Of the Yuma proper there are 997 in California attached to the Mission
Agency and 291 at the San Carlos Agency in Arizona.
Mohave, 640 at the Colorado River Agency in Arizona; 791 under the San
Carlos Agency; 400 in Arizona not under an agency.
Havasupai, 214 in Cosnino Caņon, Arizona.
Walapai, 728 in Arizona, chiefly along the Colorado.
Diegueņo, 555 under the Mission Agency, California.
Maricopa, 315 at the Pima Agency, Arizona.
The population of the Yuman tribes in Mexico and Lower California is
unknown.
ZUŅIAN FAMILY.
= Zuņi, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 91-93, 1856 (finds
no radical affinity between Zuņi and Keres). Buschmann, Neu-Mexico,
254, 266, 276-278, 280-296, 302, 1858 (vocabs. and general
references). Keane, App. Stanford's Com. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479,
1878 ("a stock language"). Powell in Rocky Mountain Presbyterian,
Nov., 1878 (includes Zuņi, Las Nutrias, Ojo de Pescado). Gatschet in
Mag. Am. Hist., 260, 1882.
= Zuņian, Powell in Am. Nat., 604, August, 1880.
Derivation: From the Cochití term Suinyi, said to mean "the people of
the long nails," referring to the surgeons of Zuņi who always wear some
of their nails very long (Cushing).
Turner was able to compare the Zuņi language with the Keran, and his
conclusion that they were entirely distinct has been fully
substantiated. Turner had vocabularies collected by Lieut. Simpson and
by Capt. Eaton, and also one collected by Lieut. Whipple.
The small amount of linguistic material accessible to the earlier
writers accounts for the little done in the way of classifying the
Pueblo languages. Latham possessed vocabularies of the Moqui, Zuņi,
Aīcoma or Laguna, Jemez, Tesuque, and Taos or Picuri. The affinity of
the Tusayan (Moqui) tongue with the Comanche and other Shoshonean
languages early attracted attention, and Latham pointed it out with some
particularity. With the other Pueblo languages he does little, and
attempts no classification into stocks.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION.
The Zuņi occupy but a single permanent pueblo, on the Zuņi River,
western New Mexico. Recently, however, the summer villages of Tâiakwin,
Heshotatsína, and K'iapkwainakwin have been occupied by a few families
during the entire year.
_Population._--The present population is 1,613.
CONCLUDING REMARKS.
The task involved in the foregoing classification has been accomplished
by intermittent labors extending through more than twenty years of time.
Many thousand printed vocabularies, embracing numerous larger lexic and
grammatic works, have been studied and compared. In addition to the
printed material, a very large body of manuscript matter has been used,
which is now in the archives of the Bureau of Ethnology, and which, it
is hoped, will ultimately be published. The author does not desire that
his work shall be considered final, but rather as initiatory and
tentative. The task of studying many hundreds of languages and deriving
therefrom ultimate conclusions as contributions to the science of
philology is one of great magnitude, and in its accomplishment an army
of scholars must be employed. The wealth of this promised harvest
appeals strongly to the scholars of America for systematic and patient
labor. The languages are many and greatly diverse in their
characteristics, in grammatic as well as in lexic elements. The author
believes it is safe to affirm that the philosophy of language is some
time to be greatly enriched from this source. From the materials which
have been and may be gathered in this field the evolution of language
can be studied from an early form, wherein words are usually not parts
of speech, to a form where the parts of speech are somewhat
differentiated; and where the growth of gender, number, and case
systems, together with the development of tense and mode systems can be
observed. The evolution of mind in the endeavor to express thought, by
coining, combining, and contracting words and by organizing logical
sentences through the development of parts of speech and their syntactic
arrangement, is abundantly illustrated. The languages are very unequally
developed in their several parts. Low gender systems appear with high
tense systems, highly evolved case systems with slightly developed mode
systems; and there is scarcely any one of these languages, so far as
they have been studied, which does not exhibit archaic devices in its
grammar.
The author has delayed the present publication somewhat, expecting to
supplement it with another paper on the characteristics of those
languages which have been most fully recorded, but such supplementary
paper has already grown too large for this place and is yet unfinished,
while the necessity for speedy publication of the present results seems
to be imperative. The needs of the Bureau of Ethnology, in directing the
work of the linguists employed in it, and especially in securing and
organizing the labor of a large body of collaborators throughout the
country, call for this publication at the present time.
In arranging the scheme of linguistic families the author has proceeded
very conservatively. Again and again languages have been thrown together
as constituting one family and afterwards have been separated, while
other languages at first deemed unrelated have ultimately been combined
in one stock. Notwithstanding all this care, there remain a number of
doubtful cases. For example, Buschmann has thrown the Shoshonean and
Nahuatlan families into one. Now the Shoshonean languages are those best
known to the author, and with some of them he has a tolerable speaking
acquaintance. The evidence brought forward by Buschmann and others seems
to be doubtful. A part is derived from jargon words, another part from
adventitious similarities, while some facts seem to give warrant to the
conclusion that they should be considered as one stock, but the author
prefers, under the present state of knowledge, to hold them apart and
await further evidence, being inclined to the opinion that the peoples
speaking these languages have borrowed some part of their vocabularies
from one another.
After considering the subject with such materials as are on hand, this
general conclusion has been reached: That borrowed materials exist in
all the languages; and that some of these borrowed materials can be
traced to original sources, while the larger part of such acquisitions
can not be thus relegated to known families. In fact, it is believed
that the existing languages, great in number though they are, give
evidence of a more primitive condition, when a far greater number were
spoken. When there are two or more languages of the same stock, it
appears that this differentiation into diverse tongues is due mainly to
the absorption of other material, and that thus the multiplication of
dialects and languages of the same group furnishes evidence that at some
prior time there existed other languages which are now lost except as
they are partially preserved in the divergent elements of the group. The
conclusion which has been reached, therefore, does not accord with the
hypothesis upon which the investigation began, namely, that common
elements would be discovered in all these languages, for the longer the
study has proceeded the more clear it has been made to appear that the
grand process of linguistic development among the tribes of North
America has been toward unification rather than toward multiplication,
that is, that the multiplied languages of the same stock owe their
origin very largely to absorbed languages that are lost. The data upon
which this conclusion has been reached can not here be set forth, but
the hope is entertained that the facts already collected may ultimately
be marshaled in such a manner that philologists will be able to weigh
the evidence and estimate it for what it may be worth.
The opinion that the differentiation of languages within a single stock
is mainly due to the absorption of materials from other stocks, often to
the extinguishment of the latter, has grown from year to year as the
investigation has proceeded. Wherever the material has been sufficient
to warrant a conclusion on this subject, no language has been found to
be simple in its origin, but every language has been found to be
composed of diverse elements. The processes of borrowing known in
historic times are those which have been at work in prehistoric times,
and it is not probable that any simple language derived from some single
pristine group of roots can be discovered.
There is an opinion current that the lower languages change with great
rapidity, and that, by reason of this, dialects and languages of the
same stock are speedily differentiated. This widely spread opinion does
not find warrant in the facts discovered in the course of this research.
The author has everywhere been impressed with the fact that savage
tongues are singularly persistent, and that a language which is
dependent for its existence upon oral tradition is not easily modified.
The same words in the same form are repeated from generation to
generation, so that lexic and grammatic elements have a life that
changes very slowly. This is especially true where the habitat of the
tribe is unchanged. Migration introduces a potent agency of mutation,
but a new environment impresses its characteristics upon a language more
by a change in the semantic content or meaning of words than by change
in their forms. There is another agency of change of profound influence,
namely, association with other tongues. When peoples are absorbed by
peaceful or militant agencies new materials are brought into their
language, and the affiliation of such matter seems to be the chief
factor in the differentiation of languages within the same stock. In
the presence of opinions that have slowly grown in this direction, the
author is inclined to think that some of the groups herein recognized as
families will ultimately be divided, as the common materials of such
languages, when they are more thoroughly studied, will be seen to have
been borrowed.
In the studies which have been made as preliminary to this paper, I have
had great assistance from Mr. James C. Pilling and Mr. Henry W. Henshaw.
Mr. Pilling began by preparing a list of papers used by me, but his work
has developed until it assumes the proportions of a great bibliographic
research, and already he has published five bibliographies, amounting in
all to about 1,200 pages. He is publishing this bibliographic material
by linguistic families, as classified by myself in this paper. Scholars
in this field of research will find their labors greatly abridged by the
work of Mr. Pilling. Mr. Henshaw began the preparation of the list of
tribes, but his work also has developed into an elaborate system of
research into the synonymy of the North American tribes, and when his
work is published it will constitute a great and valuable contribution
to the subject. The present paper is but a preface to the works of Mr.
Pilling and Mr. Henshaw, and would have been published in form as such
had not their publications assumed such proportions as to preclude it.
And finally, it is needful to say that I could not have found the time
to make this classification, imperfect as it is, except with the aid of
the great labors of the gentlemen mentioned, for they have gathered the
literature and brought it ready to my hand. For the classification
itself, however, I am wholly responsible.
I am also indebted to Mr. Albert S. Gatschet and Mr. J. Owen Dorsey for
the preparation of many comparative lists necessary to my work.
The task of preparing the map accompanying this paper was greatly
facilitated by the previously published map of Gallatin. I am especially
indebted to Col. Garrick Mallery for work done in the early part of its
preparation in this form. I have also received assistance from Messrs.
Gatschet, Dorsey, Mooney and Curtin. The final form which it has taken
is largely due to the labors of Mr. Henshaw, who has gathered many
important facts relating to the habitat of North American tribes while
preparing a synonymy of tribal names.
* * * * *
* * * *
Errata for Linguistic Families:
"Lewis and Clarke"
"Zuņi" (with tilde)
[_these spellings are standard throughout the text_]
("obvious typographical error") ("evident misprint")
[_this and similar notations are from original text_]
Table of Contents:
Chimmesyan family / Principal tribes or villages
[_main text has "Principal Tribes" only_]
Tonkawan family / Geographic distribution 126 [125]
Waiilatpuan family [unchanged]
[_main text has "Waiilatpuan" only_]
Weitspekan family / Tribes
[_main text has "Principal Tribes"_]
slight differences have been [heen]
... kinship system, with mother-right as its chief factor
[mother-rite]
that passes by Bayau Pierre [_spelling unchanged_]
"more in the interior, towards the sources of the Willamat River."
[_"w" invisible_]
(includes Kootenais (Flatbows or Skalzi)). [_one ) missing_]
There were 769 Klamath and Modoc on the Klamath Reservation
[Klamaht Reservation]
Hawhaw's band of Aplaches [_spelling unchanged: may be right_]
Vallee de los Tulares [_spelling unchanged_]
Tshokoyem vocabulary [vobabulary]
especially in that of the Ruslen." [_close quote invisible_]
= A-cho-mâī-wi, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 601, 1877 (vocabs.
[_open parenthesis missing_]
A corruption of the Algonkin word "nadowe-ssi-wag,"
[_close quote missing_]
Waukash, waukash, is the Nootka word "good" "good."
[_both repetitions in original_]
Humboldt Bay as far south as Arcata
[_text unchanged: Arcata is at the extreme north end of
Humboldt Bay_]
a change in the semantic content or meaning of words [sematic]
* * * * *
* * * *
* * * * *
THE MID[-E]īWIWIN OR "GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY"
of
THE OJIBWA.
by
W. J. HOFFMAN.
* * * * *
[Transcriber's Note:
The music is available in two forms, collected in the "music"
directory associated with the .html version of this text.
--simplified lilypond files (extension .ly), with lyrics and dynamic
markings omitted.
--MIDI (playable sound) files for each song.
Each [Music] tag includes a page number for cross-reference.]
CONTENTS.
Page
Introduction 149
Shamans 156
Mid[-e]īwiwin 164
Mid[-e]īwigân 187
First degree 189
Preparatory instruction 189
Mid[-e]ī therapeutics 197
Imploration for clear weather 207
Initiation of candidate 210
Descriptive notes 220
Second degree 224
Preparation of candidate 224
Initiation of candidate 231
Descriptive notes 236
Third degree 240
Preparation of candidate 241
Initiation of candidate 243
Descriptive notes 251
Fourth degree 255
Preparation of candidate 257
Initiation of candidate 258
Descriptive notes 274
Dzhibaiī Mid[-e]īwigân 278
Initiation by substitution 281
Supplementary notes 286
Pictography 286
Music 289
Dress and ornaments 298
Future of the society 299
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Page
Plate II. Map showing present distribution of Ojibwa 150
III. Red Lake and Leech Lake records 166
IV. Sikasīsige's record 170
V. Origin of Âníshinâīb[-e]g 172
VI. Facial decoration 174
VII. Facial decoration 178
VIII. Ojibwa's record 182
IX. Mnemonic songs 193
X. Mnemonic songs 202
XI. Sacred objects 220
XII. Invitation sticks 236
XIII. Mnemonic songs 238
XIV. Mnemonic songs 288
XV. Sacred posts 240
XVI. Mnemonic songs 244
XVII. Mnemonic songs 266
XVIII. J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī removing disease 278
XIX. Birch-bark records 286
XX. Sacred bark scroll and contents 288
XXI. Mid[-e]ī relics from Leech Lake 390
XXII. Mnemonic songs 392
XXIII. Mid[-e]ī dancing garters 298
Fig. 1. Herbalist preparing medicine and treating patient 159
2. Sikasīsig[)e]'s combined charts,
showing descent of M[-i]īnab[-o]īzho 174
3. Origin of ginseng 175
4. Peep-hole post 178
5. Migration of Âníshinâīb[-e]g 179
6. Birch-bark record, from White Earth 185
7. Birch-bark record, from Bed Lake 186
8. Birch-bark record, from Red Lake 186
9. Eshgib[-o]īga 187
10. Diagram of Mid[-e]īwigân of the first degree 188
11. Interior of Mid[-e]īwigân 188
12. Ojibwa drums 190
13. Mid[-e]ī rattle 191
14. Mid[-e]ī rattle 191
15. Shooting the M[-i]gis 192
16. Wooden beads 205
17. Wooden effigy 205
18. Wooden effigy 205
19. Hawk-leg fetish 220
20. Hunter's medicine 222
21. Hunter's medicine 222
22. Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī drum 223
23. Diagram of Mid[-e]īwigân of the second degree 224
24. Mid[-e]ī destroying an enemy 238
25. Diagram of Mid[-e]īwigân of the third degree 240
26. J[)e]sīsakkânī, or juggler's lodge 252
27. J[)e]sīsakkânī, or juggler's lodge 252
28. J[)e]sīsakkânī, or juggler's lodge 252
29. J[)e]sīsakkânī, or juggler's lodge 252
30. J[)e]sīsakkânī, or juggler's lodge 252
31. J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī curing woman 255
32. J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī curing man 255
33. Diagram of Mid[-e]īwigân of the fourth degree 255
34. General view of Mid[-e]īwigân 256
35. Indian diagram of ghost lodge 279
36. Leech Lake Mid[-e]ī song 295
37. Leech Lake Mid[-e]ī song 296
38. Leech Lake Mid[-e]ī song 297
39. Leech Lake Mid[-e]ī song 297
* * * * *
THE MID[-E]īWIWIN OR "GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY"
OF THE OJIBWAY.
By W. J. HOFFMAN.
* * * * *
INTRODUCTION.
The Ojibwa is one of the largest tribes of the United States, and it is
scattered over a considerable area, from the Province of Ontario, on the
east, to the Red River of the North, on the west, and from Manitoba
southward through the States of Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan. This
tribe is, strictly speaking, a timber people, and in its westward
migration or dispersion has never passed beyond the limit of the timber
growth which so remarkably divides the State of Minnesota into two parts
possessing distinct physical features. The western portion of this State
is a gently undulating prairie which sweeps away to the Rocky Mountains,
while the eastern portion is heavily timbered. The dividing line, at or
near the meridian of 95° 50' west longitude, extends due north and
south, and at a point about 75 miles south of the northern boundary the
timber line trends toward the northwest, crossing the State line, 49°
north latitude, at about 97° 10' west longitude.
Minnesota contains many thousand lakes of various sizes, some of which
are connected by fine water courses, while others are entirely isolated.
The wooded country is undulating, the elevated portions being covered
chiefly with pine, fir, spruce, and other coniferous trees, and the
lowest depressions being occupied by lakes, ponds, or marshes, around
which occur the tamarack, willow, and other trees which thrive in moist
ground, while the regions between these extremes are covered with oak,
poplar, ash, birch, maple, and many other varieties of trees and shrubs.
Wild fowl, game, and fish are still abundant, and until recently have
furnished to the Indians the chief source of subsistence.
Tribal organization according to the totemic system is practically
broken up, as the Indians are generally located upon or near the several
reservations set apart for them by the General Government, where they
have been under more or less restraint by the United States Indian
agents and the missionaries. Representatives of various totems or gentes
may therefore be found upon a single reservation, where they continue to
adhere to traditional customs and beliefs, thus presenting an
interesting field for ethnologic research.
The present distribution of the Ojibwa in Minnesota and Wisconsin is
indicated upon the accompanying map, Pl. II. In the southern portion
many of these people have adopted civilized pursuits, but throughout the
northern and northwestern part many bands continue to adhere to their
primitive methods and are commonly designated "wild Indians." The
habitations of many of the latter are rude and primitive. The bands on
the northeast shore of Red Lake, as well as a few others farther east,
have occupied these isolated sites for an uninterrupted period of about
three centuries, as is affirmed by the chief men of the several villages
and corroborated by other traditional evidence.
Father Claude Alloüez, upon his arrival in 1666 at Shagawaumikong, or La
Pointe, found the Ojibwa preparing to attack the Sioux. The settlement
at this point was an extensive one, and in traditions pertaining to the
"Grand Medicine Society" frequent allusion is made to the fact that at
this place the rites were practiced in their greatest purity.
Mr. Warren, in his History of the Ojibwa Indians,[1] bases his belief
upon traditional evidence that the Ojibwa first had knowledge of the
whites in 1612. Early in the seventeenth century the French missionaries
met with various tribes of the Algonkian linguistic stock, as well as
with bands or subtribes of the Ojibwa Indians. One of the latter,
inhabiting the vicinity of Sault Ste. Marie, is frequently mentioned
in the Jesuit Relations as the Saulteurs. This term was applied to all
those people who lived at the Falls, but from other statements it is
clear that the Ojibwa formed the most important body in that vicinity.
La Hontan speaks of the "Outchepoues, alias Sauteurs," as good warriors.
The name Saulteur survives at this day and is applied to a division of
the tribe.
[Footnote 1: Coll. Minn. Hist. Soc., 1885, vol. 5, p. 130.]
According to statements made by numerous Ojibwa chiefs of importance the
tribe began its westward dispersion from La Pointe and Fond du Lac at
least two hundred and fifty years ago, some of the bands penetrating the
swampy country of northern Minnesota, while others went westward and
southwestward. According to a statement[2] of the location of the tribes
of Lake Superior, made at Mackinaw in 1736, the Sioux then occupied the
southern and northern extremities of that lake. It is possible, however,
that the northern bands of the Ojibwa may have penetrated the region
adjacent to the Pigeon River and passed west to near their present
location, thus avoiding their enemies who occupied the lake shore south
of them.
[Footnote 2: Reproduced from the ninth volume of the New York
Colonial Documents, pp. 1054, 1055.]
[Illustration: Plate II.
Ojibwa Indian Reservations in Minnesota and Wisconsin.
I Red Lake. II White Earth. III Winnibigoshish. IV Cass Lake. V Leech
Lake. VI Deer Creek. VII Bois Forte. VIII Vermillion Lake. IX Fond du
Lac. X Mille Lacs. XI Lac Court Oreílle. XII La Pointe. XIII Lac de
Flanibeau. XIV Red Cliff. XV Grand Portage.]
From recent investigations among a number of tribes of the Algonkian
linguistic division it is found that the traditions and practices
pertaining to the Mid[-e]īwiwin, Society of the Mid[-e]ī or Shamans,
popularly designated as the "Grand Medicine Society," prevailed
generally, and the rites are still practiced at irregular intervals,
though in slightly different forms in various localities.
In the reports of early travelers and missionaries no special mention is
made of the Mid[-e]ī, the Jesīsakk[-i]dī, or the Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī, but the
term sorcerer or juggler is generally employed to designate that class
of persons who professed the power of prophecy, and who practiced
incantation and administered medicinal preparations. Constant reference
is made to the opposition of these personages to the introduction of
Christianity. In the light of recent investigation the cause of this
antagonism is seen to lie in the fact that the traditions of Indian
genesis and cosmogony and the ritual of initiation into the Society of
the Mid[-e]ī constitute what is to them a religion, even more powerful
and impressive than the Christian religion is to the average civilized
man. This opposition still exists among the leading classes of a number
of the Algonkian tribes, and especially among the Ojibwa, many bands of
whom have been more or less isolated and beyond convenient reach of the
Church. The purposes of the society are twofold; first, to preserve the
traditions just mentioned, and second, to give a certain class of
ambitious men and women sufficient influence through their acknowledged
power of exorcism and necromancy to lead a comfortable life at the
expense of the credulous. The persons admitted into the society are
firmly believed to possess the power of communing with various
supernatural beings--manidos--and in order that certain desires may be
realized they are sought after and consulted. The purpose of the present
paper is to give an account of this society and of the ceremony of
initiation as studied and observed at White Earth, Minnesota, in 1889.
Before proceeding to this, however, it may be of interest to consider a
few statements made by early travelers respecting the "sorcerers or
jugglers" and the methods of medication.
In referring to the practices of the Algonkian tribes of the Northwest,
La Hontan[3] says:
When they are sick, they only drink Broth, and eat sparingly; and if
they have the good luck to fall asleep, they think themselves cur'd:
They have told me frequently, that sleeping and sweating would cure
the most stubborn Diseases in the World. When they are so weak that
they cannot get out of Bed, their Relations come and dance and make
merry before 'em, in order to divert 'em. To conclude, when they are
ill, they are always visited by a sort of Quacks, (_Jongleurs_); of
whom 't will now be proper to subjoin two or three Words by the bye.
A _Jongleur_ is a sort of _Physician_, or rather a _Quack_, who being
once cur'd of some dangerous Distemper, has the Presumption and Folly
to fancy that he is immortal, and possessed of the Power of curing all
Diseases, by speaking to the Good and Evil Spirits. Now though every
Body rallies upon these Fellows when they are absent, and looks upon
'em as Fools that have lost their Senses by some violent Distemper,
yet they allow 'em to visit the Sick; whether it be to divert 'em with
their Idle Stories, or to have an Opportunity of seeing them rave,
skip about, cry, houl, and make Grimaces and Wry Faces, as if they
were possess'd. When all the Bustle is over, they demand a Feast of a
Stag and some large Trouts for the Company, who are thus regal'd at
once with Diversion and Good Cheer.
When the Quack comes to visit the Patient, he examines him very
carefully; _If the Evil Spirit be here_, says he, _we shall quickly
dislodge him._ This said, he withdraws by himself to a little Tent
made on purpose, where he dances, and sings houling like an Owl;
(which gives the Jesuits Occasion to say, _That the Devil converses
with 'em_.) After he has made an end of this Quack Jargon, he comes
and rubs the Patient in some part of his Body, and pulling some little
Bones out of his Mouth, acquaints the Patient, _That these very Bones
came out of his Body; that he ought to pluck up a good heart, in
regard that his Distemper is but a Trifle; and in fine, that in order
to accelerate the Cure, 't will be convenient to send his own and his
Relations Slaves to shoot Elks, Deer, &c., to the end they may all eat
of that sort of Meat, upon which his Cure does absolutely depend._
Commonly these Quacks bring 'em some Juices of Plants, which are a
sort of Purges, and are called _Maskikik_.
[Footnote 3: New Voyages to North America, London, 1703, vol. 2,
pp. 47, 48.]
Hennepin, in "A Continuation of the New Discovery," etc.,[4] speaks of
the religion and sorcerers of the tribes of the St. Lawrence and those
living about the Great Lakes as follows:
We have been all too sadly convinced, that almost all the Salvages in
general have no notion of a God, and that they are not able to
comprehend the most ordinary Arguments on that Subject; others will
have a Spirit that commands, say they, in the Air. Some among 'em look
upon the Skie as a kind of Divinity; others as an _Otkon_ or
_Manitou_, either Good or Evil.
These People admit of some sort of Genius in all things; they all
believe there is a Master of Life, as they call him, but hereof they
make various applications; some of them have a lean Raven, which they
carry always along with them, and which they say is the Master of
their Life; others have an Owl, and some again a Bone, a Sea-Shell,
or some such thing;
There is no Nation among 'em which has not a sort of Juglers or
Conjuerers, which some look upon to be Wizards, but in my Opinion
there is no Great reason to believe 'em such, or to think that their
Practice favours any thing of a Communication with the Devil.
These Impostors cause themselves to be reverenced as Prophets which
fore-tell Futurity. They will needs be look'd upon to have an
unlimited Power. They boast of being able to make it Wet or Dry; to
cause a Calm or a Storm; to render Land Fruitful or Barren; and, in a
Word to make Hunters Fortunate or Unfortunate. They also pretend to
Physick, and to apply Medicines, but which are such, for the most part
as have little Virtue at all in 'em, especially to Cure that Distemper
which they pretend to.
It is impossible to imagine, the horrible Howlings and strange
Contortions that those Jugglers make of their Bodies, when they are
disposing themselves to Conjure, or raise their Enchantments.
[Footnote 4: London, 1689, p. 59, et. seq.]
Marquette, who visited the Miami, Mascontin and Kickapoo Indians in
1673, after referring to the Indian herbalist, mentions also the
ceremony of the "calumet dance," as follows:
They have Physicians amongst them, towards whom they are very liberal
when they are sick, thinking that the Operation of the Remedies they
take, is proportional to the Presents they make unto those who have
prescrib'd them.
In connection with this, reference is made by Marquette to a certain
class of individuals among the Illinois and Dakota, who were compelled
to wear women's clothes, and who were debarred many privileges, but were
permitted to "assist at all the Superstitions of their _Juglers_, and
their solemn Dances in honor of the _Calumet_, in which they may sing,
but it is not lawful for them to dance. They are call'd to their
Councils, and nothing is determin'd without their Advice; for, because
of their extraordinary way of Living, they are look'd upon as
_Manitous_, or at least for great and incomparable Genius's."
That the calumet was brought into requisition upon all occasions of
interest is learned from the following statement, in which the same
writer declares that it is "the most mysterious thing in the World. The
Sceptres of our Kings are not so much respected; for the Savages have
such a Deference for this Pipe, that one may call it _The God of Peace
and War, and the Arbiter of Life and Death_. Their _Calumet of Peace_ is
different from the _Calumet of War_; They make use of the former to seal
their Alliances and Treaties, to travel with safety, and receive
Strangers; and the other is to proclaim War."
This reverence for the calumet is shown by the manner in which it is
used at dances, in the ceremony of smoking, etc., indicating a religious
devoutness approaching that recently observed among various Algonkian
tribes in connection with the ceremonies of the Mid[-e]īwiwin. When the
calumet dance was held, the Illinois appear to have resorted to the
houses in the winter and to the groves in the summer. The above-named
authority continues in this connection:
They chuse for that purpose a set Place among Trees, to shelter
themselves against the Heat of the Sun, and lay in the middle a large
Matt, as a Carpet, to lay upon the God of the Chief of the Company,
who gave the Ball; for every one has his peculiar God, whom they call
_Manitoa_. It is sometime a Stone, a Bird, a Serpent, or anything else
that they dream of in their Sleep; for they think this _Manitoa_ will
prosper their Wants, as Fishing, Hunting, and other Enterprizes. To
the Right of their _Manitoa_ they place the _Calumet_, their Great
Deity, making round about it a Kind of Trophy with their Arms, viz.
their Clubs, Axes, Bows, Quivers, and Arrows. * * * Every Body
sits down afterwards, round about, as they come, having first of all
saluted the _Manitoa_, which they do in blowing the Smoak of their
Tobacco upon it, which is as much as offering to it Frankincense.
* * * This _Preludium_ being over, he who is to begin the Dance
appears in the middle of the Assembly, and having taken the _Calumet_,
presents it to the Sun, as if he wou'd invite him to smoke. Then he
moves it into an infinite Number of Postures sometimes laying it near
the Ground, then stretching its Wings, as if he wou'd make it fly, and
then presents it to the Spectators, who smoke with it one after
another, dancing all the while. This is the first Scene of this famous
Ball.
The infinite number of postures assumed in offering the pipe appear as
significant as the "smoke ceremonies" mentioned in connection with the
preparatory instruction of the candidate previous to his initiation into
the Mid[-e]īwiwin.
In his remarks on the religion of the Indians and the practices of the
sorcerers, Hennepin says:
As for their Opinion concerning the Earth, they make use of a Name of
a certain _Genius_, whom they call _Micaboche_, who has cover'd the
whole Earth with water (as they imagine) and relate innumerable
fabulous Tales, some of which have a kind of Analogy with the
Universal Deluge. These Barbarians believe that there are certain
Spirits in the Air, between Heaven and Earth, who have a power to
foretell future Events, and others who play the part of Physicians,
curing all sorts of Distempers. Upon which account, it happens, that
these _Savages_ are very Superstitious, and consult their Oracles with
a great deal of exactness. One of these Masters-Jugglers who pass for
Sorcerers among them, one day caus'd a Hut to be erected with ten
thick Stakes, which he fix'd very deep in the Ground, and then made a
horrible noise to Consult the Spirits, to know whether abundance of
Snow wou'd fall ere long, that they might have good game in the
Hunting of Elks and Beavers: Afterward he bawl'd out aloud from the
bottom of the Hut, that he saw many Herds of Elks, which were as yet
at a very great distance, but that they drew near within seven or
eight Leagues of their Huts, which caus'd a great deal of joy among
those poor deluded Wretches.
That this statement refers to one or more tribes of the Algonkian
linguistic stock is evident, not only because of the reference to the
sorcerers and their peculiar methods of procedure, but also that the
name of _Micaboche_, an Algonkian divinity, appears. This Spirit, who
acted as an intercessor between Kiītshi Manīid[-o] (Great Spirit) and
the Indians, is known among the Ojibwa as Miīnab[-o]īzho; but to this
full reference will be made further on in connection with the Myth of
the origin of the Mid[-e]īwiwin. The tradition of Nokomis (the earth)
and the birth of Manabush (the Miīnab[-o]īzho of the Menomoni) and his
brother, the Wolf, that pertaining to the re-creation of the world, and
fragments of other myths, are thrown together and in a mangled form
presented by Hennepin in the following words:
Some Salvages which live at the upper end of the River St. _Lawrence_,
do relate a pretty diverting Story. They hold almost the same opinion
with the former [the Iroquois], that a Woman came down from Heaven,
and remained for some while fluttering in the Air, not finding Ground
whereupon to put her Foot. But that the Fishes moved with Compassion
for her, immediately held a Consultation to deliberate which of them
should receive her. The Tortoise very officiously offered its Back on
the Surface of the Water. The Woman came to rest upon it, and fixed
herself there. Afterwards the Filthiness and Dirt of the Sea gathering
together about the Tortoise, there was formed by little and little
that vast Tract of Land, which we now call _America_.
They add that this Woman grew weary of her Solitude, wanting some body
for to keep her Company, that so she might spend her time more
pleasantly. Melancholy and Sadness having seiz'd upon her Spirits, she
fell asleep, and a Spirit descended from above, and finding her in
that Condition approach'd and knew her unperceptibly. From which
Approach she conceived two Children, which came forth out of one of
her Ribs. But these two Brothers could never afterwards agree
together. One of them was a better Huntsman than the other; they
quarreled every day; and their Disputes grew so high at last, that one
could not bear with the other. One especially being of a very wild
Temper, hated mortally his Brother who was of a milder Constitution,
who being no longer able to endure the Pranks of the other, he
resolved at last to part from him. He retired then into Heaven,
whence, for a Mark of his just Resentment, he causeth at several
times his Thunder to rore over the Head of his unfortunate Brother.
Sometime after the Spirit descended again on that Woman, and she
conceived a Daughter, from whom (as the Salvages say) were propagated
these numerous People, which do occupy now one of the greatest parts
of the Universe.
It is evident that the narrator has sufficiently distorted the
traditions to make them conform, as much as practicable, to the biblical
story of the birth of Christ. No reference whatever is made in the
Ojibwa or Menomoni myths to the conception of the Daughter of Nokomis
(the earth) by a celestial visitant, but the reference is to one of the
wind gods. Miīnab[-o]īzho became angered with the Kiītshi Manīid[-o],
and the latter, to appease his discontent, gave to Miīnab[-o]īzho the
rite of the Mid[-e]wiwin. The brother of Miīnab[-o]īzho was destroyed by
the malevolent underground spirits and now rules the abode of
shadows,--the "Land of the Midnight Sun."
Upon his arrival at the "Bay of Puans" (Green Bay, Wisconsin), Marquette
found a village inhabited by three nations, viz: "Miamis, Maskoutens,
and Kikabeux." He says:
When I arriv'd there, I was very glad to see a great Cross set up in
the middle of the Village, adorn'd with several White Skins, Red
Girdles, Bows and Arrows, which that good People had offer'd to the
Great _Manitou_, to return him their Thanks for the care he had taken
of them during the Winter, and that he had granted them a prosperous
Hunting. _Manitou_, is the Name they give in general to all Spirits
whom they think to be above the Nature of Man.
Marquette was without doubt ignorant of the fact that the cross is the
sacred post, and the symbol of the fourth degree of the Mid[-e]īwiwin,
as will be fully explained in connection with that grade of the society.
The erroneous conclusion that the cross was erected as an evidence of
the adoption of Christianity, and possibly as a compliment to the
visitor, was a natural one on the part of the priest, but this same
symbol of the Mid[-e]ī Society had probably been erected and bedecked
with barbaric emblems and weapons months before anything was known of
him.
The result of personal investigations among the Ojibwa, conducted during
the years 1887, 1888 and 1889, are presented in the accompanying paper.
The information was obtained from a number of the chief Mid[-e]ī priests
living at Red Lake and White Earth reservations, as well as from members
of the society from other reservations, who visited the last named
locality during the three years. Special mention of the peculiarity of
the music recorded will be made at the proper place; and it may here be
said that in no instance was the use of colors detected, in any
birch-bark or other records or mnemonic songs, simply to heighten the
artistic effect; though the reader would be led by an examination of the
works of Schoolcraft to believe this to be a common practice. Col.
Garrick Mallery; U.S. Army, in a paper read before the Anthropological
Society of Washington, District of Columbia, in 1888, says, regarding
this subject:
The general character of his voluminous publications has not been such
as to assure modern critics of his accuracy, and the wonderful
minuteness, as well as comprehension, attributed by him to the Ojibwa
hieroglyphs has been generally regarded of late with suspicion. It was
considered in the Bureau of Ethnology an important duty to ascertain
how much of truth existed in these remarkable accounts, and for that
purpose its pictographic specialists, myself and Dr. W. J. Hoffman as
assistant, were last summer directed to proceed to the most favorable
points in the present habitat of the tribe, namely, the northern
region of Minnesota and Wisconsin, to ascertain how much was yet to be
discovered. * * * The general results of the comparison of
Schoolcraft's statements with what is now found shows that, in
substance, he told the truth, but with much exaggeration and coloring.
The word "coloring" is particularly appropriate, because, in his
copious illustrations, various colors were used freely with apparent
significance, whereas, in fact, the general rule in regard to the
birch-bark rolls was that they were never colored at all; indeed, the
bark was not adapted to coloration. The metaphorical coloring was also
used by him in a manner which, to any thorough student of the Indian
philosophy and religion, seems absurd. Metaphysical expressions are
attached to some of the devices, or, as he calls them, symbols, which,
could never have been entertained by a people in the stage of culture
of the Ojibwa.
SHAMANS.
There are extant among the Ojibwa Indians three classes of mystery men,
termed respectively and in order of importance the Mid[-e]ī, the
J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī, and the Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī, but before proceeding to
elaborate in detail the Society of the Mid[-e]ī, known as the
Mid[-e]īwiwin, a brief description of the last two is necessary.
The term Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī has been explained by various intelligent Indians
as signifying "Men of the dawn," "Eastern men," etc. Their profession is
not thoroughly understood, and their number is so extremely limited that
but little information respecting them can be obtained. Schoolcraft,[5]
in referring to the several classes of Shamans, says "there is a third
form or rather modification of the medawin, * * * the Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī;
a term denoting a kind of midnight orgies, which is regarded as a
corruption of the Meda." This writer furthermore remarks[6] that "it is
stated by judicious persons among themselves to be of modern origin.
They regard it as a degraded form of the mysteries of the Meda."
[Footnote 5: Information respecting the history, condition, and
prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States. Philadelphia,
1851, vol. 1, p. 319.]
[Footnote 6: Ibid., p. 362.]
From personal investigation it has been ascertained that a Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī
does not affiliate with others of his class so as to constitute a
society, but indulges his pretensions individually. A Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī is
primarily prompted by dreams or visions which may occur during his
youth, for which purpose he leaves his village to fast for an indefinite
number of days. It is positively affirmed that evil manīid[-o]s favor
his desires, and apart from his general routine of furnishing "hunting
medicine," "love powders," etc., he pretends also to practice medical
magic. When a hunter has been successful through the supposed assistance
of the Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī, he supplies the latter with part of the game,
when, in giving a feast to his tutelary daimon, the Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī will
invite a number of friends, but all who desire to come are welcome. This
feast is given at night; singing and dancing are boisterously indulged
in, and the Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī, to sustain his reputation, entertains his
visitors with a further exhibition of his skill. By the use of plants he
is alleged to be enabled to take up and handle with impunity red-hot
stones and burning brands, and without evincing the slightest discomfort
it is said that he will bathe his hands in boiling water, or even
boiling maple sirup. On account of such performances the general
impression prevails among the Indians that the Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī is a
"dealer in fire," or "fire-handler." Such exhibitions always terminate
at the approach of day. The number of these pretenders who are not
members of the Mid[-e]īwiwin, is very limited; for instance, there are
at present but two or three at White Earth Reservation and none at Leech
Lake.
As a general rule, however, the Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī will seek entrance into
the Mid[-e]īwiwin when he becomes more of a specialist in the practice
of medical magic, incantations, and the exorcism of malevolent
manīid[-o]s, especially such as cause disease.
The J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī is a seer and prophet; though commonly designated
a "juggler," the Indians define him as a "revealer of hidden truths."
There is no association whatever between the members of this profession,
and each practices his art singly and alone whenever a demand is made
and the fee presented. As there is no association, so there is no
initiation by means of which one may become a J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī. The
gift is believed to be given by the thunder god, or Animikiī, and then
only at long intervals and to a chosen few. The gift is received during
youth, when the fast is undertaken and when visions appear to the
individual. His renown depends upon his own audacity and the opinion of
the tribe. He is said to possess the power to look into futurity; to
become acquainted with the affairs and intentions of men; to
prognosticate the success or misfortune of hunters and warriors, as well
as other affairs of various individuals, and to call from any living
human being the soul, or, more strictly speaking, the shadow, thus
depriving the victim of reason, and even of life. His power consists in
invoking, and causing evil, while that of the Mid[-e]ī is to avert it;
he attempts at times to injure the Mid[-e]ī but the latter, by the aid
of his superior manīidos, becomes aware of, and averts such premeditated
injury. It sometimes happens that the demon possessing a patient is
discovered, but the Mid[-e]ī alone has the power to expel him. The
exorcism of demons is one of the chief pretensions of this personage,
and evil spirits are sometimes removed by sucking them through tubes,
and startling tales are told how the J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī can, in the
twinkling of an eye, disengage himself of the most complicated tying of
cords and ropes, etc. The lodge used by this class of men consists of
four poles planted in the ground, forming a square of three or four feet
and upward in diameter, around which are wrapped birch bark, robes, or
canvas in such a way as to form an upright cylinder. Communion is held
with the turtle, who is the most powerful manīid[-o] of the
J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī, and through him, with numerous other malevolent
manīid[-o]s, especially the Animikiī, or thunder-bird. When the prophet
has seated himself within his lodge the structure begins to sway
violently from side to side, loud thumping noises are heard within,
denoting the arrival of manīid[-o]s, and numerous voices and laughter
are distinctly audible to those without. Questions may then be put to
the prophet and, if everything be favorable, the response is not long in
coming. In his notice of the J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī, Schoolcraft affirms[7]
that "while he thus exercises the functions of a prophet, he is also a
member of the highest class of the fraternity of the Midâwin--a society
of men who exercise the medical art on the principles of magic and
incantations." The fact is that there is not the slightest connection
between the practice of the J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī and that of the
Mid[-e]īwiwin, and it is seldom, if at all, that a Mid[-e]ī becomes a
J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī, although the latter sometimes gains admission into
the Mid[-e]īwiwin, chiefly with the intention of strengthening his power
with his tribe.
[Footnote 7: Op. cit., vol. 5, p. 423.]
The number of individuals of this class who are not members of the
Mid[-e]īwiwin is limited, though greater than that of the Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī.
An idea of the proportion of numbers of the respective classes may be
formed by taking the case of Menomoni Indians, who are in this respect
upon the same plane as the Ojibwa. That tribe numbers about fifteen
hundred, the Mid[-e]ī Society consisting, in round numbers, of one
hundred members, and among the entire population there are but two
Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī and five J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī.
It is evident that neither the Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī nor the J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī
confine themselves to the mnemonic songs which are employed during their
ceremonial performances, or even prepare them to any extent. Such bark
records as have been observed or recorded, even after most careful
research and examination extending over the field seasons of three
years, prove to have been the property of Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī and
J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī, who were also Mid[-e]ī. It is probable that those who
practice either of the first two forms of ceremonies and nothing else
are familiar with and may employ for their own information certain
mnemonic records; but they are limited to the characteristic formulæ of
exorcism, as their practice varies and is subject to changes according
to circumstances and the requirements and wants of the applicant when
words are chanted to accord therewith.
Some examples of songs used by J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī, after they have become
Mid[-e]ī, will be given in the description of the several degrees of the
Mid[-e] 'wiwin.
There is still another class of persons termed
Mashk[-i]īk[)i]k[-e]īwin[)i]n[)i], or herbalists, who are generally
denominated "medicine men," as the Ojibwa word implies. Their calling is
a simple one, and consists in knowing the mysterious properties of a
variety of plants, herbs, roots, and berries, which are revealed upon
application and for a fee. When there is an administration of a remedy
for a given complaint, based upon true scientific principles, it is only
in consequence of such practice having been acquired from the whites, as
it has usually been the custom of the Catholic Fathers to utilize all
ordinary and available remedies for the treatment of the common
disorders of life. Although these herbalists are aware that certain
plants or roots will produce a specified effect upon the human system,
they attribute the benefit to the fact that such remedies are
distasteful and injurious to the demons who are present in the system
and to whom the disease is attributed. Many of these herbalists are
found among women, also; and these, too, are generally members of the
Mid[-e]īwiwin. In Fig. 1 is shown an herbalist preparing a mixture.
[Illustration: Fig. 1.--Herbalist preparing medicine and treating
patient.]
The origin of the Mid[-e]īwiwin or Mid[-e]ī Society, commonly, though
erroneously, termed Grand Medicine Society, is buried in obscurity. In
the Jesuit Relations, as early as 1642, frequent reference is made to
sorcerers, jugglers, and persons whose faith, influence, and practices
are dependent upon the assistance of "Manitous," or mysterious spirits;
though, as there is no discrimination made between these different
professors of magic, it is difficult positively to determine which of
the several classes were met with at that early day. It is probable that
the J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī, or juggler, and the Mid[-e]ī, or Shaman, were
referred to.
The Mid[-e]ī, in the true sense of the word, is a Shaman, though he has
by various authors been termed powwow, medicine man, priest, seer,
prophet, etc. Among the Ojibwa the office is not hereditary; but among
the Menomoni a curious custom exists, by which some one is selected to
fill the vacancy one year after the death of a Shaman. Whether a similar
practice prevailed among other tribes of the Algonkian linguistic stock
can be ascertained only by similar research among the tribes
constituting that stock.
Among the Ojibwa, however, a substitute is sometimes taken to fill the
place of one who has been prepared to receive the first degree of the
Mid[-e]īwiwin, or Society of the Mid[-e]ī, but who is removed by death
before the proper initiation has been conferred. This occurs when a
young man dies, in which case his father or mother may be accepted as a
substitute. This will be explained in more detail under the caption of
Dzhibaiī Mid[-e]īwigân or "Ghost Lodge," a collateral branch of the
Mid[-e]īwiwin.
As I shall have occasion to refer to the work of the late Mr. W. W.
Warren, a few words respecting him will not be inappropriate. Mr. Warren
was an Ojibwa mixed blood, of good education, and later a member of the
legislature of Minnesota. His work, entiled "History of the Ojibwa
Nation," was published in Vol. V of the Collections of the Minnesota
Historical Society, St. Paul, 1885, and edited by Dr. E. D. Neill. Mr.
Warren's work is the result of the labor of a lifetime among his own
people, and, had he lived, he would undoubtedly have added much to the
historical material of which the printed volume chiefly consists. His
manuscript was completed about the year 1852, and he died the following
year. In speaking of the Society of the Mid[-e]ī,[8] he says:
The grand rite of Me-da-we-win (or, as we have learned to term it,
"Grand Medicine,") and the beliefs incorporated therein, are not yet
fully understood by the whites. This important custom is still
shrouded in mystery even to my own eyes, though I have taken much
pains to inquire and made use of every advantage possessed by speaking
their language perfectly, being related to them, possessing their
friendship and intimate confidence has given me, and yet I frankly
acknowledge that I stand as yet, as it were, on the threshold of the
Me-da-we lodge. I believe, however, that I have obtained full as much
and more general and true information on this matter than any other
person who has written on the subject, not excepting a great and
standard author, who, to the surprise of many who know the Ojibways
well, has boldly asserted in one of his works that he has been
regularly initiated into the mysteries of this rite, and is a member
of the Me-da-we Society. This is certainly an assertion hard to
believe in the Indian country; and when the old initiators or Indian
priests are told of it they shake their heads in incredulity that a
white man should ever have been allowed _in truth_ to become a member
of their Me-da-we lodge.
An entrance into the lodge itself, while the ceremonies are being
enacted, has sometimes been granted through courtesy; though this does
not initiate a person into the mysteries of the creed, nor does it
make him a member of the Society.
[Footnote 8: Op. cit., pp. 65, 66.]
These remarks pertaining to the pretensions of "a great and standard
authority" have reference to Mr. Schoolcraft, who among numerous other
assertions makes the following, in the first volume of his Information
Respecting the Indian Tribes of the United States, Philadelphia, 1851,
p. 361, viz:
I had observed the exhibitions of the Medawin, and the exactness and
studious ceremony with which its rites were performed in 1820 in the
region of Lake Superior; and determined to avail myself of the
advantages of my official position, in 1822, when I returned as a
Government agent for the tribes, to make further inquiries into its
principles and mode of proceeding. And for this purpose I had its
ceremonies repeated in my office, under the secrecy of closed doors,
with every means of both correct interpretation and of recording the
result. Prior to this transaction I had observed in the hands of an
Indian of the Odjibwa tribe one of those symbolic tablets of pictorial
notation which have been sometimes called "music boards," from the
fact of their devices being sung off by the initiated of the Meda
Society. This constituted the object of the explanations, which, in
accordance with the positive requisitions of the leader of the society
and three other initiates, was thus ceremoniously made.
This statement is followed by another,[9] in which Mr. Schoolcraft, in a
foot-note, affirms:
Having in 1823 been myself admitted to the class of a Meda by the
Chippewas, and taken the initiatory step of a _Sagima_ and
_Jesukaid_ in each of the other fraternities, and studied their
pictographic system with great care and good helps, I may speak with
the more decision on the subject.
[Footnote 9: Op. cit., vol. 5, p, 71.]
Mr. Schoolcraft presents a superficial outline of the initiatory
ceremonies as conducted during his time, but as the description is
meager, notwithstanding that there is every evidence that the ceremonies
were conducted with more completeness and elaborate dramatization nearly
three-quarters of a century ago than at the present day, I shall not
burden this paper with useless repetition, but present the subject as
conducted within the last three years.
Mr. Warren truly says:
In the Me-da-we rite is incorporated most that is ancient amongst
them--songs and traditions that have descended not orally, but in
hieroglyphs, for at least a long time of generations. In this rite is
also perpetuated the purest and most ancient idioms of their language,
which differs somewhat from that of the common everyday use.
As the ritual of the Mid[-e]īwiwin is based to a considerable extent
upon traditions pertaining to the cosmogony and genesis and to the
thoughtful consideration by the Good Spirit for the Indian, it is looked
upon by them as "their religion," as they themselves designate it.
In referring to the rapid changes occurring among many of the Western
tribes of Indians, and the gradual discontinuance of aboriginal
ceremonies and customs, Mr. Warren remarks[10] in reference to the
Ojibwa:
Even among these a change is so rapidly taking place, caused by a
close contact with the white race, that ten years hence it will be too
late to save the traditions of their forefathers from total oblivion.
And even now it is with great difficulty that genuine information can
be obtained of them. Their aged men are fast falling into their
graves, and they carry with them the records of the past history of
their people; they are the initiators of the grand rite of religious
belief which they believe the Great Spirit has granted to his red
children to secure them long life on earth and life hereafter; and in
the bosoms of these old men are locked up the original secrets of this
their most ancient belief. * * *
They fully believe, and it forms part of their religion, that the
world has once been covered by a deluge, and that we are now living on
what they term the "new earth." This idea is fully accounted for by
their vague traditions; and in their Me-da-we-win or religion,
hieroglyphs are used to denote this second earth.
[Footnote 10: Op. cit., p. 25.]
Furthermore,
They fully believe that the red man mortally angered the Great Spirit
which caused the deluge, and at the commencement of the new earth it
was only through the medium and intercession of a powerful being, whom
they denominate Manab-o-sho, that they were allowed to exist, and
means were given them whereby to subsist and support life; and a code
of religion was more lately bestowed on them, whereby they could
commune with the offended Great Spirit, and ward off the approach and
ravages of death.
It may be appropriate in this connection to present the description
given by Rev. Peter Jones of the Mid[-e]ī priests and priestesses. Mr.
Jones was an educated Ojibwa Episcopal clergyman, and a member of the
Missasauga--i.e., the Eagle totemic division of that tribe of Indians
living in Canada. In his work[11] he states:
Each tribe has its medicine men and women--an order of priesthood
consulted and employed in all times of sickness. These powwows are
persons who are believed to have performed extraordinary cures, either
by the application of roots and herbs or by incantations. When an
Indian wishes to be initiated into the order of a powwow, in the first
place he pays a large fee to the faculty. He is then taken into the
woods, where he is taught the names and virtues of the various useful
plants; next he is instructed how to chant the medicine song, and how
to pray, which prayer is a vain repetition offered up to the Master of
Life, or to some munedoo whom the afflicted imagine they have
offended.
The powwows are held in high veneration by their deluded brethren; not
so much for their knowledge of medicine as for the magical power which
they are supposed to possess. It is for their interest to lead these
credulous people to believe that they can at pleasure hold intercourse
with the munedoos, who are ever ready to give them whatever
information they require.
[Footnote 11: History of the Ojebway Indians, London [1843(?)],
pp. 143,144.]
The Ojibwa believe in a multiplicity of spirits, or manīid[-o]s, which
inhabit all space and every conspicuous object in nature. These
manīid[-o]s, in turn, are subservient to superior ones, either of a
charitable and benevolent character or those which are malignant and
aggressive. The chief or superior manīid[-o] is termed Kiītshi
Manīid[-o]--Great Spirit--approaching to a great extent the idea of the
God of the Christian religion; the second in their estimation is Dzhe
Manīid[-o], a benign being upon whom they look as the guardian spirit of
the Mid[-e]īwiwin and through whose divine provision the sacred rites of
the Mid[-e]īwiwin were granted to man. The Aniīmiki or Thunder God is,
if not the supreme, at least one of the greatest of the malignant
manīid[-o]s, and it is from him that the J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī are believed
to obtain their powers of evil doing. There is one other, to whom
special reference will be made, who abides in and rules the "place of
shadows," the hereafter; he is known as Dzhibaiī Manīid[-o]--Shadow
Spirit, or more commonly Ghost Spirit. The name of Kiītshi Manīid[-o] is
never mentioned but with reverence, and thus only in connection with the
rite of Mid[-e]īwiwin, or a sacred feast, and always after making an
offering of tobacco.
The first important event in the life of an Ojibwa youth is his first
fast. For this purpose he will leave his home for some secluded spot in
the forest where he will continue to fast for an indefinite number of
days; when reduced by abstinence from food he enters a hysterical or
ecstatic state in which he may have visions and hallucinations. The
spirits which the Ojibwa most desire to see in these dreams are those of
mammals and birds, though any object, whether animate or inanimate, is
considered a good omen. The object which first appears is adopted as the
personal mystery, guardian spirit, or tutelary daimon of the entranced,
and is never mentioned by him without first making a sacrifice. A small
effigy of this manīid[-o] is made, or its outline drawn upon a small
piece of birch bark, which is carried suspended by a string around the
neck, or if the wearer be a Mid[-e]ī he carries it in his "medicine bag"
or pinjiīgosân. The future course of life of the faster is governed by
his dream; and it sometimes occurs that because of giving an imaginary
importance to the occurrence, such as beholding, during the trance some
powerful manīid[-o] or other object held in great reverence by the
members of the Mid[-e]ī Society, the faster first becomes impressed with
the idea of becoming a Mid[-e]ī. Thereupon he makes application to a
prominent Mid[-e]ī priest, and seeks his advice as to the necessary
course to be pursued to attain his desire. If the Mid[-e]ī priest
considers with favor the application, he consults with his confrčres and
action is taken, and the questions of the requisite preliminary
instructions, fees, and presents, etc., are formally discussed. If the
Mid[-e]ī priests are in accord with the desires of the applicant an
instructor or preceptor is designated, to whom he must present himself
and make an agreement as to the amount of preparatory information to be
acquired and the fees and other presents to be given in return. These
fees have nothing whatever to do with the presents which must be
presented to the Mid[-e]ī priests previous to his initiation as a member
of the society, the latter being collected during the time that is
devoted to preliminary instruction, which period usually extends over
several years. Thus ample time is found for hunting, as skins and
peltries, of which those not required as presents may be exchanged for
blankets, tobacco, kettles, guns, etc., obtainable from the trader.
Sometimes a number of years are spent in preparation for the first
degree of the Mid[-e]īwiwin, and there are many who have impoverished
themselves in the payment of fees and the preparation for the feast to
which all visiting priests are also invited.
Should an Indian who is not prompted by a dream wish to join the society
he expresses to the four chief officiating priests a desire to purchase
a m[-i]īgis, which is the sacred symbol of the society and consists of a
small white shell, to which reference will be made further on. His
application follows the same course as in the preceding instance, and
the same course is pursued also when a J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī or a
Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī wishes to become a Mid[-e]ī.
MID[-E]īWIWIN.
The Mid[-e]īwiwin--Society of the Mid[-e]ī or Shamans--consists of an
indefinite number of Mid[-e]ī of both sexes. The society is graded into
four separate and distinct degrees, although there is a general
impression prevailing even among certain members that any degree beyond
the first is practically a mere repetition. The greater power attained
by one in making advancement depends upon the fact of his having
submitted to "being shot at with the medicine sacks" in the hands of the
officiating priests. This may be the case at this late day in certain
localities, but from personal experience it has been learned that there
is considerable variation in the dramatization of the ritual. One
circumstance presents itself forcibly to the careful observer, and that
is that the greater number of repetitions of the phrases chanted by the
Mid[-e]ī the greater is felt to be the amount of inspiration and power
of the performance. This is true also of some of the lectures in which
reiteration and prolongation in time of delivery aids very much in
forcibly impressing the candidate and other observers with the
importance and sacredness of the ceremony.
It has always been customary for the Mid[-e]ī priests to preserve
birch-bark records, bearing delicate incised lines to represent
pictorially the ground plan of the number of degrees to which the owner
is entitled. Such records or charts are sacred and are never exposed to
the public view, being brought forward for inspection only when an
accepted candidate has paid his fee, and then only after necessary
preparation by fasting and offerings of tobacco.
During the year 1887, while at Red Lake, Minnesota, I had the good
fortune to discover the existence of an old birch-bark chart, which,
according to the assurances of the chief and assistant Mid[-e]ī priests,
had never before been exhibited to a white man, nor even to an Indian
unless he had become a regular candidate. This chart measures 7 feet 1―
inches in length and 18 inches in width, and is made of five pieces of
birch bark neatly and securely stitched together by means of thin, flat
strands of bass wood. At each end are two thin strips of wood, secured
transversely by wrapping and stitching with thin strands of bark, so as
to prevent splitting and fraying of the ends of the record. Pl. III A,
is a reproduction of the design referred to.
It had been in the keeping of Skw[-e]k[)o]īm[)i]k, to whom it was
intrusted at the death of his father-in-law, the latter, in turn, having
received it in 1825 from Badâīsan, the Grand Shaman and chief of the
Winnib[-e]īgoshish Ojibwa.
It is affirmed that Badâīsan had received the original from the Grand
Mid[-e]ī priest at La Pointe, Wisconsin, where, it is said, the
Mid[-e]īwiwin was at that time held annually and the ceremonies
conducted in strict accordance with ancient and traditional usage.
The present owner of this record has for many years used it in the
preliminary instruction of candidates. Its value in this respect is very
great, as it presents to the Indian a pictorial résumé of the
traditional history of the origin of the Mid[-e]īwiwin, the positions
occupied by the various guardian manīidos in the several degrees, and
the order of procedure in study and progress of the candidate. On
account of the isolation of the Red Lake Indians and their long
continued, independent ceremonial observances, changes have gradually
occurred so that there is considerable variation, both in the pictorial
representation and the initiation, as compared with the records and
ceremonials preserved at other reservations. The reason of this has
already been given.
A detailed description of the above mentioned record, will be presented
further on in connection with two interesting variants which were
subsequently obtained at White Earth, Minnesota. On account of the
widely separated location of many of the different bands of the Ojibwa,
and the establishment of independent Mid[-e]ī societies, portions of the
ritual which have been forgotten by one set may be found to survive at
some other locality, though at the expense of some other fragments of
tradition or ceremonial. No satisfactory account of the tradition of the
origin of the Indians has been obtained, but such information as it was
possible to procure will be submitted.
In all of their traditions pertaining to the early history of the tribe
these people are termed A-nishī-in-âī-b[-e]g--original people--a term
surviving also among the Ottawa, Patawatomi, and Menomoni, indicating
that the tradition of their westward migration was extant prior to the
final separation of these tribes, which is supposed to have occurred at
Sault Ste. Marie.
Miīnab[-o]īzho (Great Rabbit), whose name occurs in connection with most
of the sacred rites, was the servant of Dzhe Manīid[-o], the Good
Spirit, and acted in the capacity of intercessor and mediator. It is
generally supposed that it was to his good offices that the Indian owes
life and the good things necessary to his health and subsistence.
The tradition of Miīnab[-o]īzho and the origin of the Mid[-e]īwiwin, as
given in connection with the birch-bark record obtained at Red Lake
(Pl. III A), is as follows:
When Miīnab[-o]īzho, the servant of Dzhe Manīid[-o], looked down upon
the earth he beheld human beings, the Aniīshinâīb[-e]g, the ancestors of
the Ojibwa. They occupied the four quarters of the earth--the northeast,
the southeast, the southwest, and the northwest. He saw how helpless
they were, and desiring to give them the means of warding off the
diseases with which they were constantly afflicted, and to provide them
with animals and plants to serve as food and with other comforts,
Miīnab[-o]īzho remained thoughtfully hovering over the center of the
earth, endeavoring to devise some means of communicating with them, when
he heard something laugh, and perceived a dark object appear upon the
surface of the water to the west (No. 2). He could not recognize its
form, and while watching it closely it slowly disappeared from view. It
next appeared in the north (No. 3), and after a short lapse of time
again disappeared. Miīnab[-o]īzho hoped it would again show itself upon
the surface of the water, which it did in the east (No. 4). Then
Miīnab[-o]īzho wished that it might approach him, so as to permit him to
communicate with it. When it disappeared from view in the east and made
its reappearance in the south (No. 1), Miīnab[-o]īzho asked it to come
to the center of the earth that he might behold it. Again it disappeared
from view, and after reappearing in the west Miīnab[-o]īzho observed it
slowly approaching the center of the earth (i.e., the centre of the
circle), when he descended and saw it was the Otter, now one of the
sacred manīid[-o]s of the Mid[-e]īwiwin. Then Miīnab[-o]īzho instructed
the Otter in the mysteries of the Mid[-e]īwiwin, and gave him at the
same time the sacred rattle to be used at the side of the sick; the
sacred Mid[-e]ī drum to be used during the ceremonial of initiation and
at sacred feasts, and tobacco, to be employed in invocations and in
making peace.
[Illustration: Plate III.
Red Lake and Leech Lake Records.]
The place where Miīnab[-o]īzho descended was an island in the middle of
a large body of water, and the Mid[-e]ī who is feared by all the others
is called Miniīsinoīshkwe (He-who-lives-on-the-island). Then
Miīnab[-o]īzho built a Mid[-e]īwigân (sacred Mid[-e]ī lodge), and taking
his drum he beat upon it and sang a Mid[-e]ī song, telling the Otter
that Dzhe Manīid[-o] had decided to help the Aníshinâīb[-o]g, that they
might always have life and an abundance of food and other things
necessary for their comfort. Miīnab[-o]īzho then took the Otter into the
Mid[-e]īwigân and conferred upon him the secrets of the Mid[-e]īwiwin,
and with his Mid[-e]ī bag shot the sacred m[-i]īgis into his body that
he might have immortality and be able to confer these secrets to his
kinsmen, the Aníshinâīb[-e]g.
The m[-i]īgis is considered the sacred symbol of the Mid[-e]īwigân, and
may consist of any small white shell, though the one believed to be
similar to the one mentioned in the above tradition resembles the
cowrie, and the ceremonies of initiation as carried out in the
Mid[-e]īwiwin at this day are believed to be similar to those enacted by
Miīnab[-o]īzho and the Otter. It is admitted by all the Mid[-e]ī priests
whom I have consulted that much of the information has been lost through
the death of their aged predecessors, and they feel convinced that
ultimately all of the sacred character of the work will be forgotten or
lost through the adoption of new religions by the young people and the
death of the Mid[-e]ī priests, who, by the way, decline to accept
Christian teachings, and are in consequence termed "pagans."
My instructor and interpreter of the Red Lake chart added other
information in explanation of the various characters represented
thereon, which I present herewith. The large circle at the right side of
the chart denotes the earth as beheld by Miīnab[-o]īzho, while the Otter
appeared at the square projections at Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4; the
semicircular appendages between these are the four quarters of the
earth, which are inhabited by the Aniīshinâīb[-e]g, Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8.
Nos. 9 and 10 represent two of the numerous malignant manīid[-o]s, who
endeavor to prevent entrance into the sacred structure and mysteries of
the Mid[-e]īwiwin. The oblong squares, Nos. 11 and 12, represent the
outline of the first degree of the society, the inner corresponding
lines being the course traversed during initiation. The entrance to the
lodge is directed toward the east, the western exit indicating the
course toward the next higher degree. The four human forms at Nos. 13,
14, 15, and 16 are the four officiating Mid[-e]ī priests whose services
are always demanded at an initiation. Each is represented as having a
rattle. Nos. 17, 18, and 19 indicate the cedar trees, one of each of
this species being planted near the outer angles of a Mid[-e]ī lodge.
No. 20 represents the ground. The outline of the bear at No. 21
represents the Makwaī Manīid[-o], or Bear Spirit, one of the sacred
Mid[-e]ī manīid[-o]s, to which the candidate must pray and make
offerings of tobacco, that he may compel the malevolent spirits to draw
away from the entrance to the Mid[-e]īwigân, which is shown in No. 28.
Nos 23 and 24 represent the sacred drum which the candidate must use
when chanting the prayers, and two offerings must be made, as indicated
by the number two.
After the candidate has been admitted to one degree, and is prepared to
advance to the second, he offers three feasts, and chants three prayers
to the Makwaī Manīid[-o], or Bear Spirit (No. 22), that the entrance
(No. 29) to that degree may be opened to him. The feasts and chants are
indicated by the three drums shown at Nos. 25, 26, and 27.
Nos. 30, 31, 32, 33, and 34 are five Serpent Spirits, evil manīid[-o]s
who oppose a Mid[-e]ī's progress, though after the feasting and prayers
directed to the Makwaī Manīid[-o] have by him been deemed sufficient the
four smaller Serpent Spirits move to either side of the path between the
two degrees, while the larger serpent (No. 32) raises its body in the
middle so as to form an arch, beneath which passes the candidate on his
way to the second degree.
Nos. 35, 36, 46, and 47 are four malignant Bear Spirits, who guard the
entrance and exit to the second degree, the doors of which are at Nos.
37 and 49. The form of this lodge (No. 38) is like the preceding; but
while the seven Mid[-e]ī priests at Nos. 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, and 45
simply indicate that the number of Mid[-e]ī assisting at this second
initiation are of a higher and more sacred class of personages than in
the first degree, the number designated having reference to quality and
intensity rather than to the actual number of assistants, as
specifically shown at the top of the first degree structure.
When the Mid[-e]ī is of the second degree, he receives from Dzhe
Manīid[-o] supernatural powers as shown in No. 48. The lines extending
upward from the eyes signify that he can look into futurity; from the
ears, that he can hear what is transpiring at a great distance; from the
hands, that he can touch for good or for evil friends and enemies at a
distance, however remote; while the lines extending from the feet denote
his ability to traverse all space in the accomplishment of his desires
or duties. The small disk upon the breast of the figure denotes that a
Mid[-e]ī of this degree has several times had the m[-i]īgis--life--"shot
into his body," the increased size of the spot signifying amount or
quantity of influence obtained thereby.
No. 50 represents a Miītsha Mid[-e]ī or Bad Mid[-e]ī, one who employs
his powers for evil purposes. He has the power of assuming the form of
any animal, in which guise he may destroy the life of his victim,
immediately after which he resumes his human form and appears innocent
of any crime. His services are sought by people who wish to encompass
the destruction of enemies or rivals, at however remote a locality the
intended victim may be at the time. An illustration representing the
modus operandi of his performance is reproduced and explained in Fig.
24, page 238.
Persons possessed of this power are sometimes termed witches, special
reference to whom is made elsewhere. The illustration, No. 50,
represents such an individual in his disguise of a bear, the characters
at Nos. 51 and 52 denoting footprints of a bear made by him, impressions
of which are sometimes found in the vicinity of lodges occupied by his
intended victims. The trees shown upon either side of No. 50 signify a
forest, the location usually sought by bad Mid[-e]ī and witches.
If a second degree Mid[-e]ī succeeds in his desire to become a member of
the third degree, he proceeds in a manner similar to that before
described; he gives feasts to the instructing and four officiating
Mid[-e]ī, and offers prayers to Dzhe Manīid[-o] for favor and success.
No. 53 denotes that the candidate now personates the bear--not one of
the malignant manīid[-o]s, but one of the sacred manīid[-o]s who are
believed to be present during the ceremonials of initiation of the
second degree. He is seated before his sacred drum, and when the proper
time arrives the Serpent Manīid[-o] (No. 54)--who has until this opposed
his advancement--now arches its body, and beneath it he crawls and
advances toward the door (No. 55) of the third degree (No. 56) of the
Mid[-e]īwiwin, where he encounters two (Nos. 57 and 58) of the four
Panther Spirits, the guardians of this degree.
Nos. 61 to 76 indicate mid[-e]ī spirits who inhabit the structure of
this degree, and the number of human forms in excess of those shown in
connection with the second degree indicates a correspondingly higher and
more sacred character. When an Indian has passed this, initiation he
becomes very skillful in his profession of a Mid[-e]ī. The powers which
he possessed in the second degree may become augmented. He is
represented in No. 77 with arms extended, and with lines crossing his
body and arms denoting darkness and obscurity, which signifies his
ability to grasp from the invisible world the knowledge and means to
accomplish extraordinary deeds. He feels more confident of prompt
response and assistance from the sacred manīid[-o]s and his knowledge of
them becomes more widely extended.
Nos. 59 and 60 are two of the four Panther Spirits who are the special
guardians of the third degree lodge.
To enter the fourth and highest degree of the society requires a greater
number of feasts than before, and the candidate, who continues to
personate the Bear Spirit, again uses his sacred drum, as he is shown
sitting before it in No. 78, and chants more prayers to Dzhe Manīid[-o]
for his favor. This degree is guarded by the greatest number and the
most powerful of malevolent spirits, who make a last effort to prevent a
candidate's entrance at the door (No. 79) of the fourth degree structure
(No. 80). The chief opponents to be overcome, through the assistance of
Dzhe Manīid[-o], are two Panther Spirits (Nos. 81 and 82) at the eastern
entrance, and two Bear Spirits (Nos. 83 and 84) at the western exit.
Other bad spirits are about the structure, who frequently gain
possession and are then enabled to make strong and prolonged resistance
to the candidate's entrance. The chiefs of this group of malevolent
beings are Bears (Nos. 88 and 96), the Panther (No. 91), the Lynx (No.
97), and many others whose names they have forgotten, their positions
being indicated at Nos. 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, and 95, all but
the last resembling characters ordinarily employed to designate
serpents.
The power with which it is possible to become endowed after passing
through the fourth degree is expressed by the outline of a human figure
(No. 98), upon which are a number of spots indicating that the body is
covered with the m[-i]īgis or sacred shells, symbolical of the
Mid[-e]īwiwin. These spots designate the places where the Mid[-e]ī
priests, during the initiation, shot into his body the m[-i]īgis and the
lines connecting them in order that all the functions of the several
corresponding parts or organs of the body may be exercised.
The ideal fourth degree Mid[-e]ī is presumed to be in a position to
accomplish the greatest feats in necromancy and magic. He is not only
endowed with the power of reading the thoughts and intentions of others,
as is pictorially indicated by the m[-i]īgis spot upon the top of the
head, but to call forth the shadow (soul) and retain it within his grasp
at pleasure. At this stage of his pretensions, he is encroaching upon
the prerogatives of the J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī, and is then recognized as
one, as he usually performs within the J[)e]sīsakkân or
J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī lodge, commonly designated "the Jugglery."
The ten small circular objects upon the upper part of the record may
have been some personal marks of the original owner; their import was
not known to my informants and they do not refer to any portion of the
history or ceremonies or the Mid[-e]īwiwin.
Extending toward the left from the end of the fourth degree inclosure is
an angular pathway (No. 99), which represents the course to be followed
by the Mid[-e]ī after he has attained this high distinction. On account
of his position his path is often beset with dangers, as indicated by
the right angles, and temptations which may lead him astray; the points
at which he may possibly deviate from the true course of propriety are
designated by projections branching off obliquely toward the right and
left (No. 100). The ovoid figure (No. 101) at the end of this path is
termed Wai-[)e]kī-ma-y[)o]kī--End of the road--and is alluded to in the
ritual, as will be observed hereafter, as the end of the world, i.e.,
the end of the individual's existence. The number of vertical strokes
(No. 102) within the ovoid figure signify the original owner to have
been a fourth degree Mid[-e]ī for a period of 14 years.
The outline of the Mid[-e]īwigân (No. 103) not only denotes that the
same individual was a member of the Mid[-e]īwiwin, but the thirteen
vertical strokes shown in Nos. 104 and 105 indicate that he was chief
Mid[-e]ī priest of the society for that number of years.
[Illustration: Plate IV.
Sikasīsige's Record.]
The outline of a Mid[-e]īwigân as shown at No. 106, with the place upon
the interior designating the location of the sacred post (No. 107) and
the stone (No. 108) against which the sick are placed during the time of
treatment, signifies the owner to have practiced his calling of the
exorcism of demons. But that he also visited the sick beyond the
acknowledged jurisdiction of the society in which he resided, is
indicated by the path (No. 109) leading around the sacred inclosure.
Upon that portion of the chart immediately above the fourth degree lodge
is shown the outline of a Mid[-e]īwiwin (No. 110), with a path (No.
114), leading toward the west to a circle (No. 111), within which is
another similar structure (No. 112) whose longest diameter is at right
angles to the path, signifying that it is built so that its entrance is
at the north. This is the Dzhibaiī Mid[-e]īwigân or Ghost Lodge.
Around the interior of the circle are small V-shaped characters denoting
the places occupied by the spirits of the departed, who are presided
over by the Dzhibaiī Mid[-e]ī, literally Shadow Mid[-e]ī.
No. 113 represents the K[)o]ī-kó-k[)o]-[-o]ī (Owl) passing from the
Mid[-e]īwigân to the Land of the Setting Sun, the place of the dead,
upon the road of the dead, indicated by the pathway at No. 114. This
manīid[-o] is personated by a candidate for the first degree of the
Mid[-e]īwiwin when giving a feast to the dead in honor of the shadow of
him who had been dedicated to the Mid[-e]īwiwin and whose place is now
to be taken by the giver of the feast.
Upon the back of the Mid[-e]ī record, above described, is the personal
record of the original owner, as shown in Pl. III B. Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4
represent the four degrees of the society into which he has been
initiated, or, to use the phraseology of an Ojibwa, "through which he
has gone." This "passing through" is further illustrated by the bear
tracks, he having personated the Makwaī Manīid[-o] or Bear Spirit,
considered to be the highest and most powerful of the guardian spirits
of the fourth degree wigwam.
The illustration presented in Pl. III C represents the outlines of a
birch-bark record (reduced to one-third) found among the effects of a
lately deceased Mid[-e]ī from Leech Lake, Minnesota. This record,
together with a number of other curious articles, composed the outfit of
the Mid[-e]ī, but the Rev. James A. Gilfillan of White Earth, through
whose courtesy I was permitted to examine the objects, could give me no
information concerning their use. Since that time, however, I have had
an opportunity of consulting with one of the chief priests of the Leech
Lake Society, through whom I have obtained some interesting data
concerning them.
The chart represents the owner to have been a Mid[-e]ī of the second
degree, as indicated by the two outlines of the respective structures at
Nos. 1 and 2, the place of the sacred posts being marked at Nos. 3 and
4. Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8 are Mid[-e]ī priests holding their Mid[-e]ī bags
as in the ceremony of initiation. The disks represented at Nos. 9, 10,
11, 12, and 13 denote the sacred drum, which may be used by him during
his initiation, while Nos. 14, 15, 16, and 17 denote that he was one of
the four officiating priests of the Mid[-e]īwigân at his place of
residence. Each of these figures is represented as holding their sacred
bags as during the ceremonies. No. 18 denotes the path he has been
pursuing since he became a Mid[-e]ī, while at Nos. 19 and 20 diverging
lines signify that his course is beset with temptations and enemies, as
referred to in the description of the Red Lake chart, Pl. III A.
The remaining objects found among the effects of the Mid[-e]ī referred
to will be described and figured hereafter.
The diagram represented on Pl. IV is a reduced copy of a record made by
Sikasīsig[)e], a Mille Lacs Ojibwa Mid[-e]ī of the second degree, now
resident at White Earth.
The chart illustrating pictorially the general plan of the several
degrees is a copy of a record in the possession of the chief Mid[-e]ī at
Mille Lacs in 1830, at which time Sikasīsig[)e], at the age of 10 years,
received his first degree. For a number of years thereafter
Sikasīsig[)e] received continued instruction from his father
Bai[-e]īdzh[)e]k, and although he never publicly received advancement
beyond the second degree of the society, his wife became a fourth degree
priestess, at whose initiation he was permitted to be present.
Since his residence at White Earth Sikasīsig[)e] has become one of the
officiating priests of the society at that place. One version given by
him of the origin of the Indians is presented in the following
tradition, a pictorial representation having also been prepared of which
Pl. V is a reduced copy:
In the beginning, Dzhe Manīid[-o] (No. 1), made the Mid[-e]ī
Manīid[-o]s. He first created two men (Nos. 2 and 3), and two women
(Nos. 4 and 5); but they had no power of thought or reason. Then Dzhe
Manīid[-o] (No. 1) made them rational beings. He took them in his
hands so that they should multiply; he paired them, and from this
sprung the Indians. When there were people he placed them upon the
earth, but he soon observed that they were subject to sickness,
misery, and death, and that unless he provided them with the Sacred
Medicine they would soon become extinct.
Between the position occupied by Dzhe Manīid[-o] and the earth were
four lesser spirits (Nos. 6, 7, 8, and 9) with whom Dzhe Manīid[-o]
decided to commune, and to impart to them the mysteries by which the
Indians could be benefited. So he first spoke to a spirit at No. 6,
and told him all he had to say, who in turn communicated the same
information to No. 7, and he in turn to No. 8, who also communed with
No. 9. They all met in council, and determined to call in the four
wind gods at Nos. 10, 11, 12, and 13. After consulting as to what
would be best for the comfort and welfare of the Indians, these
spirits agreed to ask Dzhe Manīid[-o] to communicate the Mystery of
the Sacred Medicine to the people.
Dzhe Manīid[-o] then went to the Sun Spirit (No. 14) and asked him to
go to the earth and instruct the people as had been decided upon by
the council. The Sun Spirit, in the form of a little boy, went to the
earth and lived with a woman (No. 15) who had a little boy of her own.
[Illustration: Plate V.
Origin of Âniīshinâīb[-e]g.]
This family went away in the autum to hunt, and during the winter this
woman's son died. The parents were so much distressed that they
decided to return to the village and bury the body there; so they made
preparations to return, and as they traveled along, they would each
evening erect several poles upon which the body was placed to prevent
the wild beasts from devouring it. When the dead boy was thus hanging
upon the poles, the adopted child--who was the Sun Spirit--would play
about the camp and amuse himself, and finally told his adopted father
he pitied him, and his mother, for their sorrow. The adopted son said
he could bring his dead brother to life, whereupon the parents
expressed great surprise and desired to know how that could be
accomplished.
The adopted boy then had the party hasten to the village, when he
said, "Get the women to make a wigīiwam of bark (No. 16), put the dead
boy in a covering of birch bark and place the body on the ground in
the middle of the wigīiwam." On the next morning after this had been
done, the family and friends went into this lodge and seated
themselves around the corpse.
When they had all been sitting quietly for some time, they saw through
the doorway the approach of a bear (No. 17) which gradually came
towards the wigīiwam, entered it, and placed itself before the dead
body and said h[)u], h[)u], h[)u], h[)u], when he passed around it
towards the left side, with a trembling motion, and as he did so, the
body began quivering, and the quivering increased as the bear
continued until he had passed around four times, when the body came to
life again and stood up. Then the bear called to the father, who was
sitting in the distant right-hand corner of the wigīiwam, and
addressed to him the following words:
N[-o]s ka-w[-i]ī-na niī-shi-naī-bi wis-s[-i]ī
My father is not an Indian not
aī-ya-w[-i]ī-an manī-i-d[-o]
you are a spirit
nin-g[-i]ī-sis. Be-maiī-a-m[-i]ī-nik
son. Insomuch
niī-dzh[)i] manī-i-d[-o] m[-i]-a-zh[)i]ī-gwa
my fellow spirit now
tshí-g[)i]-aī-we-ânī. N[-o]s a-zh[)i]ī-gwa
as you are. My father now
a-s[-e]ī-ma tshiī-a-t[-o]ī-y[-e]k.
tobacco you shall put.
Aī-m[)i]-k[)u]nī-dem mi-[-e]ī-ta
He speaks of only
âī-bi-dinkī dzhi-g[)o]shī-kwi-t[-o]tī
once to be able to do it
wenī-dzhi-bi-mâī-di-zidī-o-maī a-gâī-wa
why he shall live here now
bi-mâ-d[)i]-z[)i]dī-mi-o-maī;
that he scarcely lives;
ni-dzh[)i] manī-i-d[-o] mí-a-zh[)i]ī-gwa tshí-g[)i]-w[)e]ī-ân.
my fellow spirit now I shall go home.
The little bear boy (No. 17) was the one who did this. He then
remained among the Indians (No. 18) and taught them the mysteries of
the Grand Medicine (No. 19); and, after he had finished, he told his
adopted father that as his mission had been fulfilled he was to return
to his kindred spirits, for the Indians would have no need to fear
sickness as they now possessed the Grand Medicine which would enable
them to live. He also said that his spirit could bring a body to life
but once, and he would now return to the sun from which they would
feel his influence.
This is called Kwí-w[)i]-s[)e]nsī w[)e]-d[-i]ī-sh[)i]-tsh[-i]
g[-e]-w[-i]-n[)i]p-- "Little-boy-his-work."
From subsequent information it was learned that the line No. 22 denotes
the earth, and that, being considered as one step in the course of
initiation into the Mid[-e]īwiwin, three others must be taken before a
candidate can be admitted. These steps, or rests, as they are
denominated (Nos. 23, 24, and 25), are typified by four distinct gifts
of goods, which must be remitted to the Mid[-e]ī priests before the
ceremony can take place.
Nos. 18 and 19 are repetitions of the figures alluded to in the
tradition (Nos. 16 and 17) to signify that the candidate must personate
the Makwaī Manīid[-o]--Bear Spirit--when entering the Mid[-e]īwiwin (No.
19). No. 20 is the Mid[-e]ī Manīid[-o] as Kiītshi Manīid[-o] is termed
by the Mid[-e]ī priests. The presence of horns attached to the head is a
common symbol of superior power found in connection with the figures of
human and divine forms in many Mid[-e]ī songs and other mnemonic
records. No. 21 represents the earth's surface, similar to that
designated at No. 22.
Upon comparing the preceding tradition of the creation of the Indians
with the following, which pertains to the descent to earth of
Miīnab[-o]īzho, there appears to be some discrepancy, which could not be
explained by Sikasīsig[)e], because he had forgotten the exact sequence
of events; but from information derived from other Mid[-e]ī it is
evident that there have been joined together two myths, the intervening
circumstances being part of the tradition given below in connection with
the narrative relating to the chart on Pl. III A.
This chart, which was in possession of the Mille Lacs chief
Bai[-e]īdzh[)e]k, was copied by him from that belonging to his preceptor
at La Pointe about the year 1800, and although the traditions given by
Sikasīsig[)e] is similar to the one surviving at Red Lake, the diagram
is an interesting variant for the reason that there is a greater amount
of detail in the delineation of objects mentioned in the tradition.
By referring to Pl. IV it will be noted that the circle, No. 1,
resembles the corresponding circle at the beginning of the record on Pl.
III, A, with this difference, that the four quarters of the globe
inhabited by the Aniīshinâīb[-e]g are not designated between the
cardinal points at which the Otter appeared, and also that the central
island, only alluded to there (Pl. III A), is here inserted.
The correct manner of arranging the two pictorial records, Pls. III A
and IV, is by placing the outline of the earth's surface (Pl. V, No. 21)
upon the island indicated in Pl. IV, No. 6, so that the former stands
vertically and at right angles to the latter; for the reason that the
first half of the tradition pertains to the consultation held between
Kiītshi Manīid[-o] and the four lesser spirits which is believed to have
occurred above the earth's surface. According to Sikasīsig[)e] the two
charts should be joined as suggested in the accompanying illustration,
Fig. 2.
[Illustration: Fig. 2.--Sikasīsig[)e]'s combined charts, showing
descent of Minīab[-o]īzho.]
[Illustration: Plate VI.
Ojibwa Facial Decoration.]
Sikasīsig[)e]'s explanation of the Mille Lacs chart (Pl. IV) is
substantially as follows:
[Illustration: Fig. 3.--Origin of Ginseng.]
When Miīnab[-o]īzho descended to the earth to give to the
Aniīshinâīb[-e]g the Mid[-e]īwiwin, he left with them this chart,
Mid[-e]īwigwasī. Kiītshi Manīid[-o] saw that his people on earth were
without the means of protecting themselves against disease and death,
so he sent Miīnab[-o]īzho to give to them the sacred gift.
Miīnab[-o]īzho appeared over the waters and while reflecting in what
manner he should be able to communicate with the people, he heard
something laugh, just as an otter sometimes cries out. He saw
something black appear upon the waters in the west (No. 2) which
immediately disappeared beneath the surface again. Then it came up at
the northern horizon (No. 3), which pleased Miīnab[-o]īzho, as he
thought he now had some one through whom he might convey the
information with which he had been charged by Kiītshi Manīid[-o]. When
the black object disappeared beneath the waters at the north to
reappear in the east (No. 4), Miīnab[-o]īzho desired it would come to
him in the middle of the waters, but it disappeared to make its
reappearance in the south (No. 5), where it again sank out of sight to
reappear in the west (No. 2), when Miīnab[-o]īzho asked it to approach
the center where there was an island (No. 6), which it did. This did
Niīg[)i]k, the Otter, and for this reason he is given charge of the
first degree of the Mid[-e]īwiwin (Nos. 35 and 36) where his spirit
always abides during initiation and when healing the sick.
Then Niīg[)i]k asked Miīnab[-o]īzho, "Why do you come to this place?"
When the latter said, "I have pity on the Aniīshinâīb[-e]g and wish to
give them life; Kiītshi Manīid[-o] gave me the power to confer upon
them the means of protecting themselves against sickness and death,
and through you I will give them the Mid[-e]īwiwin, and teach them the
sacred rites."
Then Miīnab[-o]īzho built a Mid[-e]īwigân in which he instructed the
Otter in all the mysteries of the Mid[-e]īwiwin. The Otter sat before
the door of the Mid[-e]īwigân four days (Nos. 7, 8, 9, and 10),
sunning himself, after which time he approached the entrance (No. 14),
where his progress was arrested (No. 11) by seeing two bad spirits
(Nos. 12 and 13) guarding it. Through the powers possessed by
Miīnab[-o]īzho he was enabled to pass these; when he entered the
sacred lodge (No. 15), the first object he beheld being the sacred
stone (No. 16) against which those who were sick were to be seated, or
laid, when undergoing the ceremonial of restoring them to health. He
next saw a post (No. 17) painted red with a green band around the top.
A sick man would also have to pray to the stone and to the post, when
he is within the Mid[-e]īwigân, because within them would be the
Mid[-e]ī spirits whose help he invoked. The Otter was then taken to
the middle of the Mid[-e]īwigân where he picked up the m[-i]īgis (No.
18) from among a heap of sacred objects which form part of the gifts
given by Kiītshi Manīid[-o]. The eight manīid[-o]s around the
mid[-e]īwigân (Nos. 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 26) were also sent
by Kiītshi Manīid[-o] to guard the lodge against the entrance of bad
spirits.
A life is represented by the line No. 27, the signification of the short
lines (Nos. 28, 29, 30, and 31) denoting that the course of human
progress is beset by temptations and trials which may be the cause of
one's departure from such course of conduct as is deemed proper, and the
beliefs taught by the Mid[-e]ī. When one arrives at middle age (No. 32)
his course for the remaining period of life is usually without any
special events, as indicated by the plain line No. 27, extending from
middle age (No. 32) to the end of one's existence (No. 33). The short
lines at Nos. 28, 29, 30, and 31, indicating departure from the path of
propriety, terminate in rounded spots and signify, literally, "lecture
places," because when a Mid[-e]ī feels himself failing in duty or
vacillating in faith he must renew professions by giving a feast and
lecturing to his confreres, thus regaining his strength to resist evil
doing--such as making use of his powers in harming his kinsmen, teaching
that which was not given him by Kiītshi Manīid[-o] through
Miīnab[-o]īzho, etc. His heart must be cleansed and his tongue guarded.
To resume the tradition of the course pursued by the Otter,
Sikasīsig[)e] said:
The Otter then went round the interior of the Mid[-e]īwigân (No. 34),
and finally seated himself in the west, where Miīnab[-o]īzho shot into
his body the sacred m[-i]īgis, which was in his Mid[-e]ī bag. Then
Miīnab[-o]īzho said, "This is your lodge and you shall own it always
(Nos. 35 and 36), and eight Mid[-e]ī Manīid[-o]s (Nos. 19-26) shall
guard it during the night."
The Otter was taken to the entrance (No. 37) of the second degree
structure (No. 38), which he saw was guarded by two evil manīid[-o]s
(Nos. 39 and 40), who opposed his progress, but who were driven away
by Miīnab[-o]īzho. When the Otter entered at the door he beheld the
sacred stone (No. 41) and two posts (Nos. 42, 43), the one nearest to
him being painted red with a green band around the top, and another at
the middle, with a bunch of little feathers upon the top. The other
post (No. 43) was painted red, with only a band of green at the top,
similar to the first degree post. Nos. 44 and 45 are the places where
sacred objects and gifts are placed. This degree of the Mid[-e]īwiwin
is guarded at night by twelve Mid[-e]ī Manīid[-o]s (Nos. 46 to 57)
placed there by Kiītshi Manīid[-o], and the degree is owned by the
Thunder Bird as shown in Nos. 58, 59.
The circles (Nos. 60, 61, and 62) at either end of the outline of the
structure denoting the degree and beneath it are connected by a line
(No. 63) as in the preceding degree, and are a mere repetition to denote
the course of conduct to be pursued by the Mid[-e]ī. The points (Nos.
64, 65, 66, and 67), at the termini of the shorter lines, also refer to
the feasts and lectures to be given in case of need.
To continue the informant's tradition:
When the Otter had passed around the interior of the Mid[-e]īwigân
four times, he seated himself in the west and faced the degree post,
when Miīnab[-o]īzho again shot into his body the m[-i]īgis, which gave
him renewed life. Then the Otter was told to take a "sweat bath" once
each day for four successive days, so as to prepare for the next
degree. (This number is indicated at the rounded spots at Nos. 68, 69,
70, and 71.)
The third degree of the Mid[-e]īwiwin (No. 72) is guarded during the
day by two Mid[-e]ī spirits (Nos. 73, 74) near the eastern entrance,
and by the Makwaī Manīid[-o] within the inclosure (Nos. 75 and 76),
and at night by eighteen Mid[-e]ī Manīid[-o]s (Nos. 77 to 94), placed
there by Kiītshi Manīid[-o]. When the Otter approached the entrance
(No. 95) he was again arrested in his progress by two evil manīid[-o]s
(Nos. 96 and 97), who opposed his admission, but Miīnib[-o]īzho
overcame them and the Otter entered. Just inside of the door, and on
each side, the Otter saw a post (Nos. 98 and 99), and at the western
door or exit two corresponding posts (Nos. 100 and 101). These
symbolized the four legs of the Makwaī Manīid[-o], or Bear Spirit, who
is the guardian by day and the owner of the third degree. The Otter
then observed the sacred stone (No. 102) and the two heaps of sacred
objects (Nos. 103 and 104) which Miīnab[-o]īzho had deposited, and
three degree posts (Nos. 105, 106, and 107), the first of which (No.
105) was a plain cedar post with the bark upon it, but sharpened at
the top; the second (No. 106), a red post with a green band round the
top and one about the middle, as in the second degree; and the third a
cross (No. 107) painted red, each of the tips painted green. [The
vertical line No. 108 was said to have no relation to anything
connected with the tradition.] After the Otter had observed the
interior of the Mid[-e]īwigân he again made four circuits, after which
he took his station in the west, where he seated himself, facing the
sacred degree posts. Then Miīnab[-o]īzho, for the third time, shot
into his body the m[-i]īgis, thus adding to the powers which he
already possessed, after which he was to prepare for the fourth degree
of the Mid[-e]īwiwin.
Other objects appearing upon the chart were subsequently explained as
follows:
The four trees (Nos. 109, 110, 111, and 112), one of which is planted
at each of the four corners of the Mid[-e]īwigân, are usually cedar,
though pine may be taken as a substitute when the former can not be
had. The repetition of the circles Nos. 113, 114, and 115 and
connecting line No. 116, with the short lines at Nos. 117, 118, 119,
and 120, have the same signification as in the preceding two degrees.
After the Otter had received the third degree he prepared himself for
the fourth, and highest, by taking a steam bath once a day for four
successive days (Nos. 121, 122, 123, and 124). Then, as he proceeded
toward the Mid[-e]īwigân he came to a wigīiwam made of brush (No.
179), which was the nest of Makwaī Manīid[-o], the Bear Spirit, who
guarded the four doors of the sacred structure.
The four rows of spots have reference to the four entrances of the
Mid[-e]īwigân of the fourth degree. The signification of the spots near
the larger circle, just beneath the "Bear's nest" could not be explained
by Sikasīsig[)e], but the row of spots (No. 117) along the horizontal
line leading to the entrance of the inclosure were denominated steps, or
stages of progress, equal to as many days--one spot denoting one
day--which must elapse before the Otter was permitted to view the
entrance.
[Illustration: Fig. 4.--Peep-hole post.]
When the Otter approached the fourth degree (No. 118) he came to a
short post (No. 119) in which there was a small aperture. The post was
painted green on the side from which he approached and red upon the
side toward the Mid[-e]īwigân [see Fig. 4.] But before he was
permitted to look through it he rested and invoked the favor of
Kiītshi Manīid[-o], that the evil manīid[-o]s might be expelled from
his path. Then, when the Otter looked through the post, he saw that
the interior of the inclosure was filled with Mid[-e]ī Manīidos, ready
to receive him and to attend during his initiation. The two Mid[-e]ī
Manīidos at the outside of the eastern entrance (Nos. 120 and 121)
compelled the evil manīid[-o]s (Nos. 122 and 123) to depart and permit
the Otter to enter at the door (No. 124). Then the Otter beheld the
sacred stone (No. 125) and the five heaps of sacred objects which
Minab[-o]īzho had deposited (Nos. 126, 127, 128, 129, and 130) near
the four degree posts (Nos. 131, 132, 133, and 134). According to
their importance, the first was painted red, with a green band about
the top; the second was painted red, with two green bands, one at the
top and another at the middle; the third consisted of a cross painted
red, with the tips of the arms and the top of the post painted green;
while the fourth was a square post, the side toward the east being
painted white, that toward the south green, that toward the west red,
and that toward the north black.
The two sets of sticks (Nos. 135 and 136) near the eastern and western
doors represent the legs of Makwaī Manīid[-o], the Bear Spirit. When
the Otter had observed all these things he passed round the interior
of the Mid[-e]īwigân four times, after which he seated himself in the
west, facing the degree posts, when Miīnab[-o]īzho approached him and
for the fourth time shot into his body the sacred m[-i]īgis, which
gave him life that will endure always. Then Miīnab[-o]īzho said to the
Otter, "This degree belongs to Kiītshi Manīido, the Great Spirit (Nos.
137 and 138), who will always be present when you give the sacred rite
to any of your people." At night the Mid[-e]ī Manīid[-o]s (Nos. 139 to
162) will guard the Mid[-e]īwigân, as they are sent by Kiītshi Manīido
to do so. The Bear's nest (Nos. 163 and 164) just beyond the northern
and southern doors (Nos. 165 and 166) of the Mid[-e]īwigân are the
places where Makwaī Manīid[-o] takes his station when guarding the
doors.
Then the Otter made a wigīiwam and offered four prayers (Nos. 167,
168, 169, and 170) for the rites of the Mid[-e]īwiwin, which Kiītshi
Manīid[-o] had given him.
[Illustration: Plate VII.
Ojibwa Facial Decoration.]
The following supplemental explanations were added by Sikasīsig[)e],
viz: The four vertical lines at the outer angles of the lodge structure
(Nos. 171, 172, 173, and 174), and four similar ones on the inner
corners (Nos. 175, 176, 177, and 178), represent eight cedar trees
planted there by the Mid[-e]ī at the time of preparing the Mid[-e]īwigân
for the reception of candidates. The circles Nos. 179, 180, and 181, and
the connecting line, are a reproduction of similar ones shown in the
three preceding degrees, and signify the course of a Mid[-e]'s
life--that it should be without fault and in strict accordance with the
teachings of the Mid[-e]īwiwin. The short lines, terminating in circles
Nos. 182, 183, 184, and 185, allude to temptations which beset the
Mid[-e]'s path, and he shall, when so tempted, offer at these points
feasts and lectures, or, in other words, "professions of faith." The
three lines Nos. 186, 187, and 188, consisting of four spots each, which
radiate from the larger circle at No. 179 and that before mentioned at
No. 116, symbolize the four bear nests and their respective approaches,
which are supposed to be placed opposite the four doors of the fourth
degree; and it is obligatory, therefore, for a candidate to enter these
four doors on hands and knees when appearing for his initiation and
before he finally waits to receive the concluding portion of the
ceremony.
[Illustration: Fig. 5.--Migration of Âníshinâībeg.]
The illustration presented in Fig. 5 is a reduced copy of a drawing made
by Sikasīsig[)e] to represent the migration of the Otter toward the west
after he had received the rite of the Mid[-e]īwiwin. No. 1 refers to the
circle upon the large chart on Pl. III in A, No. 1, and signifies the
earth's surface as before described. No. 2 in Fig. 5 is a line
separating the history of the Mid[-e]īwiwin from that of the migration
as follows: When the Otter had offered four prayers, as above mentioned,
which fact is referred to by the spot No. 3, he disappeared beneath the
surface of the water and went toward the west, whither the
Aniīshinâīb[-e]g followed him, and located at Ottawa Island (No. 4).
Here they erected the Mid[-e]īwigân and lived for many years. Then the
Otter again disappeared beneath the water, and in a short time
reappeared at Aīwiatīang (No. 5), when the Mid[-e]īwigân was again
erected and the sacred rites conducted in accordance with the teachings
of Miīnab[-o]īzho. Thus was an interrupted migration continued, the
several resting places being given below in their proper order, at each
of which the rites of the Mid[-e]īwiwin were conducted in all their
purity. The next place to locate at was Miīshenamaīkinagung-- Mackinaw
(No. 6); then Neīmikung (No. 7); Kiweīwinangī (No. 8); Bâwating-- Sault
Ste. Marie (No. 9); Tshiwiītowiī (No. 10); Negaīwadzh[)e]ī[)u]-- Sand
Mountain (No. 11), northern shore of Lake Superior; Miīnisaīw[)i]k
[Miīnisaībikk[)a]ng]-- Island of rocks (No. 12);
Kawaīsitsh[)i][)u]wongk-- Foaming rapids (No. 13); Mushīkisiīwi
[Mashīkisiībi]-- Bad River (No. 14); Shagawâmikongk--
Long-sand-bar-beneath-the-surface (No. 15); Wikweīdâ[n]wonggâ[n]-- Sandy
Bay (No. 16); Neâīshiwikongk-- Cliff Point (No. 17);
Netâ[n]īwaya[n]īsink-- Little point-of-sand-bar (No. 18);
A[n]īnibi[n]s-- Little elm tree (No. 19); Wikupībi[n]mi[n]sh-literally,
Little-island-basswood (No. 20); Makubi[n]īmi[n]sh-- Bear Island (No.
21); Shaīgeskiīkeīdawanīga (No. 22); Niīwigwasīsikongk-- The place where
bark is peeled (No. 23); Taīpakweī[)i]kak [Saīapakweīshkwaokongk]--
The-place-where-lodge-bark-is-obtained (No. 24); Neīuwesakīkudezeībi
[Neīwisakuīdesiībi[n]]-- Point-deadwood-timber river (No. 25);
Aminiīkanziībi [modern name, Âshīkibaīgisiībi], given respectively as
Fish spawn River and Green leaf River (No. 26).
This last-named locality is said to be Sandy Lake, Minnesota, where the
Otter appeared for the last time, and where the Mid[-e]īwigân was
finally located. From La Pointe, as well as from Sandy Lake, the Ojibwa
claim to have dispersed in bands over various portions of the territory,
as well as into Wisconsin, which final separation into distinct bodies
has been the chief cause of the gradual changes found to exist in the
ceremonies of the Mid[-e]īwiwin.
According to Sikasīsig[)e], the above account of the initiation of the
Otter, by Miīnaboīzho, was adopted as the course of initiation by the
Mid[-e]ī priests of the Mille Lacs Society, when he himself received the
first degree, 1830. At that time a specific method of facial decoration
was pursued by the priests of the respective degrees (Pl. VI), each
adopting that pertaining to the highest degree to which he was entitled,
viz:
_First degree._--A broad band of green across the forehead and a narrow
stripe of vermilion across the face, just below the eyes.
_Second degree._--A narrow stripe of vermilion across the temples, the
eyelids, and the root of the nose, a short distance above which is a
similar stripe of green, then another of vermilion, and above this again
one of green.
_Third degree._--Red and white spots are daubed all over the face, the
spots being as large as can be made by the finger tips in applying the
colors.
_Fourth degree._--Two forms of decoration were admissible; for the
first, the face was painted with vermilion, with a stripe of green
extending diagonally across it from the upper part of the left temporal
region to the lower part of the right cheek; for the second, the face
was painted red with two short, horizontal parallel bars of green across
the forehead. Either of these was also employed as a sign of mourning by
one whose son has been intended for the priesthood of the Mid[-e]īwiwin,
but special reference to this will be given in connection with the
ceremony of the Dzhibaiī Mid[-e]īwigân, or Ghost Society.
On Pl. VIII is presented a reduced copy of the Mid[-e]ī chart made by
Ojibwa, a Mid[-e]ī priest of the fourth degree and formerly a member of
the society of the Sandy Lake band of the Mississippi Ojibwa. The
illustration is copied from his own chart which he received in 1833 in
imitation of that owned by his father, Meītoshiīk[-o][n]sh; and this
last had been received from Lake Superior, presumably La Pointe, many
years before.
The illustration of the four degrees are here represented in profile,
and shows higher artistic skill than the preceding copies from Red Lake,
and Mille Lacs.
The information given by Ojibwa, regarding the characters is as follows:
When Kiītshi Manīid[-o] had decided to give to the Aniīshinâīb[-e]g
the rites of the Mid[-e]īwiwin, he took his Mid[-e]ī drum and sang,
calling upon the other Manīid[-o]s to join him and to hear what he was
going to do. No. 1 represents the abode in the sky of Kiītshi
Manīid[-o], No. 2, indicating the god as he sits drumming, No. 3. the
small spots surrounding the drum denoting the m[-i]īgis with which
everything about him is covered. The Mid[-e]ī Manīid[-o]s came to him
in his Mid[-e]īwigân (No. 4), eleven of which appear upon the inside
of that structure, while the ten--all but himself--upon the outside
(Nos. 5 to 14) are represented as descending to the earth, charged
with the means of conferring upon the Aniīshinâb[-e]īg the sacred
rite. In the Mid[-e]īwigân (No. 4) is shown also the sacred post (No.
15) upon which is perched K[)o]-koīk[)o]-[-o]--the Owl (No. 16). The
line traversing the structure, from side to side, represents the trail
leading through it, while the two rings (Nos. 17 and 18) upon the
right side of the post indicate respectively the spot where the
presents are deposited and the sacred stone--this according to modern
practices.
When an Indian is prepared to receive the rights of initiation he
prepares a wigīiwam (No. 19) in which he takes a steam bath once each
day for four successive days. The four baths and four days are
indicated by the number of spots at the floor of the lodge,
representing stones. The instructors, employed by him, and the
officiating priests of the society are present, one of which (No. 20)
may be observed upon the left of the wigīiwam in the act of making an
offering of smoke, while the one to the right (No. 21) is drumming and
singing. The four officiating priests are visible to either side of
the candidate within the structure. The wigīiwams (Nos. 22, 23, 24,
and 25) designate the village habitations.
In the evening of the day preceding the initiation, the candidate (No.
26) visits his instructor (No. 27) to receive from him final
directions as to the part to be enacted upon the following day. The
candidate is shown in the act of carrying with him his pipe, the
offering of tobacco being the most acceptable of all gifts. His
relatives follow and carry the goods and other presents, some of which
are suspended from the branches of the Mid[-e]ī tree (No. 28) near the
entrance of the first degree structure. The instructor's wigīiwam is
shown at No. 29, the two dark circular spots upon the floor showing
two of the seats, occupied by instructor and pupil. The figure No. 27
has his left arm elevated, denoting that his conversation pertains to
Kiītshi Manīid[-o], while in his right hand he holds his Mid[-e]ī
drum. Upon the following morning the Mid[-e]ī priests, with the
candidate in advance (No. 30), approach and enter the Mid[-e]īwigân
and the initiation begins. No. 31 is the place of the sacred drum and
those who are detailed to employ the drum and rattles, while No. 32
indicates the officiating priests; No. 33 is the degree post,
surmounted by K[)o]-koī-k[)o]-[-o]ī, the Owl (No. 34). The post is
painted with vermilion, with small white spots all over its surface,
emblematic of the m[-i]īgis shell. The line (No. 35) extending along
the upper portion of the inclosure represents the pole from which are
suspended the robes, blankets, kettles, etc., which constitute the fee
paid to the society for admission.
This degree is presided over and guarded by the Panther Manīid[-o].
When the candidate has been able to procure enough gifts to present to
the society for the second degree, he takes his drum and offers chants
(No. 35) to Kiītshi Manīid[-o] for success. Kiītshi Manīid[-o] himself
is the guardian of the second degree and his footprints are shown in
No. 36. No. 37 represents the second degree inclosure, and contains
two sacred posts (Nos. 38 and 39), the first of which is the same as
that of the first degree, the second being painted with white clay,
bearing two bands of vermilion, one about the top and one near the
middle. A small branch near the top is used, after the ceremony is
over, to hang the tobacco pouch on. No. 40 represents the musicians
and attendants; No. 41 the candidate upon his knees; while Nos. 42,
43, 44, and 45 pictures the officiating priests who surround him. The
horizontal pole (No. 46) has presents of robes, blankets, and kettles
suspended from it.
When a candidate is prepared to advance to the third degree (No. 47)
he personates Makwaī Manīid[-o], who is the guardian of this degree,
and whose tracks (No. 48) are visible. The assistants are visible upon
the interior, drumming and dancing. There are three sacred posts, the
first (No. 49) is black, and upon this is placed
K[)o]-koī-k[)o]-[-o]ī--the Owl; the second (No. 50) is painted with
white clay and has upon the top the effigy of an owl; while the third
(No. 51) is painted with vermilion, bearing upon the summit the effigy
of an Indian. Small wooden effigies of the human figure are used by
the Mid[-e]ī in their tests of the proof of the genuineness and
sacredness of their religion, which tests will be alluded to under
another caption. The horizontal rod (No. 52), extending from one end
of the structure to the other, has suspended from it the blankets and
other gifts.
The guardian of the fourth degree is Makaīno--the Turtle--as he
appears (No. 53) facing the entrance of the fourth degree (No. 54).
Four sacred posts are planted in the fourth degree; the first (No.
55), being painted white upon the upper half and green upon the lower;
the second (No. 56) similar; the third (No. 57) painted red, with a
black spiral line extending from the top to the bottom, and upon which
is placed K[)o]-koī-k[)o]-[-o]ī--the Owl; and the fourth (No. 58), a
cross, the arms and part of the trunk of which is white, with red
spots--to designate the sacred m[-i]īgis--the lower half of the trunk
cut square, the face toward the east painted red, the south green, the
west white, and the north black. The spot (No. 59) at the base of the
cross signifies the place of the sacred stone, while the human figures
(No. 60) designate the participants, some of whom are seated near the
wall of the inclosure, whilst others are represented as beating the
drum. Upon the horizontal pole (No. 61) are shown the blankets
constituting gifts to the society.
[Illustration: Plate VIII.
Ojibwa's Record.]
The several specific methods of facial decoration employed (Pl. VII),
according to Ojibwa's statement, are as follows:
_First degree._--One stripe of vermilion across the face, from near the
ears across the tip of the nose.
_Second degree._--One stripe as above, and another across the eyelids,
temples, and the root of the nose.
_Third degree._--The upper half of the face is painted green and the
lower half red.
_Fourth degree._--The forehead and left side of the face, from the outer
canthus of the eye downward, is painted green; four spots of vermilion
are made with the tip of the finger upon the forehead and four upon the
green surface of the left cheek. In addition to this, the plumes of the
golden eagle, painted red, are worn upon the head and down the back.
This form of decoration is not absolutely necessary, as the expense of
the "war bonnet" places it beyond the reach of the greater number of
persons.
Before proceeding further with the explanation of the Mideī records it
may be of interest to quote the traditions relative to the migration of
the Aniīshinâīb[-e]g, as obtained by Mr. Warren previous to 1853. In his
reference to observing the rites of initiation he heard one of the
officiating priests deliver "a loud and spirited harangue," of which the
following words[12] caught his attention:
"Our forefathers were living on the great salt water toward the rising
sun, the great Megis (seashell) showed itself above the surface of the
great water and the rays of the sun for a long time period were
reflected from its glossy back. It gave warmth and light to the
An-ish-in-aub-ag (red race). All at once it sank into the deep, and
for a time our ancestors were not blessed with its light. It rose to
the surface and appeared again on the great river which drains the
waters of the Great Lakes, and again for a long time it gave life to
our forefathers and reflected back the rays of the sun. Again it
disappeared from sight and it rose not till it appeared to the eyes of
the An-ish-in-aub-ag on the shores of the first great lake. Again it
sank from sight, and death daily visited the wigiwams of our
forefathers till it showed its back and reflected the rays of the sun
once more at Bow-e-ting (Sault Ste. Marie). Here it remained for a
long time, but once more, and for the last time, it disappeared, and
the An-ish-in-aub-ag was left in darkness and misery, till it floated
and once more showed its bright back at Mo-ning-wun-a-kaun-ing (La
Pointe Island), where it has ever since reflected back the rays of the
sun and blessed our ancestors with life, light, and wisdom. Its rays
reach the remotest village of the widespread Ojibways." As the old man
delivered this talk he continued to display the shell, which he
represented as an emblem of the great megis of which he was speaking.
A few days after, anxious to learn the true meaning of this allegory,
* * * I requested him to explain to me the meaning of his Me-da-we
harangue.
After filling his pipe and smoking of the tobacco I had presented he
proceeded to give me the desired information, as follows:
"My grandson," said he, "the megis I spoke of means the Me-da-we
religion. Our forefathers, many string of lives ago, lived on the
shores of the great salt water in the east. Here, while they were
suffering the ravages of sickness and death, the Great Spirit, at the
intercession of Man-a-bo-sho, the great common uncle of the
An-ish-in-aub-ag, granted them this rite, wherewith life is restored
and prolonged. Our forefathers moved from the shores of the great
water and proceeded westward.
"The Me-da-we lodge was pulled down, and it was not again erected till
our forefathers again took a stand on the shores of the great river
where Mo-ne-aung (Montreal) now stands.
"In the course of time this town was again deserted, and our
forefathers, still proceeding westward, lit not their fires till they
reached the shores of Lake Huron, where again the rites of the
Me-da-we were practiced.
"Again these rites were forgotten, and the Me-da-we lodge was not
built till the Ojibways found themselves congregated at Bow-e-ting
(outlet of Lake Superior), where it remained for many winters. Still
the Ojibways moved westward, and for the last time the Me-da-we lodge
was erected on the island of La Pointe, and here, long before the pale
face appeared among them, it was practiced in its purest and most
original form. Many of our fathers lived the full term of life granted
to mankind by the Great Spirit, and the forms of many old people were
mingled with each rising generation. This, my grandson, is the meaning
of the words you did not understand; they have been repeated to us by
our fathers for many generations."
[Footnote 12: Op. cit., p. 78 et seq.]
In the explanation of the chart obtained at Red Lake, together with the
tradition, reference to the otter, as being the most sacred emblem of
society, is also verified in a brief notice of a tradition by Mr.
Warren,[13] as follows:
There is another tradition told by the old men of the Ojibway village
of Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, which tells of their former residence
on the shores of the great salt water. It is, however, so similar in
character to the one I have related that its introduction here would
only occupy unnecessary space. The only difference between the two
traditions is that the otter, which is emblematical of one of the four
Medicine Spirits who are believed to preside over the Midawe rites, is
used in one in the same figurative manner as the seashell is used in
the other, first appearing to the ancient An-ish-in-aub-ag from the
depths of the great salt water, again on the river St. Lawrence, then
on Lake Huron at Sault Ste. Marie, again at La Pointe, but lastly at
Fond du Lac, or end of Lake Superior, where it is said to have forced
the sand bank at the mouth of the St. Louis River. The place is still
pointed out by the Indians where they believe the great otter broke
through.
[Footnote 13: Op. cit., p. 81.]
It is affirmed by the Indians that at Sault Ste. Marie some of the
Ojibwa separated from the main body of that tribe and traversed the
country along the northern shore of Lake Superior toward the west. These
have since been known of as the "Bois Forts" (hardwood people or timber
people), other bands being located at Pigeon River, Rainy Lake, etc.
Another separation occurred at La Pointe, one party going toward Fond du
Lac and westward to Red Lake, where they claim to have resided for more
than three hundred years, while the remainder scattered from La Pointe
westward and southwestward, locating at favorable places throughout the
timbered country. This early dismemberment and long-continued separation
of the Ojibwa nation accounts, to a considerable extent, for the several
versions of the migration and the sacred emblems connected with the
Mid[-e]īwiwin, the northern bands generally maintaining their faith in
favor of the Otter as the guide, while the southern bodies are almost
entirely supporters of the belief in the great m[-i]īgis.
On account of the independent operations of the Mid[-e]ī priests in the
various settlements of the Ojibwa, and especially because of the slight
intercourse between those of the northern and southern divisions of the
nation, there has arisen a difference in the pictographic representation
of the same general ideas, variants which are frequently not recognized
by Mid[-e]ī priests who are not members of the Mid[-e]īwiwin in which
these mnemonic charts had their origin. As there are variants in the
pictographic delineation of originally similar ideas, there are also
corresponding variations in the traditions pertaining to them.
[Illustration: Fig. 6.--Birch-bark record, from White Earth.]
The tradition relating to Miīnab[-o]īzho and the sacred objects received
from Kiītshi Manīid[-o] for the Aniīshinâīb[-e]g is illustrated in Fig.
6, which is a reproduction of a chart preserved at White Earth. The
record is read from left to right. No. 1 represents Miīnab[-o]īzho, who
says of the adjoining characters representing the members of the
Mid[-e]īwiwin: "They are the ones, they are the ones, who put into my
heart the life." Miīnab[-o]īzho holds in his left hand the sacred
Mid[-e]ī sack, or pin-jiī-gu-sânī. Nos. 2 and 3 represent the drummers.
At the sound of the drum all the Mid[-e]ī rise and become inspired,
because Kiītshi Manīid[-o] is then present in the wigīiwam. No. 4
denotes that women also have the privilege of becoming members of the
Mid[-e]īwiwin. The figure holds in the left hand the Mid[-e]ī sack, made
of a snake skin. No. 5 represents the Tortoise, the guardian spirit who
was the giver of some of the sacred objects used in the rite. No. 6, the
Bear, also a benevolent Manīid[-o], but not held in so great veneration
as the Tortoise. His tracks are visible in the Mid[-e]īwiwin. No. 7, the
sacred Mid[-e]ī sack or pin-jiī-gu-sânī, which contains life, and can be
used by the Mid[-e]ī to prolong the life of a sick person. No. 8
represents a Dog, given by the Mid[-e]ī Manīid[-o]s to Miīnab[-o]īzho as
a companion.
Such was the interpretation given by the owner of the chart, but the
informant was unconsciously in error, as has been ascertained not only
from other Mid[-e]ī priests consulted with regard to the true meaning,
but also in the light of later information and research in the
exemplification of the ritual of the Mid[-e]īwiwin.
Miīnab[-o]īzho did not receive the rite from any Mid[-e]ī priests (Nos.
2 and 5), but from Kiītshi Manīid[-o]. Women are not mentioned in any of
the earlier traditions of the origin of the society, neither was the dog
given to Miīnab[-o]īzho, but Miīnab[-o]īzho gave it to the
Aniīshinâīb[-e]g.
The chart, therefore, turns out to be a mnemonic song similar to others
to be noted hereafter, and the owner probably copied it from a chart in
the possession of a stranger Mid[-e]ī, and failed to learn its true
signification, simply desiring it to add to his collection of sacred
objects and to gain additional respect from his confrčres and admirers.
[Illustration: Fig. 7.--Birch-bark record, from Red Lake.]
[Illustration: Fig. 8.--Birch-bark record, from Red Lake.]
Two similar and extremely old birch-bark mnemonic songs were found in
the possession of a Mid[-e]ī at Red Lake. The characters upon these are
almost identical, one appearing to be a copy of the other. These are
reproduced in Figs. 7 and 8. By some of the Mid[-e]ī Eshīgib[-o]īga
takes the place of Miīnab[-o]īzho as having originally received the
Mid[-e]īwiwin from Kiītshi Manīid[-o], but it is believed that the word
is a synonym or a substitute based upon some reason to them
inexplicable. These figures were obtained in 1887, and a brief
explanation of them given in the American Anthropologist.[14] At that
time I could obtain but little direct information from the owners of the
records, but it has since been ascertained that both are mnemonic songs
pertaining to Miīnab[-o]īzho, or rather Eshgib[-o]īga, and do not form a
part of the sacred records of the Mid[-e]īwiwin, but simply the
pictographic representation of the possibilities and powers of the
alleged religion. The following explanation of Figs. 7 and 8 is
reproduced from the work just cited. A few annotations and corrections
are added. The numbers apply equally to both illustrations:
No. 1, represents Eshīgib[-o]īga, the great uncle of the
Aniīshinâīb[-e]g, and receiver of the Mid[-e]īwiwin.
No. 2, the drum and drumsticks used by Eshīgib[-o]īga.
No. 3, a bar or rest, denoting an interval of time before the song is
resumed.
No. 4, the pin-jiī-gu-sânī or sacred Mid[-e]ī sack. It consists of
an otter skin, and is the m[-i]īgis or sacred symbol of the
Mid[-e]īwigân.
No. 5. a Mid[-e]ī priest, the one who holds the m[-i]īgis while
chanting the Mid[-e]ī song in the Mid[-e]īwigân. He is inspired, as
indicated by the line extending from the heart to the mouth.
No. 6, denotes that No. 5 is a member of the Mid[-e]īwiwin. This
character, with the slight addition of lines extending upward from
the straight top line, is usually employed by the more southern
Ojibwa to denote the wigīiwam of a J[)e]ssīakk[-i]dī, or jugglery.
No. 7, is a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to
the Mid[-e]īwiwin.
No. 8, a pause or rest.
No. 9, a snake-skin pin-jiī-gu-sânī possessing the power of giving
life. This power is indicated by the lines radiating from the head,
and the back of the skin.
No. 10, represents a woman.
No. 11, is another illustration of the m[-i]īgis, or otter.
No. 12, denotes a priestess who is inspired, as shown by the line
extending from the heart to the mouth in Fig. 7, and simply showing
the heart in Fig. 6. In the latter she is also empowered to cure
with magic plants.
No. 13, in Fig. 7, although representing a Mid[-e]ī priest, no
explanation was given.
[Footnote 14: Vol. 1, No. 3, 1888, p. 216, Figs. 2 and 3.]
[Illustration: Fig. 9.--Eshīgib[-o]īga.]
Fig. 9 is presented as a variant of the characters shown in No. 1 of
Figs. 7 and 8. The fact that this denotes the power of curing by the use
of magic plants would appear to indicate an older and more appropriate
form than the delineation of the bow and arrows, as well as being more
in keeping with the general rendering of the tradition.
MID[-E]īWIGÂN.
Initiation into the Mid[-e]īwiwin or Mid[-e]ī Society is, at this time,
performed during the latter part of summer. The ceremonies are performed
in public, as the structure in which they are conducted is often loosely
constructed of poles with intertwined branches and leaves, leaving the
top almost entirely exposed, so that there is no difficulty in observing
what may transpire within. Furthermore, the ritual is unintelligible to
the uninitiated, and the important part of the necessary information is
given to the candidate in a preceptor's wigīiwam.
To present intelligibly a description of the ceremonial of initiation as
it occurred at White Earth, Minnesota, it will be necessary to first
describe the structure in which it occurs, as well as the sweat lodge
with which the candidate has also to do.
[Illustration: Fig. 10.--Diagram of Mid[-e]īwigân of the first
degree.]
The Mid[-e]īwigân, i.e., Mid[-e]īwigīiwam, or, as it is generally
designated "Grand Medicine Lodge," is usually built in an open grove or
clearing; it is a structure measuring about 80 feet in length by 20 in
width, extending east and west with the main entrance toward that point
of the compass at which the sun rises. The walls consist of poles and
saplings from 8 to 10 feet high, firmly planted in the ground, wattled
with short branches and twigs with leaves. In the east and west walls
are left open spaces, each about 4 feet wide, used as entrances to the
inclosure. From each side of the opening the wall-like structure extends
at right angles to the end wall, appearing like a short hallway leading
to the inclosure, and resembles double doors opened outward. Fig. 10
represents a ground plan of the Mid[-e]īwigân, while Fig. 11 shows an
interior view. Saplings thrown across the top of the structure serve as
rafters, upon which are laid branches with leaves, and pieces of bark,
to sufficiently shade the occupants from the rays of the sun. Several
saplings extend across the inclosure near the top, while a few are
attached to these so as to extend longitudinally, from either side of
which presents of blankets, etc., may be suspended. About 10 feet from
the main entrance a large flattened stone, measuring more than a foot in
diameter, is placed upon the ground. This is used when subjecting to
treatment a patient; and at a corresponding distance from the western
door is planted the sacred Mid[-e]ī post of cedar, that for the first
degree being about 7 feet in height and 6 or 8 inches in diameter. It is
painted red, with a band of green 4 inches wide around the top. Upon the
post is fixed the stuffed body of an owl. Upon that part of the floor
midway between the stone and the Mid[-e]ī post is spread a blanket, upon
which the gifts and presents to the society are afterward deposited. A
short distance from each of the outer angles of the structure are
planted cedar or pine trees, each about 10 feet in height.
[Illustration: Fig. 11.--Interior of Mid[-e]īwigân.]
About a hundred yards east of the main entrance is constructed a
wigīiwam or sweat lodge, to be used by the candidate, both to take his
vapor baths and to receive final instructions from his preceptor.
This wigīiwam is dome-shaped measures about 10 feet in diameter and 6
feet high in the middle, with an opening at the top which can be readily
covered with a piece of bark. The framework of the structure consists of
saplings stuck into the ground, the tops being bent over to meet others
from the opposite side. Other thin saplings are then lashed horizontally
to the upright ones so as to appear like hoops, decreasing in size as
the summit is reached. They are secured by using strands of basswood
bark. The whole is then covered with pieces of birchbark--frequently the
bark of the pine is used--leaving a narrow opening on the side facing
the Mid[-e]īwigân, which may be closed with an adjustable flap of bark
or blankets.
The space between the Mid[-e]īwigân and the sweat lodge must be kept
clear of other temporary shelters, which might be placed there by some
of the numerous visitors attending the ceremonies.
FIRST DEGREE.
PREPARATORY INSTRUCTION.
When the candidate's application for reception into the Mid[-e]īwiwin
has been received by one of the officiating priests, he calls upon the
three assisting Mid[-e]ī, inviting them to visit him at his own wigīiwam
at a specified time. When the conference takes place, tobacco, which has
been previously furnished by the candidate, is distributed and a smoke
offering made to Kiītshi Manīid[-o], to propitiate his favor in the
deliberations about to be undertaken. The host then explains the object
of the meeting, and presents to his auditors an account of the
candidate's previous life; he recounts the circumstances of his fast and
dreams, and if the candidate is to take the place of a lately deceased
son who had been prepared to receive the degree, the fact is mentioned,
as under such circumstances the forms would be different from the
ordinary method of reception into the society. The subject of presents
and gifts to the individual members of the society, as well as those
intended to be given as a fee to the officiating priests, is also
discussed; and lastly, if all things are favorable to the applicant, the
selection of an instructor or preceptor is made, this person being
usually appointed from among these four priests.
When the conference is ended the favorable decision is announced to the
applicant, who acknowledges his pleasure by remitting to each of the
four priests gifts of tobacco. He is told what instructor would be most
acceptable to them, when he repairs to the wigīiwam of the person
designated and informs him of his wish and the decision of the Mid[-e]ī
council.
The designated preceptor arranges with his pupil to have certain days
upon which the latter is to call and receive instruction and acquire
information. The question of remuneration being settled, tobacco is
furnished at each sitting, as the Mid[-e]ī never begins his lecture
until after having made a smoke-offering, which is done by taking a
whiff and pointing the stem to the east; then a whiff, directing the
stem to the south; another whiff, directing the stem to the west; then a
whiff and a similar gesture with the stem to the north; another whiff is
taken slowly and with an expression of reverence, when the stem is
pointed forward and upward as an offering to Kiītshi Manīid[-o]; and
finally, after taking a similar whiff, the stem is pointed forward and
downward toward the earth as an offering to Nok[-o]īmis, the grandmother
of the universe, and to those who have passed before. After these
preliminaries, the candidate receives at each meeting only a small
amount of information, because the longer the instruction is continued
daring the season before the meeting at which it is hoped the candidate
may be admitted the greater will be the fees; and also, in order that
the instruction may be looked upon with awe and reverence, most of the
information imparted is frequently a mere repetition, the ideas being
clothed in ambiguous phraseology. The Mid[-e]ī drum (Fig. 12 _a_)
differs from the drum commonly used in dances (Fig. 12 _b_) in the fact
that it is cylindrical, consisting of an elongated kettle or wooden
vessel, or perhaps a section of the hollow trunk of a tree about 10
inches in diameter and from 18 to 20 inches in length, over both ends of
which rawhide is stretched while wet, so that upon drying the membrane
becomes hard and tense, producing, when beaten, a very hard, loud tone,
which may be heard at a great distance.
[Illustration: Fig. 12.--Ojibwa drums.]
Frequently, however, water is put into the bottom of the drum and the
drum-head stretched across the top in a wet state, which appears to
intensify the sound very considerably.
The peculiar and special properties of the drum are described to the
applicant; that it was at first the gift of Kiītshi Manīid[-o], who gave
it through the intercession of Miīnab[-o]īzho; that it is used to invoke
the presence of the Mid[-e]ī Manīid[-o]s, or sacred spirits, when
seeking direction as to information desired, success, etc.; that it is
to be employed at the side of the sick to assist in the expulsion or
exorcism of evil manīid[-o]s who may possess the body of the sufferer;
and that it is to be used in the. Mid[-e]īwigân during the initiation of
new members or the advancement of a Mid[-e]ī from a degree to a higher
one.
[Illustration: Fig. 13.--Mid[-e]ī rattle.]
The properties of the rattle are next enumerated and recounted, its
origin is related, and its uses explained. It is used at the side of a
patient and has even more power in the expulsion of evil demons than the
drum. The rattle is also employed in some of the sacred songs as an
accompaniment, to accentuate certain notes and words. There are two
forms used, one consisting of a cylindrical tin box filled with grains
of corn or other seeds (Fig. 13), the other being a hollow gourd also
filled with seed (Fig. 14). In both of these the handle passes entirely
through the rattle case.
[Illustration: Fig. 14.--Mid[-e]ī rattle.]
In a similar manner the remaining gifts of Miīnab[-o]īzho are instanced
and their properties extolled.
The m[-i]īgis, a small white shell (Cypræa moneta L.) is next extracted
from the Mid[-e]ī sack, or pinjiīgusânī. This is explained as being the
sacred emblem of the Mid[-e]īwiwin, the reason therefor being given in
the account of the several traditions presented in connection with Pls.
III, IV, and VIII. This information is submitted in parts, so that the
narrative of the history connected with either of the records is
extended over a period of time to suit the preceptor's plans and
purposes. The ceremony of shooting the m[-i]īgis (see Fig. 15) is
explained on page 215.
[Illustration: Fig. 15.--Shooting the m[-i]īgis.]
As time progresses the preceptor instructs his pupil in Mid[-e]ī songs,
i.e., he sings to him songs which form a part of his stock in trade, and
which are alleged to be of service on special occasions, as when
searching for medicinal plants, hunting, etc. The pupil thus acquires a
comprehension of the method of preparing and reciting songs, which
information is by him subsequently put to practical use in the
composition and preparation of his own songs, the mnemonic characters
employed being often rude copies of those observed upon the charts of
his preceptor, but the arrangement thereof being original.
It is for this reason that a Mid[-e]ī is seldom, if ever, able to recite
correctly any songs but his own, although he may be fully aware of the
character of the record and the particular class of service in which it
may be employed. In support of this assertion several songs obtained at
Red Lake and imperfectly explained by "Little Frenchman" and "Leading
Feather," are reproduced in Pl. XXII, A B, page 292.
From among the various songs given by my preceptor are selected and
presented herewith those recognized by him as being part of the ritual.
The greater number of songs are mere repetitions of short phrases, and
frequently but single words, to which are added meaningless sounds or
syllables to aid in prolonging the musical tones, and repeated ad
libitum in direct proportion to the degree of inspiration in which the
singer imagines himself to have attained. These frequent outbursts of
singing are not based upon connected mnemonic songs preserved upon birch
bark, but they consist of fragments or selections of songs which have
been memorized, the selections relating to the subject upon which the
preceptor has been discoursing, and which undoubtedly prompts a rythmic
vocal equivalent. These songs are reproduced on Pl. IX, A, B, C. The
initial mnemonic characters pertaining to each word or phrase of the
original text are repeated below in regular order with translations in
English, together with supplemental notes explanatory of the characters
employed. The musical notation is not presented, as the singing consists
of a monotonous repetition of four or five notes in a minor key;
furthermore, a sufficiently clear idea of this may be formed by
comparing some of the Mid[-e]ī songs presented in connection with the
ritual of initiation and preparation of medicines. The first of the
songs given herewith (Pl. IX, A) pertains to a request to Kiītshi
Manīid[-o] that clear weather may be had for the day of ceremonial, and
also an affirmation to the candidate that the singer's words are a
faithful rendering of his creed.
[Illustration: Plate IX.
Mnemonic Songs.]
Each of the phrases is repeated before advancing to the next, as often
as the singer desires and in proportion to the amount of reverence and
awe with which he wishes to impress his hearer. There is usually a brief
interval between each of the phrases, and a longer one at the appearance
of a vertical line, denoting a rest, or pause. One song may occupy,
therefore, from fifteen minutes to half an hour.
[Illustration]
Ki-neī-na-wiī-īin maniī-i-d[-o]ī-ye-win.
I rock you, you that are a spirit.
[A mid[-e]'s head, the lines denoting voice or speech--i.e., singing
of sacred things, as the loops or circles at the ends of each line
indicate.]
[Illustration]
Kí-zh[)i]k-ki-w[)i]nī-da-m[-u]nī.
The sky I tell you.
[The otter skin medicine sack, and arm reaching to procure something
therefrom.]
[Illustration]
O-we-nenī; hw[-i]nī.
Who is it, who?
[The m[-i]īgis shell; the sacred emblem of the Mid[-e]īwiwin.]
[Illustration]
Wiī-dzh[)i]-i-nanī.
The man helping me.
[A man walking, the Mid[-e]ī Manīid[-o] or Sacred Spirit.]
[Illustration]
Nu-wa[n]ī-ni-maīna nin-gu[)i]sī?
Have I told the truth to my son?
[The bear going to the Mid[-e]īwigan, and takes with him life to the
Aniīshinâīb[-e]g.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
[Illustration]
Niī-n[-i]n-d[-e]ī, aī-yaī.
My heart, I am there (in the fullness of my heart).
[My heart; knows all Mid[-e]ī secrets, sensible one.]
[Illustration]
Aī-ni-naī-n[)e]sh-miī-[)i]-an niī-naī-w[)i]-t[-o]ī.
I follow with my arms.
[Arms extended to take up "medicine" or Mid[-e]ī secrets.]
[Illustration]
Manī-i-d[-o]ī-wi-anī n[)i]-meī-shineī-miī-an.
Knowledge comes from the heart, the heart reaches to sources of
"medicine" in the earth.
[A Mid[-e]ī whose heart's desires and knowledge extend to the
secrets of the earth. The lines diverging toward the earth
denote direction.]
[Illustration]
Weī-gi-kw[-o]ī K[)e]-m[-i]ī-n[)i]-nanī? From whence comes the rain?
[The power of making a clear sky, i.e., weather.]
[Illustration]
Mi-sh[)o]kī kw[-o]tī, dzhe-manī-i-d[-o]ī-yan.
The sky, nevertheless, may be clear, Good Spirit.
[Giving life to the sick; Dzhe Manīid[-o] handing it to the
Mid[-e]ī.]
[Illustration]
Wiī-ka-ka-n[)u]nī-[)e]-nan.
Very seldom I make this request of you.
[The Good Spirit filling the body of the supplicant with knowledge
of secrets of the earth.]
In the following song (Pl. IX, B), the singer relates to the candidate
the gratitude which he experiences for the favors derived from the Good
Spirit; he has been blessed with knowledge of plants and other sacred
objects taken from the ground, which knowledge has been derived by his
having himself become a member of the Mid[-e]īwiwin, and hence urges
upon the candidate the great need of his also continuing in the course
which he has thus far pursued.
[Illustration]
Na-witshī-tshi na-k[)u]mī-i-en a-naī-pi-a[n]ī?
When I am out of hearing, where am I?
[The lines extending from the ears denote hearing; the arms directed
toward the right and left, being the gesture of negation, usually
made by throwing the hands outward and away from the front of the
body.]
[Illustration]
Weī-nen-neī enī-da-yan.
In my house, I see.
[Sight is indicated by the lines extending from the eyes; the horns
denote superiority of the singer.]
[Illustration]
Mo-k[-i]ī-yan-naī-a-witshī-i-g[-u]mī-mi.
When I rise it gives me life, and I take it.
[The arm reaches into the sky to receive the gifts which are handed
down by the Good Spirit. The short transverse line across the
forearm indicates the arch of the sky, this line being an
abbreviation of the curve usually employed to designate the same
idea.]
[Illustration]
Wenī-dzhi-baī-pi-a[n]ī.
The reason why I am happy.
[Asking the Spirit for life, which is granted. The singer's body is
filled with the heart enlarged, i.e., fullness of heart, the lines
from the mouth denoting abundance of voice or grateful utterances--
singing.]
[Illustration (two vertical lines) missing]
Rest.
[Illustration]
Zhaī-zha-buiī-ki-bi-nanī wigī-[)e]-wâmī.
The Spirit says there is plenty of "medicine" in the Mid[-e]ī
wigīiwam.
[Two superior spirits, Kiītshi Manīid[-o] and Dzhe Manīid[-o], whose
bodies are surrounded by "lines of sacredness," tell the Mid[-e]ī
where the mysterious remedies are to be found. The vertical waving
lines are the lines indicating these communications; the horizontal
line, at the bottom, is the earth's surface.].
[Illustration]
Ya-h[-o]ī-hon-niī-y[)o].
The Spirit placed medicine in the ground, let us take it.
[The arm of Kiītshi Manīid[-o] put into the ground sacred plants,
etc., indicated by the spots at different horizons in the earth. The
short vertical and waving lines denote sacredness of the objects.]
[Illustration]
Ní-woī-we-n[-i]ī-nan kiī-bi-do-na[n]ī.
I am holding this that I bring to you.
[The singer sits in the Mid[-e]īwiwin, and offers the privilege of
entrance, by initiation, to the hearer.]
[Illustration]
Mid[-e]ī n[)i]-kaī-n[)a]k kishī-o-w[)e]ī-ni-m[)i]-koī.
I have found favor in the eyes of my mid[-e]ī friends.
[The Good Spirit has put life into the body of the singer, as
indicated by the two mysterious arms reaching towards his body,
i.e., the heart, the seat of life.]
In the following song (Pl. IX, C), the preceptor appears to feel
satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation,
and therefore tells him that the Mid[-e]ī Manīid[-o] announces to him
the assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with
promises of the fulfillment of his highest desires.
[Illustration]
Baī-dzh[)i]-keī-o giī-mand ma-bisī-in-dâī-[)a].
I hear the spirit speaking to us.
[The Mid[-e]ī singer is of superior power, as designated by the
horns and apex upon his head. The lines from the ears indicate
hearing.]
[Illustration]
Kwa-y[)a]kī-in d[-i]ī-sha in-dâī-ya[n].
I am going into the medicine lodge.
[The Mid[-e]īwigân is shown with a line through it to signify that
he is going through it, as in the initiation.]
[Illustration]
Kweī-tsh[)i]-ko-waī-ya tiī-na-man.
I am taking (gathering) medicine to make me live.
[The discs indicate sacred objects within reach of the speaker.]
[Illustration]
Oī-wi-yoī-in enī-do-ma mâkī-kwin-[)e]nī-do-maī.
I give you medicine, and a lodge, also.
[The Mid[-e]ī, as the personator of Makwaī Manīid[-o], is empowered
to offer this privilege to the candidate.]
[Illustration]
O-w[-e]ī-n[)e]n b[)e]-m[-i]ī-s[)e]t.
I am flying into my lodge.
[Represents the Thunder-Bird, a deity flying into the arch of the
sky. The short lines denote the (so-called spirit lines) abode of
spirits or Manīid[-o]s.]
[Illustration]
Na-n[-i]-ne kwe-w[-e]ī-an.
The Spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where we can get it.
[The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates that
the sacred objects occur in scattered places.]
[Illustration]
N[-e]ī-w[-o]d[-e]ī-[-e]ī.
I have the medicine in my heart.
[The singer's body--i.e., heart--is filled with knowledge relating
to sacred medicines from the earth.]
MID[-E]ī THERAPEUTICS.
During the period of time in which the candidate is instructed in the
foregoing traditions, myths, and songs the subject of Mid[-e]ī plants is
also discussed. The information pertaining to the identification and
preparation of the various vegetable substances is not imparted in
regular order, only one plant or preparation, or perhaps two, being
enlarged upon at a specified consultation. It may be that the candidate
is taken into the woods where it is known that a specified plant or tree
may be found, when a smoke offering is made before the object is pulled
out of the soil, and a small pinch of tobacco put into the hole in the
ground from which it was taken. This is an offering to Nokoīmis--the
earth, the grandmother of mankind--for the benefits which are derived
from her body where they were placed by Kiītshi Manīid[-o].
In the following list are presented, as far as practicable, the
botanical and common names of these, there being a few instances in
which the plants were not to be had, as they were foreign to that
portion of Minnesota in which the investigations were made; a few of
them, also, were not identified by the preceptors, as they were out of
season.
It is interesting to note in this list the number of infusions and
decoctions which are, from a medical and scientific standpoint, specific
remedies for the complaints for which they are recommended. It is
probable that the long continued intercourse between the Ojibwa and the
Catholic Fathers, who were tolerably well versed in the ruder forms of
medication, had much to do with improving an older and purely aboriginal
form of practicing medical magic. In some of the remedies mentioned
below there may appear to be philosophic reasons for their
administration, but upon closer investigation it has been learned that
the cure is not attributed to a regulation or restoration of functional
derangement, but to the removal or even expulsion of malevolent
beings--commonly designated as bad Manīid[-o]s--supposed to have taken
possession of that part of the body in which such derangement appears
most conspicuous. Further reference to the mythic properties of some of
the plants employed will be made at the proper time.
Although the word Mashki kiwaību[n]--medicine broth--signifies liquid
medical preparations, the term is usually employed in a general sense to
pertain to the entire materia medica; and in addition to the alleged
medicinal virtues extolled by the preceptors, certain parts of the trees
and plants enumerated are eaten on account of some mythic reason, or
employed in the construction or manufacture of habitations, utensils,
and weapons, because of some supposed supernatural origin or property,
an explanation of which they have forgotten.
_Pinus strobus_, L. White Pine. Zhingwâkī.
1. The leaves are crushed and applied to relieve headache; also
boiled; after which they are put into a small hole in the ground
and hot stones placed therein to cause a vapor to ascend, which
is inhaled to cure backache.
The fumes of the leaves heated upon a stone or a hot iron pan are
inhaled to cure headache.
2. Gum; chiefly used to cover seams of birch-bark canoes. The gum is
obtained by cutting a circular band of bark from the trunk, upon
which it is then scraped and boiled down to proper consistence.
The boiling was formerly done in clay vessels.
_Pinus resinosa_, Ait. Red Pine; usually, though erroneously, termed
Norway Pine. P[)o]kgw[)e]īnag[-e]īm[)o]k.
Used as the preceding.
_Abies balsamea_, Marshall. Balsam Fir. Iniīnand[)o]k.
1. The bark is scraped from the trunk and a decoction thereof is
used to induce diaphoresis.
2. The gum, which is obtained from the vesicles upon the bark, and
also by skimming it from the surface of the water in which the
crushed bark is boiled, is carried in small vessels and taken
internally as a remedy for gonorrhoea and for soreness of the
chest resulting from colds.
3. Applied externally to sores and cuts.
_Abies alba_, Michx. White Spruce. S[)e]īss[-e]gânīd[)o]k. The
split roots--wad[)o]bī-are used for sewing; the wood for the inside
timbers of canoes.
_Abies nigra_, Poir. Black Spruce. Aīmikwanīd[)o]k.
1. The leaves and crushed bark are used to make a decoction, and
sometimes taken as a substitute in the absence of pines.
2. Wood used in manufacture of spear handles.
_Abies Canadensis_, Michx. Hemlock. Gagaī[-i][n]wu[n]sh--
"Raven Tree."
Outer bark powdered and crushed and taken internally for the cure of
diarrhea. Usually mixed with other plants not named.
_Larix Americana_, Michx. Tamarack. M[)o]shīk[-i]kiwaīdik.
1. Crushed leaves and bark used as Pinus strobus.
2. Gum used in mending boats.
3. Bark used for covering wigīiwams.
_Cupressus thyoides_, L. White Cedar. Giīzh[)i]k-- "Day."
1. Leaves crushed and used as Pinus strobus. The greater the variety
of leaves of coniferæ the better. The spines of the leaves exert
their prickly influence through the vapor upon the demons
possessing the patient's body.
2. The timber in various forms is used in the construction of canoe
and lodge frames, the bark being frequently employed in roofing
habitations.
_Juniperus Virginiana_, L. Red Cedar. Muskwaīwâīak.
Bruised leaves and berries are used internally to remove headache.
_Quercus alba_, L. White Oak. M[-i]tigī[-o]mishī.
1. The bark of the root and the inner bark scraped from the trunk is
boiled and the decoction used internally for diarrhea.
2. Acorns eaten raw by children, and boiled or dried by adults.
_Quercus rubra_, L. Red Oak. Wisugīem[-i]tigīomishī-- "Bitter Acorn
Tree."
Has been used as a substitute for Q. alba.
_Acer saccharinum_, Wang. Sugar Maple. Inn[-i]nâītik.
1. Decoction of the inner bark is used for diarrhea.
2. The sap boiled in making sirup and sugar.
3. The wood valued for making arrow shafts.
_Acer nigrum_, Michx. Black Sugar Maple. Iskigīomeaushī--
"Sap-flows-fast."
Arbor liquore abundans, ex quo liquor tanquam urina vehementer
projicitur.
Sometimes used as the preceding.
_Betula excelsa_, Ait. Yellow Birch. Wiīnnisīsik.
The inner bark is scraped off, mixed with that of the Acer
saccharinum, and the decoction taken as a diuretic.
_Betula papyracea_, Ait. White Birch. W[-i]gwasī.
Highly esteemed, and employed for making records, canoes,
syrup-pans, m[-o]koksī--or sugar boxes--etc. The record of the
Mid[-e]īwiwin, given by Minab[-o]īzho, was drawn upon this kind
of bark.
_Populus monilifera_, Ait. Cottonwood. Mâīnâsâīti.
The cotton down is applied to open sores as an absorbent.
_Populus balsamifera_, L. Balsam Poplar. Asaīd[)i].
1. The bark is peeled from the branches and the gum collected and
eaten.
2. Poles are used in building ordinary shelter lodges, and
particularly for the Mid[-e]īwigân.
_Juglans nigra_, L. Black Walnut. Pagaīn[)o]k-- "Nut wood."
Walnuts are highly prized; the green rind of the unripe fruit is
sometimes employed in staining or dyeing.
_Smilacina racemosa_, Desf. False Spikenard. Kin[-e]ībigw[)o]shk--
"Snake weed or Snake Vine."
1. Warm decoction of leaves used by lying-in women.
2. The roots are placed upon a red-hot stone, the patient, with a
blanket thrown over his head, inhaling the fumes, to relieve
headache.
3. Fresh leaves are crushed and applied to cuts to stop bleeding.
_Helianthus occidentalis_, Riddell. Sunflower.
P[)u]kiteīw[)u]bb[)o]ku[n]sī.
The crushed root is applied to bruises and contusions.
_Polygala senega_, L. Seneca Snakeroot. Winisīsik[-e][n]sī.
1. A decoction of the roots is used for colds and cough.
2. An infusion of the leaves is given for sore throat; also to
destroy water-bugs that have been swallowed.
_Rubus occidentalis_, L. Black Raspberry.
Makad[-e]īm[)i]skwiīmin[)o]k-- "Black Blood Berry."
A decoction made of the crushed roots is taken to relieve pains in
the stomach.
_Rubus strigosus_, Michx. Wild Red Raspberry. Miskwiīmin[)o]kī--
"Blood Berry."
The roots are sometimes used as a substitute for the preceding.
_Gaylussacia resinosa_, Torr. and Gr. Huckleberry. M[-i]īn[)u]n.
Forms one of the chief articles of trade during the summer. The
berry occupies a conspicuous place in the myth of the "Road of
the Dead," referred to in connection with the "Ghost Society."
_Prunus Virginiana_, L. Choke Cherry. Sisa[n]īwemiīnak[)o]â[n]shī.
1. The branchlets are used for making an ordinary drink; used also
during gestation.
2. The fruit is eaten.
_Prunus serotina_, Ehrhart. Wild Black Cherry. Okw[-e]īm[)i]sh--
"Scabby Bark."
1. The inner bark is applied to external sores, either by first
boiling, bruising, or chewing it.
2. An infusion of the inner bark is sometimes given to relieve pains
and soreness of the chest.
_Prunus Pennsylvanica_, L. Wild Red Cherry. Kusigwaīkumiīn[)o]k.
1. A decoction of the crushed root is given for pains and other
stomach disorders.
2. Fruit is eaten and highly prized.
3. This, believed to be synonymous with the June Cherry of
Minnesota, is referred to in the myths and ceremonies of the
"Ghost Society."
_Prunus Americana_, Marsh. Wild Plum. Bog[-e]īsan[)o]k.
The small rootlets, and the bark of the larger ones, are crushed and
boiled together with the roots of the following named plants, as a
remedy for diarrhea. The remaining plants were not in bloom at the
time during which the investigations were made, and therefore were
not identified by the preceptors, they being enabled to furnish
only the names and an imperfect description. They are as follows,
viz: Min[-e][n]īs[)o]k, two species, one with red berries, the
other with yellow ones; Wab[-o]īs[-o]min[-i]īs[)o]k-- "Rabbit
berries"; Shiīgwanauīis[)o]k, having small red berries; and
Cratægus coccinea, L. Scarlet-fruited Thorn. Oīgin[-i]k.
_Typha latifolia_, L. Common Cat-tail. Nap[)o]g[)u]shk--
"Flat grass."
The roots are crushed by pounding or chewing, and applied as a
poultice to sores.
_Sporobolus heterolepis_ Gr. Nap[)o]īg[)u]shk[-u][n]sī-- "Little
Flat Grass."
1. Used sometimes as a substitute for the preceding.
2. Roots are boiled and the decoction taken to induce emesis, "to
remove bile."
_Fragaria vesca_, L. Wild Strawberry. Od[-e] [-i]m[)i]nīn[)e]--
Heart Berry.
Referred to in the ceremony of the "Ghost Society."
The fruit is highly valued as a luxury.
_Acer Pennsylvanicum_, L. Striped Maple. M[-o][n]īzom[)i]shī--
"Moose Wood."
The inner bark scraped from four sticks or branches, each two feet
long, is put into a cloth and boiled, the liquid which can
subsequently be pressed out of the bag is swallowed, to act as
an emetic.
_Fraxinus sambucifolia_, Lam. Black or Water Ash. Aīgimakī.
1. The inner bark is soaked in warm water, and the liquid applied to
sore eyes.
2. The wood is employed in making the rims for frames of snow-shoes.
_Veronica Virginica_, L. Culver's Root. Wiīs[)o]gedzhiībik-- "Bitter
Root."
A decoction of the crushed root is taken as a purgative.
_Salix Candida_, Willd. Hoary Willow. Sisiīgobeīm[)i]sh.
The thick inner bark of the roots is scraped off, boiled, and the
decoction taken for cough.
_Symphoricarpos vulgaris_, Michx. Indian Currant.
Gusīsigwakaīm[)i]sh.
The inner bark of the root boiled and the decoction, when cold,
applied to sore eyes.
_Geum strictum_, Ait. Aven. Neīboneīankweīâk-- "Hair on one side."
The roots are boiled and a weak decoction taken internally for
soreness in the chest, and cough.
_Rumex crispus_, L. Curled Dock. Oīzabetshiīw[)i]k.
The roots are bruised or crushed and applied to abrasions, sores,
etc.
_Amorpha canescens_, Nutt. Lead Plant. Weīab[)o]nagīkak-- "That
which turns white."
A decoction, made of the roots, is used for pains in the stomach.
_Rosa blanda_, Ait. Early Wild Rose. Oīgin[-i]k.
A piece of root placed in lukewarm water, after which the liquid is
applied to inflamed eyes.
_Anemone_ (_sp.?_) Anemone. Wis[)o]gīib[)o]kī; also called Hartshorn
plant by the mixed-bloods of Minnesota.
The dry leaves are powdered and used as an errhine, for the cure of
headache.
(_Gen. et sp. ?_) Termed Kineīb[)i]k wa[n]shīko[n]s and "Snake weed."
This plant was unfortunately so injured in transportation that
identification was impossible. Ball-players and hunters use it
to give them endurance and speed; the root is chewed when
necessary to possess these qualities. The root is likened to a
snake, which is supposed to be swift in motion and possessed of
extraordinary muscular strength.
_Rhus_ (_aromatica_, Ait. ?) "White Sumac." B[)o]kkwanī[-i]b[)o]k.
Roots are boiled, with those of the following named plant, and the
decoction taken to cure diarrhea.
(_Gen. et sp. ?_) Kiītshiod[-e]iminib[)o]k-- "Big Heart Leaf."
Roots boiled, with preceding, and decoction taken for diarrhea.
_Monarda fistulosa_, L. Wild Bergamot. Moshk[-o]sīwa[n]owi[n]sī--
"Little Elk's Tail."
The root is used by making a decoction and drinking several
swallows, at intervals, for pain in the stomach and intestines.
_Hydrophyllum Virginicum_, L. Waterleaf. Bu[n]kiteībag[-u][n]sī.
The roots are boiled, the liquor then taken for pains in the chest,
back, etc.
_Anemone Pennsylvanicum_, L. Pennsylvania Anemone.
Pes[-i]īkwadzhiībwikoīk[)o]k.
A decoction of the roots is used for pains in the lumbar region.
_Viola_ (_Canadensis_, L.?). Canada Violet.
Maskw[-i]īwidzh[-i]īwikoīk[)o]k.
The decoction made of the roots is used for pains in the region of
the bladder.
_Phryma leptostachya_, L. Lopseed. Waiaībishk[)e]noīk[)o]k.
The roots are boiled and the decoction taken for rheumatic pains in
the legs.
_Viola pubescens_, Ait. Downy Yellow Violet. Ogit[-e]ībagu[n]s.
A decoction is made of the roots, of which small doses are taken at
intervals for sore throat.
_Rosa_ (_lucida_, Ehrhart?). Dwarf Wild Rose.
Ogin[-i]īminaga[n]īw[)o]s.
The roots of young plants are steeped in hot water and the liquid
applied to sore eyes.
(_Gen. et sp. ?_) M[)o]īzânâīt[)i]k.
This plant could not be identified at the locality and time at
which investigations were conducted. The root is boiled and the
decoction taken as a diuretic for difficult micturition.
_Actæa rubra_, Michx. Red Baneberry. Odz[-i]īb[)i]k[)e][n]sī--
"Little Root."
A decoction of the root, which has a sweet taste, is used for
stomachic pains caused by having swallowed hair (mythic). Used
also in conjunction with Ginseng.
This plant, according to some peculiarities, is considered the male
plant at certain seasons of the year, and is given only to men and
boys, while the same plant at other seasons, because of size,
color of fruit, or something else, is termed the female, and is
prepared for women and girls in the following manner, viz: The
roots are rolled in basswood leaves and baked, when they become
black; an infusion is then prepared, and used in a similar manner
as above.
The latter is called Washīkub[)i]dzhiībikak[)o]kī.
_Botrychium Virginicum_, Swartz. Moonwort. Ozagaītig[)u]m.
The root is bruised and applied to cuts.
_Aralia trifolia_, Gr. Dwarf Ginseng. Nes[-o]ībak[)o]k-- "Three
Leafed."
The roots are chewed and the mass applied to cuts to arrest
hemorrhage.
_Echinospermum lappula_, Lehm. Stickweed. Ozagaīt[)i]gom[)e][n]s--
"Burr Bush."
The roots are placed in a hole in the ground upon hot stones, to
cause the fumes to rise, when the patient puts down his face and
has a cloth or blanket thrown over his head. The fumes are inhaled
for headache. The raw roots are also sniffed at for the same
purpose.
It is affirmed by various members of the Mid[-e]ī Society that in former
times much of the information relating to some of these plants was not
imparted to a candidate for initiation into the first degree, but was
reserved for succeeding degrees, to induce a Mid[-e]ī of the first
degree to endeavor to attain higher distinction and further advancement
in the mysteries of the order. As much knowledge is believed to have
been lost through the reticence and obstinacy of former chief priests,
the so-called higher secrets are now imparted at the first and second
degree preparatory instructions. The third and fourth degrees are very
rarely conferred, chiefly because the necessary presents and fees are
beyond the reach of those who so desire advancement, and partly also
because the missionaries, and in many instances the Indian agents, have
done their utmost to suppress the ceremonies, because they were a direct
opposition and hindrance to progress in Christianizing influences.
When the preparatory instruction has come to an end and the day of the
ceremony of initiation is at hand, the preceptor sings to his pupil a
song, expatiating upon his own efforts and the high virtue of the
knowledge imparted. The pipe is brought forward and an offering of
tobacco smoke made by both preceptor and pupil, after which the former
sings a song (Pl. X, A.), the time of its utterance being tediously
prolonged. The mnemonic characters were drawn by Sikasīsig[)e], and are
a copy of an old birch-bark scroll which has for many years been in his
possession, and which was made in imitation of one in the possession of
his father, Bai[-e]īdz[)i]k, one of the leading Mid[-e]ī at Mille Lacs,
Minnesota.
[Illustration]
W[-i]-ka-noī-shi-a[n]-[)o].
My arm is almost pulled out from digging medicine. It is full of
medicine.
[The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence, erroneously
designated "medicine."]
[Illustration]
We-w[-i]ī-ka-niī-an.
Almost crying because the medicine is lost.
[The lines extending downward from the eye signifies weeping;
the circle beneath the figure is the place where the "medicine"
is supposed to exist. The idea of "lost" signifies that some
information has been forgotton through death of those who possessed
it.]
[Illustration]
Me-shiī-âk-k[)i]nk mi-suiī-a-k[)i]nk.
Yes, there is much medicine you may cry for.
[Refers to that which is yet to be learned of.]
[Illustration]
Pe-iī-e-m[)i]-ko-yaī-na-k[)i]nkī.
Yes, I see there is plenty of it.
[The Mid[-e]ī has knowledge of more than he has imparted, but
reserves that knowledge for a future time. The lines of "sight" run
to various medicines which he perceives or knows of.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
[Illustration: Plate X.
Mnemonic Songs.]
[Illustration]
Weī-a-kw[)e]ī-n[)i]nk pe-[)i]-eī-mi-w[)i]tī-o-wanī.
When I come out the sky becomes clear.
[When the otter-skin Mid[-e]ī sack is produced the sky becomes
clear, so that the ceremonies may proceed.]
[Illustration]
Weī-kw[)e]-n[)i]nkī keī-t[)o]-n[)i]nkī eī-to-waī.
The spirit has given me power to see.
[The Mid[-e]ī sits on a mountain the better to commune with the Good
Spirit.]
[Illustration]
Miī-sha-kwatī-ni-y[-o]ī.
I brought the medicine to bring life.
[The Mid[-e]ī Manīid[-o], the Thunderer, after bringing some of the
plants--by causing the rains to fall--returns to the sky. The short
line represents part of the circular line usually employed to
designate the imaginary vault of the sky.]
[Illustration]
Meī-ka-y[-e]ī-n[)i]nk teī-a-y[)e]-amī-ban.
I, too, see how much there is.
[His power elevates the Mid[-e]ī to the rank of a manīid[-o], from
which point he perceives many secrets hidden in the earth.]
[Illustration]
In-deī-be-m[)i]ī-ko.
I am going to the medicine lodge.
[The vertical left-hand figure denotes a leg going toward the
Mid[-e]īwigân.]
[Illustration]
In-deī-bi-biī-to[n].
I take life from the sky.
[The Mid[-e]ī is enabled to reach into the sky and to obtain from
Kiītshi Manīid[-o] the means of prolonging life. The circle at the
top denotes the sacred m[-i]īgis, or shell.]
[Illustration]
No-aī-wiī-mi-k[-o]ī.
Let us talk to one another.
[The circles denote the places of the speaker (Mid[-e]ī) and the
hearer (Kiītshi Manīid[-o]), the short lines signifying magic
influences, the Mid[-e]ī occupying the left hand and smaller seat.]
[Illustration]
Manī-i-d[-o]-ye-naī-ni ni-kanī.
The spirit is in my body, my friend.
[The m[-i]īgis, given by Kiītshi Manīid[-o], is in contact with the
Mid[-e]ī's body, and he is possessed of life and power.]
From ten days to two weeks before the day of initiation, the chief
Mid[-e]ī priest sends out to all the members invitations, which consist
of sticks one-fourth of an inch thick and 6 or 7 inches long. The
courier is charged with giving to the person invited explicit
information as to the day of the ceremony and the locality where it is
to be held. Sometimes these sticks have bands of color painted around
one end, usually green, sometimes red, though both colors may be
employed, the two ends being thus tinted. The person invited is obliged
to bring with him his invitation stick, and upon entering the
Mid[-e]īwigân he lays it upon the ground near the sacred stone, on the
side toward the degree post. In case a Mid[-e]ī is unable to attend he
sends his invitation with a statement of the reason of his inability to
come. The number of sticks upon the floor are counted, on the morning of
the day of initiation, and the number of those present to attend the
ceremonies is known before the initiation begins.
About five or six days preceding the day set for the ceremony of
initiation, the candidate removes to the neighborhood of the locality of
the Mid[-e]īwigân. On the evening of the fifth day he repairs to the
sudatory or sweat-lodge, which has, in the meantime, been built east of
the sacred inclosure, and when seated within he is supplied with water
which he keeps for making vapor by pouring it upon heated stones
introduced for the purpose by assistants upon the outside. This act of
purification is absolutely necessary and must be performed once each day
for four days, though the process may be shortened by taking two vapor
baths in one day, thus limiting the process to two days. This, however,
is permitted, or desired only under extraordinary circumstances. During
the process of purgation, the candidates thoughts must dwell upon the
seriousness of the course he is pursuing and the sacred character of the
new life he is about to assume.
When the fumigation has ceased he is visited by the preceptor and the
other officiating Mid[-e]ī priests, when the conversation is confined
chiefly to the candidate's progress. He then gives to each of them
presents of tobacco, and after an offering to Kiītshi Manīid[-o], with
the pipe, they expose the articles contained in their Mid[-e]ī sacks and
explain and expatiate upon the merits and properties of each of the
magic objects. The candidate for the first time learns of the manner of
preparing effigies, etc., with which to present to the incredulous
ocular demonstration of the genuineness and divine origin of the
Mid[-e]īwiwin, or, as it is in this connection termed, religion.
Several methods are employed for the purpose, and the greater the power
of the Mid[-e]ī the greater will appear the mystery connected with the
exhibition. This may be performed whenever circumstances demand such
proof, but the tests are made before the candidate with a twofold
purpose: first, to impress him with the supernatural powers of the
Mid[-e]ī themselves; and second, in an oracular manner, to ascertain if
Kiītshi Maīnid[-o] is pleased with the contemplated ceremony and the
initiation of the candidate.
[Illustration: Fig. 16.]
The first test is made by laying upon the floor of the wigīiwam a string
of four wooden beads each measuring about 1 inch in diameter. See Fig.
16. After the owner of this object has chanted for a few moments in an
almost inaudible manner the beads begin to roll from side to side as if
animated. The string is then quickly restored to its place in the
Mid[-e]ī sack. Another Mid[-e]ī produces a small wooden effigy of a man
(Fig. 17), measuring about 5 inches in height. The body has a small
orifice running through it from between the shoulders to the buttocks,
the head and neck forming a separate piece which may be attached to the
body like a glass stopper to a bottle.
[Illustration: Fig. 17.]
[Illustration: Fig. 18.]
A hole is made in the ground deep enough to reach to the hips of the
effigy, when the latter is put into it and the loose earth loosely
restored so as to hold it in an upright position. Some magic powder of
herbs is sprinkled around the body, and into the vertical orifice in it,
when the head is put in place. A series of inarticulate utterances are
chanted, when, if everything be favorable, the figure will perceptibly
move up and down as if possessed of life. Fig. 18 represents another
figure used in a similar manner. It consists of one piece, however, and
is decorated with narrow bands of dark blue flannel about the ankles and
knees, a patch of red cloth upon the breast and bands about the wrists,
each of the eyes being indicated by three white porcelain beads.
One of the most astonishing tests, however, and one that can be produced
only by Mid[-e]ī of the highest power, consists in causing a Mid[-e]ī
sack to move upon the ground as if it were alive. This, it is
confidently alleged, has been done repeatedly, though it is evident that
the deception is more easily produced than in the above-mentioned
instances, as the temporary retention within a bag of a small mammal
could readily be made to account for the movements.
In most of these private exhibitions the light is so obscured as to
prevent the deception being observed and exposed; and when public
demonstrations of skill are made the auditors invariably consist of the
most credulous of the uninitiated, or the confréres of the performer,
from whom no antagonism or doubt would be expected.
The preceptor then consults with the Mid[-e]ī priests respecting the
presents to be delivered by the candidate, and repeats the following
words, viz:
Mis-shaiī-[)e]-gwa tshi-d[)e]-b[)o]g-in-de-mungī.
Now is the time that we shall fix the price
giī-she-g[)o]-dungī ka-miī-n[)e]-n[)o]ngk
of everything pertaining to the sky, that has been given to us
giī-she-goy-d[)u]ngī diī-bi-ga-d[-o]nkī gai-yéī.
from the day [and] the night also.
A-p[-e]ī-g[)e]-dáīw[)u]nk iī-wa-p[-i]
When it shall come to pass and at the time
ge-binī-de-ga-y[)o]ngkī, [)a]-auī-wa-mi-d[-e]ī-w[)i]d.
that we shall enter, he who wishes to become a Mid[-e]ī.
When the four vapor baths have been taken by the candidate, and the eve
of the ceremony has arrived, he remains in the sudatory longer than
usual so as not to come in contact with the large crowd of visitors who
have arrived upon the scene. The woods resound with the noises incident
to a large camp, while in various directions may be heard the monotonous
beating of the drum indicating the presence of a number of dancers, or
the hard, sharp taps of the mid[-e]ī drum, caused by a priest
propitiating and invoking the presence and favor of Kiītshi Maīnid[-o]
in the service now so near at hand.
When the night is far advanced and all becomes hushed, the candidate,
with only the preceptor accompanying, retires to his own wigīiwam, while
the assistant Mid[-e]ī priests and intimate friends or members of his
family collect the numerous presents and suspend them from the
transverse and longitudinal poles in the upper part of the
Mid[-e]īwigân. Watchers remain to see that nothing is removed during the
night.
At the approach of day, the candidate breakfasts and again returns to
the sweat-lodge to await the coming of his preceptor, and, later, of the
officiating priests. The candidate puts on his best clothing and such
articles of beaded ornaments as he may possess. The preceptor and
Mid[-e]ī priests are also clad in their finest apparel, each wearing one
or two beaded dancing bags at his side, secured by a band of beaded
cloth crossing the opposite shoulder. The members of the Mid[-e]īwiwin
who are not directly concerned in the preliminaries resort to the
Mid[-e]īwigân and take seats around the interior, near the wall, where
they may continue to smoke, or may occasionally drum and sing. The
drummer, with his assistants, takes a place near upon the floor of the
sacred inclosure to the left of the eastern entrance, i.e., the
southeast corner.
IMPLORATION FOR CLEAR WEATHER.
Should the day open up with a threatening sky, one of the Mid[-e]ī
priests accompanying the candidate sings the following song (Pl. X B) to
dispel the clouds. Each of the lines is repeated an indefinite number of
times, and after being repeated once or twice is sung also by the others
as an accompaniment.
It will be observed that the words as spoken vary to some extent when
chanted or sung.
[Illustration]
Ki-na-n[-e]ī, h[-e]ī, kiī-ne-na-w[-e]ī manī-i-d[-o].
I swing the spirit like a child.
[The Mid[-e]ī Spirit, showing magic lines radiating from his body.
The Mid[-e]ī claims to be able to receive special favor.]
[Music: 207_1]
Kiīnanaīwein, Kiīnanaīwein, Kiīnanaīwein,
Manīidoīwe[-e]g; Kiīnanaīwein, Kiīnanaīwein, Kiīnanaīwein,
Manīidoīwe[-e]gī; Kiīnanaīwein, Manīidoīwe[-e]gī.
[Illustration]
Gi-zhikī-[-e]ī ka-hw[-e]ī da-m[-u]ī-n[)e].
The sky is what I am telling you about.
[The sky and the earth united by a pathway of possible rain.]
[Music: 207_2]
Kiīzhigaīwidâī muīned[-e]ī, Kiīzhigaīwidâī muīned[-e]ī, Kiīzhigaīwidâī
Kiīzhi-gaīwi-dâī, Kiīzhi-gaīwi-dâ muīned[-e]ī, Kiīzhigaīwidâ
muīned[-e]ī.
[Illustration]
Wa-ne-o-ho neī-ge-shiī-go-ni
Ko-saī-we, h[-e]ī, wa-niī-shaī-naī.
We have lost the sky [it becomes dark].
[Clouds obscure the sky, and the arm of the Mid[-e]ī is reaching up
into it for its favor of clear weather.]
[Music: 208_1]
Waneo-ho h[-e] neī-ge-shi-go-ni, Wane-o-ho-h[-e] neī-ge-shi-go-ni,
Koīsawe ne h[-e] waīnishi-na-ha, waneo-ho-h[-e] neī-ge-shi-go-ni.
[Illustration]
Wi-tshiī-hi-naī-ne-he, n[-e]ī, k[-o]ī, h[-o].
neī-ni-wi-tshi-nanī.
I am helping you.
[The Otter-skin Mid[-e]ī sack is held up to influence the Otter
Spirit to aid them.]
[Music: 208_2]
Wiītshihinanehe n[-e]ī k[-o] h[-o]ī, neīniwiītshinan,
wiītshihinanehe n[-e]ī k[-o]ī h[-o]ī. U-a-ni-ma w[-e] u-a-ni-ma w[-e]
henigwish.
[Illustration]
U-aī-ni-maī, w[-e]ī, heī-ni-gw[)i]sh.
I have made an error [in sending].
[The Otter-skin Mid[-e]ī sack has failed to produce the desired
effect.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
The Mid[-e]ī women who have gathered without the lodge now begin to
dance as the song is renewed.
[Illustration]
Na-nin-d[-e]ī, h[-e]ī, he-yo-ya, n[-e]ī.
I am using my heart.
[Refers to sincerity of motives in practice of Mid[-e]ī ceremony.]
[Illustration]
Yoī-na-h[)i]shī-i-meī-aī-neī, h[-e]ī.
yá-na-h[)i]sh-a-meī-a-neī, h[-e]ī.
What are you saying to me, and I am "in my senses"?
[Illustration]
Manī-i-d[-o], h[-e]ī n[-e]ī, m[-e]ī-de-w[-e]ī, [-e]ī.
The spirit wolf.
[One of the malevolent spirits who is opposed to having the
ceremony is assisting the evil manīid[-o]s in causing the sky to
be overcast.]
[Illustration]
Wenī-tshi-o-ne-se h[-e]ī, n[-e]ī, wenī-tshi-o-ne-se h[-e]ī.
I do not know where I am going.
[The Mid[-e]ī is in doubt whether to proceed or not in the
performance of initiation.]
[Illustration]
Miī-shok-kwoī-ti-ne be-waī-ne,
ni-binī-zhi manī-i-d[-o] i-yaī-n[-e].
I depend on the clear sky.
[To have the ceremony go on. Arm reaching toward the sky for help.]
[Illustration]
Ke-meī-ni-na-neī a-n[-o]ī-[-e]ī
aī-sho-w[-e]ī me-n[-o]ī-de ki-manī-i-d[-o].
I give you the other village, spirit that you are.
[That rain should fall anywhere but upon the assemblage and
Mid[-e]īwigân.]
[Illustration]
Tshing-gw[-e]ī-o-d[-e] ||: g[-e]ī.
The thunder is heavy.
[The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain.]
[Transcriber's Note:
The long gap followed by "g[-e]ī" is not explained in the text. It may
refer to the structure of the song.]
[Illustration]
Weī-ka-ka-n[-o]ī, h[-o]ī shiī-a-d[-e]ī.
We are talking to one another.
[The Mid[-e]ī communes with Kiītshi Manīid[-o]; he is shown near the
sky; his horns denoting superior wisdom and power, while the lines
from the mouth signify speech.]
In case the appearance of the sky becomes sufficiently favorable the
initiation begins, but if it should continue to be more unfavorable or
to rain, then the song termed the "Rain Song" is resorted to and sung
within the inclosure of the Mid[-e]īwigân, to which they all march in
solemn procession. Those Mid[-e]ī priests who have with them their
Mid[-e]ī drums use them as an accompaniment to the singing and to
propitiate the good will of Kiītshi Manīid[-o]. Each line of the entire
song appears as an independent song, the intervals of rest varying in
time according to the feelings of the officiating priest.
The words of the song are known to most of the Mid[-e]ī priests; but, as
there is no method of retaining a set form of musicial notation, the
result is entirely individual and may vary with each singer, if sung
independently and out of hearing of others; so that, under ordinary
circumstances, the priest who leads off sings through one stanza of the
song, after which the others will readily catch the notes and accompany
him. It will be observed, also, that the words as spoken vary to some
extent when chanted or sung.
If this song does not appear to bring about a favorable change the
priests return to their respective wigīiwams and the crowd of visitors
disperses to return upon the first clear day.
INITIATION OF CANDIDATE.
If, however, the day be clear and promising the candidate goes early to
the sweat-lodge, where he is joined by his preceptor, and later by the
officiating priest. After all preliminaries have been arranged and the
proper time for regular proceedings has arrived, the preceptor sings the
following song (Pl. X, C), the musical notation of which varies
according to his feelings, clearly showing that there is no recognized
method of vocal delivery, as is the case with the music of dancing
songs:
[Illustration]
Kan-doī-e-a-n[-e]ī,
toī-e-a-n[-e]ī kan-doī-e-a-n[-e]ī,
in-ninī-n[)i] manī-e-d[-o]ī-[-e]ī.
The spirit man is crying out.
[The head of the Mid[-e]ī, a synonym of Kiītshi Manīid[-o]. The
voice lines show spots denoting intensity of accentuation, and that
Kiītshi Manīid[-o] is pleased to look with favor upon the
proceedings.]
[Illustration]
Ya-ni-n[-e]ī, naī, tshi-mo-t[-e]ī, h[-e]ī,
Talking around in various sections.
[The voice lines, as in the preceding figure, extending downward
from the mouth to either side, have spots upon them to indicate
"talks" in various directions addressed to the Mid[-e]ī.]
[Illustration]
Manī-e-d[-o], w[-e]ī, h[-e]ī, pe-meī-so-waī.
The spirit is flying.
[The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain, is away at some remote
place.]
[Illustration]
Mi-deī-we-t[-e]-weī meī-wa-gwiī-shak-waī,
mi-deī-we-taī.
The day is clear; let us have the grand medicine.
[The Mid[-e]'s hand reaches to the sky, and rain falls at places
other than upon the Mid[-e]īwigân, as shown by rain lines from the
end of the curved lines denoting the sky.]
[Illustration]
Me-shakī-kwot dungī-ke-h[-e]ī,
ne-m[-e]ī-g[)i]s-s[)i]mī.
I am the sign that the day will be clear.
[The Mid[-e]ī's hand reaches to the sky, as indicated by the short
transverse line, and the sun's rays diverge in all directions.]
[Illustration]
Sunī-gis-ni deī-wit-ka-n[-e]ī, h[-e]ī,
wi-noī-wo-heī-she-watī manī-i-do-wi-tshik.
I am the strongest medicine, is what is said of me.
[The speaker compares himself to Makwaī Manīid[-o], the Bear
Spirit.]
[Illustration]
Hwoī-ba-m[-i]ī-de, hwoī-ba-m[-i]-de, man-[)e]-d[-o]
naī-wa-g[-i]-zh[)i]k.
The spirit in the middle of the sky sees me.
[The upper spot denotes the abode of Kiītshi Manīid[-o], the "line
of vision" extending to the speaker, shown at a corresponding spot
below.]
[Illustration]
Ni-w[)i]-weī-wai-a-deī hiī-me naiī-o-n[-a]ī.
I take my sack and touch him.
[The Mid[-e]ī will use his sacred Otter-skin sack to touch the
candidate.]
[Illustration]
Manī-i-d[-o] wi-kan-[-e]ī, mi-deī-yo.
My medicine is the sacred spirit.
[The Mid[-e]ī professes to have received the divine gift from
Kiītshi Manīid[-o]; the gifts are seen descending to the hand held
up to receive them.]
[Illustration]
Ha-ni-neī ku-m[-e]ī niī-kan-n[-e]ī?
How do you answer me, my Mid[-e]ī friends?
[This is addressed to the Mid[-e]ī priests (Nikaīni) present, and is
an inquiry as to their willingness to proceed. The Mid[-e]īwigân is
shown, the line running horizontally through it the path of the
candidate (or one who has gone through), the two spots within the
place of the sacred stone and the post, while the spot to the right
of the outside of the inclosure denotes the beginning, or the
sweat-lodge, symbolizing the circle of the earth upon the Mid[-e]ī
chart (Pl. III), those upon the left denoting the three possible
degrees of advancement in the future.]
Upon the conclusion of the song there is a brief interval, during which
all partake of a smoke in perfect silence, making the usual offerings to
the four points of the compass, to Kiītshi Manīid[-o]ī, and toward the
earth.
The preceptor then says:
M[)i]s-saīiī-a-shi-gwa, m[)i]s-saī-a-sh[)i]-gwa-
Now is the time, now is the time he
n[)o]nī-do-n[)u]ng; ka-k[)i]-nâ
hears us; all of us
ka-k[)i]nī-nâ-gi-n[)o]nī-do-daīg-u-nanī ga-oī-sh[-i]-d[-o]t
he hears us all the one who made the
mi-d[-e]ī-w[)i]ī-win.
mid[-e]īwiwin.
After this monologue he continues, and addresses to the candidate the
mid[-e]ī gag[)i]īkwew[)i]nī, or Mid[-e]ī sermon, in the following
language, viz:
An-beī-bi-s[)i]nī-di-wiī-sh[)i]n, waī-i-niī-nan;
now listen to me what I am about to say to you;
k[-e]shī-pin-peī-sin-daī-nin-w[)i]n da-maī-dzhi shkaī
If you take heed of that which I say to you shall continue
keī-bi-mâī-di-si-w[)i]nī. U[n], nunī-g[-u]m,
always your life. Now, to-day
ke-zaī-ki-gi-zi-to[n] m[)o]n
I make known to you
kiī-tshi manī-i-d[-o] [-o]ī-dik-kidī-do-w[)i]nī;
the great spirit That which he says;
oī-wi-d[)o]sh kidī-di-n[)i]nī
and now this I say to you.
ki-[-i]ī-kid-d[-o]īk[-i]ī-tshi manī-i-d[-o] giī-sa-gi-[)i]gī.
This is what says the great spirit that he loves you.
to-waī-bish-gaī gi-shtig-wa a-p[-i]-we-
It shall be white the sacred object at the time
saī-gi-sitī-to-wad o-saī-in-di-kidī-do-w[-i]n
When they shall let it be known and this is what I say
[)e]ī-kid-d[-o]dt kiī-tshi manī-i-d[-o] [)o]ī-gi-dinī-n[)i]n
That which he says the great spirit now this I impart to you
mis-sâī-wa keī-a-kedī-de-wó waī-ba-ma-tshinīni-b[)u]dt
even if they say That they saw him dead
miī-â-maī tsh[-i]ī-[-o]- nish-gâdī, ini-â-má
in this place he shall be Raised again in this place
a-peī-ni-nutī nin-d[-e]ī kidī-do-w[)i]n min-nikī
he puts his trust In my heart in this "saying" the time
kid-daī- k[)i]-o-winkī. Ka-w[-i]ī-ka-da-anī-na-weī-was-si-nan,
of the duration Of the world. It shall never fail.
me-[-e]ī-kid-dodtī manī-i-d[-o]. Ninī-ne-dzhaī-nis
That is what he says, the spirit. My child,
ke-unī-dzhi be-mâī-dis siī-an.
this shall give you life.
The Mid[-e]ī priests then leave the sweat-lodge and stand upon the
outside, while the candidate gathers up in his arms a number of small
presents, such as tobacco, handkerchiefs, etc., and goes out of the
wigīiwam to join the Mid[-e]ī priests. The order of marching to the main
entrance of the Mid[-e]īwigân is then taken up in the following order:
First the candidate, next the preceptor, who in turn is followed by the
officiating priests, and such others, and members of his family and
relatives as desire. At the door of the Mid[-e]īwigân all but one of the
priests continue forward and take their stations within the inclosure,
the preceptor remaining on one side of the candidate, the Mid[-e]ī
priest upon the other, then all march four times around the outside of
the inclosure, toward the left or south, during which time drumming is
continued within. Upon the completion of the fourth circuit the
candidate is placed so as to face the main entrance of the
Mid[-e]īwigân. When he is prompted to say:
"Man-unī-ga-b[-i]nī-di-g[)e] o-b[)o]gī-ga-d[)i]-nanī,
Let me come in and these I put down
o-daiī-ye-dinī."
my things [gifts].
The presents are then laid upon the ground. The preceptor goes inside,
taking with him the gifts deposited by the candidate, and remains
standing just within the door and faces the degree post toward the west.
Then the chief officiating priest, who has remained at the side of the
candidate, turns toward the latter and in a clear, distinct, and
exceedingly impressive manner sings the following chant, addressed to
Kiītshi Manīid[-o] whose invisible form is supposed to abide within the
Mid[-e]īwigan during such ceremonies, stating that the candidate is
presented to receive life (the m[-i]īgis) for which he is suffering, and
invoking the divine favor.
Hai ya ha manī-i-d[-o], h[-o]ī,
There is a spirit, ho,
ti-bishī-ko-gishī-i-g[)u]ng, h[-e]ī,
just as the one above, he,
we-zá-ba-midī-mi ni[n]-dzhá-nis,
now sits with me my child
esh-[)i]-ganī-do-we, h[-e]ī, hw[-e]ī,
and now I proclaim, he, hwe,
mé-a-tshi-binī-de-ganī-ni-nan, n[-o]s,
that I enter you here my father
dzhi-manī-i-d[-o], h[-o]ī, hw[-o]ī,
good spirit, ho, hwo,
sha-wé-n[)i]-mi-shinī, h[-e]ī, hw[-e]ī,
have pity on me, he, hwe
a-shigī-wa-binī-de-gan-n[)o]k
now that I enter him here,
gé-gwa-da-gí-sid wi-b[)i]-mâī-di-s[)i]d, dé-bwe-daú-wi-sh[)i]n
he that is suffering for life, believe me
dzhí-bi-mâī-di-s[)i]dī, n[-o]s,
that he shall live, my father,
w[-e]ī-o-s[)i]mī-in-nanī, h[-e]ī, h[-e]ī.
whose child I am, he, he.
The following is the musical notation:
[Music: 213_1]
he-he-he-he yo.
The candidate is then led within the inclosure when all the members of
the society arise while he is slowly led around toward the southern side
to the extreme end in the west, thence toward the right and back along
the western side to the point of beginning. This is done four times. As
he starts upon his march, the member nearest the door falls in the line
of procession, each member continuing to drop in, at the rear, until the
entire assembly is in motion. During this movement there is a monotonous
drumming upon the Mid[-e]ī drums and the chief officiating priest sings:
Niī-sha-b[-o]nī-da shkan wigī-i-wam ke-n[-o]nī-d[-e]g,
I go through [the] "house" the long,
i.e., through the
Mid[-e]īwigân.
At the fourth circuit, members begin to stop at the places previously
occupied by them, the candidate going and remaining with his preceptor
to a point just inside the eastern entrance, while the four officiating
priests continue around toward the opposite end of the inclosure and
station themselves in a semicircle just beyond the degree post, and
facing the western door. Upon the ground before them are spread blankets
and similar goods, which have been removed from the beams above, and
upon which the candidate is to kneel. He is then led to the western
extremity of the inclosure where he stands upon the blankets spread upon
the ground and faces the four Mid[-e]ī priests. The preceptor takes his
position behind and a little to one side of the candidate, another
assistant being called upon by the preceptor to occupy a corresponding
position upon the other side. During this procedure there is gentle
drumming which ceases after all have been properly stationed, when the
preceptor steps to a point to the side and front of the candidate and
nearer the officiating priests, and says:
M[)i]-iī-shi-gwaī b[)o]ī-gi-ta-mo[n]ī-nan,
The time has arrived that I yield it to you.
miī-na-nanī-k[)e]-ân-dzhi bi-mâī-d[)i]-siī-an.
[the mid[-e]īmigis] that will give you life.
The preceptor then returns to his position back of and a little to one
side of the candidate, when the chief officiating priest sings the
following song, accompanying himself upon a small cylindrical
mid[-e]īdrum. The words are: Kitī-ta-no[n]ī-do-w[-e] manī-i-doī-wid--you
shall hear me, spirit that you are--, and the music is rendered as
follows:
[Music: 214_1]
Kitīta-noīdo-we manīi-d[-o]īwid-h[-o] d[-o], w[-e], h[-e],
Kitīta-noīdo-we manīi-d[-o]-wid-h[-o], h[-e], hw[-e], h[-e],
Kitī-ta-noī-do-we manī-i-d[-o]ī-wid, kitīta-noīdo-w[-e],
kitīta-noīdo-wid, manīi-doī-wid, manīi-doīwid-h[-o], w[-e], hw[-e],
h[-e], Kitīta-noīdow[-e]ī manīid[-o]īwid, h[-o], h[-e], hw[-e], h[-e],
h[-e], hw[-e], h[-e].
After this song is ended the drum is handed to one of the members
sitting near by, when the fourth and last of the officiating priests
says to the candidate, who is now placed upon his knees:
M[)i]s-saī-a-shiī-gwa ki-boī-g[)i]s-s[-e]-na-min tshiī-ma-mâd
Now is the time that I hope of you that you shall
bi-mâī-di-s[)i]-w[)i]n, m[)i]-n[-e]ī-s[)i]d.
take life the bead [miīgis shell.]
This priest then grasps his Mid[-e]ī sack as if holding a gun, and,
clutching it near the top with the left hand extended, while with the
right he clutches it below the middle or near the base, he aims it
toward the candidate's left breast and makes a thrust forward toward
that target uttering the syllables "yâ, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī,
h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī," rapidly, rising to a higher key. He recovers his first
position and repeats this movement three times, becoming more and more
animated, the last time making a vigorous gesture toward the kneeling
man's breast as if shooting him. (See Fig. 15, page 192.) While this is
going on, the preceptor and his assistants place their hands upon the
candidate's shoulders and cause his body to tremble.
Then the next Mid[-e]ī, the third of the quartette, goes through a
similar series of forward movements and thrusts with his Mid[-e]ī sack,
uttering similar sounds and shooting the sacred m[-i]īgis--life--into
the right breast of the candidate, who is agitated still more strongly
than before. When the third Mid[-e]ī, the second in order of precedence,
goes through similar gestures and pretends to shoot the m[-i]īgis into
the candidate's heart, the preceptors assist him to be violently
agitated.
The leading priest now places himself in a threatening attitude and says
to the Mid[-e]ī; "M[-i]ī-dzhi-deī-a-mi-sh[)i]kī"--"put your helping
heart with me"--, when he imitates his predecessors by saying, "yâ,
h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī," at the fourth time
aiming the Mid[-e]ī sack at the candidate's head, and as the m[-i]īgis
is supposed to be shot into it, he falls forward upon the ground,
apparently lifeless.
Then the four Mid[-e]ī priests, the preceptor and the assistant, lay
their Mid[-e]ī sacks upon his back and after a few moments a m[-i]īgis
shell drops from his mouth--where he had been instructed to retain it.
The chief Mid[-e]ī picks up the m[-i]īgis and, holding it between the
thumb and index finger of the right hand, extending his arm toward the
candidate's mouth says "wâ! wâ! h[)e] h[)e] h[)e] h[)e]," the last
syllable being uttered in a high key and rapidly dropped to a low note;
then the same words are uttered while the m[-i]īgis is held toward the
east, and in regular succession to the south, to the west, to the north,
then toward the sky. During this time the candidate has begun to
partially revive and endeavor to get upon his knees, but when the
Mid[-e]ī finally places the m[-i]īgis into his mouth again, he instantly
falls upon the ground, as before. The Mid[-e]ī then take up the sacks,
each grasping his own as before, and as they pass around the inanimate
body they touch it at various points, which causes the candidate to
"return to life." The chief priest then says to him,
"[-O]īnishgân"--"get up"--which he does; then indicating to the holder
of the Mid[-e]ī drum to bring that to him, he begins tapping and
presently sings the following song:
[Music: 216_1]
Miī-si-ni-enī-di-an Miīsi-ni-enī-di-an Miī-si-ni-enī-dian,
Miī-si-ni-enī-di-an, Miī-si-ni-enī-di-an Miī-si-ni-enī-di-an,
Miī-si-ni-enī-di-an, Miī-si-ni-enī-di-an Miī-si-ni-enī-di-an,
Ni-kan. H[)i][-u], H[)i][-u], H[)i]u.
The words of the text signify, "This is what I am, my fellow Mid[-e]ī; I
fear all my fellow Mid[-e]ī." The last syllables, h[)i][-u]ī, are
meaningless.
At the conclusion of the song the preceptor prompts the candidate to ask
the chief Mid[-e]ī:
Ni-kanī kīk[)e]ī-n[-o]ī-moī, ma[n]-dzhiī-an naī-ka-m[-o]ī-in.
Colleague instruct me, give me a song.
In response to which the Mid[-e]ī teaches him the following, which is
uttered as a monotonous chant, viz:
Weī-go-n[)e]nī ge-gwedī-dzhi-me-anī, mi-d[-e]ī-wi-w[)i]n
What are you asking, grand medicine
ke-kwedī-dzhi-me-anī? Kiī-ka-miī-nin en-da-w[)e]nī-da
are you asking? I will give you you want me to
ma-wiī-n[)e]n mi-d[-e]ī-wi-w[)i]n
give you "grand medicine"
tshi-da-si-n[-e]ī-gaī-na-winī-da-m[-o]n;
always take care of;
ki-[)i]nī-tshun-diī-n[)e]-maī-so-w[)i]n,
you have received it yourself,
tshoī-a-waī-nin diī-s[)e]-wan.
never forget.
To this the candidate, who is now a member, replies, [-e][n], yes, i.e.,
assent, fully agreeing with the statement made by the Mid[-e]ī, and
adds:
Mi-gw[)e]tshī a-shiī-wa-ka-kishī-da-win be-mâī-di-siī-an.
Thanks for giving to me life.
Then the priests begin to look around in search of spaces in which to
seat themselves, saying:
Miī-a-shiī-gwa kiī-tshi-anī-wâ-bin-da-man tshi-[-o]ī-we-naī-bi-an.
Now is the time I look around where we shall be [sit].
and all go to such places as are made, or reserved, for them.
The new member then goes to the pile of blankets, robes, and other gifts
and divides them among the four officiating priests, reserving some of
less value for the preceptor and his assistant; whereas tobacco is
carried around to each person present. All then make an offering of
smoke, to the east, south, west, north, toward the center and top of the
Mid[-e]īwigân--where Kiītshi Manīid[-o] presides--and to the earth. Then
each person blows smoke upon his or her Mid[-e]ī sack as an offering to
the sacred m[-i]īgis within.
The chief Mid[-e]ī advances to the new member and presents him with a
new Mid[-e]ī sack, made of an otter skin, or possibly of the skin of the
mink or weasel, after which he returns to his place. The new member
rises, approaches the chief Mid[-e]ī, who inclines his head to the
front, and, while passing both flat hands down over either side,
Mi-gw[)e]tshī, ni-kaī-ni, ni-kaī-ni, ni-kaī-ni, na-kaī.
Thanks, my colleagues, my colleagues, my colleagues.
Then, approaching the next in rank, he repeats the ceremony and
continues to do so until he has made the entire circuit of the
Mid[-e]īwigân.
At the conclusion of this ceremony of rendering thanks to the members of
the society for their presence, the newly elected Mid[-e]ī returns to
his place and, after placing within his Mid[-e]ī sack his m[-i]īgis,
starts out anew to test his own powers. He approaches the person seated
nearest the eastern entrance, on the south side, and, grasping his sack
in a manner similar to that of the officiating priests, makes
threatening motions toward the Mid[-e]ī as if to shoot him, saying, "yâ,
h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī," gradually raising his voice to
a higher key. At the fourth movement he makes a quick thrust toward his
victim, whereupon the latter falls forward upon the ground. He then
proceeds to the next, who is menaced in a similar manner and who
likewise becomes apparently unconscious from the powerful effects of the
m[-i]īgis. This is continued until all persons present have been
subjected to the influence of the m[-i]īgis in the possession of the new
member. At the third or fourth experiment the first subject revives and
sits up, the others recovering in regular order a short time after
having been "shot at," as this procedure is termed.
When all of the Mid[-e]ī have recovered a very curious ceremony takes
place. Each one places his m[-i]īgis shell upon the right palm and,
grasping the Mid[-e]ī sack with the left hand, moves around the
inclosure and exhibits his m[-i]īgis to everyone present, constantly
uttering the word "h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī," in a quick, low
tone. During this period there is a mingling of all the persons present,
each endeavoring to attract the attention of the others. Each Mid[-e]ī
then pretends to swallow his m[-i]īgis, when suddenly there are sounds
of violent coughing, as if the actors were strangling, and soon
thereafter they gag and spit out upon the ground the m[-i]īgis, upon
which each one falls apparently dead. In a few moments, however, they
recover, take up the little shells again and pretend to swallow them. As
the Mid[-e]ī return to their respective places the m[-i]īgis is restored
to its receptacle in the Mid[-e]ī sack.
Food is then brought into the Mid[-e]īwigân and all partake of it at the
expense of the new member.
After the feast, the older Mid[-e]ī of high order, and possibly the
officiating priests, recount the tradition of the Aniīshinâīb[-e]g and
the origin of the Mid[-e]īwiwin, together with speeches relating to the
benefits to be derived through a knowledge thereof, and sometimes, tales
of individual success and exploits. When the inspired ones have given
utterance to their thoughts and feelings, their memories and their
boastings, and the time of adjournment has almost arrived, the new
member gives an evidence of his skill as a singer and a Mid[-e]ī. Having
acted upon the suggestion of his preceptor, he has prepared some songs
and learned them, and now for the first time the opportunity presents
itself for him to gain admirers and influential friends, a sufficient
number of whom he will require to speak well of him, and to counteract
the evil which will be spoken of him by enemies--for enemies are
numerous and may be found chiefly among those who are not fitted for the
society of the Mid[-e]ī, or who have failed to attain the desired
distinction.
The new member, in the absence of a Mid[-e]ī drum of his own, borrows
one from a fellow Mid[-e]ī and begins to beat it gently, increasing the
strokes in intensity as he feels more and more inspired, then sings a
song (Pl. X, D), of which the following are the words, each line being
repeated ad libitum, viz:
[Illustration]
Weī-nen-wiī-wik kaī-ni-an.
The spirit has made sacred the place in which I live.
[The singer is shown partly within, and partly above his wigwam, the
latter being represented by the lines upon either side, and crossing
his body.]
[Illustration]
Enī-da-yanī pi-maī-ti-suī-i-[)u]n enī-da-yanī.
The spirit gave the "medicine" which we receive.
[The upper inverted crescent is the arch of the sky, the magic
influence descending, like rain upon the earth, the latter being
shown by the horizontal line at the bottom.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
[Illustration]
Ninī-nik-kaī-ni manī-i-d[-o].
I too have taken the medicine he gave us.
[The speaker's arm, covered with m[-i]īgis, or magic influence,
reaches toward the sky to receive from Kiītshi Manīid[-o] the divine
favor of a Mid[-e]'s power.]
[Illustration]
Ke-k[)e]kī-[-o]-[)i]-yanī.
I brought life to the people.
[The Thunderer, the one who causes the rains, and consequently life
to vegetation, by which the Indian may sustain life.]
[Illustration]
Be-moī-se ma-k[-o]-yan.
I have come to the medicine lodge also.
[The Bear Spirit, one of the guardians of the Mid[-e]īwiwin, was
also present, and did not oppose the singer's entrance.]
[Illustration]
Kaī-ka-miī-ni-niī-ta.
We spirits are talking together.
[The singer compares himself and his colleagues to spirits, i.e.,
those possessing supernatural powers, and communes with them as an
equal.]
[Illustration]
O-niī-ni-sh[)i]nk-niī-yo.
The m[-i]īgis is on my body.
[The magic power has been put into his body by the Mid[-e] priests.]
[Illustration]
Ni manī-i-d[-o] niī-y[)a]n.
The spirit has put away all my sickness.
[He has received new life, and is, henceforth, free from the
disturbing influences of evil manīid[-o]s.]
As the sun approaches the western horizon, the Mid[-e]ī priests emerge
from the western door of the Mid[-e]īwigân and go to their respective
wigīiwams, where they partake of their regular evening repast, after
which the remainder of the evening is spent in paying calls upon other
members of the society, smoking, etc.
The preceptor and his assistant return to the Mid[-e]īwigân at
nightfall, remove the degree post and plant it at the head of the
wigīiwam--that part directly opposite the entrance--occupied by the new
member. Two stones are placed at the base of the post, to represent the
two forefeet of the bear Manīid[-o] through whom life was also given to
the Aniīshinâīb[-e]g.
If there should be more than one candidate to receive a degree the
entire number, if not too great, is taken into the Mid[-e]īwigân for
initiation at the same time; and if one day suffices to transact the
business for which the meeting was called the Indians return to their
respective homes upon the following morning. If, however, arrangements
have been made to advance a member to a higher degree, the necessary
changes and appropriate arrangement of the interior of the Mid[-e]īwigân
are begun immediately after the society has adjourned.
DESCRIPTIVE NOTES.
The m[-i]īgis referred to in this description of the initiation consists
of a small white shell, of almost any species, but the one believed to
resemble the form of the mythical m[-i]īgis is similar to the cowrie,
Cypræa moneta, L., and is figured at No. 1 on Pl. XI. Nearly all of the
shells employed for this purpose are foreign species, and have no doubt
been obtained from the traders. The shells found in the country of the
Ojibwa are of rather delicate structure, and it is probable that the
salt water shells are employed as a substitute chiefly because of their
less frangible character. The m[-i]īgis of the other degrees are
presented on the same plate, but special reference to them will be made.
No. 2 represents the m[-i]īgis in the possession of the chief Mid[-e]
priest of the society at Leech Lake, Minnesota, and consists of a
pearl-white Helix (sp?).
The Mid[-e]ī sack represented in No. 7 (Pl. XI.) is made of the skin of
a mink--Putorius vison, Gapp. White, downy feathers are secured to the
nose, as an additional ornament. In this sack are carried the sacred
objects belonging to its owner, such as colors for facial ornamentation,
and the magic red powder employed in the preparation of hunters'songs;
effigies and other contrivances to prove to the incredulous the
genuineness of the Mid[-e]ī pretensions, sacred songs, amulets, and
other small manīid[-o]s--abnormal productions to which they attach
supernatural properties--invitation sticks, etc.
[Illustration: Plate XI.
Sacred Objects.]
In Fig. 19 is reproduced a curious abnormal growth which was in the
possession of a Mid[-e]ī near Red Lake, Minnesota. It consists of the
leg of a Goshawk--Astur atricapillus, Wilson--from the outer inferior
condyle of the right tibia of which had projected a supernumerary leg
that terminated in two toes, the whole abnormality being about one-half
the size and length of the natural leg and toes.
[Illustration: Fig. 19.--Hawk-leg fetish.]
This fetish was highly prized by its former owner, and was believed to
be a medium whereby the favor of the Great Thunderer, or Thunder God,
might be invoked and his anger appeased. This deity is represented in
pictography by the eagle, or frequently by one of the Falconidæ; hence
it is but natural that the superstitious should look with awe and
reverence upon such an abnormality on one of the terrestrial
representatives of this deity.
A Mid[-e]ī of the first degree, who may not be enabled to advance
further in the mysteries of the Mid[-e]īwiwin, owing to his inability to
procure the necessary quantity of presents and gifts which he is
required to pay to new preceptors and to the officiating priests--the
latter demanding goods of double the value of those given as an entrance
to the first degree--may, however, accomplish the acquisition of
additional knowledge by purchasing it from individual Mid[-e]ī. It is
customary with Mid[-e]ī priests to exact payment for every individual
remedy or secret that may be imparted to another who may desire such
information. This practice is not entirely based upon mercenary motives,
but it is firmly believed that when a secret or remedy has been paid,
for it can not be imparted for nothing, as then its virtue would be
impaired, if not entirely destroyed, by the manīid[-o] or guardian
spirit under whose special protection it may be supposed to be held or
controlled.
Under such circumstances certain first degree Mid[-e]ī may become
possessed of alleged magic powers which are in reality part of the
accomplishments of the Mid[-e]ī of the higher degrees; but, for the
mutual protection of the members of the society, they generally hesitate
to impart anything that may be considered of high value. The usual kind
of knowledge sought consists of the magic properties and use of plants,
to the chief varieties of which reference will be made in connection
with the next degree.
There is one subject, however, which first-degree Mid[-e]ī seek
enlightment upon, and that is the preparation of the "hunter's medicine"
and the pictographic drawings employed in connection therewith. The
compound is made of several plants, the leaves and roots of which are
ground into powder. A little of this is put into the gun barrel, with
the bullet, and sometimes a small pinch is dropped upon the track of the
animal to compel it to halt at whatever place it may be when the powder
is so sprinkled upon the ground.
The method generally employed to give to the hunter success is as
follows: When anyone contemplates making a hunting trip, he first visits
the Mid[-e]ī, giving him a present of tobacco before announcing the
object of his visit and afterwards promising to give him such and such
portions of the animal which he may procure. The Mid[-e]ī, if satisfied
with the gift, produces his pipe and after making an offering to Kiītshi
Manīid[-o] for aid in the preparation of his "medicine," and to appease
the anger of the manīid[-o] who controls the class of animals desired,
sings a song, one of his own composition, after which he will draw with
a sharp-pointed bone or nail, upon a small piece of birch bark, the
outline of the animal desired by the applicant. The place of the heart
of the animal is indicated by a puncture upon which a small quantity of
vermilion is carefully rubbed, this color being very efficacious toward
effecting the capture of the animal and the punctured heart insuring its
death.
[Illustration: Fig. 20.--Hunter's medicine.]
Frequently the heart is indicated by a round or triangular figure, from
which a line extends toward the mouth, generally designated the life
line, i.e., that magic power may reach its heart and influence the life
of the subject designated. Fig. 20 is a reproduction of the character
drawn upon a small oval piece of birch bark, which had been made by a
Mid[-e]ī to insure the death of two bears. Another example is presented
in Fig. 21, a variety of animals being figured and a small quantity of
vermilion being rubbed upon the heart of each. In some instances the
representation of animal forms is drawn by the Mid[-e]ī not upon birch
bark, but directly upon sandy earth or a bed of ashes, either of which
affords a smooth surface. For this purpose he uses a sharply pointed
piece of wood, thrusts it into the region of the heart, and afterwards
sprinkles upon this a small quantity of powder consisting of magic
plants and vermilion. These performances are not conducted in public,
but after the regular mystic ceremony has been conducted by the Mid[-e]ī
the information is delivered with certain injunctions as to the course
of procedure, direction, etc. In the latter method of drawing the
outline upon the sand or upon ashes, the result is made known with such
directions as may be deemed necessary to insure success.
[Illustration: Fig. 21.--Hunter's medicine.]
For the purpose of gaining instruction and success in the disposition of
his alleged medicines, the Mid[-e]ī familiarizes himself with the
topography and characteristics of the country extending over a wide
area, to ascertain the best feeding grounds of the various animals and
their haunts at various seasons. He keeps himself informed by also
skillfully conducting inquiries of returning hunters, and thus becomes
possessed of a large amount of valuable information respecting the
natural history of the surrounding country, by which means he can, with
a tolerable amount of certainty, direct a hunter to the best localities
for such varieties of game as may be particularly desired by him.
[Illustration: Fig. 22.--Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī drum.]
In his incantations a Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī uses a drum resembling a tambourine.
A hoop made of ash wood is covered with a piece of rawhide, tightly
stretched while wet. Upon the upper surface is painted a mythic figure,
usually that of his tutelaly daimon. An example of this kind is from Red
Lake, Minnesota, presented in Fig. 22. The human figure is painted red,
while the outline of the head is black, as are also the waving lines
extending from the head. These lines denote superior power. When
drumming upon this figure, the Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī chants and is thus more
easily enabled to invoke the assistance of his manīid[-o].
Women, as before remarked, may take the degrees of the Mid[-e]īwiwin,
but, so far as could be ascertained, their professions pertain chiefly
to the treatment of women and children and to tattooing for the cure of
headache and chronic neuralgia.
Tattooing is accomplished by the use of finely powdered charcoal, soot
or gunpowder, the pricking instrument being made by tying together a
small number of needles; though formerly, it is said, fish spines or
sharp splinters of bone were used for the purpose. The marks consist of
round spots of one-half to three-fourths of an inch in diameter
immediately over the afflicted part, the intention being to drive out
the demon. Such spots are usually found upon the temples, though an
occasional one may be found on the forehead or over the nasal eminence.
When the pain extends over considerable space the tattoo marks are
smaller, and are arranged in rows or continuous lines. Such marks may be
found upon some individuals to run outward over either or both cheeks
from the alæ of the nose to a point near the lobe of the ear, clearly
indicating that the tattooing was done for toothache or neuralgia.
The female Mid[-e]ī is usually present at the initiation of new members,
but her duties are mainly to assist in the singing and to make herself
generally useful in connection with the preparation of the medicine
feast.
SECOND DEGREE.
The inclosure within which the second degree of the Mid[-e]īwiwin is
conferred, resembles in almost every respect that of the first, the only
important difference being that there are two degree posts instead of
one. A diagram is presented in Fig. 23. The first post is planted a
short distance beyond the middle of the floor--toward the western
door--and is similar to the post of the first degree, i.e., red, with a
band of green around the top, upon which is perched the stuffed body of
an owl; the k[)o]-koī-k[)o]-[-o]ī. The second post, of similar size, is
painted red, and over the entire surface of it are spots of white made
by applying clay with the finger tips. (Pl. XV, No. 2.) These spots are
symbolical of the sacred m[-i]īgis, the great number of them denoting
increased power of the magic influence which fills the Mid[-e]īwigân. A
small cedar tree is also planted at each of the outer angles of the
inclosure.
[Illustration: Fig. 23.--Diagram of Mid[-e]īwigân of the second
degree.]
The sweat-lodge, as before, is erected at some distance east of the main
entrance of the Mid[-e]īwigân, but a larger structure is arranged upon a
similar plan; more ample accommodations must be provided to permit a
larger gathering of Mid[-e]ī priests during the period of preparation
and instruction of the candidate.
PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE.
A Mid[-e]ī of the first degree is aware of the course to be pursued by
him when he contemplates advancement into the next higher grade. Before
making known to the other members his determination, he is compelled to
procure, either by purchase or otherwise, such a quantity of blankets,
robes, peltries, and other articles of apparel or ornament as will
amount in value to twice the sum at which were estimated the gifts
presented at his first initiation. A year or more usually elapses before
this can be accomplished, as but one hunting season intervenes before
the next annual meeting of the society, when furs are in their prime;
and fruits and maple sugar can be gathered but once during the season,
and these may be converted into money with which to purchase presents
not always found at the Indian traders'stores. Friends may be called
upon to advance goods to effect the accomplishment of his desire, but
such loans must be returned in kind later on, unless otherwise agreed.
When a candidate feels convinced that he has gathered sufficient
material to pay for his advancement, he announces to those members of
the society who are of a higher grade than the first degree that he
wishes to present himself at the proper time for initiation. This
communication is made to eight of the highest or officiating priests, in
his own wigīiwam, to which they have been specially invited. A feast is
prepared and partaken of, after which he presents to each some tobacco,
and smoking is indulged in for the purpose of making proper offerings,
as already described. The candidate then informs his auditors of his
desire and enumerates the various goods and presents which he has
procured to offer at the proper time. The Mid[-e]ī priests sit in
silence and meditate; but as they have already been informally aware of
the applicant's wish, they are prepared as to the answer they will give,
and are governed according to the estimated value of the gifts. Should
the decision of the Mid[-e]ī priests be favorable, the candidate
procures the services of one of those present to assume the office of
instructor or preceptor, to whom, as well as to the officiating priests,
he displays his ability in his adopted specialties in medical magic,
etc. He seeks, furthermore, to acquire additional information upon the
preparation of certain secret remedies, and to this end he selects a
preceptor who has the reputation of possessing it.
For acting in the capacity of instructor, a Mid[-e]ī priest receives
blankets, horses, and whatever may be mutually agreed upon between
himself and his pupil. The meetings take place at the instructor's
wigīiwam at intervals of a week or two; and sometimes during the autumn
months, preceding the summer in which the initiation is to be conferred,
the candidate is compelled to resort to a sudatory and take a vapor
bath, as a means of purgation preparatory to his serious consideration
of the sacred rites and teachings with which his mind "and heart" must
henceforth be occupied, to the exclusion of everything that might tend
to divert his thoughts.
What the special peculiarities and ceremonials of initiation into the
second degree may have been in former times, it is impossible to
ascertain at this late day. The only special claims for benefits to be
derived through this advancement, as well as into the third and fourth
degrees, are, that a Mid[-e]ī upon his admission into a new degree
receives the protection of that Manīid[-o] alleged and believed to be
the special guardian of such degree, and that the repetition of
initiation adds to the magic powers previously received by the initiate.
In the first degree the sacred m[-i]gis was "shot" into the two sides,
the heart, and head of the candidate, whereas in the second degree this
sacred, or magic, influence, is directed by the priests toward the
candidate's joints, in accordance with a belief entertained by some
priests and referred to in connection with the Red Lake chart presented
on Pl. III. The second, third, and fourth degrees are practically mere
repetitions of the first, and the slight differences between them are
noted under their respective captions.
In addition to a recapitulation of the secrets pertaining to the
therapeutics of the Mid[-e]ī, a few additional magic remedies are taught
the candidate in his preparatory instruction. The chief of these are
described below.
Ma-kwaī w[-i]ī-i-s[)o]p, "Bear's Gall," and Piī-zhi-ki
w[-i]ī-i-s[)o]p, "Ox Gall," are both taken from the freshly killed
animal and hung up to dry. It is powdered as required, and a small
pinch of it is dissolved in water, a few drops of which are dropped
into the ear of a patient suffering from earache.
G[-o]ī-gi-mish (gen. et sp.?).--A plant, described by the preceptor as
being about 2 feet in height, having black bark and clusters of
small red flowers.
1. The bark is scraped from the stalk, crushed and dried. When it is
to be used the powder is put into a small bag of cloth and soaked
in hot water to extract the virtue. It is used to expel evil
manīid[-o]s which cause obstinate coughs, and is also administered
to consumptives. The quantity of bark derived from eight stems,
each 10 inches long, makes a large dose. When a Mid[-e]ī gives
this medicine to a patient, he fills his pipe and smokes, and
before the tobacco is all consumed the patient vomits.
2. The root of this plant mixed with the following is used to
produce paralysis of the mouth. In consequence of the power it
possesses it is believed to be under the special protection of
the Mid[-e]ī Manīid[-o], i.e., Kiītshi Manīid[-o].
The compound is employed also to counteract the evil intentions,
conjurations, or other charms of so-called bad Mid[-e]ī,
Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī, and J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī.
Tzhi-b[-e]ī-g[)o]p-- "Ghost Leaf."
After the cuticle is removed from the roots the thick under-bark is
crushed into a powder. It is mixed with G[-o]īgimish.
Dzhi-baiī-[)e]-m[)o]kī-ke-z[)i]nī-- "Ghost Moccasin;" "Puff-ball."
The spore-dust of the ball is carefully reserved to add to the above
mixture.
O-kw[-e]ī-mish-- "Bitter Black Cherry."
The inner bark of branches dried and crushed is also added.
N[-e]ī-w[)e]-- "Rattlesnake" (_Crotalus durissus, L._).
The reptile is crushed and the blood collected, dried, and used in a
pulverulent form. After partially crushing the body it is hung up
and the drippings collected and dried. Other snakes may be
employed as a substitute.
It is impossible to state the nature of the plants mentioned in the
above compound, as they are not indigenous to the vicinity of White
Earth, Minnesota, but are procured from Indians living in the eastern
extremity of the State and in Wisconsin. Poisonous plants are of rare
occurrence in this latitude, and if any actual poisonous properties
exist in the mixture they may be introduced by the Indian himself, as
strychnia is frequently to be purchased at almost any of the stores, to
be used in the extermination of noxious animals. Admitting that crotalus
venom may be present, the introduction into the human circulation of
this substance would without doubt produce death and not paralysis of
the facial muscles, and if taken into the stomach it quickly undergoes
chemical change when brought in contact with the gastric juice, as is
well known from experiments made by several well known physiologists,
and particularly by Dr. Coxe (Dispensatory, 1839), who employed the
contents of the venom sack, mixed with bread, for the cure of
rheumatism.
[Illustration: Plate XII.
Invitation Sticks.]
I mention this because of my personal knowledge of six cases at White
Earth, in which paralysis of one side of the face occurred soon after
the Mid[-e]ī administered this compound. In nearly all of them the
distortion disappeared after a lapse of from six weeks to three months,
though one is known to have continued for several years with no signs of
recovery. The Catholic missionary at White Earth, with whom conversation
was held upon this subject, feels impressed that some of the so-called
"bad Mid[-e]ī" have a knowledge of some substance, possibly procured
from the whites, which they attempt to employ in the destruction of
enemies, rivals, or others. It may be possible that the instances above
referred to were cases in which the dose was not sufficient to kill the
victim, but was enough to disable him temporarily. Strychnia is the only
substance attainable by them that could produce such symptoms, and then
only when given in an exceedingly small dose. It is also alleged by
almost every one acquainted with the Ojibwa that they do possess
poisons, and that they employ them when occasion demands in the removal
of personal enemies or the enemies of those who amply reward the
Mid[-e]ī for such service.
When the time of ceremony of initiation approaches, the chief Mid[-e]ī
priest sends out a courier to deliver to each member an invitation to
attend (Pl. XII), while the candidate removes his wigīiwam to the
vicinity of the place where the Mid[-e]īwigân has been erected. On the
fifth day before the celebration he visits the sweat-lodge, where he
takes his first vapor bath, followed on the next by another; on the
following day he takes the third bath, after which his preceptor visits
him. After making an offering to Kiītshi Manīi[-o] the priest sings a
song, of which the characters are reproduced in Pl. XIII, A. The Ojibwa
words employed in singing are given in the first lines, and are said to
be the ancient phraseology as taught for many generations. They are
archaic, to a great extent, and have additional meaningless syllables
inserted, and used as suffixes which are intoned to prolong notes. The
second line of the Ojibwa text consists of the words as they are spoken
at the present time, to each of which is added the interpretation. The
radical similarity between the two is readily perceived.
[Illustration]
Hiī-na-wiī-a-ni-ka[n]. (As sung.)
Weī-me-aī ni-kan miī-sha manī-i-d[-o]
I am crying my colleague great spirit.
ni-waī-ma-bi-goī maī-w[)i]-yanī.
He sees me crying.
[The singer is represented as in close relationship or communion
with Kiītshi Manīid[-o], the circle denoting union; the short zigzag
lines within which, in this instance, represent the tears, i.e.,
"eye rain," directed toward the sky.]
[Illustration]
Ki-n[)u]nī-no, h[-e]ī, ki-munī-i-d[-o]ī-we, h[-e]ī, eshī-i-haī-ni. (As
sung.) Gi-n[)u]nī-d[-o]n ni-kanī [-e]-zhi-an.
I hear you, colleague, what you say to me.
[The singer addresses the Otter Spirit, whose figure is emerging
from the Mid[-e]īwigân of which he is the chief guardian.]
[Illustration]
T[-e]ī-ti-wâī-tshi-wi-m[-o]ī a-niī-me-gaī-si. (As sung.)
T[-e]ī-ti-wâī-tsh[)o]-tâgī ni-m[-i]ī-g[)i]-s[)i]m.
He will tell you (--inform you) [of] my migis.
t[-e]ī-ti-waī-tsh[)i]-mo-taī âg.
He it is who will tell you.
[The reference is to a superior spirit as indicated by the presence
of horns, and the zigzag line upon the breast. The words signify
that Kiītshi Manīid[-o] will make known to the candidate the
presence within his body of the m[-i]īgis, when the proper time
arrives.]
[Illustration]
Rest, or pause, in the song.
During this interval another smoke offering is made, in which the
Mid[-e]ī priest is joined by the candidate.
[Illustration]
H[)i]uī-a-meī-da-maī kiī-a-w[-e]nī-da-mag
manī-i-d[-o]ī-w[)i]t h[)i]uī-a-wenī-da-mag. (As sung.)
Ki-w[)i]nī-da-magī-[-u]-nan manī-i-d[-o]ī-wid.
He tells us he is [one] of the manīid[-o]s.
[This maīnid[-o] is the same as that referred to in the above-named
phrase. This form is different, the four spots denoting the four
sacred m[-i]īgis points upon his body, the short radiating lines
referring to the abundance of magic powers with which it is filled.]
[Illustration]
Waī-sa-waī-d[-i], h[-e]ī, wenī-da-na-maī,
m[)i]-t[-e]ī-wi[n]. (As sung.)
Waī-sa-waī-d[)u]nī-da-na-maī
I get it from afar
mi-d[-e]ī-wi-w[)i]nī.
The "grand medicine."
[The character represents a leg, with a magic line drawn across the
middle, to signify that the distance is accomplished only through
the medium of supernatural powers. The place "from afar" refers to
the abode of Kiītshi Manīid[-o].]
[Illustration]
Ki-goī-na-bi-hi[n] [-e]ī-ni-na mi-t[-e]ī. (As sung.)
Ki[n]-doī-na-b[-i]-inī mi-d[-e]ī-wi-w[)i]n-ni-niī
I place you there "in the grand medicine" (among the "Mid[-e]ī
people")
a-bitī-da-winī.
Half way (in the Mid[-e]īwigân).
[The Mid[-e]ī priest informs the candidate that the second
initiation will advance the candidate half way into the secrets of
the Mid[-e]īwigân. The candidate is then placed so that his body
will have more magic influence and power as indicated by the zigzag
lines radiating from it toward the sky.]
[Illustration: Plate XIII.
Mnemonic Songs.]
[Illustration]
Hiī-sha-we-neī-me-goī, h[-e]ī, n[-e]ī.
Ni-goī-tshi-mi, h[-e]ī. (As sung.)
Niī-sha-weī-ni-mi-goī [)e]ī-ne-mâī-bi-dzh[)i]k.
They have pity on me those who are sitting here.
[This request is made to the invisible manīid[-o]s who congregate in
the Mideīwigân during the ceremonies, and the statement implies that
they approve of the candidate's advancement.]
Another smoke offering is made upon the completion of this song, after
which both individuals retire to their respective habitations. Upon the
following day, that being the one immediately preceding the day of
ceremony, the candidate again repairs to the sudatory to take a last
vapor bath, after the completion of which he awaits the coming of his
preceptor for final conversation and communion with manīid[-o]s
respecting the step he is prepared to take upon the morrow.
The preceptor's visit is merely for the purpose of singing to the
candidate, and impressing him with the importance of the rites of the
Mid[-e]īwigân. After making the usual offering of tobacco smoke the
preceptor becomes inspired and sings a song, the following being a
reproduction of the one employed by him at this stage of the preparatory
instruction. (See Pl. XIII B.)
[Illustration]
Manī-i-d[-o]ī, h[-e]ī, n[-e], manī-i-d[-o]ī, h[-e]ī, n[-e]ī.
Spirit, spirit,
Niī-man-i-d[-o]ī winī-da-bi-anī.
I am a spirit (is) the reason why I am here.
[The zigzag lines extending downward and outward from the mouth
indicate singing. He has reached the power of a manīid[-o], and is
therefore empowered to sit within the sacred inclosure of the
Mid[-e]īwigân, to which he alludes.]
[Illustration]
Daī-b[-i]-w[-a]-niī, haī, h[-e]ī,
A[n]ī-n[)i]n, e-k[-o]ī-w[-e]-anī.
Drifting snow, why do I sing.
[The first line is sung, but no interpretation of the words could be
obtained, and it was alleged that the second line contained the idea
to be expressed. The horizontal curve denotes the sky, the vertical
zigzag lines indicating falling snow--though being exactly like the
lines employed to denote rain. The drifting snow is likened to a
shower of delicate m[-i]īgis shells or spots, and inquiry is made of
it to account for the feeling of inspiration experienced by the
singer, as this shower of m[-i]īgis descends from the abode of
Kiītshi Manīid[-o] and is therefore, in this instance, looked upon
as sacred.]
[Illustration]
Rest, or pause.
[Illustration]
Gi-manī-i-d[-o]ī-w[-e], niī-me-neī-ki-nanī wan-da.
Giī-a-w[)i]ngk, gi-manī-i-d[-o]ī-a-ni-minī,
Your body, I believe it is a spirit.
Gi-a-w[)i]ngk.
your body.
[The first line is sung, but the last word could not be
satisfactorily explained. The first word, as now pronounced, is
Kiītshi Manīid[-o], and the song is addressed to him. The curved
line, from which the arm protrudes, is the Mid[-e]īwigân and the arm
itself is that of the speaker in the attitude of adoration: reaching
upward in worship and supplication.]
[Illustration]
Pi-n[-e]ī-si neī-pi-miī-a ni[n]ī-ge-g[-e]ī-kwe-a[n]
The bird as I promise the falcon
mi-weī-tshi-manī-i-d[-o]ī-wid.
the reason he is a spirit.
[The second word is of archaic form and no agreement concerning its
correct signification could be reached by the Mid[-e]ī. The meaning
of the phrase appears to be that Kiītshi Manīid[-o] promised to
create the Thunder-bird, one of the manīid[-o]s. The falcon is here
taken as a representative of that deity, the entire group of
Thunderers being termed a-niī-mi-kiī.]
[Illustration]
Zh[-i]nī-gwe miī-shi-ma-kwaī
Makes a great noise the bear.
we[n]ī-dzhi-wa-ba-mok-kw[-e]dī k[)u]n-n[-e]tī.
the reason I am of flame.
[The character of the bear represents the great bear spirit of the
malevolent type, a band about his body indicating his spirit form.
By means of his power and influence the singer has become endowed
with the ability of changing his form into that of the bear, and in
this guise accomplishing good or evil. The reference to flame (fire)
denotes the class of conjurers or Shamans to which this power is
granted, i.e., the Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī, and in the second degree this
power is reached as will be referred to further on.]
[Illustration]
Niī-a-wenī-din-da-saī, haī, saī, manī-i-d[-o]ī-wid.
Giī-a-w[)i]ngk inī-do-sa manī-i-d[-o]ī-wid.
In your body I put it the spirit.
[The first line is sung, and is not of the modern style of spoken
language. The second line signifies that the arm of Kiītshi
Manīid[-o], through the intermediary of the Mid[-e]ī priest, will
put the spirit, i.e., the m[-i]īgis, into the body of the
candidate.]
The singer accompanies his song either by using a short baton of wood,
termed "singing stick" or the Mid[-e]ī drum. After the song is completed
another present of tobacco is given to the preceptor, and after making
an offering of smoke both persons return to their respective wigīiwams.
Later in the evening the preceptor calls upon the candidate, when both,
with the assistance of friends, carry the presents to the Mid[-e]īwigân,
where they are suspended from the rafters, to be ready for distribution
after the initiation on the following day. Several friends of the
candidate, who are Mid[-e]ī, are stationed at the doors of the
Mid[-e]īwigân to guard against the intrusion of the uninitiated, or the
possible abstraction of the gifts by strangers.
INITIATION OF CANDIDATE.
The candidate proceeds early on the morning of the day of initiation to
take possession of the sweat-lodge, where he awaits the coming of his
preceptor and the eight officiating priests. He has an abundance of
tobacco with which to supply all the active participants, so that they
may appease any feeling of opposition of the manīid[-o]s toward the
admission of a new candidate, and to make offerings of tobacco to the
guardian spirit of the second degree of the Mid[-e]īwiwin. After the
usual ceremony of smoking individual songs are indulged in by the
Mid[-e]ī priests until such time as they may deem it necessary to
proceed to the Mid[-e]īwigân, where the members of the society have long
since gathered and around which is scattered the usual crowd of
spectators. The candidate leads the procession from the sweat-lodge to
the eastern entrance of the Mid[-e]īwigân, carrying an ample supply of
tobacco and followed by the priests who chant. When the head of the
procession arrives at the door of the sacred inclosure a halt is made,
the priests going forward and entering. The drummer, stationed within,
begins to drum and sing, while the preceptor and chief officiating
priest continue their line of march around the inclosure, going by way
of the south or left hand. Eight circuits are made, the last terminating
at the main or eastern entrance. The drumming then ceases and the
candidate is taken to the inner side of the door, when all the members
rise and stand in their places. The officiating priests approach and
stand near the middle of the inclosure, facing the candidate, when one
of them says to the Mid[-e]ī priest beside the latter: O-daī-pin
a-s[-e]ī-ma--"Take it, the tobacco," whereupon the Mid[-e]ī spoken to
relieves the candidate of the tobacco and carries it to the middle of
the inclosure, where it is laid upon a blanket spread upon the ground.
The preceptor then takes from the cross-poles some of the blankets or
robes and gives them to the candidate to hold. One of the malevolent
spirits which oppose the entrance of a stranger is still supposed to
remain with the Mid[-e]īwigân, its body being that of a serpent, like
flames of fire, reaching from the earth to the sky. He is called
Iī-shi-ga-n[-e]ī-b[)i]-g[)o]g--"Big-Snake." To appease his anger the
candidate must make a present; so the preceptor says for the candidate:
Ka-w[-i]ī[n]-n[)i]-na-gaī waī-ba-maī-si-baī-sh[)i]-giī-ne-g[-e]tī?
Do you not see how he carries the goods?
This being assented to by the Mid[-e]ī priests the preceptor takes the
blankets and deposits them near the tobacco upon the ground. Slight taps
upon the Mid[-e]ī drum are heard and the candidate is led toward the
left on his march round the interior of the Mid[-e]īwigân, the
officiating priests following and being followed in succession by all
others present. The march continues until the eighth passage round, when
the members begin to step back into their respective places, while the
officiating Mid[-e]ī finally station themselves with their backs toward
the westernmost degree post, and face the door at the end of the
structure. The candidate continues round to the western end, faces the
Mid[-e]ī priests, and all sit down. The following song is then sung,
which may be the individual production of the candidate (Pl. XIII, C). A
song is part of the ritual, though it is not necessary that the
candidate should sing it, as the preceptor may do so for him. In the
instance under my observation the song was an old one (which had been
taught the candidate), as the archaic form of pronunciation indicates.
Each of the lines is repeated as often as the singer may desire, the
prolongation of the song being governed by his inspired condition. The
same peculiarity governs the insertion, between words and at the end of
lines, of apparently meaningless vowel sounds, to reproduce and prolong
the last notes sounded. This may be done ad libitum, rythmical
accentuation being maintained by gently tapping upon the Mid[-e]ī drum.
[Illustration]
H[)i]aī-ni-de h[)e]nī-da manī-i-d[-o], h[-o]ī,
niī-sha-bonī-de manī-i-d[-o]ī-en-dât.
Where is the spirit lodge? I go through it.
[The oblong structure represents the Mid[-e]īwigân, the arm upon the
left indicating the course of the path leading through it, the
latter being shown by a zigzag line.]
[Illustration]
Nin-g[-o]ī-sa m[)i]-d[-e]ī-kwe ni-kaī naī-ska-waī.
I am afraid of the "grand medicine" woman; I go to her.
[A leg is shown to signify locomotion. The singer fears the
opposition of a Mid[-e]ī priestess and will conciliate her.]
[Illustration]
Ka-ni-saī hiī-a-tshiī-m[)i]n-d[-e]ī manī-ski-k[-i]ī, d[-e]ī, h[-e]ī,
h[-e]ī.
Kinsmen who speak of me, they see the striped sky.
[A person of superior power, as designated by the horns attached to
the head. The lines from the mouth signify voice or speech, while
the horizontal lines denote the stratus clouds, the height above the
earth of which illustrates the direction of the abode of the spirit
whose conversation, referring to the singer, is observed crossing
them as short vertical zigzag lines; i.e., voice lines.]
[Illustration]
Keī-na-nanī-do-m[-e]ī ko-n[-o]ī-ne-nak
ka-ne-h[-e]ī nin-koī-tshi nanī-no-meī.
The cloud looks to me for medicine.
[The speaker has become so endowed with the power of magic influence
that he has preference with the superior Manīid[-o]s. The magic
influence is shown descending to the hand which reaches beyond
the cloud indicated by the oblong square upon the forearm.]
[Illustration]
Rest, after which dancing begins.
[Illustration]
Wa-tshuī-a-n[-e]ī keī-ba-bingī-e-onī, wa-dzh[-u].
Going into the mountains.
[The singer's thoughts go to the summit to commune with Kiītshi
Manīid[-o]. He is shown upon the summit.]
[Illustration]
Hiī-m[)e]-deī-wa henī-d[)e]-a heī-na.
The grand medicine affects me.
[In his condition he appeals to Kiītshi Manīid[-o] for aid. The arms
represent the act of supplication.]
[Illustration]
Haiī-an-go hoī-ya oī-g[)e]-ma, haī.
The chief goes out.
[The arms grasp a bear--the Bear Manīid[-o]--and the singer
intimates that he desires the aid of that powerful spirit, who is
one of the guardians of the Mid[-e]īwigân.]
[Illustration]
Nishī-o-w[-e]ī ni-m[-e]ī-hi-g[-o]ī, h[-e]ī, ni-g[-o]ī-tshi-miī-go-we,
h[-e]ī.
Have pity on me wherever I have medicine.
[The speaker is filled with magic influence, upon the strength of
which he asks the Bear to pity and to aid him.]
[Illustration]
Wiī-so-miī-ko-w[-e]ī h[)e]-a-za-weī-ne-ne-g[-o]ī, h[-o]ī.
I am the beaver; have pity on me.
[This is said to indicate that the original maker of the mnemonic
song was of the Beaver totem or gens.]
[Illustration]
H[-e]nī-ta-no-wikī-ko-weī de-w[)e]nī-da [)e]n-da-âī-dân.
I wish to know what is the matter with me.
[The singer feels peculiarly impressed by his surroundings in the
Mid[-e]īwigân, because the sacred manīid[-o]s have filled his body
with magic powers. These are shown by the zigzag or waving lines
descending to the earth.]
As each of the preceding lines or verses is sung in such a protracted
manner as to appear like a distinct song, the dancers, during the
intervals of rest, always retire to their places and sit down. The
dancing is not so energetic as many of those commonly indulged in for
amusement only. The steps consist of two treading movements made by each
foot in succession. Keeping time with the drum-beats, at the same time
there is a shuffling movement made by the dancer forward, around and
among his companions, but getting back toward his place before the verse
is ended. The attitude during these movements consists in bending the
body forward, while the knees are bent, giving one the appearance of
searching for a lost object. Those who do not sing give utterance to
short, deep grunts, in accordance with the alternate heavier strokes
upon the drum.
As the dancing ceases, and all are in their proper seats, the preceptor,
acting for the candidate, approaches the pile of tobacco and distributes
a small quantity to each one present, when smoking is indulged in,
preceded by the usual offering to the east, the south, the west, the
north, the sky and the earth.
After the completion of this ceremonial an attendant carries the
Mid[-e]ī drum to the southeast angle of the inclosure, where it is
delivered to the drummer; then the officiating priests rise and approach
within two or three paces of the candidate as he gets upon his knees.
The preceptor and the assistant who is called upon by him take their
places immediately behind and to either side of the candidate, and the
Mid[-e]ī priest lowest in order of precedence begins to utter quick,
deep tones, resembling the sound h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī,
at the same time grasping his mid[-e]ī sack with both hands, as if it
were a gun, and moving it in a serpentine and interrupted manner toward
one of the large joints of the candidate's arms or legs. At the last
utterance of this sound he produces a quick puff with the breath and
thrusts the bag forward as if shooting, which he pretends to do, the
missile being supposed to be the invisible sacred m[-i]īgis. The other
priests follow in order from the lowest to the highest, each selecting a
different joint, during which ordeal the candidate trembles more and
more violently until at last he is overcome with the magic influence and
falls forward upon the ground unconscious. The Mid[-e]ī priests then lay
their sacks upon his back, when the candidate begins to recover and spit
out the m[-i]īgis shell which he had previously hidden within his mouth.
Then the chief Mid[-e]ī takes it up between the tips of the forefinger
and thumb and goes through the ceremony described in connection with the
initiation into the first degree, of holding it toward the east, south,
west, north, and the sky, and finally to the mouth of the candidate,
when the latter, who has partly recovered from his apparently insensible
condition, again relapses into that state. The eight priests then place
their sacks to the respective joints at which they previously directed
them, which fully infuses the body with the magic influence as desired.
Upon this the candidate recovers, takes up the m[-i]īgis shell and,
placing it upon his left palm, holds it forward and swings it from side
to side, saying he! he! he! he! he! and pretends to swallow it, this
time only reeling from its effects. He is now restored to a new life for
the second time; and as the priests go to seek seats he is left on the
southern side and seats himself. After all those who have been occupied
with the initiation have hung up their mid[-e]ī sacks on available
projections against the wall or branches, the new member goes forward to
the pile of tobacco, blankets, and other gifts and divides them among
those present, giving the larger portions to the officiating priests. He
then passes around once more, stopping before each one to pass his hands
over the sides of the priests'heads, and says:
Mi-gw[)e]tshī ga-shi-t[-o]ī-win bi-mâī-d[)i]-si-w[)i]n,
Thanks for giving to me life,
after which he retreats a step, and clasping his hands and bowing toward
the priest, says:
Ni-kaī-ni ni-kaīni ni-kaī-ni ka-niaī,
fellow mid[-e]ī fellow mid[-e]ī fellow mid[-e]ī,
to which each responds hauī, [-e][n]. The word hauī is a term of
approbation, [-e][n] signifying yes, or affirmation, the two thus used
together serving to intensify the expression. Those of the Mid[-e]ī
present who are of the second, or even some higher degree, then indulge
in the ceremony of passing around to the eastern part of the inclosure,
where they feign coughing and gagging, so as to produce from the mouth
the m[-i]īgis shell, as already narrated in connection with the first
degree, p. 192.
This manner of thanking the officiating Mid[-e]ī for their services in
initiating the candidate into a higher degree is extended also to those
members of the Mid[-e]īwiwin who are of the first degree only, in
acknowledgment of the favor of their presence at the ceremony, they
being eligible to attend ceremonial rites of any degree higher than the
class to which they belong, because such men are neither benefited nor
influenced in any way by merely witnessing such initiation, but they
must themselves take the principal part in it to receive the favor of a
renewed life and to become possessed of higher power and increased magic
influence.
Various members of the society indulge in short harangues, recounting
personal exploits in the performance of magic and exorcism, to which the
auditors respond in terms of gratification and exclamations of approval.
During these recitals the ushers, appointed for the purpose, leave the
inclosure by the western door to return in a short time with kettles of
food prepared for the mid[-e]ī feast. The ushers make four circuits of
the interior, giving to each person present a quantity of the contents
of the several vessels, so that all receive sufficient to gratify their
desires. When the last of the food has been consumed, or removed, the
mid[-e]ī drum is heard, and soon a song is started, in which all who
desire join. After the first two or three verses of the song are
recited, a short interval of rest is taken, but when it is resumed
dancing begins and is continued to the end. In this manner they indulge
in singing and dancing, interspersed with short speeches, until the
approach of sunset, when the members retire to their own wigīiwams,
leaving the Mid[-e]ī-wigân by the western egress.
The ushers, assisted by the chief Mid[-e]ī, then remove the sacred post
from the inclosure and arrange the interior for new initiations, either
of a lower or higher class, if candidates have prepared and presented
themselves. In case there is no further need of meeting again at once,
the members of the society and visitors return upon the following day to
their respective homes.
DESCRIPTIVE NOTES.
The m[-i]īgis shell employed in the second degree initiation is of the
same species as those before mentioned. At White Earth, however, some of
the priests claim an additional shell as characteristic of this advanced
degree, and insist that this should be as nearly round as possible,
having a perforation through it by which it may be secured with a strand
or sinew. In the absence of a rounded white shell a bead may be used as
a substitute. On Pl. XI, No. 4, is presented an illustration of the bead
(the second-degree m[-i]īgis) presented to me on the occasion of my
initiation.
With reference to the style of facial decoration resorted to in this
degree nearly all of the members now paint the face according to their
own individual tastes, though a few old men still adhere to the
traditional method previously described (pp. 180, 181). The candidate
usually adopts the style practiced by his preceptor, to which he is
officially entitled; but if the preceptor employed in the preparatory
instruction for the second degree be not the same individual whose
services were retained for the first time, then the candidate has the
privilege of painting his face according to the style of the preceding
degree. If he follow his last preceptor it is regarded as an exceptional
token of respect, and the student is not expected to follow the method
in his further advancement.
A Mid[-e]ī of the second degree is also governed by his tutelary daimon;
e.g., if during the first fast and vision he saw a bear, he now prepares
a necklace of bear-claws, which is worn about the neck and crosses the
middle of the breast. He now has the power of changing his form into
that of a bear; and during that term of his disguise he wreaks vengeance
upon his detractors and upon victims for whose destruction he has been
liberally rewarded. Immediately upon the accomplishment of such an act
he resumes his human form and thus escapes identification and detection.
Such persons are termed by many "bad medicine men," and the practice of
thus debasing the sacred teachings of the Mid[-e]īwiwin is
discountenanced by members of the society generally. Such pretensions
are firmly believed in and acknowledged by the credulous and are
practiced by that class of Shamans here designated as the Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī.
In his history[15] Rev. Mr. Jones says:
As the powwows always unite witchcraft with the application of their
medicines I shall here give a short account of this curious art.
Witches and wizards are persons supposed to possess the agency of
familiar spirits from whom they receive power to inflict diseases on
their enemies, prevent good luck of the hunter and the success of the
warrior. They are believed to fly invisibly at pleasure from place to
place; to turn themselves into bears, wolves, foxes, owls, bats, and
snakes. Such metamorphoses they pretend to accomplish by putting on
the skins of these animals, at the same time crying and howling in
imitation of the creature they wish to represent. Several of our
people have informed me that they have seen and heard witches in the
shape of these animals, especially the bear and the fox. They say that
when a witch in the shape of a bear is being chased all at once she
will run round a tree or a hill, so as to be lost sight of for a time
by her pursuers, and then, instead of seeing a bear they behold an old
woman walking quietly along or digging up roots, and looking as
innocent as a lamb. The fox witches are known by the flame of fire
which proceeds out of their mouths every time they bark.
Many receive the name of witches without making any pretensions to the
art, merely because they are deformed or ill-looking. Persons esteemed
witches or wizards are generally eccentric characters, remarkably
wicked, of a ragged appearance and forbidding countenance. The way in
which they are made is either by direct communication with the
familiar spirit during the days of their fasting, or by being
instructed by those skilled in the art.
[Footnote 15: History of the Ojebway Indians, etc., London (1843?),
pp. 145, 146.]
A Mid[-e]ī of the second degree has the reputation of superior powers on
account of having had the m[-i]īgis placed upon all of his joints, and
especially because his heart is filled with magic power, as is shown in
Pl. III, No. 48. In this drawing the disk upon the breast denotes where
the m[-i]īgis has been "shot" into the figure, the enlarged size of the
circle signifying "greater abundance," in contradistinction to the
common designation of a m[-i]īgis shown only by a simple spot or small
point. One of this class is enabled to hear and see what is transpiring
at a remote distance, the lines from the hands indicating that he is
enabled to grasp objects which are beyond the reach of a common person,
and the lines extending from the feet signifying that he can traverse
space and transport himself to the most distant points. Therefore he is
sought after by hunters for aid in the discovery and capture of game,
for success in war, and for the destruction of enemies, however remote
may be their residence.
When an enemy or a rival is to be dealt with a course is pursued similar
to that followed when preparing hunting charts, though more powerful
magic medicines are used. In the following description of a pictograph
recording such an occurrence the Mid[-e]ī, or rather the Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī,
was of the fourth degree of the Mid[-e]īwiwin. The indication of the
grade of the operator is not a necessary part of the record, but in this
instance appears to have been prompted from motives of vanity. The
original sketch, of which Fig. 24 is a reproduction, was drawn upon
birch-bark by a Mid[-e]ī, in 1884, and the ceremony detailed actually
occurred at White Earth, Minnesota. By a strange coincidence the person
against whom vengeance was aimed died of pneumonia the following spring,
the disease having resulted from cold contracted during the preceding
winter. The victim resided at a camp more than a hundred miles east of
the locality above named, and his death was attributed to the Mid[-e]ī's
power, a reputation naturally procuring for him many new adherents and
disciples. The following is the explanation as furnished by a Mid[-e]ī
familiar with the circumstances:
[Illustration: Fig. 24.--Mid[-e]ī destroying an enemy.]
No. 1 is the author of the chart, a Mid[-e]ī who was called upon to
take the life of a man living at a distant camp. The line extending
from the mid[-e]ī to the figure at No. 9, signifies that his
influence will reach to that distance.
No. 2, the applicant for assistance.
Nos. 3, 4, 5, and 6, represent the four degrees of the Mid[-e]īwiwin
(of which the operator, in this instance, was a member). The degrees
are furthermore specifically designated by short vertical strokes.
No. 7 is the mid[-e]ī drum used during the ceremony of preparing the
charm.
No. 8 represents the body of the intended victim. The heart is
indicated, and upon this spot was rubbed a small quantity of
vermilion.
No. 9 is the outline of a lake, where the subject operated upon
resided.
War parties are not formed at this time, but mnemonic charts of songs
used by priests to encourage war parties, are still extant, and a
reproduction of one is given on Pl. XIII, D. This song was used by the
Mid[-e]ī priest to insure success to the parties. The members who
intended participating in the exhibition would meet on the evening
preceding their departure, and while listening to the words, some would
join in the singing while others would dance. The lines may be repeated
ad libitum so as to lengthen the entire series of phrases according to
the prevalent enthusiasm and the time at the disposal of the performers.
The war drum was used, and there were always five or six drummers so as
to produce sufficient noise to accord with the loud and animated singing
of a large body of excited men. This drum is, in size, like that
employed for dancing. It is made by covering with rawhide an old kettle,
or wooden vessel, from 2 to 3 feet in diameter. The drum is then
attached to four sticks, or short posts, so as to prevent its touching
the ground, thus affording every advantage for producing full and
resonant sounds, when struck. The drumsticks are strong withes, at the
end of each of which is fastened a ball of buckskin thongs. The
following lines are repeated ad libitum:
[Illustration: Plate XIV.
Mnemonic Songs.]
[Illustration]
Huī-na-waī-na haī-w[-a],
un-doī-dzhe-naī ha-weī-n[)e].
I am looking [feeling] for my paint.
[The Mid[-e]'s hands are at his medicine sack searching for his war
paint.]
[Illustration]
H[)i]aī-dzhi-m[)i]n-deī nonī-da-k[-o]ī, h[-o]ī,
They hear me speak of legs.
[Refers to speed in the expedition. To the left of the leg is the
arm of a spirit, which is supposed to infuse magic influence so as
to give speed and strength.]
[Illustration]
Huī-wa-keī, naī, haī,
He said,
[The Turtle Manīid[-o] will lend his aid in speed. The turtle was
one of the swiftest manīid[-o]s, until through some misconduct,
Minīab[-o]īzho deprived him of his speed.]
[Illustration]
Waī-tshe, haī, hw[-e], waī-ka-teī, h[-e]ī, waī-tshe, haī, hw[-e]ī.
Powder, he said.
[The modern form of Waī-ka-teī, heī, hw[-a]ī, is maī-ka-d[-e]ī-hwa;
other archaic words occur also in other portions of this song. The
phrase signifies that the Mid[-e]ī Manīid[-o] favors good results
from the use of powder. His form projects from the top of the
Mid[-e]ī structure.]
[Illustration]
Rest. A smoke is indulged in after which the song is resumed,
accompanied with dancing.
[Illustration]
Sin-goī-na wa-k[-i]ī na-haī-ka
I made him cry.
[The figure is that of a turkey buzzard which the speaker shot.]
[Illustration]
Te-waī-tshi-me-kweī-na, haī, na-keī-nan.
They tell of my powers.
[The people speak highly of the singer's magic powers; a charmed
arrow is shown which terminates above with feather-web ornament,
enlarged to signify its greater power.]
[Illustration]
Heī-w[)e]-ne-nisī-sa ma-heī-ka-n[)e]nī-na.
What have I killed, it is a wolf.
[By aid of his magic influence the speaker has destroyed a bad
manīid[-o] which had assumed the form of a wolf.]
[Illustration]
Sunī-gu-weī-wa, haī, n[-i]n-d[-e]nī, tshiī-man-daī-kwa
haīna-n[)i]n-d[-e]nī.
I am as strong as the bear.
[The Mid[-e]ī likens his powers to those of the Bear Manīid[-o], one
of the most powerful spirits; his figure protrudes from the top of
the Mid[-e]īwigân while his spirit form is indicated by the short
lines upon the back.]
[Illustration]
Waī-ka-naī-ni, h[-e]ī, waī-ka-naī-ni.
I wish to smoke.
[The pipe used is that furnished by the promoter or originator of
the war party, termed a "partisan." The Mid[-e]ī is in full accord
with the work undertaken and desires to join, signifying his wish by
desiring to smoke with the braves.]
[Illustration]
Heī-wa-h[-o]ī-a haiī-a-n[-e]ī
I even use a wooden image.
[Effigies made to represent one who is to be destroyed. The heart is
punctured, vermilion or other magic powder is applied, and the death
of the victim is encompassed.]
[Illustration]
Pa-kwaī ma-ko-n[-e]ī [-a]ī, [-o]ī, h[-e]ī,
[-o]sh-keī-na-ko-n[-e]ī-a.
The bear goes round angry.
[The Bear Manīid[-o] is angry because the braves are dilatory in
going to war. The sooner they decide upon this course, the better it
will be for the Mid[-e]ī as to his fee, and the chances of success
are greater while the braves are infused with enthusiasm, than if
they should become sluggish and their ardor become subdued.]
THIRD DEGREE.
[Illustration: Fig. 25.--Diagram of Mid[-e]īwigân of the third
degree.]
The structure in which the third degree of the Mid[-e]īwiwin is
conferred resembles that of the two preceding, and an outline is
presented in Fig. 25. In this degree three posts are erected, the first
one resembling that of the first degree, being painted red with a band
of green around the top. (Pl. XV, No. 1.) This is planted a short
distance to the east of the middle of the floor. The second post is also
painted red, but has scattered over its entire surface spots of white
clay, each of about the size of a silver quarter of a dollar, symbolical
of the m[-i]īgis shell. Upon the top of this post is placed the stuffed
body of an owl--K[)o]-kó-k[)o]-[-o]ī. (Pl. XV, No. 2.) This post is
planted a short distance west of the first one and about midway between
it and the third, which last is erected within about 6 or 8 feet from
the western door, and is painted black. (Pl. XV, No. 3.) The sacred
stone against which patients are placed, and which has the alleged
virtue of removing or expelling the demons that cause disease, is placed
upon the ground at the usual spot near the eastern entrance (Fig. 25,
No. 1). The Makwá Manīid[-o]--bear spirit--is the tutelary guardian of
this degree. Cedar trees are planted at each of the outer angles of the
structure (Fig. 25, Nos. 6, 7, 8, 9). The sudatory is erected about 100
yards due east of the main entrance of the Mid[-e]īwigân, and is of the
same size and for the same purpose as that for the second degree.
[Illustration: Plate XV.
Sacred Posts of Mid[-e]īwigân.]
PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE.
It is customary for the period of one year to elapse before a
second-degree Mid[-e]ī can be promoted, even if he be provided with
enough presents for such advancement. As the exacted fee consists of
goods and tobacco thrice the value of the fee for the first degree, few
present themselves. This degree is not held in as high estimation,
relatively, as the preceding one; but it is alleged that a Mid[-e]ī's
powers are intensified by again subjecting himself to the ceremony of
being "shot with the sacred m[-i]īgis," and he is also elevated to that
rank by means of which he may be enabled the better to invoke the
assistance of the tutelary guardian of this degree.
A Mid[-e]ī who has in all respects complied with the preliminaries of
announcing to the chief Mid[-e]ī his purpose, gaining satisfactory
evidence of his resources and ability to present the necessary presents,
and of his proficiency in the practice of medical magic, etc., selects a
preceptor of at least the third degree and one who is held in high
repute and influence in the Mid[-e]īwiwin. After procuring the services
of such a person and making a satisfactory agreement with him, he may be
enabled to purchase from him some special formulæ for which he is
distinguished. The instruction embraces a résumé of the traditions
previously given, the various uses and properties of magic plants and
compounds with which the preceptor is familiar, and conversations
relative to exploits performed in medication, incantation, and exorcism.
Sometimes the candidate is enabled to acquire new "medicines" to add to
his list, and the following is a translation of the tradition relating
to the origin of ginseng (Aralia quinquefolia, Gr.), the so-called "man
root," held in high estimation as of divine origin. In Fig. 3 is
presented a pictorial representation of the story, made by Ojibwa, a
Mid[-e]ī priest of White Earth, Minnesota. The tradition purports to be
an account of a visit of the spirit of a boy to the abode of
DzhibaiīManīid[-o], "the chief spirit of the place of souls," called
Neī-ba-giī-zis, "the land of the sleeping sun."
There appears to be some similarity between this tradition and that
given in connection with Pl. V, in which the Sun Spirit restored to
life a boy, by which act he exemplified a portion of the ritual of the
Mid[-e]īwiwin. It is probable therefore that the following tradition is
a corruption of the former and made to account for the origin of "man
root," as ginseng is designated, this root, or certain portions of it,
being so extensively employed in various painful complaints.
Once an old Mid[-e]ī, with his wife and son, started out on a hunting
trip, and, as the autumn was changing into winter, the three erected a
substantial wigīiwam. The snow began to fall and the cold increased,
so they decided to remain and eat of their stores, game having been
abundant and a good supply having been procured. The son died;
whereupon his mother immediately set out for the village to obtain
help to restore him to life, as she believed her father, the chief
priest of the Mid[-e]ī-wiwin, able to accomplish this.
When the woman informed her father of the death of her son, her
brother, who was present, immediately set out in advance to render
assistance. The chief priest then summoned three assistant Mid[-e]ī,
and they accompanied his daughter to the place where the body of his
dead grandson lay upon the floor of the wigīiwam, covered with robes.
The chief Mid[-e]ī placed himself at the left shoulder of the dead
boy, the next in rank at the right, while the two other assistants
stationed themselves at the feet. Then the youngest Mid[-e]ī--he at
the right foot of the deceased--began to chant a mid[-e]ī song, which
he repeated a second, a third, and a fourth time.
When he had finished, the Mid[-e]ī at the left foot sang a mid[-e]ī
song four times; then the Mid[-e]ī at the right shoulder of the body
did the same, after which the chief Mid[-e]ī priest sang his song four
times, whereupon there was a perceptible movement under the blanket,
and as the limbs began to move the blanket was taken off, when the boy
sat up. Being unable to speak, he made signs that he desired water,
which was given to him.
The four Mid[-e]ī priests then chanted medicine songs, each preparing
charmed remedies which were given to the boy to complete his recovery.
The youngest Mid[-e]ī, standing at the foot of the patient, gave him
four pinches of powder, which he was made to swallow; the Mid[-e]ī at
the left foot did the same; then the Mid[-e]ī at the right shoulder
did likewise, and he, in turn, was followed by the chief priest
standing at the left shoulder of the boy; whereupon the convalescent
immediately recovered his speech and said that during the time that
his body had been in a trance his spirit had been in the "spirit
land," and had learned of the "grand medicine."
The boy then narrated what his spirit had experienced during the
trance, as follows: "Giī-gi-minī-[)e]-goī-min mi-d[-e]ī-wi-w[)i]n
mi-d[-e]ī manī-i-d[-o]ī 'n-gi-g[)i]nī-o-a-mâk ban-dzhiī-geī-o-weī-ân
taī-zi-neī-zho-wakī ni-zhaī-n[)e]-zak, k[)i]-wiī-de-g[)e]tī
miī-o-piī-keī-ne-b[)u]iī-yan ka-kiī-n[)e] ka-weī-d[)e]-geī
miī-o-w[)o]k-piī i-kanī-o-a-magī-[)i]-na mi-d[-e]ī manīi-d[-o]
wi-weī-ni-tshi mi-d[-e]ī-wi-w[)i]n, kiī-mi-mâī-d[)i]-si-winī-in-ânī
ki-miī-n[)i]-go-nanī ge-onī-d[)e]-na-m[)o]ngk
kiī-mi-mâī-di-siī-wa-in-anī; kiī-ki-noī-a-magī-wi-nanī mashī-k[)i]-ki
o-giī-mi-niī-go-wanī o-dzhi-biī-gân gi-meī-ni-na-g[)u]kī
mashī-k[)i]-ki-waī-bo[n] sht[)i]k-wanī-a-ko-seī-an
o-maī-mâshī-k[)i]-ki maī-gi-gaī-to kiī-ka-ya-t[-o]n."
The following is a translation:
"He, the chief spirit of the Mid[-e]ī Society, gave us the "grand
medicine," and he has taught us how to use it. I have come back from
the spirit land. There will be twelve, all of whom will take wives;
when the last of these is no longer without a wife, then will I die.
That is the time. The Mid[-e]ī spirit taught us to do right. He gave
us life and told us how to prolong it. These things he taught us, and
gave us roots for medicine. I give to you medicine; if your head is
sick, this medicine put upon it, you will put it on."
The revelation received by the boy was in the above manner imparted
to the Indians. The reference to twelve--three times the sacred number
four--signifies that twelve chief priests shall succeed each other
before death will come to the narrator. It is observed, also, that a
number of the words are archaic, which fact appears to be an indication
of some antiquity, at least, of the tradition.
The following are the principal forms in which a Mid[-e]ī will utilize
Aralia quinquefolia, Gr., ginseng--Sht[)e]ī-na-bi-oī-dzhi-bik:
1. Small quantities of powdered root are swallowed to relieve
stomachic pains.
2. A person complaining with acute pains in any specific part of
the body is given that part of the root corresponding to the part
affected; e.g., for pleurisy, the side of the root is cut out, and
an infusion given to relieve such pains; if one has pains in the
lower extremities, the bifurcations of the root are employed;
should the pains be in the thorax, the upper part of the root--
corresponding to the chest--is used in a similar manner.
INITIATION OF CANDIDATE.
As the candidate for promotion has acquired from his Mid[-e]ī friends
such new information as they choose to impart, and from his instructor
all that was practicable, he has only to await the day of ceremony to be
publicly acknowledged as a third-degree Mid[-e]ī. As this time
approaches the invitation sticks are sent to the various members and to
such non-resident Mid[-e]ī as the officiating priests may wish to honor.
On or before the fifth day previous to the meeting the candidate moves
to the vicinity of the Mid[-e]īwigân. On that day the first sweat bath
is taken, and one also upon each succeeding day until four baths, as a
ceremony of purification, have been indulged in. On the evening of the
day before the meeting his preceptor visits him at his own wigīiwam
when, with the assistance of friends, the presents are collected and
carried to the Mid[-e]ī-wigân and suspended from the transverse poles
near the roof. The officiating priests may subsequently join him, when
smoking and singing form the chief entertainment of the evening.
By this time numerous visitors have gathered together and are encamped
throughout the adjacent timber, and the sound of the drum, where dancing
is going on, may be heard far into the night.
Early on the morning of the day of the ceremonies the candidate goes
to the sudatory where he first awaits the coming of his preceptor and
later the arrival of the Mid[-e]ī priests by whom he is escorted to the
Mid[-e]īwigân. With the assistance of the preceptor he arranges his gift
of tobacco which he takes with him to the sacred inclosure, after which
a smoke offering is made, and later Mid[-e]ī songs are chanted. These
may be of his own composition as he has been a professor of magic a
sufficient lapse of time to have composed them, but to give evidence of
superior powers the chief, or some other of the officiating priests,
will perhaps be sufficiently inspired to sing. The following was
prepared and chanted by one of the Mid[-e]ī priests at the third-degree
meeting at White Earth, Minnesota, and the illustration in Pl. XIV, A,
is a reproduction of the original. The words, with translation, are as
follows:
[Illustration]
Ni-kaī-ni-na manī-do-na-m[-o]ī-a.
My friend I am shooting into you in trying to hit the mark.
[The two arms are grasping the m[-i]īgis, which he the Mid[-e]ī is
going to shoot into the body of the candidate. The last word means,
literally, trying to hit the mark at random.]
[Illustration]
Me-kwaī-me-sha-kwakī, mi-t[-e]ī-wi-daī.
While it is clear let us have it, the "grand medicine."
[The Mid[-e]ī arm, signified by the magic zigzag lines at the lower
end of the picture, reaches up into the sky to keep it clear; the
rain is descending elsewhere as indicated by the lines descending
from the sky at the right and left.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
During this interval a smoke offering is made.
[Illustration]
Mi-shaī-kwi-t[-o]-n[)i] m[-i]ī-g[)i]s-s[)i]mī.
As clear as the sky [is] my m[-i]īgis.
[The figure represents the sacred m[-i]īgis, as indicated by the
short lines radiating from the periphery. The m[-i]īgis is white and
the clear sky is compared to it.]
[Illustration]
S[-o]nī-gi-mi-d[-e]ī wi-kaī-ne, h[-e]ī,
Wi-n[-o]ī-a manī-i-d[-o]ī-wi-dzh[-i]ī-id-eī-zhi-wât.
Take the "grand medicine" strong, as they, together
with the "Great Spirit," tell me.
[The candidate is enjoined to persevere in his purpose. The
associate Mid[-e]ī are alluded to, as also Kiītshi Manīid[-o], who
urge his continuance and advancement in the sacred society. The arm
reaches down to search for the sacred m[-i]īgis of the fourth
degree-- designated by four vertical lines--which is, as yet, hidden
from the person addressed.]
[Illustration]
Hwaī-ba-mi-d[-e]ī, hwaī-ba-mi-d[-e]ī,
Naī-wa-kin-t[-e]ī.
He who sees me, he who sees me, stands on the middle of the earth.
[The human figure symbolizes Kiītshi Manīid[-o]; the magic lines
cross his body, while his legs rest upon the outline of the
Mid[-e]īwigân. His realm, the sky, reaches from the zenith to the
earth, and he beholds the Mid[-e]ī while chanting and conducting the
Mid[-e]īwiwin.]
[Illustration]
Manī-i-d[-o]ī wiī-ka-niī ni-mi-d[-e]ī.
To the spirit be a friend, my Mid[-e]ī.
[The speaker enjoins the candidate to be faithful to his charge, and
thus a friend to Kiītshi Manīid[-o], who in return will always
assist him. The figure holds a m[-i]īgis in its right hand, and the
Mid[-e]ī drum in its left.]
The greater number of words in the preceding text are of an archaic
form, and are presented as they were chanted. The several lines may be
repeated ad libitum to accord with the feeling of inspiration which the
singer experiences, or the amount of interest manifested by his hearers.
[Illustration: Plate XVI.
Mnemonic Songs.]
All the members of the society not officially inducting the candidate
have ere this entered the Mid[-e]īwigân and deposited their invitation
sticks near the sacred stone, or, in the event of their inability to
attend, have sent them with an explanation. The candidate, at the
suggestion of the Mid[-e]ī priest, then prepares to leave the sudatory,
gathers up the tobacco, and as he slowly advances toward the Mid[-e]ī
inclosure his attendants fall into the procession according to their
office. The priests sing as they go forward, until they reach the
entrance of the Mid[-e]īwigân, where the candidate and his preceptor
halt, while the remainder enter and take their stations just within the
door, facing the west.
The drummers, who are seated in the southwestern angle of the inclosure,
begin to drum and sing, while the candidate is led slowly around the
exterior, going by the south, thus following the course of the sun. Upon
the completion of the fourth circuit he is halted directly opposite the
main entrance, to which his attention is then directed. The drumming and
singing cease; the candidate beholds two Mid[-e]ī near the outer
entrance and either side of it. These Mid[-e]ī represent two malevolent
manīid[-o] and guard the door against the entrance of those not duly
prepared. The one upon the northern side of the entrance then addresses
his companion in the following words: Iī-ku-tan kaī-wi-nadī-g[)i]
waī-na-mâī-s[)i] [-e]ī-zh[)i]-g[)i]ī-n[)i]-g[)e]d--"Do you not see how
he is formed?" To which the other responds: O-daī-p[)i]-n[)o]ī
keī-no-w[)i]n-d[)u]ng shkwanī-d[)i]m--"Take care of it, the door;"
[i.e., guard the entrance.] The former then again speaks to his
companion, and says: Ka-w[-i]nī-n[)i]-na-gaī
wâī-ba-maī-si-baī-sh[)i]-giī-ne-g[-e]tī--"Do you not see how he carries
the goods?" The Mid[-e]ī spoken to assents to this, when the preceptor
takes several pieces of tobacco which he presents to the two guards,
whereupon they permit the candidate to advance to the inner entrance,
where he is again stopped by two other guardian manīid[-o], who turn
upon him as if to inquire the reason of his intrusion. The candidate
then holds out two parcels of tobacco and says to them: O-daī-pin
a-s[-e]ī-ma--"Take it, the tobacco," whereupon they receive the gift and
stand aside, saying: Kunī-da-dan--"Go down;" [i.e., enter and follow the
path.] As the candidate is taken a few steps forward and toward the
sacred stone, four of the eight officiating priests receive him, one
replacing the preceptor who goes to the extreme western end there to
stand and face the east, where another joins him, while the remaining
two place themselves side by side so as to face the west.
It is believed that there are five powerful manīid[-o]s who abide within
the third-degree Mid[-e]īwigân, one of whom is the Mid[-e]ī
manīid[-o]--Kiītshi Manīid[-o]--one being present at the sacred stone,
the second at that part of the ground between the sacred stone and the
first part where the gifts are deposited, the remaining three at the
three degree posts.
As the candidate starts and continues upon his walk around the interior
of the inclosure the musicians begin to sing and drum, while all those
remaining are led toward the left, and when opposite the sacred stone
he faces it and is turned round so that his back is not toward it in
passing; the same is done at the second place where one of the spirits
is supposed to abide; again at first, second, and third posts. By this
time the candidate is at the western extremity of the structure, and as
the second Mid[-e]ī receives him in charge, the other taking his station
beside the preceptor, he continues his course toward the north and east
to the point of departure, going through similar evolutions as before,
as he passes the three posts, the place of gifts and the sacred stone.
This is done as an act of reverence to the manīid[-o]s and to
acknowledge his gratitude for their presence and encouragement. When he
again arrives at the eastern extremity of the inclosure he is placed
between the two officiating Mid[-e]ī, who have been awaiting his return,
while his companion goes farther back, even to the door, from which
point he addresses the other officiating Mid[-e]ī as follows:
M[)i]s-saī-a-shiī-gwa wi-kanī-daī-we-anī,
Now is the time [I am] telling [--advising,]
m[)i]s-saī-a-shiī-gwa
now is the time
w[-i]ī-di-waī-m[)o]k wi-unī-o-b[-e]-[)o]g.
to be observed [I am] ready to make him sit down.
Then one of the Mid[-e]ī priests standing beside the candidate leads him
to the spot between the sacred stone and the first-degree post where the
blankets and other goods have been deposited, and here he is seated.
This priest then walks slowly around him singing in a tremulous manner
waī, h[)e]ī, h[)e]ī, h[)e]ī, h[)e]ī, h[)e]ī, h[)e]ī, h[)e]ī, returning
to a position so as to face him, when he addresses him as follows:
M[)i]s-saī-a-shiī-gwa p[)o]ī-g[)u]-s[)e]-niīmi-nanī auī-u-saī
za-aī-da-winī manī-i-d[-o] m[-i]ī-gis. Naī-pish-gatsh di-mâī-g[)i]-s[)i]
[)e]-n[)e]ī-n[)i]-mi-an piī-sha-gâ-an-da-iī naī-pish-gatsh
tshi-skwaī-di-na-wâdī dzhi-maī-dzhi-a-kaī-ma-da-mân
bi-mâī-d[)i]s-siī-an.
The following is a free translation:
The time has arrived for you to ask of the Great Spirit this
"reverence" i.e., the sanctity of this degree. I am interceding in
your behalf, but you think my powers are feeble; I am asking him to
confer upon you the sacred powers. He may cause many to die, but I
shall henceforth watch your course of success in life, and learn if he
will heed your prayers and recognize your magic power.
At the conclusion of these remarks three others of the officiating
Mid[-e]ī advance and seat themselves, with their chief, before the
candidate. The Mid[-e]ī drum is handed to the chief priest, and after a
short prelude of drumming he becomes more and more inspired, and sings
the following Mid[-e]ī song, represented pictorially, also on Pl. XIV,
B.
[Illustration]
Manī-i-d[-o]ī we-daī, manī-i-d[-o]ī gi-d[-o]ī we-doī-n[)i]ng.
Let us be a spirit, let the spirit come from the mouth.
[The head is said to signify that of a Mid[-e]ī, who is about to
sing.]
[Illustration]
Ninī-de-wenī-don zhaī-bon-d[)e]shī-kâ[n]-mânī.
I own this lodge, through which I pass.
[The speaker claims that he has been received into the degree of the
Mid[-e]īwiwin to which he refers. The objects on the outer side of
the oblong square character represent spirits, those of the bear.]
[Illustration]
Ânī-dzhe-ho [)i]ī-a-niī o-g[-e]nī, hweī-[-o]-keī, hweī-[-o]-keī.
Mother is having it over again.
[The reference is to the earth, as having the ceremony of the "grand
medicine" again.]
[Illustration]
Niī-ka-nan niī-go-sân, niī-go-sânī
ni-kaī-ni-sanī, manī-i-d[-o]ī wi-dzhigī
nin-go-sânī an-i-waī-bi-dzhig ni-kaī.
Friends I am afraid, I am afraid, friends, of the spirits sitting
around me.
[The speaker reaches his hand toward the sky, i.e., places his faith
in Kiītshi Manīid[-o] who abides above.]
[Illustration]
Yaī-ki-noī-sha-meī-wa, yaī-ki-noī-sha-meī-wa,
ya-ki-no-si-ka-ne, ya-ki-no-si-ka-ne,
h[-e]ī, kiī-no-shaī-we-waī.
I am going, with medicine bag, to the lodge.
[The object represents an otter skin Mid[-e]ī sack, the property of
the speaker.]
[Illustration]
Yaī-be-kaiī-a-bi, yaī-be-kaiī-a-bi, h[-e]ī-[-a]ī, h[-e]ī-[-a]ī,
yaī-be-kaiī-a-bi, yaī-be-kaiī-a-bi, h[-e]ī-[-a]ī, h[-e]ī[-a]ī,
waī-na-heī-niī-o-niī, yaī-be-kaiī-o-bikī.
We are still sitting in a circle.
[A Mid[-e]ī sitting within the Mid[-e]īwigân; the circle is shown.]
[Illustration]
A-yaī-a-bi-taī paī-ke-zh[)i]kī, [-u]ī, h[-u]ī, aī,
Half the sky
[The hand is shown reaching toward the sky, imploring the assistance
of Kiītshi Manīid[-o] that the candidate may receive advancement in
power. He has only two degrees, one-half of the number desired.]
[Illustration]
Baī-be-keī oī-gi-mân nishī-a-we, h[-e]ī,
neī-me-ke-h[-e]ī, nishī-a-weī-ni-m[)i]k oī-gi-mân.
The spirit has pity on me now,
[The "Great Spirit" is descending upon the Mid[-e]īwigân, to be
present during the ceremony.]
[Illustration]
Nin-daiī-a, nin-daiī-a, haī,
weī-ki-maī, haī, wâ-no-kweī.
In my heart, in my heart, I have the spirit.
[The hand is holding the m[-i]īgis, to which reference is made.]
[Illustration]
I-keī-u-haī-ma man-ta-naī-ki-na ni-kaī-ni
I take the earth, my Mid[-e]ī friends.
[The earth furnishes the resources necessary to the maintenance of
life, both food and medicines.]
[Illustration]
Wiī-a-yaī-din shin-daī, h[-a]nī,
man-daī-ha-niī, o-h[-o]ī ni-b[)i]ī.
Let us get him to take this water.
[The figure sees medicine in the earth, as the lines from the eyes
to the horizontal strokes indicate.]
[Illustration]
H[)u]eī-sh[)i]-shi-kwaī-ni-an nin-gaī-ga-m[-u]nī.
I take this rattle.
[The rattle is used when administering medicine.]
[Illustration]
Wi-waī-ba-miīna h[-e]ī-na koī-ni-aī-ni, kaī,
koī-ni-aī-ho-n[-a]ī, n[-i]ī, k[-a]ī.
See how I shine in making medicine.
[The speaker likens himself to the Makwaī Manīid[-o], one of the
most powerful Mid[-e]ī spirits. His body shines as if it were ablaze
with light--due to magic power.]
This song is sung ad libitum according to the inspired condition of the
person singing it. Many of the words are archaic, and differ from the
modern forms.
Then the officiating priests arise and the one lowest in rank grasps his
Mid[-e]ī sack and goes through the gestures, described in connection
with the previous degrees, of shooting into the joints and forehead of
the candidate the sacred m[-i]īgis. At the attempt made by the chief
priest the candidate falls forward apparently unconscious. The priests
then touch his joints and forehead with the upper end of their Mid[-e]ī
sacks whereupon he recovers and rises to a standing posture. The chief
then addresses him and enjoins him to conduct himself with propriety and
in accordance with the dignity of his profession. The following is the
text, viz: Gi-ganī-bis-s[)i]n dauī-g[-e]-inī-ni-nânī kish-binī-bish-in
dauī-o-ân-n[)i]n daī-ki-ka-waī-bi-kwe gaī-k[)i]-ne
ke-keī-wi-biī-na-m[-o]n ki-maī-dzh[)i]-zhi weī-b[)i]-zi-w[)i]nī.
The translation is as follows: "You heed to what I say to you; if you
are listening and will do what is right you will live to have white
hair. That is all; you will do away with all bad actions."
The Mid[-e]ī priest second in rank then says to the candidate:
Keī-go-wiī-ka-zaī-gi-to-waī-kin ki-daī-no-kaītsh[)i]-gân
kai-[-e]ī-gi-g[-i]tī a-s[-e]ī-ma, kaiī-e-m[-i]ī-dz[)i]m, which
signifies: "Never begrudge your goods, neither your tobacco, nor your
provisions." To this the candidate responds [-e][n]ī--yes, by this
signifying that he will never regret what he has given the Mid[-e]ī for
their services. The candidate remains standing while the members of the
society take seats, after which he goes to the pile of blankets, skins,
and other presents, and upon selecting appropriate ones for the
officiating priests he carries them to those persons, after which he
makes presents of less value to all other Mid[-e]ī present. Tobacco is
then distributed, and while all are preparing to make an offering to
Kiītshi Manīid[-o] of tobacco, the newly accepted member goes around to
each, member present, passes his hands downward over the sides of the
Mid[-e]'s head and says:
Mi-gw[)e]tshī gaīshi-t[-o]ī-win bi-maī-d[)i]-si-w[-i]nī,
Thanks for giving to me life,
then, stepping back, he clasps his hands and bows toward the Mid[-e]ī,
adding: Ni-kaī-ni, ni-kaī-ni, ni-kaī-ni, ka-naī,--"My Mid[-e]ī friend,
my Mid[-e]ī friend, my Mid[-e]ī friend, friend." To this the Mid[-e]ī
responds in affirmation, hauī, [-e][n]ī--yes.
The new member then finds a seat on the southern side of the
inclosure, whereupon the ushers--Mid[-e]ī appointed to attend to outside
duties--retire and bring in the vessels of food which are carried around
to various persons present, four distinct times.
The feast continues for a considerable length of time, after which the
kettles and dishes are again carried outside the Mid[-e]īwi-gân, when
all who desire indulge in smoking. Mid[-e]ī songs are chanted by one of
the priests, the accompanying, reproduced pictorially in Pl. XIV C,
being an example. The lines, as usual, are repeated ad libitum, the
music being limited to but few notes, and in a minor key. The following
are the words with translation:
[Illustration]
Heī-ne-wiī-a niī-na miī-si-manī-i-d[-e]-geī
Their bodies shine over the world
he-waī-we-aī-ne-kanī.
unto me as unto you, my Mid[-e]ī friend.
[This refers to the sun, and moon, whose bodies are united in the
drawing.]
[Illustration]
Maī-na-wi-naī haiī-e-ne-h[-a]ī be-waī-bik-kun kan-dinī-a-we.
Your eyes see them both eyes made of iron, piercing eyes.
[The figure is that of the crane, whose loud, far-reaching voice is
indicated by the short lines radiating from the mouth. The eyes of
the crane Manīid[-o] are equally penetrating.]
[Illustration]
Ta-beī-n[)e]-waī he-shi-waī, h[-a]ī maī-si-niī-ni-heī-shi-waī, h[-a]ī.
Calm it leads you to guides you to your food.
[Knowledge of superior powers gained through familiarity with the
rites of the Mid[-e]īwiwin is here referred to. The figure points to
the abode of Kiītshi Manīid[-o]; three short lines indicating three
degrees in the Mid[-e]īwiwin, which the candidate has taken.]
[Illustration]
Ha-ninī-di he-bikī-k[)i]n-heī manī-i-d[-o] ni-kanī
Whence does he rise spirit Mid[-e]ī friend
wa-ba-n[)u]nkī, mi-d[-e]ī-manī-i-d[-o] wa-ba-n[)u]nkī.
from the east, mid[-e]ī manīid[-o] from the east.
[The hand reaches up as in making the gesture for rising sun or day,
the "sky lines" leaning to the left, or east; one making signs is
always presumed to face the south, and signs referring to periods of
day, sun, sunrise, etc., are made from the left side of the body.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
[Illustration]
Wa-dzhi-wanī, wa-dzhi-wanī-na,
Wa-dahi-wanī ni-kaī-na-h[-e]ī.
There is a mountain, there is a mountain,
There is a mountain, my friends.
[The upright outline represents a mountain upon which a powerful
Mid[-e]ī is seated, symbolical of the distinction attainable by a
Mid[-e]ī.]
[Illustration]
Waī-b[)e]-kuī[)e]-be-aī, waī-b[)e]-kuī-[)e]-be-aī,
Shot it was, shot it was
naī-b[)e]-kuī-[)e]-be-aī manī-i-d[-o]ī-īa n[)i]n-d[-e]ī.
and it hit body, your manīido your heart.
manī-i-d[-o]ī-a nin-d[-e]ī.
manīido your heart.
[The M[-i]īgis is represented in the illustration by the small
rings; the arrow indicating that it was "shot" with velocity.]
[Illustration]
Hweī-kwo-ninī-na-ta, ki-w[-i]ī-kashī-ka-man;
En-doī-ge-m[-a]ī weshī-in-[-e]ī.
What am I going around?
I am going around the Mid[-e]īwigân.
[The oblong structure represents the Mid[-e]īwigân. The otter-skin
Mid[-e]ī sack is taken around it, as is shown by the outline of that
animal and the line or course indicated. The Makwaī Manīid[-o] (bear
spirit) is shown at the left, resting upon the horizontal line, the
earth, below which are magic lines showing his power, as also the
lines upon the back of the bear. The speaker compares himself to the
bear spirit.]
[Illustration]
Nenī-do-neī-ha-m[-a]n-niī n[-i]ī-[)o],
What am I looking at.
[The figure denotes a leg, signifying powers of transporting one's
self to remote places; the magic power is indicated by the three
transverse lines and the small spots, the m[-i]īgis, upon it.]
[Illustration]
Baībin-keī-en nonī-do-wa-w[-e]ī, h[-i]ī,
I soon heard him, the one who
did not listen to them.
[The Mid[-e]ī, as a superior personage, is shown by having the horns
attached to the head. The line of hearing has small rings, at
intervals, indicating that something is heard.]
[Illustration]
Hinī-ta-naī-wi ni-kaī-na-giī, [-e]ī, h[-e]ī,
p[-i]ī-na-n[-i]ī, hinī-ta-naī-wi ni-kaī-na-gaī naī-ge-ka-naī
[-e]ī, h[-e]ī.
The Nikaīni are finding fault with me, inside of my lodge.
[The arm at the side of the Mid[-e]īwigân points to the interior,
the place spoken of.]
[Illustration]
O[n]shī-ko[n]sh-na-n[-a]ī pi-naī-wa ni[n]-boshī-i-naī-na.
With the bear's claws I almost hit him.
[The Mid[-e]ī used the bear's claw to work a charm, or exorcism,
and would seem to indicate that he claimed the powers of a
Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī. The one spoken of is an evil manīid[-o], referred to
in the preceding line, in which he speaks of having heard him.]
At the conclusion of this protracted ceremony a few speeches may be made
by a Mid[-e]ī, recounting the benefits to be enjoyed and the powers
wielded by the knowledge thus acquired, after which the chief priest
intimates to his colleagues the advisability of adjourning. They then
leave the Mid[-e]īwigân by the western door, and before night all
movable accessories are taken away from the structure.
The remainder of the evening is spent in visiting friends, dancing,
etc., and upon the following day they all return to their respective
homes.
DESCRIPTIVE NOTES.
Although the m[-i]īgis shell of the several degrees is generally of the
same species, some of the older Mid[-e]ī priests claim that there were
formerly specific shells, each being characteristic and pertaining
specially to each individual grade. The objects claimed by
Sikaīs-sig[)e] as referring to the third degree are, in addition to the
Cypræa monata, L., a piece of purple wampum, and one shell of elongated
form, both shown on Pl. XI, Nos. 3 and 5, respectively.
The fact of a Mid[-e]ī having been subjected to "m[-i]īgis shooting" for
the third time is an all-sufficient reason to the Indian why his powers
are in a corresponding manner augmented. His powers of exorcism and
incantation are greater; his knowledge and use of magic medicines more
extended and certain of effect; and his ability to do harm, as in the
capacity of a Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī, is more and more lauded and feared. He
becomes possessed of a greater power in prophecy and prevision, and in
this state enters the class of personages known as the
J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī, or jugglers. His power over darkness and obscurity is
indicated on Pl. III, A, No. 77, upon which the head, chest, and arms
are represented as being covered with lines to designate obscurity, the
extended arms with outstretched hands denoting ability to grasp and
control that which is hidden to the eye.
[Illustration: Fig. 26.--J[)e]sīsakkânī or juggler's lodge.]
The J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī and his manner of performing have already been
mentioned. This class of sorcerers were met with by the Jesuit Fathers
early in the seventeenth century, and referred to under various
designations, such as jongleur, magicien, consulteur du manitou, etc.
Their influence in the tribe was recognized, and formed one of the
greatest obstacles encountered in the Christianization of the Indians.
Although the J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī may be a seer and prophet as well as a
practitioner of exorcism without becoming a member of the Mid[-e]īwiwin,
it is only when a Mid[-e]ī attains the rank of the third degree that he
begins to give evidence of, or pretends to exhibit with any degree of
confidence, the powers accredited to the former. The structure erected
and occupied by the J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī for the performance of his powers
as prophet or oracle has before been described as cylindrical, being
made by planting four or more poles and wrapping about them sheets of
birch bark, blankets, or similar material that will serve as a covering.
This form of structure is generally represented in pictographic records,
as shown in Fig. 26.
[Illustration: Fig. 27.--J[)e]sīsakkânī, or juggler's lodge.]
[Illustration: Fig. 28.--J[)e]sīsakkânī, or juggler's lodge.]
[Illustration: Fig. 29.--J[)e]sīsakkânī, juggler's lodge.]
The accompanying illustrations, Figs. 27, 28, and 29, reproduced from
birch-bark etchings, were the property of J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī, who were
also Mid[-e]ī of the third and fourth degrees. It will be noticed that
the structure used by them is in the form of the ordinary wigīiwam, as
their profession of medical magic is apparently held in higher esteem
than the art of prophecy; their status and claims as J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī
being indicated by the great number of maīnid[-o]s which they have the
power of invoking. These manīid[-o]s, or spirits, are indicated by the
outline of their material forms, the heart being indicated and connected
with the interior of the structure to show the power of the
J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī over the life of the respective spirits. The
Thunder-bird usually occupies the highest position in his estimation,
and for this reason is drawn directly over the wigīiwam. The Turtle is
claimed to be the manīid[-o] who acts as intermediary between the
J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī and the other manīid[-o]s, and is therefore not found
among the characters on the outside of the wigīiwam, but his presence is
indicated within, either at the spot marking the convergence of the
"life lines," or immediately below it. Fig. 30 is a reproducton of an
etching made by a J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī at White Earth, Minnesota. The two
curved lines above the J[)e]sīsakkanī represent the sky, from which
magic power is derived, as shown by the waving line extending downward.
The small spots within the structure are "magic spots," i.e., the
presence of manīid[-o]s. The juggler is shown upon the left side near
the base. When a prophet is so fortunate as to be able to claim one of
these manīid[-o]s as his own tutelary daimon, his advantage in invoking
the others is comparatively greater. Before proceeding to the
J[)e]sīsakkânī--or the "Jugglery," as the J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī wigīiwam is
commonly designated, a prophet will prepare himself by smoking and
making an offering to his manīid[-o], and by singing a chant, of which
an example is presented on Pl. XIV, D. It is a reproduction of one made
by a J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī who was also a Mid[-e]ī of the third degree. Each
line is chanted as often as may be desired, or according to the effect
which it may be desirable to produce or the inspired state of the
singer.
[Illustration: Fig. 30.--J[)e]sīsakkânī, or juggler's lodge.]
[Illustration]
Me-weī-yan, haī, haī, haī,
I go into the J[)e]sīsakkanī to see the medicine.
[The circle represents the J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī as viewed from above;
the short lines denote the magic character of the structure, and the
central ring, or spot, the magic stone used by the prophet who
appears entering from the side.]
[Illustration]
Tschi-nunī-d[-o]nī, heī, heī, heī, heī,
I was the one who dug up life.
[The Otter Manīid[-o] emerging from the Mid[-e]īwigân; he received
it from Kiītshi Maniīd[-o].]
[Illustration]
Niīka-n[-i]ī we-do-ko[n]ī-a, haī, haī,
The spirit put down medicine on earth to grow.
[The sacred or magic lines descending to the earth denote
supernatural origin of the m[-i]īgis, which is shown by the four
small rings. The short lines at the bottom represent the ascending
sprouts of magic plants.]
[Illustration]
Te-ti-baī-tshi m[)u]tī-â-witī, t[-e]ī, h[-e]ī, h[-e]ī,
I am the one that dug up the medicine.
[The otter shown emerging from the jugglery. The speaker represents
himself "like unto the Otter Manīid[-o]."]
[Illustration]
Kiīwa[n]-winī-da maī-kwa-nanī, naī, haī,
I answer my brother spirit.
[The Otter Manīid[-o] responds to the invocation of the speaker. The
diagonal line across the body signifies the "spirit character" of
the animal.]
[Illustration]
Rest or pause.
[Illustration]
Waī-a-soī-at w[)e]nī-tiī-na-man, haī, ha,
The spirit has put life into my body.
[The speaker is represented as being in the Mid[-e]ī-wigân, where
Kiītshi Manīid[-o] placed magic power into his body; the arms denote
this act of putting into his sides the m[-i]īgis. The line crossing
the body denotes the person to be possessed of supernatural power.]
[Illustration]
Ki-toī-na-biī-in, n[-e]ī, h[-e]ī, h[-e]ī,
This is what the medicine has given us.
[The Mid[-e]īwigân, showing on the upper line the guardian
manīid[-o]s.]
[Illustration]
Niī-sha-weī-ni-b[)i]-kuī, h[-u]ī, h[-u]ī, h[-e]ī,
I took with two hands what was thrown down to us.
[The speaker grasped life, i.e., the mig[-i]sī, to secure the
mysterious power which he professes.]
In addition to the practice of medical magic, the J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī
sometimes resorts to a curious process to extract from the patient's
body the malevolent beings or manīid[-o]s which cause disease. The
method of procedure is as follows: The J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī is provided
with four or more tubular bones, consisting of the leg bones of large
birds, each of the thickness of a finger and 4 or 5 inches in length.
After the priest has fasted and chanted prayers for success, he gets
down upon all fours close to the patient and with his mouth near the
affected part. After using the rattle and singing most vociferously to
cause the evil manīid[-o] to take shelter at some particular spot, so
that it may be detected and located by him, he suddenly touches that
place with the end of one of the bones and immediately thereafter
putting the other end into his mouth, as if it were a cigar, strikes it
with the flat hand and sends it apparently down his throat. Then the
second bone is treated in the same manner, as also the third and fourth,
the last one being permitted to protrude from the mouth, when the end is
put against the affected part and sucking is indulged in amid the most
violent writhings and contortions in his endeavors to extract the
manīid[-o]. As this object is supposed to have been reached and
swallowed by the J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī he crawls away to a short distance
from the patient and relieves himself of the demon with violent
retchings and apparent suffering. He recovers in a short time, spits out
the bones, and, after directing his patient what further medicine to
swallow, receives his fee and departs. Further description of this
practice will be referred to below and illustrated on Pl. XVIII.
The above manner of disposing of the hollow bones is a clever trick and
not readily detected, and it is only by such acts of jugglery and other
delusions that he maintains his influence and importance among the
credulous.
[Illustration: Fig. 31.--J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī curing woman.]
Fig. 31 represents a J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī curing a sick woman by sucking
the demon through a bone tube. The pictograph was drawn upon a piece of
birch bark which was carried in the owner's Mid[-e]ī sack, and was
intended to record an event of importance.
No. 1 represents the actor, holding a rattle in hand. Around his head
is an additional circle, denoting quantity (literally, more than an
ordinary amount of knowledge), the short line projecting to the
right indicating the tube used.
No. 2 is the woman operated upon.
[Illustration: Fig. 32.--J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī curing man.]
Fig. 32 represents an exhibition by a J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī, a resident of
White Earth, Minnesota. The priest is shown in No. 1 holding his rattle,
the line extending from his eye to the patient's abdomen signifying that
he has located the demon and is about to begin his exorcism. No. 2 is
the patient lying before the operator.
FOURTH DEGREE.
[Illustration: Fig. 33.--Diagram of Mid[-e]īwigân of the fourth
degree.]
The Mid[-e]īwigân, in which this degree is conferred, differs from the
preceding structures by having open doorways in both the northern and
southern walls, about midway between the eastern and western extremities
and opposite to one another. Fig. 33 represents a ground plan, in which
may also be observed the location of each of the four Mid[-e]ī posts.
Fig. 34 shows general view of same structure. A short distance from the
eastern entrance is deposited the sacred stone, beyond which is an area
reserved for the presents to be deposited by an applicant for
initiation. The remaining two-thirds of the space toward the western
door is occupied at regular intervals by four posts, the first being
painted red with a band of green around the top. (Pl. XV, No. 1.) The
second post is red, and has scattered over its surface spots of white
clay to symbolize the sacred m[-i]īgis shell. Upon it is perched the
stuffed skin of an owl--k[)o]-kó-k[)o]-[-o]ī. (Pl. XV, No. 2.) The third
post is black; but instead of being round is cut square. (Pl. XV, No.
3.) The fourth post, that nearest the western extremity, is in the shape
of a cross, painted white, with red spots, excepting the lower half of
the trunk, which is squared, the colors upon the four sides being white
on the east, green on the south, red on the west, and black on the
north. (Pl. XV, No. 4.)
[Illustration: Fig. 34.--General view of Mid[-e]īwigân.]
About 10 paces east of the main entrance, in a direct line between it
and the sweat lodge, is planted a piece of thin board 3 feet high and 6
inches broad, the top of which is cut so as to present a three-lobed
apex, as shown in Fig. 3. The eastern side of this board is painted
green; that facing the Mid[-e]īwigân red. Near the top is a small
opening, through which the Mid[-e]ī are enabled to peep into the
interior of the sacred structure to observe the angry manīid[-o]s
occupying the structure and opposing the intrusion of anyone not of the
fourth degree.
A cedar tree is planted at each of the outer corners of the
Mid[-e]īwigân, and about 6 paces away from the northern, western, and
southern entrances a small brush structure is erected, sufficiently
large to admit the body. These structures are termed bears' nests,
supposed to be points where the Bear Manīid[-o] rested during the
struggle he passed through while fighting with the malevolent
manīid[-o]s within to gain entrance and receive the fourth-degree
initiation. Immediately within and to either side of the east and west
entrances is planted a short post, 5 feet high and 8 inches thick,
painted red upon the side facing the interior and black upon the
reverse, at the base of each being laid a stone about as large as a
human head. These four posts represent the four limbs and feet of the
Bear Manīid[-o], who made the four entrances and forcibly entered and
expelled the evil beings who had opposed him. The fourth-degree Mid[-e]ī
post-- the cross--furthermore symbolizes the four days'struggle at the
four openings or doors in the north, south, east, and west walls of the
structure.
PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE.
Under ordinary circumstances it requires at least one year before a
Mid[-e]ī of the third grade is considered eligible for promotion, and it
is seldom that a candidate can procure the necessary presents within
that period, so that frequently a number of years elapse before any
intimation by a candidate is made to the chief priest that the necessary
requirements can be complied with. The chief reason of this delay is
attributed to the fact that the fee to the officiating priests alone
must equal in value and quantity four times the amount paid at the first
initiation, and as the success in gathering the robes, skins, blankets,
etc., depends upon the candidate's own exertions it will readily appear
why so few ever attain the distinction sought. Should one be so
fortunate, however, as to possess the required articles, he has only to
make known the fact to the chief and assistant Mid[-e]ī priests, when a
meeting is held at the wigīiwam of one of the members and the merits of
the candidate discussed. For this purpose tobacco is furnished by the
candidate. The more valuable and more numerous the presents the more
rapidly will his application be disposed of, and the more certainly will
favorable consideration on it be had. It becomes necessary, as in former
instances of preparation, for the candidate to procure the service of a
renowned Mid[-e]ī, in order to acquire new or specially celebrated
remedies or charms. The candidate may also give evidence of his own
proficiency in magic without revealing the secrets of his success or the
course pursued to attain it. The greater the mystery the higher he is
held in esteem even by his jealous confrčres.
There is not much to be gained by preparatory instruction for the fourth
degree, the chief claims being a renewal of the ceremony of "shooting
the m[-i]īgis" into the body of the candidate, and enacting or
dramatizing the traditional efforts of the Bear Manīid[-o] in his
endeavor to receive from the Otter the secrets of this grade. One who
succeeds becomes correspondingly powerful in his profession and
therefore more feared by the credulous. His sources of income are
accordingly increased by the greater number of Indians who require his
assistance. Hunters, warriors, and lovers have occasion to call upon
him, and sometimes antidoting charms are sought, when the evil effects
of an enemy's work are to be counteracted.
The instructor receives the visit of the candidate, and upon coming to a
satisfactory agreement concerning the fee to be paid for the service he
prepares his pupil by prompting him as to the part he is to enact during
the initiation and the reasons therefor. The preparation and the merits
of magic compounds are discussed, and the pupil receives instruction in
making effective charms, compounding love powder, etc. This love powder
is held in high esteem, and its composition is held a profound secret,
to be transmitted only when a great fee is paid. It consists of the
following ingredients: Vermilion; powdered snakeroot (Polygala senega,
L.); exiguam particulam sanguinis a puella effusi, quum in primis
menstruis esset; and a piece of ginseng cut from the bifurcation of the
root, and powdered. These are mixed and put into a small buckskin bag.
The preparation is undertaken only after an offering to Kiītshi
Manīid[-o] of tobacco and a Mid[-e]ī song with rattle accompaniment. The
manner of using this powder will be described under the caption of
"descriptive notes." It differs entirely from the powder employed in
painting the face by one who wishes to attract or fascinate the object
of his or her devotion. The latter is referred to by the Rev. Peter
Jones[16] as follows:
There is a particular kind of charm which they use when they wish to
obtain the object of their affections. It is made of roots and red
ocher. With this they paint their faces, believing it to possess a
power so irresistible as to cause the object of their desire to love
them. But the moment this medicine is taken away and the charm
withdrawn the person who before was almost frantic with love hates
with a perfect hatred.
[Footnote 16: Hist. of the Ojebway Indians. London [1843?], p. 155.]
It is necessary that the candidate take a sweat-bath once each day, for
four successive days, at some time during the autumn months of the year
preceding the year in which the initiation is to occur. This form of
preparation is deemed agreeable to Kiītshi Manīid[-o], whose favor is
constantly invoked that the candidate may be favored with the powers
supposed to be conferred in the last degree. As spring approaches the
candidate makes occasional presents of tobacco to the chief priest and
his assistants, and when the period of the annual ceremony approaches,
they send out runners to members to solicit their presence, and, if of
the fourth degree, their assistance.
INITIATION OF CANDIDATE.
The candidate removes to the vicinity of the Mid[-e]īwigân so as to be
able to go through the ceremony of purgation four times before the day
of initiation. The sudatory having been constructed on the usual site,
east of the large structure, he enters it on the morning of the fifth
day preceding the initiation and after taking a sweat-bath he is joined
by the preceptor, when both proceed to the four entrances of the
Mid[-e]īwigân and deposit at each a small offering of tobacco. This
procedure is followed on the second and third days, also, but upon the
fourth the presents are also carried along and deposited at the
entrances, where they are received by assistants and suspended from the
rafters of the interior. On the evening of the last day, the chief and
officiating priests visit the candidate and his preceptor, in the
sweat-lodge, when ceremonial smoking is indulged in followed by the
recitation of Mid[-e]ī chants. The following (Pl. XVI, A) is a
reproduction of the chant taught to and recited by the candidate. The
original was obtained from an old mnemonic chart in use at Mille Lacs,
Minnesota, in the year 1825, which in turn had been copied from a record
in the possession of a Mid[-e]ī priest at La Pointe, Wisconsin. Many of
the words are of an older form than those in use at the present day.
Each line may be repeated ad libitum.
[Illustration]
Ni-kaī-ni-naī, ni-kaī-ni-naī, ni-kaī-ni-naī,
I am the Nikaīni, I am the Nikaīni, I am the Nikaīni,
manī-i-d[-o] wigī-i-wam winī-di-geī-un.
I am going into the sacred lodge.
[The speaker compares himself to the Bear Manīido, and as such is
represented at the entrance of the Mid[-e]īwigân.]
[Illustration]
Ni-kaī-ni-naī, ni-kaī-ni-naī, ni-kaī-ni-naī,
I am the Nikaīni, I am the Nikaīni, I am the Nikaīni,
ni-kanī-gi-nunī-da wé-m[)i]-d[)u]kī.
I "suppose" you hear me.
[The lines from the ear denotes hearing; the words are addressed to
his auditors.]
[Illustration]
Wâī, he-waī-ke-wa ke-wâī, he-waī-ke-wâī, wâī.
He said, he said.
[Signifies that Kiītshi Manīid[-o], who is seen with the voice lines
issuing from the mouth, and who promised the Aniīshinâīb[-e]g
"life," that they might always live.]
[Illustration]
Rest. A ceremonial smoke is now indulged in.
[Illustration]
Weī-shki-nunī-do-ni-neī, ke-noshī-ki-nunī-do-ni-neī.
This is the first time you hear it.
[The lines of hearing are again shown; the words refer to the first
time this is chanted as it is an intimation that the singer is to be
advanced to the higher grade of the Mid[-e]īwiwin.]
[Illustration]
Hweī-na-ni-ka he-naī, he-n[-o]ī mi-t[-e]ī-wi[n]-wi[n]ī
giī-ga-waī-pi-no-d[-o]nī.
You laugh, you laugh at the "grand medicine."
[The arms are directed towards Kiītshi Manīid[-o], the creator of
the sacred rite; the words refer to those who are ignorant of the
Mid[-e]īwiwin and its teachings.]
[Illustration]
Nun-teī-ma-neī, h[-e]ī, wiī-na-nunī-te-ma-neī kiī-pi-nanī.
I hear, but they hear it not.
[The speaker intimates that he realizes the importance of the
Mid[-e]ī rite, but the uninitiated do not.]
[Illustration]
Peī-ne-s[)u]iī-a keī-ke-kwiī-yan.
I am sitting like a sparrow-hawk.
[The singer is sitting upright, and is watchful, like a hawk
watching for its prey. He is ready to observe, and to acquire,
everything that may transpire in the Mid[-e]ī structure.]
Upon the conclusion of the chant, the assembled Mid[-e]ī smoke and
review the manner of procedure for the morrow's ceremony, and when these
details have been settled they disperse, to return to their wigīiwams,
or to visit Mid[-e]ī who may have come from distant settlements.
Early on the day of his initiation the candidate returns to the sudatory
to await the coming of his preceptor. The gifts of tobacco are divided
into parcels which may thus be easily distributed at the proper time,
and as soon as the officiating priests have arrived, and seated
themselves, the candidate produces some tobacco of which all present
take a pipeful, when a ceremonial smoke-offering is made to Kiītshi
Manīid[-o]. The candidate then takes his mid[-e]ī drum and sings a song
of his own composition, or one which he may have purchased from his
preceptor, or some Mid[-e]ī priest. The following is a reproduction of
an old mnemonic song which the owner, Sikasīsig[)e], had received from
his father who in turn had obtained it at La Pointe, Wisconsin, about
the year 1800. The words are archaic to a great extent, and they
furthermore differ from the modern language on account of the manner in
which they are pronounced in chanting, which peculiarity has been
faithfully followed below. The pictographic characters are reproduced in
Pl. XVI, B. As usual, the several lines are sung ad libitum, repetition
depending entirely upon the feelings of the singer.
[Illustration]
Hinī-to-nâ-ga-neī o-sa-ga-tsh[-i]ī-w[-e]d o-doī-zhi-t[-o]nī.
The sun is coming up, that makes my dish.
[The dish signifies the feast to be made by the singer. The zigzag
lines across the dish denote the sacred character of the feast. The
upper lines are the arm holding the vessel.]
[Illustration]
Manī-i-d[-o] iī-ya-n[-e]ī, ishī-ko-teī-wi-waī-we-yanī.
My spirit is on fire.
[The horizontal lines across the leg signify magic power of
traversing space. The short lines below the foot denote flames,
i.e., magic influence obtained by swiftness of communication with
the manīid[-o]s.]
[Illustration]
Koītshi-hâ-ya-n[-e]ī, n[-e]ī,
ishī-ki-toī-ya-niī, nin-doī-we-h[-e]ī, wiī-a-we-yanī.
I want to try you, I am of fire.
[The zigzag lines diverging from the mouth signify voice, singing;
the apex upon the head superior knowledge, by means of which the
singer wishes to try his Mid[-e]ī sack upon his hearer, to give
evidence of the power of his influence.]
[Illustration]
A pause. Ceremonial smoking is indulged in, after which the chant is
continued.
[Illustration]
Ni-m[-i]ī-ga-simī-ma manī-i-d[-o], sa-koī-tshi-naī.
My m[-i]īgis spirit, that is why I am stronger than you.
[The three spots denote the three times the singer has received the
m[-i]īgis by being shot; it is because this spirit is within him
that he is more powerful than those upon the outside of the wigiwam
who hear him.]
[Illustration]
M[-i]ī-ga-yeī-nin enī-dy-ân, yaī, h[-o]ī, yaī, manī-i-d[-o]ī-ya.
That is the way I feel, spirit.
[The speaker is filled with joy at his power, the m[-i]īgis within
him, shown by the spot upon the body, making him confident.]
[Illustration]
Ya-g[-o]ī-sha-h[-i]ī, nâī, haī, haī,
Ya-g[-o]ī-sha-hiī, manī-i-d[-o]-w[-i]ī-y[)i]n.
I am stronger than you, spirit that you are.
[He feels more powerful, from having received three times the
m[-i]īgis, than the evil spirit who antagonizes his progress in
advancement.]
Upon the completion of this preliminary by the candidate, the priests
emerge from the wigīiwam and fall in line according to their official
status, when the candidate and preceptor gather up the parcels of
tobacco and place themselves at the head of the column and start toward
the eastern entrance of the Mid[-e]īwigân. As they approach the lone
post, or board, the candidate halts, when the priests continue to chant
and drum upon the Mid[-e]ī drum. The chief Mid[-e]ī then advances to the
board and peeps through the orifice near the top to view malevolent
manīid[-o]s occupying the interior, who are antagonistic to the entrance
of a stranger. This spot is assumed to represent the resting place or
"nest," from which the Bear Manīid[-o] viewed the evil spirits during
the time of his initiation by the Otter. The evil spirits within are
crouching upon the floor, one behind the other and facing the east, the
first being Mi-shiī-bi-shiī--the panther; the second, Me-shiī-k[)e]--the
turtle; the third, kwinī-go-âī-g[)i]--the big wolverine; the fourth,
wâī-g[)u]sh--the fox; the fifth, ma-inī-g[)u]n--the wolf; and the sixth,
ma-kwaī--the bear. They are the ones who endeavor to counteract or
destroy the good wrought by the rites of the Mid[-e]īwiwin, and only by
the aid of the good manīid[-o]s can they be driven from the
Mid[-e]īwigân so as to permit a candidate to enter and receive the
benefits of the degree. The second Mid[-e]ī then views the group of
malevolent beings, after which the third, and lastly the fourth priest
looks through the orifice. They then advise the presentation by the
candidate of tobacco at that point to invoke the best efforts of the
Mid[-e]ī Manīid[-o]s in his behalf.
It is asserted that all of the malevolent manīid[-o]s who occupied and
surrounded the preceding degree structures have now assembled about this
fourth degree of the Mid[-e]īwigân to make a final effort against the
admission and advancement of the candidate: therefore he impersonates
the good Bear Manīid[-o], and is obliged to follow a similar course in
approaching from his present position the entrance of the structure.
Upon hands and knees he slowly crawls toward the main entrance, when a
wailing voice is heard in the east which sounds like the word h[-a][n]ī,
prolonged in a monotone. This is geī-gi-siī-bi-gaī-ne-dât manīid[-o].
His bones are heard rattling as he approaches; he wields his bow and
arrow; his long hair streaming in the air, and his body, covered with
m[-i]īgis shells from the salt sea, from which he has emerged to aid in
the expulsion of the opposing spirits. This being the information given
to the candidate he assumes and personates the character of the
manīid[-o] referred to, and being given a bow and four arrows, and under
the guidance of his preceptor, he proceeds toward the main entrance of
the structure while the officiating priests enter and station themselves
within the door facing the west. The preceptor carries the remaining
parcels of tobacco, and when the candidate arrives near the door he
makes four movements with his bow and arrow toward the interior, as if
shooting, the last time sending an arrow within, upon which the grinning
spirits are forced to retreat toward the other end of the inclosure. The
candidate then rushes in at the main entrance, and upon emerging at the
south suddenly turns and again employs his bow and arrow four times
toward the crowd of evil manīid[-o]s, who have rushed toward him during
the interval that he was within. At the last gesture of shooting into
the inclosure, he sends forward an arrow, deposits a parcel of tobacco
and crouches to rest at the so-called "bear's nest." During this period
of repose the Mid[-e]ī priests continue to drum and sing. Then the
candidate approaches the southern door again, on all fours, and the
moment he arrives there he rises and is hurried through the inclosure to
emerge at the west, where he turns suddenly, and imitating the manner of
shooting arrows into the group of angry manīid[-o]s within, he at the
fourth movement lets fly an arrow and gets down into the western "bear's
nest." After a short interval he again approaches the door, crawling
forward on his hands and knees until he reaches the entrance, where he
leaves a present of tobacco and is hastened through the inclosure to
emerge at the northern door, where he again turns suddenly upon the
angry spirits, and after making threatening movements toward them, at
the fourth menace he sends an arrow among them. The spirits are now
greatly annoyed by the magic power possessed by the candidate and the
assistance rendered by the Mid[-e]ī Manīid[-o]s, so that they are
compelled to seek safety in flight. The candidate is resting in the
northern "bear's nest," and as he again crawls toward the Mid[-e]īwigân,
on hands and knees, he deposits another gift of a parcel of tobacco,
then rises and is hurried through the interior to emerge at the entrance
door, where he turns around, and seeing but a few angry manīid[-o]s
remaining, he takes his last arrow and aiming it at them makes four
threatening gestures toward them, at the last sending the arrow into the
structure, which puts to flight all opposition on the part of this host
of manīid[-o]s. The path is now clear, and after he deposits another
gift of tobacco at the door he is led within, and the preceptor receives
the bow and deposits it with the remaining tobacco upon the pile of
blankets and robes that have by this time been removed from the rafters
and laid upon the ground midway between the sacred Mid[-e]ī stone and
the first Mid[-e]ī post.
The chief Mid[-e]ī priest then takes charge of the candidate, saying:
Miī-a-shiī-gwa wi-kaī-we-aī-kwa-m[)u]s-sinī-n[)u]k.
Now is the time [to take] the path that has no end
M[-i]ī-a-shiī-gwa wi-kanī-do-we-ânī
Now is the time I shall inform you [of]
miī-ga-[-i]ī-zhid wenī- dzhi-bi-mâī-dis.
that which I was told the reason I live.
To this the second Mid[-e]ī priest remarks to the candidate,
Waī-shi-gânī-do-we-anī mi-gaiī-i-n[)o]kī waī-ka-noī-shi-dzin--which
freely translated signifies: "The reason I now advise you is that you
may heed him when he speaks to you." The candidate is then led around
the interior of the inclosure, the assistant Mid[-e]ī fall in line of
march and are followed by all the others present, excepting the
musicians. During the circuit, which is performed slowly, the chief
Mid[-e]ī drums upon the Mid[-e]ī drum and chants. The following,
reproduced from the original, on Pl. XVII, B, consists of a number of
archaic words, some of which are furthermore different from the spoken
language on account of their being chanted, and meaningless syllables
introduced to prolong certain accentuated notes. Each line and stanza
may be repeated ad libitum.
[Illustration]
Manī-i-d[-o], h[-e]ī, n[-e]ī-y[-e]ī, manī-i-d[-o], h[-e]ī, n[-e]ī,
y[-e]ī, [-e]nī-da-naī-bi-y[)e]n wenī-d[-o]-biī-y[)e]n.
A spirit, a spirit, you who sit there, who sit there.
[The singer makes a spirit of the candidate by thus giving him new
life, by again shooting into his body the sacred m[-i]gis. The disk
is the dish for feast of spirits in the dzhibaiī mid[-e]īwigân--
"Ghost Lodge," the arms reaching towards it denoting the spirits who
take food therefrom. The signification is that the candidate will be
enabled to invoke and commune with the spirits of departed Mid[-e]ī,
and to learn of hidden powers.]
[Illustration]
Heī-ha-waī-ni, y[-e]ī, heī-ha-waī-ni, y[-e]ī,
naī-bi-neshī-ga-naī-bi, h[-i]ī, h[-e]ī.
[These words were chanted, while the following are those as spoken,
apart from the music.]
Â-wanī-[-o]-deī-no-w[)i]n n[-i]ī-bi-d[)e]shī-ka-w[)i]n
unī-de-noī-w[)i]n.
The fog wind goes from place to place whence the wind blows.
[The reason of the representation of a human form was not
satisfactorily explained. The preceptor felt confident, however,
that it signified a manī[-i]d[-o] who controls the fog, one
different from one of the a-naī-mi-kiī, or Thunderers, who would be
shown by the figure of an eagle, or a hawk, when it would also
denote the thunder, and perhaps lightning, neither of which occurs
in connection with the fog.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
[Illustration]
Manī-i-d[-o]ī-we niī-mi-nanī ku-niī-ne man-toī-ke niī-mi-neī.
I who acknowledge you to be a spirit, and am dying.
[The figure is an outline of the Mid[-e]īwigân with the sacred
Mid[-e]ī stone indicated within, as also another spot to signify the
place occupied by a sick person. The waving lines above and beneath
the oblong square are magic lines, and indicate magic or
supernatural power. The singer compares the candidate to a sick man
who is seeking life by having shot into his body the m[-i]īgis.]
[Illustration]
Ga-kweī-in-nânī tshi-haī-g[)e]-nâī ma-kwaī ni-goī-tshi-niī.
I am trying you who are the bear.
[The Mid[-e]ī who is chanting is shown in the figure; his eyes are
looking into the candidate's heart. The lines from the mouth are
also shown as denoting speech, directed to his hearer. The horns
are a representation of the manner of indicating superior powers.]
[Illustration]
P[)i]-n[-e]ī-si kaī-ka-g[-i]ī-wai-yanī wenī-dzhi manī-i-d[-o]īwid.
The bird, the crow bird's skin is the reason why I am a spirit.
[Although the crow is mentioned, the Thunder-bird (eagle) is
delineated. The signification of the phrase is, that the speaker
is equal in power to a manīid[-o], at the time of using the Mid[-e]ī
sack--which is of such a skin.]
[Illustration]
Tshin-gweī-wi-heī-na n[-e]ī, ka[n]ī, tshi-wâī-ba-ku-n[-e]tī.
The sound of the Thunder is the white bear of fire.
[The head is, in this instance, symbolical of the white bear
manīid[-o]; the short lines below it denoting flame radiating from
the body, the eyes also looking with penetrating gaze, as indicated
by the double waving lines from each eye. The white bear manīid[-o]
is one of the most powerful manīid[-o]s, and is so recognized.]
By the time this chant is completed the head of the procession reaches
the point of departure, just within the eastern door, and all of the
members return to their seats, only the four officiating Mid[-e]ī
remaining with the candidate and his preceptor. To search further that
no malevolent manīid[-o]s may remain lurking within the Mid[-e]īwigân,
the chief priests lead the candidate in a zigzag manner to the western
door, and back again to the east. In this way the path leads past the
side of the Mid[-e]ī stone, then right oblique to the north of the heap
of presents, thence left oblique to the south of the first-degree post,
then passing the second on the north, and so on until the last post is
reached, around which the course continues, and back in a similar
serpentine manner to the eastern door. The candidate is then led to the
blankets, upon which he seats himself, the four officiating priests
placing themselves before him, the preceptor standing back near the
first of the four degree posts.
The Mid[-e]ī priest of the fourth rank or place in order of precedence
approaches the kneeling candidate and in a manner similar to that which
has already been described shoots into his breast the m[-i]īgis; the
third, second and first Mid[-e]ī follow in like manner, the last named
alone shooting his m[-i]īgis into the candidate's forehead, upon which
he falls forward, spits out a m[-i]īgis shell which he had previously
secreted in his mouth, and upon the priests rubbing upon his back and
limbs their Mid[-e]ī sacks he recovers and resumes his sitting posture.
The officiating priests retire to either side of the inclosure to find
seats, when the newly received member arises and with the assistance of
the preceptor distributes the remaining parcels of tobacco, and lastly
the blankets, robes, and other gifts. He then begins at the southeastern
angle of the inclosure to return thanks for admission, places both hands
upon the first person, and as he moves them downward over his hair says:
Mi-gw[)e]tshī ga-oī-shi-t[-o]ī-[)i]n bi-mâī-d[)i]-s[)i]-win--"Thanks,
for giving to me life." The Mid[-e]ī addressed bows his head and
responds, hauī, [-e][n]ī,--yes when the newly admitted member steps back
one pace, clasps his hands and inclines his head to the front. This
movement is continued until all present have been thanked, after which
he takes a seat in the southeastern corner of the inclosure.
A curious ceremony then takes place in which all the Mid[-e]ī on one
side of the inclosure arise and approach those upon the other, each
grasping his Mid[-e]ī sack and selecting a victim pretends to shoot into
his body the m[-i]īgis, whereupon the Mid[-e]ī so shot falls over, and
after a brief attack of gagging and retching pretends to gain relief by
spitting out of his mouth a m[-i]īgis shell. This is held upon the left
palm, and as the opposing party retreat to their seats, the side which
has just been subjected to the attack moves rapidly around among one
another as if dancing, but simply giving rapid utterance to the word
h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, h[)o]ī, and showing the
m[-i]īgis to everybody present, after which they place the flat hands
quickly to the mouth and pretend again to swallow their respective
shells. The members of this party then similarly attack their opponents,
who submit to similar treatment and go through like movements in
exhibiting the m[-i]īgis, which they again swallow. When quiet has been
restored, and after a ceremonial smoke has been indulged in, the
candidate sings, or chants, the production being either his own
composition or that of some other person from whom it has been
purchased. The chant presented herewith was obtained from Sikasīsig[)e],
who had received it in turn from his father when the latter was chief
priest of the Mid[-e]īwiwin at Mille Lacs, Minnesota. The pictographic
characters are reproduced on Pl. XVII, A, and the musical notation,
which is also presented, was obtained during the period of my
preliminary instruction. The phraseology of the chant, of which each
line and verse is repeated ad libitum as the singer may be inspired, is
as follows:
[Illustration]
Do-nâī-ga-n[-i]ī, Naī-wa-kweī in-doī-shi-t[-o]nī, do-nâī-ga-n[-i]ī.
My dish, At noon I make it, my dish.
[The singer refers to the feast which he gives to the Mid[-e]ī for
admitting him into the Mid[-e]īwiwin.]
[Music: 266_1]
Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni,
Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni;
Na-īkwa-w[-e]ī, In-do-shi-t[-o]n Donagani, Donaga-ni,
Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni.
[Illustration: Plate XVII.
Mnemonic Songs.]
[Illustration]
Manī-[-i]-d[-o]ī i-yan-n[-i]ī, Esh-koī-te ninī-do-weī-yo-w[)i]nī,
I am such a spirit, My body is made of fire.
[His power reaches to the sky, i.e., he has power to invoke the aid
of Kiītshi Manīid[-o]. The four degrees which he has received are
indicated by the four short lines at the tip of the hand.]
[Music: 267_1]
Maīni-d[-o]-i-ya-ni, Maīni-d[-o]-i-ya-ni, Maīni-d[-o]-i-ya-ni,
Maīni-d[-o]-i-ya-ni, Maīni-d[-o]-i-ya-ni; Eshīko-te nin-do we-yo-win,
Manid[-o]iya-ni, Maīni-d[-o]-i-ya-ni,
Maīni-d[-o]-i-ya-ni, Maīni-d[-o]-i-ya-ni.
[Illustration]
K[)o]ī-tshi-haiī-o-n[-i]ī, Esh-koī-te wa-niī-y[-o].
I have tried it, My body is of fire.
[He likens himself to the Bear Manīid[-o], and has like power by
virtue of his m[-i]īgis, which is shown below the lines running
downward from the mouth. He is represented as standing in the
Mid[-e]īwigân--where his feet rest.]
[Music: 267_2]
Koītshi-haiīo-ni, Koītshi-haiīo-ni, Koītshi-haiīo-ni,
Koītshihaiīoni, Koītshi-haiīo-ni, Koītshi-haiīo-ni,
Koītshi-haiīo-ni, Koītshi-haiīo-ni, Eshīkoteīwaniīyo,
Koītshihaioni. Koītshihaiīoni, Kotshihaioni, h[)e]ī[-o], h[)e]ī[-o].
[Illustration]
Pause. An offering of smoke is made to Kiītshi Manīid[-o].
[Illustration]
Ni-m[-i]ī-gi-s[)i]mī manī-i-d[-o]ī-we, hw[-e]ī, h[-e]ī,
Shaī-go-dzh[)i]ī-hi-naī.
My m[-i]īgis spirit,
I overpower death with.
[His body is covered with m[-i]īgis as shown by the short lines
radiating from the sides, and by this power he is enabled to
overcome death.]
[Music: 268_1]
Nimegasi mani d[-o]-w[-e], hw[-e], h[-e], Nimegasi mani d[-o]-w[-e],
hw[-e], h[-e], Shagodzhihinani-mega-si, Manido-w[-e], hw[-e], h[-e].
Ni-me-ga-si-ma-ni-d[-o]-w[-e], hw[-e], h[-e].
[Illustration]
Niī-ka-niī nin-manī-e-d[-o]ī-we-yaī.
Yaī-ho-yaī manī-i-d[-o]ī-wa nin-daī-ho-haī.
That is the way with me, spirit that I am.
[The hand shows how he casts the m[-i]īgis forward into the person
requiring life. He has fourfold power, i.e., he has received the
m[-i]īgis four times himself and is thus enabled to infuse into the
person requiring it.]
[Music: 268_2]
Niī-ga-neī nin maīni-d[-o]īwe ya Niī-ga-neī nin maīni-d[-o]īwe ya,
Yaīho-yaī maīnid[-o]-we, Ninīdoh[-o]ha niīgane, maīni-d[-o]-we, ya,
h[-e].
[Illustration]
[-E]-kotshī-i-naī-ha,
[-E]-kotshī-ha manī-i-d[-o]ī hwe-doī-w[-i].
I hang it,
I hang up the Spirit sack.
[After using his Mid[-e]ī sack he hangs it against the wall of the
Mid[-e]īwigân, as is usually done during the ceremonial of
initiation.]
[Music: 269_1]
E-koītshi-na-ha, E-koītshi-na-ha, E-koītshi-na-ha,
E-koī-tshi-na-ha, E-koī-tshi-na-ha,
E-kiī-tshi-maī-ni-d[-o]ī hwe-do-wi,
E-koītshi-na-ha, E-koītshi-na-ha, E-koītshi-na-ha, h[)e]īa.
[Illustration]
Heī-a-wi-nonī-dam-aī-ni,
Manī-i-d[-o]ī mi-deī-wi-heī
neī-ma-daī-wi-dzigī.
Let them hear,
Mid[-e]ī spirit, those who are sitting around.
[He invokes Kiītshi Manīid[-o] to make his auditors understand his
power.]
[Music: 269_2]
He-a-wi-nonī-da-ma-ni h[-e], He-a-wi-nonda-ma-ni h[-e];
Heī-a-wi-non-da-ma-ni h[-e], Heī-a-wi-non-da-ma-ni h[-e];
Manidomid[-e]wi h[-e], Nemadawi dzhig,
Heawinondamani h[-e], h[-e], h[-e].
[Illustration]
Heī-a-we-naī niī-we-d[-o]ī,
Manī-i-d[-o]ī we-a-n[-i]ī
Niī-ka-n[-a]ī niī-na-n[-a]ī.
He who is sleeping,
The Spirit, I bring him, a kinsman.
[In the employment of his powers he resorts to the help of Kiītshi
Manīid[-o]--his kinsman or Mid[-e]ī colleague.]
[Music: 270_1]
He-a-we-na-ne-we-d[-o], h[-o], He-a-we-na-ne-we-d[-o], h[-o],
He-a-we-na-ne-we-d[-o], h[-o], He-a-we-na-ne-we-d[-o], h[-o];
Maī-ni-d[-o]-we-a-ni ni-ka-na ni-ka-na, h[-o], h[-o].
[Illustration]
Manī-i-d[-o]ī we-a-n[-i]ī
Esh-keī-ta weī-a-n[)i]ī manī-i-d[-o]ī weī-a-n[)i]ī.
I am a spirit,
Fire is my spirit body.
[The hand reaches to the earth to grasp fire, showing his ability
to do so without injury and illustrating in this manner his
supernatural power.]
[Music: 270_2]
Maīni-d[-o]īwi-a-ni h[-e], Maīni-d[-o]īwi-a-ni h[-e],
Maī-ni-d[-o]ī-wi-a-ni h[-e], Maī-ni-d[-o]ī-wi-a-ni h[-e],
Maī-ni-d[-o]īwi-a-ni h[-e];
Eshīkatoīweani h[-e], Maīnid[-o]īwiani h[-e], Maīnid[-o]īwia-ni h[-e].
[Illustration]
Ai-yaī-swa-k[)i]t-teī, h[-e]ī, heī,
Heī-[-a]ī se-w[-i]ī-kit-teī, h[-e]ī, h[-e]ī
Na-seī-ma-g[)o]tī nin-d[-e]ī.
It is leaning,
My heart breathes.
[The phrase refers to the m[-i]īgis within his heart. The short
radiating lines indicate the magic power of the shell.]
[Music: 271_1]
Heī-a-si-wi-kit-te h[-e], Heī-a-si-wi-kit-te h[-e],
Heīa-si-wikit-te h[-e], Heīa-si-wi-kit-te h[-e],
Naīsimagot ninīde h[-e],
Heī-a-si-wi-kit-te h[-e], Heī-a-si-wi-kit-te h[-e],
Heī-a-si-wi-kit-te h[-e]ī, Heīa-si-wi-kitte h[-e].
[Illustration]
Rest, or pause, after which dancing accompanies the remainder of the
song.
[Illustration]
Ni-kaī-nin-koī-tshiī-ha niī-ka-na
Ni-kaī-na-nin-koī-tshi-ha.
Mid[-e]ī friends, I am trying, Mid[-e]ī friends, Mid[-e]ī friends,
I am trying.
[His hand and arm crossed by lines to denote magic power, in
reaching to grasp more than four degrees have given him; he has
in view a fifth, or its equivalent.]
[Music: 271_2]
Niī-ka-ni koītshiha Niīka-ni ha, Niī-ka-ni koītshini Niī-ka-ni
ha, Niī-ka-ni koī-tshi-ha Niī-ka-ni ha.
[Illustration]
Hiī-ne-na-waī ni-beī-i-d[-o]nī ni-diī-na.
I hold that which I brought, and told him.
[The singer is holding the m[-i]īgis and refers to his having its
power, which he desires Kiītshi Manīid[-o] to augment.]
[Music: 272_1]
He-ne-na-wa-ni-bei-d[-o]n, He-ne-na-wa-ni-bei-d[-o]n,
He-ne-na-wa-ni-bei-d[-o]n, He-ne-na-wa-ni-bei-d[-o]n.
[Illustration]
Yeī-we-niī-mi-d[-e]ī, hwaī, daī, Ke-waī-shi-mi-d[-e]ī, h[)i]-a,
hw[-e]ī, Yeī-we-niī-mi-d[-e]?
Who is this grand Mid[-e]ī? You have not much grand medicine.
Who is the Mid[-e]ī?
[The first line, when used with the music, is
aī-we-nin-oī-au-mid[-e]ī. The whole phrase refers to boasters, who
have not received the proper initiations which they profess. The
figure is covered with m[-i]īgis shells, as shown by the short lines
attached to the body.]
[Music: 272_2]
Ye-we-ni-mi-d[-e] hwa, da. Ke-wa-shi-mi-d[-e] h[)i]a, hw[-e],
Ye-we-ni-mi-d[-e] hwa, da. Ke-wa-shi-mi-d[-e] h[)i]a, hwe.
Ye-we-ni-mi-d[-e], Ye-we-ni-mi-d[-e] hwa, da.
[Illustration]
Naiī-a-na-wiī na-maī, haī, Wa-naī-he-ne-ni-waī, haī,
Oī-ta-be-we-niī, m[-e]ī, h[-e]ī.
I can not reach it,
Only when I go round the Mideīwigân;
I can not reach it from where I sit.
[The m[-i]īgis attached to the arrow signifies its swift and certain
power and effect. The first line of the phrase, when spoken, is
nin-naī-na-wi-nanī.]
[Music: 273_1]
Nai-a-na-wi-na-ma ha, Nai-a-na-wi-na-ma ha,
Nai-a-na-wi-na-ma ha, Nai-a-na-wi-na-ma ha,
Wa-na-he-ne-ni-wa ha, O-ta-be-we-ni-me ha.
[Illustration]
Ai-y[-a]ī haī-na-wiī-na-maī.
I can not strike him.
[The speaker is weeping because he can not see immediate prospects
for further advancement in the acquisition of power. The broken ring
upon his breast is the place upon which he was shot with the
m[-i]īgis.]
[Music: 273_2]
Ai-ya-ha-na-wi-na-ma, Ai-ya-ha-na-wi-na-ma,
Ai-ya-ha-na-wi-na-ma, Ai-ya-ha-na-wi-na--ma,
h[)e][-o], h[)e][-o], h[)e][-o].
The following musical notation presents accurately the range of notes
employed by the preceptor. The peculiarity of Mid[-e]ī songs lies in the
fact that each person has his own individual series of notes which
correspond to the number of syllables in the phrase and add thereto
meaningless words to prolong the effect. When a song is taught, the
words are the chief and most important part, the musical rendering of a
second person may be so different from that of the person from whom he
learns it as to be unrecognizable without the words. Another fact which
often presents itself is the absence of time and measure, which prevents
any reduction to notation by full bars; e.g., one or two bars may appear
to consist of four quarter notes or a sufficient number of quarters and
eighths to complete such bars, but the succeeding one may consist of an
additional quarter, or perhaps two, thus destroying all semblance of
rythmic continuity. This peculiarity is not so common in dancing music,
in which the instruments of percussion are employed to assist regularity
and to accord with the steps made by the dancers, or vice versa.
In some of the songs presented in this paper the bars have been omitted
for the reasons presented above. The peculiarity of the songs as
rendered by the preceptor is thus more plainly indicated.
When the chant is ended the ushers, who are appointed by the chief
Mid[-e]ī, leave the inclosure to bring in the vessels of food. This is
furnished by the newly elected member and is prepared by his female
relatives and friends. The kettles and dishes of food are borne around
four times, so that each one present may have the opportunity of eating
sufficiently. Smoking and conversation relating to the Mid[-e]īwiwin may
then be continued until toward sunset, when, upon an intimation from the
chief Mid[-e]ī, the members quietly retire, leaving the structure by the
western door. All personal property is removed, and upon the following
day everybody departs.
DESCRIPTIVE NOTES.
The amount of influence wielded by Mid[-e]ī generally, and particularly
such as have received four degrees, is beyond belief. The rite of the
Mid[-e]īwiwin is deemed equivalent to a religion--as that term is
commonly understood by intelligent people--and is believed to elevate
such a Mid[-e]ī to the nearest possible approach to the reputed
character of Miīnab[-o]īzho, and to place within his reach the
supernatural power of invoking and communing with Kiītshi Manīid[-o]
himself.
By reference to Pl. III, A, No. 98, it will be observed that the human
figure is specially marked with very pronounced indications of m[-i]īgis
spots upon the head, the extremities, and more particularly the breast.
These are placed where the m[-i]gis was "shot" into the Mid[-e]ī, and
the functions of the several parts are therefore believed to be greatly
augmented. All the spots are united by a line to denote unity and
harmony of action in the exercise of power.
The m[-i]īgis, typical of the fourth degree, consists of small pieces of
deer horn, covered with red paint on one end and green upon the other.
Sometimes but one color is employed for the entire object. The form is
shown on Pl. XI, No. 6. No. 2, upon the same plate, represents a shell,
used as a m[-i]īgis, observed at White Earth.
Figs. 5-11, on Pl. XV, present several forms of painting mid[-e]ī posts,
as practiced by the several societies in Minnesota. Each society claims
to preserve the ancient method. The cross, shown in No. 7, bears the
typical colors--red and green--upon the upper half, while the lower post
is square and colored white on the east, green on the south, red on the
west, and black on the north. The Mid[-e]ī explain the signification of
the colors as follows: White represents the east, the source of light
and the direction from which the sacred m[-i]īgis came; green,
shaīman[-o] the southern one, refers to the source of the rains, the
direction from which the Thunderers come in the spring, they who
revivify the earth; red refers to the land of the setting sun, the abode
of the shadows or the dead; and north being black, because that is the
direction from which come cold, hunger, and disease.
The words of the Mid[-e]ī priest alluding to "the path that has no end"
refer to the future course and conduct of the candidate for the last
degree, as well as to the possibility of attaining unlimited powers in
magic, and is pictorially designated upon the chart on Pl. III, A, at
No. 99. The path is devious and beset with temptations, but by strict
adherence to the principles of the Mid[-e]īwiwin the Mid[-e]ī may reach
the goal and become the superior of his confrčres, designated
Mi-niī-si-n[-o]ī-shkwe, "he who lives on the island."
A Mid[-e]ī-Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī of this degree is dreaded on account of his
extraordinary power of inflicting injury, causing misfortune, etc., and
most remarkable tales are extant concerning his astounding performances
with fire.
The following performance is said to have occurred at White Earth,
Minnesota, in the presence of a large gathering of Indians and mixed
bloods. Two small wigīiwams were erected, about 50 paces from each
other, and after the Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī had crawled into one of them his
disparagers built around each of them a continuous heap of brush and
firewood, which were then kindled. When the blaze was at its height all
became hushed for a moment, and presently the Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī called to
the crowd that he had transferred himself to the other wigīiwam and
immediately, to their profound astonishment, crawled forth unharmed.
This is but an example of the numerous and marvelous abilities with
which the Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī of the higher grade is accredited.
The special pretensions claimed by the Mid[-e]-Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī have
already been mentioned, but an account of the properties and manner of
using the "love powder" may here be appropriate. This powder--the
composition of which has been given--is generally used by the owner to
accomplish results desired by the applicant. It is carried in a small
bag made of buckskin or cloth, which the Wâb[)e]n[-o]ī carefully
deposits within his Mid[-e]ī sack, but which is transferred to another
sack of like size and loaned to the applicant, for a valuable
consideration.
During a recent visit to one of the reservations in Minnesota, I had
occasion to confer with a Catholic missionary regarding some of the
peculiar medical practices of the Indians, and the implements and other
accessories employed in connection with their profession. He related the
following incident as having but a short time previously come under his
own personal observation:
One of the members of his church, a Norwegian, sixty-two years of age,
and a widower, had for the last preceding year been considered by most
of the residents as demented. The missionary himself had observed his
erratic and frequently irrational conduct, and was impressed with the
probable truth of the prevailing rumor. One morning, however, as the
missionary was seated in his study, he was surprised to receive a very
early call, and upon invitation his visitor took a seat and explained
the object of his visit. He said that for the last year he had been so
disturbed in his peace of mind that he now came to seek advice. He was
fully aware of the common report respecting his conduct, but was utterly
unable to control himself, and attributed the cause of his unfortunate
condition to an occurrence of the year before. Upon waking one morning
his thoughts were unwillingly concentrated upon an Indian woman with
whom he had no personal acquaintance whatever, and, notwithstanding the
absurdity of the impression, he was unable to cast it aside. After
breakfast he was, by some inexplicable influence, compelled to call upon
her, and to introduce himself, and although he expected to be able to
avoid repeating the visit, he never had sufficient control over himself
to resist lurking in the vicinity of her habitation.
Upon his return home after the first visit he discovered lying upon the
floor under his bed, a Mid[-e]ī sack which contained some small parcels
with which he was unfamiliar, but was afterward told that one of them
consisted of "love powder." He stated that he had grown children, and
the idea of marrying again was out of the question, not only on their
account but because he was now too old. The missionary reasoned with him
and suggested a course of procedure, the result of which had not been
learned when the incident was related.
Jugglery of another kind, to which allusion has before been made, is
also attributed to the highest class of J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī. Several years
ago the following account was related to Col. Garrick Mallery, U.S.
Army, and myself, and as Col. Mallery subsequently read a paper before
the Anthropological Society of Washington, District of Columbia, in
which the account was mentioned, I quote his words:
Paul Beaulieu, an Ojibwa of mixed blood, present interpreter at
White Earth Agency, Minnesota, gave me his experience with a
J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī, at Leech Lake, Minnesota, about the year 1858. The
reports of his wonderful performances had reached the agency, and as
Beaulieu had no faith in jugglers, he offered to wager $100, a large
sum, then and there, against goods of equal value, that the juggler
could not perform satisfactorily one of the tricks of his repertoire
to be selected by him (Beaulieu) in the presence of himself and a
committee of his friends. The J[)e]sīsakkânī--or J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī
lodge--was then erected. The framework of vertical poles, inclined to
the center, was filled in with interlaced twigs covered with blankets
and birch-bark from the ground to the top, leaving an upper orifice of
about a foot in diameter for the ingress and egress of spirits and the
objects to be mentioned, but not large enough for the passage of a
man's body. At one side of the lower wrapping a flap was left for the
entrance of the J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī.
A committee of twelve was selected to see that no communication was
possible between the J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī and confederates. These were
reliable people, one of them the Episcopal clergyman of the
reservation. The spectators were several hundred in number, but they
stood off, not being allowed to approach.
The J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī then removed his clothing, until nothing
remained but the breech-cloth. Beaulieu took a rope (selected by
himself for the purpose) and first tied and knotted one end about the
juggler's ankles; his knees were then securely tied together, next the
wrists, after which the arms were passed over the knees and a billet
of wood passed through under the knees, thus securing and keeping the
arms down motionless. The rope was then passed around the neck, again
and again, each time tied and knotted, so as to bring the face down
upon the knees. A flat river-stone, of black color--which was the
J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī's maīnid[-o] or amulet--was left lying upon his
thighs.
The J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī was then carried to the lodge and placed inside
upon a mat on the ground, and the flap covering was restored so as to
completely hide him from view.
Immediately loud, thumping noises were heard, and the framework began
to sway from side to side with great violence; whereupon the clergyman
remarked that this was the work of the Evil One and 'it was no place
for him,' so he left and did not see the end. After a few minutes of
violent movements and swayings of the lodge accompanied by loud
inarticulate noises, the motions gradually ceased when the voice of
the juggler was heard, telling Beaulieu to go to the house of a
friend, near by, and get the rope. Now, Beaulieu, suspecting some joke
was to be played upon him, directed the committee to be very careful
not to permit any one to approach while he went for the rope, which he
found at the place indicated, still tied exactly as he had placed it
about the neck and extremities of the J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī. He
immediately returned, laid it down before the spectators, and
requested of the J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī to be allowed to look at him, which
was granted, but with the understanding that Beaulieu was not to touch
him.
When the covering was pulled aside, the J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī sat within
the lodge, contentedly smoking his pipe, with no other object in sight
than the black stone mánid[-o]. Beaulieu paid his wager of $100.
An exhibition of similar pretended powers, also for a wager, was
announced a short time after, at Yellow Medicine, Minnesota, to be
given in the presence of a number of Army people, but at the threat of
the Grand Medicine Man of the Leech Lake bands, who probably objected
to interference with his lucrative monopoly, the event did not take
place and bets were declared off.
Col. Mallery obtained further information, of a similar kind from
various persons on the Bad River Reservation, and at Bayfield,
Wisconsin. All of these he considered to be mere variants of a class of
performances which were reported by the colonists of New England and the
first French missionaries in Canada as early as 1613, where the general
designation of "The Sorcerers" was applied to the whole body of Indians
on the Ottawa River. These reports, it must be remembered, however,
applied only to the numerous tribes of the Algonkian linguistic family
among which the alleged practices existed; though neighboring tribes of
other linguistic groups were no doubt familiar with them, just as the
Winnebago, Omaha, and other allied tribes, profess to have "Medicine
Societies," the secrets of which they claim to have obtained from tribes
located east of their own habitat, that practiced the peculiar ceremony
of "shooting small shells" (i.e., the m[-i]īgis of the Ojibwa) into the
candidate.
In Pl. XVIII is shown a J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī extracting sickness by sucking
through bone tubes.
[Illustration: Plate XVIII
J[)e]sīakk[-i]dī Removing Disease.]
DZHIBAIī MID[-E]īWIGÂN, OR "GHOST LODGE."
A structure erected by Indians for any purpose whatever, is now
generally designated a lodge, in which sense the term is applied in
connection with the word dzhibaiī--ghost, or more appropriately
shadow--in the above caption. This lodge is constructed in a form
similar to that of the Mid[-e]īwigân, but its greatest diameter extends
north and south instead of east and west. Further reference will be made
to this in describing another method of conferring the initiation of the
first degree of the Mid[-e]īwiwin. This distinction is attained by first
becoming a member of the so-called "Ghost Society," in the manner and
for the reason following:
After the birth of a male child it is customary to invite the friends of
the family to a feast, designating at the same time a Mid[-e]ī to serve
as godfather and to dedicate the child to some special pursuit in life.
The Mid[-e]ī is governed in his decision by visions, and it thus
sometimes happens that the child is dedicated to the "Grand Medicine,"
i.e., he is to be prepared to enter the society of the Mid[-e]ī. In such
a case the parents prepare him by procuring a good preceptor, and gather
together robes, blankets, and other gifts to be presented at initiation.
Should this son die before the age of puberty, before which period it is
not customary to admit any one into the society, the father paints his
own face as before described, viz, red, with a green stripe diagonally
across the face from left to right, as in Pl. VI, No. 4, or red with two
short horizontal parallel bars in green upon the forehead as in Pl. VI,
No. 5, and announces to the chief Mid[-e]ī priest his intention of
becoming himself a member of the "Ghost Society" and his readiness to
receive the first degree of the Mid[-e]īwiwin, as a substitute for his
deceased son. Other members of the mourner's family blacken the face, as
shown on Pl. VII, No. 5.
In due time a council of Mid[-e]ī priests is called, who visit the
wigīiwam of the mourner, where they partake of a feast, and the subject
of initiation is discussed. This wigīiwam is situated south and east of
the Mid[-e]īwigân, as shown in Fig. 35, which illustration is a
reproduction of a drawing made by Sikasīsig[)e].
[Illustration: Fig. 35.--Indian diagram of ghost lodge.]
The following is an explanation of the several characters:
No. 1 represents the wigīiwam of the mourner, which has been erected
in the vicinity of the Mid[-e]īwigân, until after the ceremony of
initiation.
No. 2 is the path supposed to be taken by the shadow (spirit) of the
deceased; it leads westward to the Dzhibaiī Mid[-e]īwigân;
literally, shadow-spirit wigīiwam.
No. 3, 4, 5, and 6, designate the places where the spirit plucks the
fruits referred to--respectively the strawberry, the blueberry, the
June cherries, and the plum.
No. 7 designates the form and location of the Dzhihaiī Mid[-e]īwigân.
The central spot is the place of the dish of food for Dzhibaiī
Manīid[-o]--the good spirit--and the smaller spots around the
interior of the inclosure are places for the deposit of dishes for
the other Mid[-e]ī spirits who have left this earth.
No. 8 is the path which is taken by the candidate when going from his
wigīiwam to the Mid[-e]īwigân.
No. 9 indicates the place of the sweat-lodge, resorted to at other
periods of initiation.
No. 10 is the Mid[-e]īwigân in which the ceremony is conducted at the
proper time.
It is stated that in former times the Ghost Lodge was erected west of
the location of the mourner's wigīiwam, but for a long time this
practice has been discontinued. The tradition relating to the Spirit's
progress is communicated orally, while the dramatic representation is
confined to placing the dishes of food in the Mid[-e]īwigân, which is
selected as a fitting and appropriate substitute during the night
preceding the initiation.
This custom, as it was practiced, consisted of carrying from the
mourner's wigīiwam to the Ghost Lodge the dishes of food for the spirits
of departed Mid[-e]ī to enjoy a feast, during the time that the Mid[-e]ī
priests were partaking of one. A large dish was placed in the center of
the structure by the mourner, from which the supreme Mid[-e]ī spirit was
to eat. Dishes are now carried to the Mid[-e]īwigân, as stated above.
The chief officiating Mid[-e]ī then instructs the father of the deceased
boy the manner in which he is to dress and proceed, as symbolizing the
course pursued by the spirit of the son on the way to the spirit world.
The instructions are carried out, as far as possible, with the exception
of going to an imaginary Ghost Lodge, as he proceeds only to the
Mid[-e]īwigân and deposits the articles enumerated below. He is told to
take one pair of bear-skin moccasins, one pair of wolf-skin, and one
pair of birds'skins, in addition to those which he wears upon his feet;
these are to be carried to the structure in which the Mid[-e]ī spirits
are feasting, walking barefooted, picking a strawberry from a plant on
the right of the path and a blueberry from a bush on the left, plucking
June cherries from a tree on the right and plums on the left. He is then
to hasten toward the Ghost Lodge, which is covered with m[-i]īgis, and
to deposit the fruit and the moccasins; these will be used by his son's
spirit in traveling the road of the dead after the spirits have
completed their feast and reception of him. While the candidate is on
his mission to the Ghost Lodge (for the time being represented by the
Mid[-e]īwigân) the assemblage in the wigīiwam chant the following for
the mourner: Yanī-i-ma-tshaī, yanī-i-ma-tshaī, haī, yanī-i-ma-tshaī
yanī-i-ma-tshaī haī, yuī-te-no-winī g[-e]ī, h[-e]ī nin-deī-so-neī--"I am
going away, I am going away, I am going away, to the village I
walk"--i.e., the village of the dead.
The person who desires to receive initiation into the Mid[-e]īwigân,
under such circumstances, impersonates Minab[-o]īzho, as he is believed
to have penetrated the country of the abode of shadows, or
neī-ba-g[-i]ī-zis--"land of the sleeping sun." He, it is said, did this
to destroy the "Ghost Gambler" and to liberate the many victims who had
fallen into his power. To be enabled to traverse this dark and dismal
path, he borrowed of K[)o]-koī-k[)o]-[-o]ī--the owl--his eyes, and
received also the services of wâī-wa-t[-e]ī-si-w[)u]g--the firefly, both
of which were sent back to the earth upon the completion of his journey.
By referring to Pl. III, A, the reference to this myth will be observed
as pictorially represented in Nos. 110 to 114. No. 110 is the
Mid[-e]īwigân from which the traveler has to visit the Dzhibaiī
Mid[-e]īwigân (No. 112) in the west. No. 113, represented as
K[)o]-koī-k[)o]-[-o]ī--the owl--whose eyes enabled M[-i]īnab[-o]īzho to
follow the path of the dead (No. 114); the owl skin Mid[-e]ī sack is
also sometimes used by Mid[-e]ī priests who have received their first
degree in this wise. The V-shaped characters within the circle at No.
111 denote the presence of spirits at the Ghost Lodge, to which
reference has been made.
The presents which had been gathered as a gift or fee for the deceased
are now produced and placed in order for transportation to the
Mid[-e]īwigân, early on the following morning.
The Mid[-e]ī priests then depart, but on the next morning several of
them make their appearance to assist in clearing the Mid[-e]īwigân of
the dishes which had been left there over night, and to carry thither
the robes, blankets, and other presents, and suspend them from the
rafters. Upon their return to the candidate's wigīiwam, the Mid[-e]ī
priests gather, and after the candidate starts to lead the procession
toward the Mid[-e]īwigân, the priests fall in in single file, and all
move forward, the Mid[-e]ī priests chanting the following words
repeatedly, viz: Ki-eī-ne-kwo-tâī ki-eī-ne-kwo-tâī, haī, haī, haī,
n[-o]s eīwi-eī, h[-e]ī, kiī-na-kaī-ta-m[)u]nī do-nâī-gan--"I also, I
also, my father, leave you my dish."
This is sung for the deceased, who is supposed to bequeath to his father
his dish, or other articles the names of which are sometimes added.
The procession continues toward and into the Mid[-e]īwigân, passing
around the interior by the left side toward the west, north, and east to
a point opposite the space usually reserved for the deposit of goods,
where the candidate turns to the right and stands in the middle of the
inclosure, where he now faces the Mid[-e]ī post in the west. The members
who had not joined the procession, but who had been awaiting its
arrival, now resume their seats, and those who accompanied the candidate
also locate themselves as they desire, when the officiating priests
begin the ceremony as described in connection with the initiation for
the first degree after the candidate has been turned over to the chief
by the preceptor.
Sometimes the mother of one who had been so dedicated to the
Mid[-e]īwiwin is taken into that society, particularly when the father
is absent or dead.
INITIATION BY SUBSTITUTION.
It sometimes happens that a sick person can not be successfully treated
by the Mid[-e]ī, especially in the wigīiwam of the patient, when it
becomes necessary for the latter to be carried to the Mid[-e]īwigân and
the services of the society to be held. This course is particularly
followed when the sick person or the family can furnish a fee equivalent
to the gift required for initiation under ordinary circumstances.
It is believed, under such conditions, that the evil manīid[-o]s can be
expelled from the body only in the sacred structure, at which place
alone the presence of Kiītshi Manīid[-o] may be felt, after invocation,
and in return for his aid in prolonging the life of the patient the
latter promises his future existence to be devoted to the practice and
teachings of the Mid[-e]īwiwin. Before proceeding further, however, it
is necessary to describe the method pursued by the Mid[-e]ī priest.
The first administrations may consist of mashkiīkiwab[-u][n]ī, or
medicine broth, this being the prescription of the Mid[-e]ī in the
capacity of mashkiīkikeīwin[)i]īn[)i], or herbalist, during which
medication he resorts to incantation and exorcism, accompanying his song
by liberal use of the rattle. As an illustration of the songs used at
this period of the illness, the following is presented, the mnemonic
characters being reproduced on Pl. XVI, C. The singing is monotonous and
doleful, though at times it becomes animated and discordant.
[Illustration]
Inī-do-nâ-gât in-daī-kwo-nan
That which I live upon has been put on this dish by the spirit.
[Kiītshi Manīid[-o] provides the speaker with the necessary food for
the maintenance of life. The dish, or feast, is shown by the
concentric rings, the spirit's arm is just below it.]
[Illustration]
Moī-ki-yan tshikī-ko-minī.
I bring life to the people.
[The speaker, as the impersonator of the sacred Otter, brings life.
The Otter is just emerging from the surface of the water, as he
emerged from the great salt sea before the Âniīshi-nâībeg, after
having been instructed by Miīnab[-o]īzho to carry life to them.]
[Illustration]
Niī-no-m[-u]nī mash-kiī-ki
I can also take medicine from the lodge, or the earth
[The Mid[-e]ī's arm is reaching down to extract magic remedies from
the earth. The four spots indicate the remedies, while the square
figure denotes a hole in the ground.]
[Illustration]
Rest. During this interval the Mid[-e]ī's thoughts dwell upon the
sacred character of the work in which he is engaged.
[Illustration]
Niī-nin-d[-e]ī inī-dai-yoī.
It is all in my heart, the life.
[The concentric circles indicates the m[-i]īgis, life, within the
heart, the former showing radiating lines to denote its magic
power.]
[Illustration]
Mībi-moī-se-an-k[)i]nkī.
The spirit saw me and sent me medicine from above.
[The figure is that of Kiītshi Manīid[-o], who granted power to the
speaker.]
[Illustration]
D[-o]nī-de-na mi-t[)i]zī-k[)u]nk.
It is also on the trees, that from which I take life.
[The tree bears "medicine" which the speaker has at his command,
and is enabled to use.]
When the ordinary course of treatment fails to relieve the patient the
fact is made known to the Mid[-e]ī priests and he is consequently taken
to the Mid[-e]īwigân and laid upon blankets so that part of his body may
rest against the sacred mid[-e]ī stone. Associate Mid[-e]ī then attend,
in consultation, with the Mid[-e]ī-in-chief, the other members present
occupying seats around the walls of the structure.
The accompanying lecture is then addressed to the sick person, viz:
Mi-shoshī-yâ-gwaī gaī-a-nin-nanī giī-de-w[-e]nī-du-n[)u]n
neī-tun-gaī-da-da-weī-in manī-i-d[-o]m[-i]ī-gis. Kitī-ti-mâī-g[)i]-si
[-e]ī-ni-dauī-â-ya-weī-y[)i]n o-maī-e-nâī-sa-ba-b[)i]t
b[-i]-[)i]-shaī-gabanī-d[)e]-a gi-biī-sha-ban-daī-[)e]t
na-p[)i]sh-kâ-tshi-d[)o]sh keī-a-y[-u]ī-[)i]n-ki-go
g[)o]t-tâ-s[-o]-n[)e]nī, miī-a-shiī-gwa-g[-o]-d[)i]nī-na-wât
dzhi-maī-di-a-kadī-d[)o]-y[-o]n bi-mâ-di-si-w[)i]nī.
The following is a free translation of the above:
The time of which I spoke to you has now arrived, and you may deem it
necessary to first borrow the sacred m[-i]īgis. Who are you that comes
here as a supplicant? Sit down opposite to me, where I can see you and
speak to you, and fix your attention upon me, while you receive life
you must not permit your thoughts to dwell upon your present
condition, but to support yourself against falling into despondency.
Now we are ready to try him; now we are ready to initiate him.
The reference to borrowing a m[-i]īgis signifies that the patient may
have this mysterious power "shot into his body" where he lies upon the
ground and before he has arrived at the place where candidates are
properly initiated; this, because of his inability to walk round the
inclosure.
The last sentence is spoken to the assisting Mid[-e]ī. The following
song is sung, the mnemonic characters pertaining thereto being
reproduced on Pl. XVI, D.
[Illustration]
O-daī-pi-n[)u]ngī-mung oâī-ki-wenī-dzhi manī-i-d[-o]
weī-an-[)i]-winī-zhi-gu-sânī.
We are going to take the sacred medicine out of the ground.
[The speaker refers to himself and the assistants as resorting
to remedies adopted after consultation, the efficiency thereof
depending upon their combined prayers. The arm is represented as
reaching for a remedy which is surrounded by lines denoting soil.]
[Illustration]
We-aī-ki manī-i-d[-o] we-an-gw[)i]sī.
The ground is why I am a spirit, my son.
[The lower horizontal line is the earth, while the magic power which
he possesses is designated by short vertical wavy lines which reach
his body.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
[Illustration]
Nishī-u-we-ni-miī-qu nishī-u-we-ni-miī-qu weī-gi maī-[)o]-dzhigī.
The spirits have pity; the spirits have pity on me.
[The Mid[-e]ī is supplicating the Mid[-e]ī spirits for aid in his
wishes to cure the sick.]
[Illustration]
Kishī-u-we-ni-miī-qu kiī-shiī-g[)u]ng donī-dzhi-waī-wa-m[)i]k.
The spirits have pity on me; from on high I see you.
[The sky is shown by the upper curved lines, beneath which the
Mid[-e]ī is raising his arm in supplication.]
[Illustration]
Manī-i-d[-o]ī-â niī-o.
My body is a spirit.
[The Mid[-e]ī likens himself to the Bear Manīid[-o], the magic
powers of which are shown by the lines across the body and short
strokes upon the back.]
[Illustration]
Pi-neī-si-wi-ânī ke-keī-u-wi-anī.
A little bird I am: I am the hawk.
[Like the thunderer, he penetrates the sky in search of power and
influence.]
[Illustration]
Manī-i-d[-o]ī nuī-tu waī-kan.
Let us hear the spirit.
[The Kiītshi Manīid[-o] is believed to make known his presence, and
all are enjoined to listen for such intimation.]
[Illustration]
Kaī-nun-taī-wa manī-i-d[-o]ī wiī-da-ku-[-e]ī, h[-e]ī, kiī-a-ha-m[-i]ī.
You might hear that he is a spirit.
[The line on the top of the head signifies the person to be a
superior being.]
[Illustration]
Kaī-ke-na gus-sâī oī-mi-siī-n[-i]ī naī-[-e]n.
I am afraid of all, that is why I am in trouble.
[The Mid[-e]ī fears that life can not be prolonged because the evil
manīid[-o]s do not appear to leave the body of the sick person. The
arm is shown reaching for m[-i]īgis, or life, the strength of the
speaker's, having himself received it four times, does not appear
to be of any avail.]
Should the patient continue to show decided symptoms of increased
illness, the singing or the use of the rattle is continued until life is
extinct, and no other ceremony is attempted; but if he is no worse after
the preliminary course of treatment, or shows any improvement, the first
attendant Mid[-e]ī changes his songs to those of a more boastful
character. The first of these is as follows, chanted repeatedly and in a
monotonous manner, viz:
Aī-si-naī-bi-huī-ya, a-siī-naī-b-huī-ya.
I have changed my looks, I have changed my looks.
[This refers to the appearance of the Mid[-e]ī stone which it is
believed absorbs some of the disease and assumes a change of color.]
Nishī-a-weīn[-i]ī, h[-u]ī, g[-u]ī, mi-d[-e]ī, wug,
The Mid[-e]ī have pity on me, those who are sitting around,
a-neī-ma-b[-i]ī-tshig.
and those who are sitting from us.
[The last line refers to those Mid[-e]ī who are sitting, though
absent from the Mid[-e]īwigân.]
The following illustrates the musical rendering:
[Music: 285_1]
A-si-na-bi-h[)u]-i-ya, A-si-na-bi-h[)u]-i-ya,
A-si-na-bi-h[)u]-i-ya h[)i]a, A-si-na-bi-h[)u]-i-ya,
A-si-na-bi-h[)u]-i-ya h[)i]a.
[Music: 285_2]
Nish-a-wi-in-hu g[-u], O-ko-mi-d[-e]-wog h[-e],
A-ne-ma-bi-tshig h[-e], Nishawiinhu g[-u],
O-ko-mi-d[-e]-wog h[-e], Nish-a-wi-ni-hu g[)u]
O-ko-mi-d[-e]-wog h[-e].
As the patient continues to improve the song of the Mid[-e]ī becomes
more expressive of his confidence in his own abilities and importance.
The following is an example in illustration, viz:
Ni-neī-ta-we-h[-e]ī wa-wâī-bâ-maī manī-i-d[-o], wa-wâī-bâ-maī.
[I am the only one who sees the spirit, who sees the spirit.]
Ninī-da-n[-i]-w[)i]-a, ninī-da-n[-i]ī-w[)i]-a.
I surpass him, I surpass him.
[The speaker overcomes the malevolent manīid[-o] and causes him to
take flight.]
Naī-sa-ni-n[-e]nī-di-ya[n] a-weī-si-y[)o]kī no-gweī-noī-w[)o]k.
See how I act, beasts I shoot on the wing.
[The signification of this is, that he "shoots at them as they fly,"
referring to the manīid[-o]s as they escape from the body.]
The following is the musical notation of the above, viz:
[Music: 285_3]
Ni-ne-ta-we-h[-e] wa-wâībâ-ma man-i-d[-o] wa-wâī-bâ-ma man-i-d[-o],
Ni-ne-ta-we-h[-e] wa-wâī-bâ-ma man-i-d[-o], wa-wâī-bâ-ma man-i-d[-o].
[Music: 286_1]
Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a,
Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a,
Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, h[-o].
[Music: 286_2]
Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya, Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya, Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya,
Awasiy[-o]k, Nogwenow[-o]k.
If the patient becomes strong enough to walk round the inclosure he is
led to the western end and seated upon a blanket, where he is initiated.
If not, the m[-i]īgis is "shot into his body" as he reclines against the
sacred stone, after which a substitute is selected from among the
Mid[-e]ī present, who takes his place and goes through the remainder of
the initiation for him. Before proceeding upon either course, however,
the chief attendant Mid[-e]ī announces his readiness in the following
manner: Miī-o-shiī-gwa, wi-kwodī-gi-o-w[)o]gī ga-mâī-dzhi-a-kaī-d[)u]ng
bi-mâ-di-si-w[)i]nī--"Now we are ready to escape from this and to begin
to watch life." This signifies his desire to escape from his present
procedure and to advance to another course of action, to the exercise of
the power of giving life by transferring the sacred m[-i]īgis.
The remainder of the ceremony is then conducted as in the manner
described as pertains to the first degree of the Mid[-e]īwiwin.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES.
PICTOGRAPHY.
Before concluding, it may be of interest to refer in some detail to
several subjects mentioned in the preceding pages. The mnemonic songs
are in nearly every instance incised upon birch bark by means of a
sharp-pointed piece of bone or a nail. The inner surface of the bark is
generally selected because it is softer than the reverse. Bark for such
purposes is peeled from the trunk during the spring months. On the right
hand upper corner of Pl. XIX is reproduced a portion of a mnemonic song
showing characters as thus drawn. The specimen was obtained at White
Earth, and the entire song is presented on Pl. XVI, C. A piece of bark
obtained at Red Lake, and known to have been incised more than seventy
years ago, is shown on the right lower corner of Pl. XIX. The drawings
are upon the outer surface and are remarkably deep and distinct. The
left hand specimen is from the last named locality, and of the same
period, and presents pictographs drawn upon the inner surface.
[Illustration: Plate XIX.
Sacred Birch Bark Records.]
In a majority of songs the characters are drawn so as to be read from
left to right, in some from right to left, and occasionally one is found
to combine both styles, being truly boustrophic. Specimens have been
obtained upon which the characters were drawn around and near the margin
of an oblong piece of bark, thus appearing in the form of an irregular
circle.
The pictographic delineation of ideas is found to exist chiefly among
the shamans, hunters, and travelers of the Ojibwa, and there does not
appear to be a recognized system by which the work of any one person is
fully intelligible to another. A record may be recognized as pertaining
to the Mid[-e]ī ceremonies, as a song used when hunting plants, etc.;
but it would be impossible for one totally unfamiliar with the record to
state positively whether the initial character was at the left or the
right hand. The figures are more than simply mnemonic; they are
ideographic, and frequently possess additional interest from the fact
that several ideas are expressed in combination. Col. Garrick Mallery,
U.S. Army, in a paper entitled "Recently Discovered Algonkian
Pictographs," read before the American Association for the Advancement
of Science, at Cleveland, 1888, expressed this fact in the following
words:
It is desirable to explain the mode of using the Mid[-e]ī and other
bark records of the Ojibwa and also those of other Algonkian tribes to
be mentioned in this paper. The comparison made by Dr. E. B. Tylor of
the pictorial alphabet to teach children "A was an archer," etc., is
not strictly appropriate in this case. The devices are not only
mnemonic, but are also ideographic and descriptive. They are not
merely invented to express or memorize the subject, but are evolved
therefrom. To persons acquainted with secret societies a good
comparison for the charts or rolls would be what is called the tressel
board of the Masonic order, which is printed and published and
publicly exposed without exhibiting any of the secrets of the order,
yet is not only significant, but useful to the esoteric in assistance
to their memory as to degrees and details of ceremony.
A more general mode of explaining the so-called symbolism is by a
suggestion that the charts of the order or the song of a myth should
be likened to the popular illustrated poems and songs lately published
in Harper's Magazine for instance, "Sally in our Alley," where every
stanza has an appropriate illustration. Now, suppose that the text was
obliterated forever, indeed the art of reading lost, the illustrations
remaining, as also the memory to many persons of the ballad. The
illustrations kept in order would supply always the order of the
stanzas and also the general subject-matter of each particular stanza
and the latter would be a reminder of the words. This is what the
rolls of birch bark do to the initiated Ojibwa, and what Schoolcraft
pretended in some cases to show, but what for actual understanding
requires that all the vocables of the actual songs and charges of the
initiation should be recorded and translated. This involves not only
profound linguistic study, but the revelation of all the mysteries.
In other instances the literation in the aboriginal language of the
nonesoteric songs and stories and their translation is necessary to
comprehend the devices by which they are memorized rather than
symbolized. Nevertheless, long usage has induced some degree of
ideography and symbolism.
[Illustration: Plate XX.
Sacred Bark Scroll and Contents.]
On Pl. XX are presented illustrations of several articles found in a
Mid[-e]ī sack which had been delivered to the Catholic priest at Red
Lake over seventy years ago, when the owner professed Christianity and
forever renounced (at least verbally) his pagan profession. The
information given below was obtained from Mid[-e]ī priests at the above
locality. They are possessed of like articles, being members of the same
society to which the late owners of the relics belonged. The first is a
birch-bark roll, the ends of which were slit into short strips, so as to
curl in toward the middle to prevent the escaping of the contents. The
upper figure is that of the Thunder god, with waving lines extending
forward from the eyes, denoting the power of peering into futurity. This
character has suggested to several Mid[-e]ī priests that the owner might
have been a Mid[-e]ī-J[)e]sīsakk[-i]dī. This belief is supported by the
actual practice pursued by this class of priests when marking their
personal effects. The lower figure is that of a buffalo, as is apparent
from the presence of the hump. Curiously enough both eyes are drawn upon
one side of the head, a practice not often followed by Indian artists.
The upper of the four small figures is a small package, folded,
consisting of the inner sheet of birch-bark and resembling paper both in
consistence and color. Upon the upper fold is the outline of the Thunder
bird. The next two objects represent small boxes made of pine wood,
painted or stained red and black. They were empty when received, but
were no doubt used to hold sacred objects. The lowest figure of the four
consists of a bundle of three small bags of cotton wrapped with a strip
of blue cloth. The bags contain, respectively, love powder, hunter's
medicine--in this instance red ocher and powdered arbor vitæ leaves--and
another powder of a brownish color, with which is mixed a small quantity
of ground medicinal plants.
The roll of birch-bark containing these relics inclosed also the skin of
a small rodent (Spermophilus sp.?) but in a torn and moth-eaten
condition. This was used by the owner for purposes unknown to those who
were consulted upon the subject. It is frequently, if not generally,
impossible to ascertain the use of most of the fetiches and other sacred
objects contained in Mid[-e]ī sacks of unknown ownership, as each priest
adopts his own line of practice, based upon a variety of reasons,
chiefly the nature of his fasting dreams.
Fancy sometimes leads an individual to prepare medicine sticks that are
of curious shape or bear designs of odd form copied after something of
European origin, as exemplified in the specimen illustrated on. Pl. XXI,
Nos. 1 and 2, showing both the obverse and reverse. The specimen is made
of ash wood and measures about ten inches in length. On the obverse
side, besides the figures of manī-id[-o]s, such as the Thunder bird, the
serpent, and the tortoise, there is the outline of the sun, spots copied
from playing cards, etc.; upon the reverse appear two spread hands, a
bird, and a building, from the top of which floats the American flag.
This specimen was found among the effects of a Mid[-e]ī who died at
Leech Lake, Minnesota, a few years ago, together with effigies and other
relics already mentioned in another part of this paper.
MUSIC.
In addition to the examples of Indian music that have been given,
especially the songs of shamans, it may be of interest to add a few
remarks concerning the several varieties of songs or chants. Songs
employed as an accompaniment to dances are known to almost all the
members of the tribe, so that their rendition is nearly always the same.
Such songs are not used in connection with mnemonic characters, as there
are, in most instances, no words or phrases recited, but simply a
continued repetition of meaningless words or syllables. The notes are
thus rhythmically accentuated, often accompanied by beats upon the drum
and the steps of the dancers.
An example of another variety of songs, or rather chants, is presented
in connection with the reception of the candidate by the Mid[-e]ī priest
upon his entrance into the Mid[-e]īwigân of the first degree. In this
instance words are chanted, but the musical rendition differs with the
individual, each Mid[-e]ī chanting notes of his own, according to his
choice or musical ability. There is no set formula, and such songs, even
if taught to others, are soon distorted by being sung according to the
taste or ability of the singer. The musical rendering of the words and
phrases relating to the signification of mnemonic characters depends
upon the ability and inspired condition of the singer; and as each
Mid[-e]ī priest usually invents and prepares his own songs, whether for
ceremonial purposes, medicine hunting, exorcism, or any other use, he
may frequently be unable to sing them twice in exactly the same manner.
Love songs and war songs, being of general use, are always sung in the
same style of notation.
The emotions are fully expressed in the musical rendering of the several
classes of songs, which are, with few exceptions, in a minor key.
Dancing and war songs are always in quick time, the latter frequently
becoming extraordinarily animated and boisterous as the participants
become more and more excited.
Mid[-e]ī and other like songs are always more or less monotonous, though
they are sometimes rather impressive, especially if delivered by one
sufficiently emotional and possessed of a good voice. Some of the
Mid[-e]ī priests employ few notes, not exceeding a range of five, for
all songs, while others frequently cover the octave, terminating with a
final note lower still.
The statement has been made that one Mid[-e]ī is unable either to recite
or sing the proper phrase pertaining to the mnemonic characters of a
song belonging to another Mid[-e]ī unless specially instructed. The
representation of an object may refer to a variety of ideas of a
similar, though not identical, character. The picture of a bear may
signify the Bear manīid[-o] as one of the guardians of the society; it
may pertain to the fact that the singer impersonates that manīid[-o];
exorcism of the malevolent bear spirit may be thus claimed; or it may
relate to the desired capture of the animal, as when drawn to insure
success for the hunter. An Indian is slow to acquire the exact
phraseology, which is always sung or chanted, of mnemonic songs recited
to him by a Mid[-e]ī preceptor.
[Illustration: Plate XXI.
Mid[-e]ī Relics from Leech Lake.]
An exact reproduction is implicitly believed to be necessary, as
otherwise the value of the formula would be impaired, or perhaps even
totally destroyed. It frequently happens, therefore, that although an
Indian candidate for admission into the M[-i]d[-e]īwiwin may already
have prepared songs in imitation of those from which he was instructed,
he may either as yet be unable to sing perfectly the phrases relating
thereto, or decline to do so because of a want of confidence. Under such
circumstances the interpretation of a record is far from satisfactory,
each character being explained simply objectively, the true import being
intentionally or unavoidably omitted. An Ojibwa named "Little
Frenchman," living at Red Lake, had received almost continuous
instruction for three or four years, and although he was a willing and
valuable assistant in other matters pertaining to the subject under
consideration, he was not sufficiently familiar with some of his
preceptor's songs to fully explain them. A few examples of such mnemonic
songs are presented in illustration, and for comparison with such as
have already been recorded. In each instance the Indian's interpretation
of the character is given first, the notes in brackets being supplied in
further explanation. Pl. XXII, A, is reproduced from a birch-bark song;
the incised lines are sharp and clear, while the drawing in general is
of a superior character. The record is drawn so as to be read from right
to left.
[Illustration]
From whence I sit.
[The singer is seated, as the lines indicate contact with the
surface beneath, though the latter is not shown. The short line
extending from the mouth indicates voice, and probably signifies,
in this instance, singing.]
[Illustration]
The big tree in the center of the earth.
[It is not known whether or not this relates to the first
destruction of the earth, when Miīnab[-o]īzho escaped by climbing a
tree which continued to grow and to protrude above the surface of
the flood. One Mid[-e]ī thought it related to a particular medicinal
tree which was held in estimation beyond all others, and thus
represented as the chief of the earth.]
[Illustration]
I will float down the fast running stream.
[Strangely enough, progress by water is here designated by
footprints instead of using the outline of a canoe. The etymology of
the Ojibwa word used in this connection may suggest footprints, as
in the Delaware language one word for river signifies "water road,"
when in accordance therewith "footprints" would be in perfect
harmony with the general idea.]
[Illustration]
The place that is feared I inhabit, the swift-running stream I
inhabit.
[The circular line above the Mid[-e]ī denotes obscurity, i.e., he is
hidden from view and represents himself as powerful and terrible to
his enemies as the water monster.]
[Illustration]
You who speak to me.
[Illustration]
I have long horns.
[The Mid[-e]ī likens himself to the water monster, one of the
malevolent serpent manīid[-o]s who antagonize all good, as beliefs
and practices of the Mid[-e]īwiwin.]
[Illustration]
A rest or pause.
[Illustration]
I, seeing, follow your example.
[Illustration]
You see my body, you see my body, you see my nails are worn off in
grasping the stone.
[The Bear manīid[-o] is represented as the type now assumed by the
Mid[-e]ī. He has a stone within his grasp, from which magic remedies
are extracted.]
[Illustration]
You, to whom I am speaking.
[A powerful Manīid[-o]ī, the panther, is in an inclosure and to him
the Mid[-e]ī addresses his request.]
[Illustration]
I am swimming--floating--down smoothly.
[The two pairs of serpentine lines indicate the river banks, while
the character between them is the Otter, here personated by the
Mid[-e]ī.]
[Illustration]
Bars denoting a pause.
[Illustration]
I have finished my drum.
[The Mid[-e]ī is shown holding a Mid[-e]ī drum which he is making
for use in a ceremony.]
[Illustration]
My body is like unto you.
[The m[-i]īgis shell, the symbol of purity and the Mid[-e]īwiwin.]
[Illustration]
Hear me, you who are talking to me!
[The speaker extends his arms to the right and left indicating
persons who are talking to him from their respective places. The
lines denoting speech--or hearing--pass through the speaker's head
to exclaim as above.]
[Illustration]
See what I am taking.
[The Mid[-e]ī has pulled up a medicinal root. This denotes his
possessing a wonderful medicine and appears in the order of an
advertisement.]
[Illustration]
See me, whose head is out of water.
[Illustration: Plate XXII.
Mnemonic Songs.]
On Pl. XXII, B, is presented an illustration reproduced from a piece of
birch bark owned by the preceptor of "Little Frenchman," of the import
of which the latter was ignorant. His idea of the signification of the
characters is based upon general information which he has received, and
not upon any pertaining directly to the record. From general appearances
the song seems to be a private record pertaining to the Ghost Society,
the means through which the recorder attained his first degree of the
Mid[-e]īwiwin, as well as to his abilities, which appear to be
boastfully referred to:
[Illustration]
I am sitting with my pipe.
[Mid[-e]ī sitting, holding his pipe. He has been called upon to
visit a patient, and the filled pipe is handed to him to smoke
preparatory to his commencing the ceremony of exorcism.]
[Illustration]
I employ the spirit, the spirit of the owl.
[This evidently indicates the Owl Manīid[-o], which has been
referred to in connection with the Red Lake Mideī chart, Pl. III,
No. 113. The Owl manīid[-o] is there represented as passing from the
Mid[-e]īwigân to the Dzhibaiī Mid[-e]īwigân, and the drawings in
that record and in this are sufficiently alike to convey the idea
that the maker of this song had obtained his suggestion from the old
Mid[-e]ī chart.]
[Illustration]
It stands, that which I am going after.
[The Mid[-e]ī, impersonating the Bear Manīid[-o], is seeking a
medicinal tree of which he has knowledge, and certain parts of which
he employs in his profession. The two footprints indicate the
direction the animal is taking.]
[Illustration]
I, who fly.
[This is the outline of a Thunder bird, who appears to grasp in his
talons some medical plants.]
[Illustration]
Kiī-bi-nanī pi-zanī. Kiībinanī is what I use, it flies like an arrow.
[The Mid[-e]ī's arm is seen grasping a magic arrow, to symbolize the
velocity of action of the remedy.]
[Illustration]
I am coming to the earth.
[A Manīid[-o] is represented upon a circle, and in the act of
descending toward the earth, which is indicated by the horizontal
line, upon which is an Indian habitation. The character to denote
the sky is usually drawn as a curved line with the convexity above,
but in this instance the ends of the lines are continued below,
so as to unite and to complete the ring; the intention being, as
suggested by several Mid[-e]ī priests, to denote great altitude
above the earth, i.e., higher than the visible azure sky, which is
designated by curved lines only.]
[Illustration]
I am feeling for it.
[The Mid[-e]ī is reaching into holes in the earth in search of
hidden medicines.]
[Illustration]
I am talking to it.
[The Mid[-e]ī is communing with the medicine Manīid[-o]ī with the
Mid[-e]ī sack, which he holds in his hand. The voice lines extend
from his mouth to the sack, which appears to be made of the skin of
an Owl, as before noted in connection with the second character in
this song.]
[Illustration]
They are sitting round the interior in a row.
[This evidently signifies the Ghost Lodge, as the structure is drawn
at right angles to that usually made to represent the Mid[-e]īwigân,
and also because it seems to be reproduced from the Red Lake chart
already alluded to and figured in Pl. III, No. 112. The spirits or
shadows, as the dead are termed, are also indicated by crosses in
like manner.]
[Illustration]
You who are newly hung; you have reached half, and you are now full.
[The allusion is to three phases of the moon, probably having
reference to certain periods at which some important ceremonies
or events are to occur.]
[Illustration]
I am going for my dish.
[The speaker intimates that he is going to make a feast, the dish
being shown at the top in the form of a circle; the footprints are
directed toward, it and signify, by their shape, that he likens
himself to the Bear manīid[-o], one of the guardians of the
Mid[-e]wiwin.]
[Illustration]
I go through the medicine lodge.
[The footprints within the parallel lines denote his having passed
through an unnamed number of degrees. Although the structure is
indicated as being erected like the Ghost Lodge, i.e., north and
south, it is stated that Mid[-e]wiwin is intended. This appears to
be an instance of the non-systematic manner of objective ideagraphic
delineation.]
[Illustration]
Let us commune with one another.
[The speaker is desirous of communing with his favorite manīid[-o]s,
with whom he considers himself on an equality, as is indicated by
the anthropomorphic form of one between whom and himself the voice
lines extend.]
On Figs. 36-39, are reproduced several series of pictographs from
birch-bark songs found among the effects of a deceased Mid[-e]ī priest,
at Leech Lake. Reference to other relics belonging to the same
collection has been made in connection with effigies and beads employed
by Mid[-e]ī in the endeavor to prove the genuineness of their religion
and profession. These mnemonic songs were exhibited to many Mid[-e]ī
priests from various portions of the Ojibwa country, in the hope of
obtaining some satisfactory explanation regarding the import of the
several characters; but, although they were pronounced to be "Grand
Medicine," no suggestions were offered beyond the merest repetition of
the name of the object or what it probably was meant to represent. The
direction of their order was mentioned, because in most instances the
initial character furnishes the guide. Apart from this, the
illustrations are of interest as exhibiting the superior character and
cleverness of their execution.
[Illustration: Fig. 36.--Leech Lake Mid[-e]ī song.]
The initial character on Fig. 36 appears to be at the right hand upper
corner, and represents the Bear Manīid[-o]. The third figure is that of
the Mid[-e]īwiwin, with four manīid[-o]s within it, probably the
guardians of the four degrees. The owner of the song was a Mid[-e]ī of
the second degree, as was stated in connection with his Mid[-e]īwi-gwas
or "medicine chart," illustrated on Plate III, C.
[Illustration: Fig. 37.--Leech Lake Mid[-e]ī song.]
Fig. 37 represents what appears to be a mishkiki or medicine song, as is
suggested by the figures of plants and roots. It is impossible to state
absolutely at which side the initial character is placed, though it
would appear that the human figure at the upper left hand corner would
be more in accordance with the common custom.
[Illustration: Fig. 38.--Leech Lake Mid[-e]ī song.]
Fig. 38 seems to pertain to hunting, and may have been recognized as a
hunter's chart. According to the belief of several Mid[-e]ī, it is lead
from right to left, the human figure indicating the direction according
to the way in which the heads of the crane, bear, etc., are turned. The
lower left hand figure of a man has five marks upon the breast, which
probably indicate m[-i]īgis spots, to denote the power of magic
influence possessed by the recorder.
[Illustration: Fig. 39.--Leech Lake Mid[-e]ī song.]
The characters on Fig. 39 are found to be arranged so as to read from
the right hand upper corner toward the left, the next line continuing to
the right and lastly again to the left, terminating with the figure of a
Mid[-e]ī with the m[-i]īgis upon his breast. This is interesting on
account of the boustrophic system of delineating the figures, and also
because such instances are rarely found to occur.
DRESS AND ORNAMENTS.
While it is customary among many tribes of Indians to use as little
clothing as possible when engaged in dancing, either of a social or
ceremonial nature, the Ojibwa, on the contrary, vie with one another in
the attempt to appear in the most costly and gaudy dress attainable. The
Ojibwa Mid[-e]ī priests, take particular pride in their appearance when
attending ceremonies of the Mid[-e]ī Society, and seldom fail to impress
this fact upon visitors, as some of the Dakotan tribes, who have adopted
similar medicine ceremonies after the custom of their Algonkian
neighbors, are frequently without any clothing other than the
breechcloth and moccasins, and the armlets and other attractive
ornaments. This disregard of dress appears, to the Ojibwa, as a
sacrilegious digression from the ancient usages, and it frequently
excites severe comment.
Apart from facial ornamentation, of such design as may take the actor's
fancy, or in accordance with the degree of which the subject may be a
member, the Mid[-e]ī priests wear shirts, trousers, and moccasins, the
first two of which may consist of flannel or cloth and be either plain
or ornamented with beads, while the latter are always of buckskin, or,
what is more highly prized, moose skin, beaded or worked with colored
porcupine quills.
Immediately below each knee is tied a necessary item of an Ojibwa's
dress, a garter, which consists of a band of beads varying in different
specimens from 2 to 4 inches in width, and from 18 to 20 inches in
length, to each end of which strands of colored wool yarn, 2 feet long,
are attached so as to admit of being passed around the leg and tied in a
bow-knot in front. These garters are made by the women in such patterns
as they may be able to design or elaborate. On Pl. XXIII are
reproductions of parts of two patterns which are of more than ordinary
interest, because of the symbolic signification of the colors and the
primitive art design in one, and the substitution of colors and the
introduction of modern designs in the other. The upper one consists of
green, red, and white beads, the first two colors being in accord with
those of one of the degree posts, while the white is symbolical of the
m[-i]īgis shell. In the lower illustration is found a substitution of
color for the preceding, accounted for by the Mid[-e]ī informants, who
explained that neither of the varieties of beads of the particular color
desired could be obtained when wanted. The yellow beads are substituted
for white, the blue for green, and the orange and pink for red. The
design retains the lozenge form, though in a different arrangement, and
the introduction of the blue border is adapted after patterns observed
among their white neighbors. In the former is presented also what the
Ojibwa term the groundwork or type of their original style of
ornamentation, i.e., wavy or gently zigzag lines. Later art work
consists chiefly of curved lines, and this has gradually become modified
through instruction from the Catholic sisters at various early mission
establishments until now, when there has been brought about a common
system of working upon cloth or velvet, in patterns, consisting of
vines, leaves, and flowers, often exceedingly attractive though not
aboriginal in the true sense of the word.
[Illustration: Plate XXIII.
Mid[-e]ī Dancing Garters.]
Bands of flannel or buckskin, handsomely beaded, are sometimes attached
to the sides of the pantaloons, in imitation of an officer's stripes,
and around the bottom. Collars are also used, in addition to necklaces
of claws, shells, or other objects.
Armlets and bracelets are sometimes made of bands of beadwork, though
brass wire or pieces of metal are preferred.
Bags made of cloth, beautifully ornamented or entirely covered with
beads, are worn, supported at the side by means of a broad band or
baldric passing over the opposite shoulder. The head is decorated with
disks of metal and tufts of colored horse hair or moose hair and with
eagle feathers to designate the particular exploits performed by the
wearer.
Few emblems of personal valor or exploits are now worn, as many of the
representatives of the present generation have never been actively
engaged in war, so that there is generally found only among the older
members the practice of wearing upon the head eagle feathers bearing
indications of significant markings or cuttings. A feather which has
been split from the tip toward the middle denotes that the wearer was
wounded by an arrow. A red spot as large as a silver dime painted upon a
feather shows the wearer to have been wounded by a bullet. The privilege
of wearing a feather tipped with red flannel or horse hair dyed red is
recognized only when the wearer has killed an enemy, and when a great
number have been killed in war the so-called war bonnet is worn, and may
consist of a number of feathers exceeding the number of persons killed,
the idea to be expressed being "a great number," rather than a specific
enumeration.
Although the Ojibwa admit that in former times they had many other
specific ways of indicating various kinds of personal exploits, they now
have little opportunity of gaining such distinction, and consequently
the practice has fallen into desuetude.
FUTURE OF THE SOCIETY.
According to a treaty now being made between the United States
Government and the Ojibwa Indians, the latter are to relinquish the
several areas of land at present occupied by them and to remove to
portions of the Red Lake and White Earth Reservations and take lands in
severalty. By this treaty about 4,000,000 acres of land will be ceded to
the Government, and the members of the various bands will become
citizens of the United States, and thus their tribal ties will be broken
and their primitive customs and rites be abandoned.
The chief Mid[-e]ī priests, being aware of the momentous consequences of
such a change in their habits, and foreseeing the impracticability of
much longer continuing the ceremonies of so-called "pagan rites," became
willing to impart them to me, in order that a complete description might
be made and preserved for the future information of their descendants.
There is scarcely any doubt that these ceremonies will still be secretly
held at irregular intervals; but under the watchful care of the national
authorities it is doubtful whether they will be performed with any
degree of completeness, and it will be but a comparatively short time
before the Mid[-e]īwiwin will be only a tradition.
* * * * *
* * * *
Errata for Mid[-e]īwiwin:
A number of Ojibwa words are recorded with "w" where the correct form
has "b". Since w:b is not an attested dialectal variation, these may be
mishearings on the part of the original transcriber. Other errors such
as G:S or h:k can be attributed to misreading of handwritten text.
Variations and inconsistencies (unchanged):
Ojibwa : Ojibway
Manīido(s) : Manīid[-o](s)
[_throughout text_]
Bois Forts
[_modern name Bois Forte, but "Forts" is common in early texts_]
INDEX:
[_all spellings unchanged_]
[Note 11] History of the Ojebway Indians, London [1843(?)]
[_question mark and brackets in original_]
sacred objects which Minab[-o]īzho had deposited
[_word is usually spelled "Miīnab[-o]īzho"_]
Before proceeding further with the explanation of the Mideī
[_word is usually spelled "Mid[-e]ī"_]
The bear going to the Mid[-e]īwigan
[_word is usually spelled "Mid[-e]īwigân"_]
The boy then narrated ... manī-i-d[-o]ī 'n-gi-g[)i]nī-o-a-mâk
[_the apostrophe in "'n-gi-g[)i]nī-o-a-mâk" occurs nowhere else in
the text; it may be phonetic (elision of i?) or an error_]
Corrections:
Aī-m[)i]-k[)u]nī-dem mi-[-e]ī-ta âī-bi-dinkī [âī-wi-dinkī]
the Mid[-e]īwiwin was at that time held annually [Midęīwiwin]
shall guard it during the night [shal]
Aminiīkanziībi [A[n]nibiīkanziībi]
calling upon the other Manīid[-o]s to join him
[_text reads "to / to" at line break_]
This wigīiwam is dome-shaped measures about 10 feet in diameter
[_text unchanged: "and measures", "measuring"?_]
shooting the m[-i]īgis (see Fig. 15) is explained on page 215
[_text reads "page 192" (page number of Fig. 15)_]
Niī-n[-i]n-d[-e]ī, aī-yaī [Niī-n[-i]n-d[-e]ī, [)e]ī, [-o]ī, yaī]
N[-e]ī-w[-o]d[-e]ī-[-e]ī. [H[-e]ī-w[-o]g, [-e]ī, [-e]ī]
Gagaī[-i][n]wu[n]sh-- "Raven Tree." [Sagaī[-i][n]wu[n]sh]
Iskigīomeaushī-- "Sap-flows-fast." [Ishigīomeaushī]
Yellow Birch. Wiīnnisīsik. [Wiīumisīsik]
White Birch. W[-i]gwasī. [M[-i]gwasī]
Kin[-e]ībigw[)o]shk-- "Snake weed or Snake Vine."
[Kin[-e]īwigw[)o]shk]
Sunflower. P[)u]kiteīw[)u]bb[)o]ku[n]sī.
[P[)u]kiteīw[)u]kb[)o]ku[n]sī]
Makad[-e]īm[)i]skwiīmin[)o]k-- "Black Blood Berry."
[Makad[-e]īw[)i]skwiīmin[)o]k]
Choke Cherry. Sisa[n]īwemiīnak[)o]â[n]shī. [Sisa[n]īwewiīnakâ[n]shī]
Okw[-e]īm[)i]sh-- "Scabby Bark." [Okw[-e]īw[)i]sh]
at the time during which the investigations were made
[_text reads "investiga/gations" at line break_]
Wab[-o]īs[-o]min[-i]īs[)o]k-- "Rabbit berries"
[Wab[-o]īsamin[-i]īs[)o]k]
Culver's Root. Wiīs[)o]gedzhiībik [Wiīs[)o]gedzhiīwik]
Hoary Willow. Sisiīgobeīm[)i]sh. [Sisiīgeweīm[)i]sh]
_Symphoricarpos vulgaris_ [Symphoricarpus]
(_Gen. et sp. ?_) Termed Kineīb[)i]k wa[n]shīko[n]s and "Snake weed."
[_Smilacina racemosa: False Solomon's seal_]
(_Gen. et sp. ?_) Kiītshiod[-e]iminib[)o]k-- "Big Heart Leaf."
[_Potentilla spp.: Cinquefoil_]
Waterleaf. Bu[n]kiteībag[-u][n]sī. [Hu[n]kiteīwag[-u][)u]sī]
Downy Yellow Violet. Ogit[-e]ībagu[n]s.
[... Violet, Ogit[-e]īwagu[n]s]
Dwarf Wild Rose. Ogin[-i]īminaga[n]īw[)o]s.
[Ogin[-i]īminaga[n]īm[)o]s]
(_Gen. et sp. ?_) M[)o]īzânâīt[)i]k.
[_Urtica dioica: Stinging Nettle_]
Nes[-o]ībak[)o]k-- "Three Leafed." [Nes[-o]īwak[)o]k]
The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence [sigzag]
The lines extending downward from the eye signifies weeping
[_text unchanged_]
Ki-na-n[-e]ī, h[-e]ī, kiī-ne-na-w[-e]ī manī-i-d[-o].
[Hi-na-n[-e]ī]
"[-O]īnishgân"--"get up"
[[-O]īmishga'n] in this place he shall be Raised again
[_text (two-line gloss) reads "in this he shall / be place"_]
(the second-degree m[-i]īgis) [mėīgis]
the illustration in Pl. XIV, A, is a reproduction of the original
[Pl. XVII, A]
represented pictorially, also on Pl. XIV, B [Pl. XVII, B]
a three-lobed apex, as shown in Fig. 4 [Fig. 3]
south and east of the Mid[-e]īwigân, as shown in Fig. 35 [Fig. 30]
These mnemonic songs were exhibited [menmonic]
wâī-wa-t[-e]ī-si-w[)u]g [w[-e]ī-we-t[-e]ī-si-w[)u]g]
Punctuation:
principles of magic and incantations."
[_close quote missing_]
(or, as we have learned to term it, "Grand Medicine,")
[_close parenthesis missing_]
place the body on the ground in the middle of the wigīiwam."
[_close quote missing_]
Long-sand-bar-beneath-the-surface (No. 15)
[_printed "beneath/ the" (no hyphen at line break)_]
"Our forefathers were living
[_open quote missing (passage is quote within block quote)_]
Weī-gi-kw[-o]ī K[)e]-m[-i]ī-n[)i]-nanī?
[_text ends ".?"_]
"He, the chief spirit of the Mid[-e]ī Society
[_open quote missing (passage is quote within block quote)_]
* * * * *
* * * *
* * * * *
SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.
by
JAMES MOONEY.
* * * * *
CONTENTS
Introduction 307
How the formulas were obtained. 310
The A`yû[n]in[)i] (Swimmer) manuscript 310
The Gatigwanast[)i] (Belt) manuscript 312
The Gahun[)i] manuscript 313
The Inâl[)i] (Black Fox) manuscript 314
Other manuscripts 316
The Kanâheīta Ani-Tsaīlag[)i] Et[)i] or Ancient
Cherokee Formulas 317
Character of the formulas-- the Cherokee religion 318
Myth of the origin of disease and medicine 319
Theory of disease-- animals, ghosts, witches 322
Selected list of plants used 324
Medical practice-- theory of resemblances-- fasting--
tabu-- seclusion-- women 328
Illustration of the gaktû[n]ta or tabu 331
Neglect of sanitary regulations 332
The sweat bath-- bleeding--rubbing--bathing 338
Opposition of shamans to white physicians 336
Medicine dances 337
Description of symptoms 337
The ugistaī`t[)i] or pay of the shaman 337
Ceremonies for gathering plants and preparing medicine 339
The Cherokee gods and their abiding places 340
Color symbolism 342
Importance attached to names 343
Language of the formulas 343
Specimen formulas 344
Medicine. 345
To treat the crippler (rheumatism)-- from Gahuni 345
Second formula for the crippler-- from Gahuni 349
Song and prescription for snake bites-- from Gahuni 351
When something is causing something to eat them-- Gahuni 353
Second formula for the same disease-- A`wanita 355
For moving pains in the teeth (neuralgia?)-- Gatigwanasti 356
Song and prayer for the great chill-- A`yû[n]ini 359
To make children jump down (child birth)-- A`yû[n]ini 363
Second formula for child birth-- Takwatihi 364
Song and prayer for the black yellowness (biliousness)--
A`yû[n]ini 365
To treat for ordeal diseases (witchcraft)-- A`yû[n]ini 366
Hunting 369
Concerning hunting-- A`yû[n]ini 369
For hunting birds-- A`yû[n]ini 371
To shoot dwellers in the wilderness-- A`wanita 372
Bear song-- A`yû[n]ini 373
For catching large fish-- A`yû[n]ini 374
Love 375
Concerning living humanity-- Gatigwanasti 376
For going to water-- Gatigwanasti 378
Yû[n]wehi song for painting-- Gatigwanasti 379
Song and prayer to fix the affections-- A`yû[n]ini 380
To separate lovers-- A`yû[n]ini 381
Song and prayer to fix the affections-- Gatigwanasti 382
Miscellaneous 384
To shorten a night goer on this side-- A`yû[n]ini 384
To find lost articles-- Gatigwanasti 386
To frighten away a storm-- A`yû[n]ini 387
To help warriors-- Aīwanita 388
To destroy life (ceremony with beads)-- A`yû[n]ini 391
To take to water for the ball play-- A`yû[n]ini 395
ILLUSTRATIONS
Pl. XXIV. Portrait of A`yû[n]ini (Swimmer) 306
XXV. Facsimile of A`yû[n]ini manuscript--Formula for
Dalâni Û[n]nagei 310
XXVI. Facsimile of Gatigwanasti manuscript--Yû[n]w[)e]h[)i]
formula 312
XXVII. Facsimile of Gahuni manuscript--Formula for
Didû[n]l[)e]sk[)i] 314
[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIV
A`YU[N]INI (SWIMMER).]
* * * * *
SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.
By James Mooney.
* * * * *
INTRODUCTION.
The sacred formulas here given are selected from a collection of about
six hundred, obtained on the Cherokee reservation in North Carolina in
1887 and 1888, and covering every subject pertaining to the daily life
and thought of the Indian, including medicine, love, hunting, fishing,
war, self-protection, destruction of enemies, witchcraft, the crops,
the council, the ball play, etc., and, in fact, embodying almost
the whole of the ancient religion of the Cherokees. The original
manuscripts, now in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology,
were written by the shamans of the tribe, for their own use, in
the Cherokee characters invented by Sikwâīya (Sequoyah) in 1821,
and were obtained, with the explanations, either from the writers
themselves or from their surviving relatives.
Some of these manuscripts are known to be at least thirty years
old, and many are probably older. The medical formulas of all kinds
constitute perhaps one-half of the whole number, while the love charms
come next in number, closely followed by the songs and prayers used in
hunting and fishing. The great number of love charms will doubtless be
a surprise to those who have been educated in the old theory that the
Indian is insensible to the attractions of woman. The comparatively
small number of war formulas is explained by the fact that the last
war in which the Cherokees, as a tribe, were engaged on their own
account, closed with the Revolutionary period, so that these things
were well nigh forgotten before the invention of the alphabet, a
generation later. The Cherokees who engaged in the Creek war and the
late American civil war fought in the interests of the whites, and
their leaders were subordinated to white officers, hence there was not
the same opportunity for the exercise of shamanistic rites that there
would have been had Indians alone been concerned. The prayers for
hunting, fishing, and the ball play being in more constant demand,
have been better preserved.
These formulas had been handed down orally from a remote antiquity
until the early part of the present century, when the invention of
the Cherokee syllabary enabled the priests of the tribe to put them
into writing. The same invention made it possible for their rivals,
the missionaries, to give to the Indians the Bible in their own
language, so that the opposing forces of Christianity and shamanism
alike profited by the genius of Sikwâya. The pressure of the new
civilization was too strong to be withstood, however, and though
the prophets of the old religion still have much influence with the
people, they are daily losing ground and will soon be without honor in
their own country.
Such an exposition of the aboriginal religion could be obtained from
no other tribe in North America, for the simple reason that no other
tribe has an alphabet of its own in which to record its sacred lore.
It is true that the Crees and Micmacs of Canada and the Tukuth of
Alaska have so-called alphabets or ideographic systems invented for
their use by the missionaries, while, before the Spanish conquest,
the Mayas of Central America were accustomed to note down their hero
legends and priestly ceremonials in hieroglyphs graven upon the walls
of their temples or painted upon tablets made of the leaves of the
maguey. But it seems never to have occurred to the northern tribes
that an alphabet coming from a missionary source could be used for any
other purpose than the transcription of bibles and catechisms, while
the sacred books of the Mayas, with a few exceptions, have long since
met destruction at the hands of fanaticism, and the modern copies
which have come down to the present day are written out from imperfect
memory by Indians who had been educated under Spanish influences in
the language, alphabet and ideas of the conquerors, and who, as is
proved by an examination of the contents of the books themselves,
drew from European sources a great part of their material. Moreover,
the Maya tablets were so far hieratic as to be understood only
by the priests and those who had received a special training in
this direction, and they seem therefore to have been entirely
unintelligible to the common people.
The Cherokee alphabet, on the contrary, is the invention or adaptation
of one of the tribe, who, although he borrowed most of the Roman
letters, in addition to the forty or more characters of his own
devising, knew nothing of their proper use or value, but reversed them
or altered their forms to suit his purpose, and gave them a name and
value determined by himself. This alphabet was at once adopted by the
tribe for all purposes for which writing can be used, including the
recording of their shamanistic prayers and ritualistic ceremonies. The
formulas here given, as well as those of the entire collection, were
written out by the shamans themselves--men who adhere to the ancient
religion and speak only their native language--in order that their
sacred knowledge might be preserved in a systematic manner for their
mutual benefit. The language, the conception, and the execution
are all genuinely Indian, and hardly a dozen lines of the hundreds
of formulas show a trace of the influence of the white man or
his religion. The formulas contained in these manuscripts are not
disjointed fragments of a system long since extinct, but are the
revelation of a living faith which still has its priests and devoted
adherents, and it is only necessary to witness a ceremonial ball
play, with its fasting, its going to water, and its mystic bead
manipulation, to understand how strong is the hold which the old faith
yet has upon the minds even of the younger generation. The numerous
archaic and figurative expressions used require the interpretation
of the priests, but, as before stated, the alphabet in which they are
written is that in daily use among the common people.
In all tribes that still retain something of their ancient
organization we find this sacred knowledge committed to the keeping of
various secret societies, each of which has its peculiar ritual with
regular initiation and degrees of advancement. From this analogy
we may reasonably conclude that such was formerly the case with the
Cherokees also, but by the breaking down of old customs consequent
upon their long contact with the whites and the voluntary adoption
of a civilized form of government in 1827, all traces of such society
organization have long since disappeared, and at present each priest
or shaman is isolated and independent, sometimes confining himself
to a particular specialty, such as love or medicine, or even the
treatment of two or three diseases, in other cases broadening his
field of operations to include the whole range of mystic knowledge.
It frequently happens, however, that priests form personal friendships
and thus are led to divulge their secrets to each other for their
mutual advantage. Thus when one shaman meets another who he thinks can
probably give him some valuable information, he says to him, "Let us
sit down together." This is understood by the other to mean, "Let us
tell each other our secrets." Should it seem probable that the seeker
after knowledge can give as much as he receives, an agreement is
generally arrived at, the two retire to some convenient spot secure
from observation, and the first party begins by reciting one of his
formulas with the explanations. The other then reciprocates with
one of his own, unless it appears that the bargain is apt to prove a
losing one, in which case the conference comes to an abrupt ending.
It is sometimes possible to obtain a formula by the payment of a coat,
a quantity of cloth, or a sum of money. Like the Celtic Druids of old,
the candidate for the priesthood in former times found it necessary to
cultivate a long memory, as no formula was repeated more than once for
his benefit. It was considered that one who failed to remember after
the first hearing was not worthy to be accounted a shaman. This task,
however, was not so difficult as might appear on first thought, when
once the learner understood the theory involved, as the formulas are
all constructed on regular principles, with constant repetition of
the same set of words. The obvious effect of such a regulation was
to increase the respect in which this sacred knowledge was held by
restricting it to the possession of a chosen few.
Although the written formulas can be read without difficulty by any
Cherokee educated in his own language, the shamans take good care that
their sacred writings shall not fall into the hands of the laity or
of their rivals in occult practices, and in performing the ceremonies
the words used are uttered in such a low tone of voice as to be
unintelligible even to the one for whose benefit the formula is
repeated. Such being the case, it is in order to explain how the
formulas collected were obtained.
HOW THE FORMULAS WERE OBTAINED.
On first visiting the reservation in the summer of 1887, I devoted
considerable time to collecting plants used by the Cherokees for food
or medicinal purposes, learning at the same time their Indian names
and the particular uses to which each was applied and the mode of
preparation. It soon became evident that the application of the
medicine was not the whole, and in fact was rather the subordinate,
part of the treatment, which was always accompanied by certain
ceremonies and "words." From the workers employed at the time no
definite idea could be obtained as to the character of these words.
One young woman, indeed, who had some knowledge of the subject,
volunteered to write the words which she used in her prescriptions,
but failed to do so, owing chiefly to the opposition of the half-breed
shamans, from whom she had obtained her information.
THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT.
Some time afterward an acquaintance was formed with a man named
A`yû[n]īin[)i] or "Swimmer," who proved to be so intelligent that I
spent several days with him, procuring information in regard to myths
and old customs. He told a number of stories in very good style, and
finally related the Origin of the Bear[1]. The bears were formerly a
part of the Cherokee tribe who decided to leave their kindred and go
into the forest. Their friends followed them and endeavored to induce
them to return, but the Ani-Tsâīkah[)i], as they were called, were
determined to go. Just before parting from their relatives at the
edge of the forest, they turned to them and said, "It is better for
you that we should go; but we will teach you songs, and some day when
you are in want of food come out to the woods and sing these songs
and we shall appear and give you meat." Their friends, after learning
several songs from them, started back to their homes, and after
proceeding a short distance, turned around to take one last look, but
saw only a number of bears disappearing in the depths of the forest.
The songs which they learned are still sung by the hunter to attract
the bears.
[Footnote 1: To appear later with the collection of Cherokee
myths.]
[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXV
FACSIMILE OF GAHUNI MANUSCRIPT.
Formula for Didų[n]l[)e]ck[)i]. (Page 349.)]
When Swimmer had finished the story he was asked if he knew these
songs. He replied that he did, but on being requested to sing one
he made some excuse and was silent. After some further efforts the
interpreter said it would be useless to press the matter then as there
were several other Indians present, but that to-morrow we should have
him alone with us and could then make another attempt.
The next day Swimmer was told that if he persisted in his refusal it
would be necessary to employ some one else, as it was unfair in him to
furnish incomplete information when he was paid to tell all he knew.
He replied that he was willing to tell anything in regard to stories
and customs, but that these songs were a part of his secret knowledge
and commanded a high price from the hunters, who sometimes paid as
much as $5 for a single song, "because you can't kill any bears or
deer unless you sing them."
He was told that the only object in asking about the songs was to put
them on record and preserve them, so that when he and the half dozen
old men of the tribe were dead the world might be aware how much the
Cherokees had known. This appeal to his professional pride proved
effectual, and when he was told that a great many similar songs had
been sent to Washington by medicine men of other tribes, he promptly
declared that he knew as much as any of them, and that he would give
all the information in his possession, so that others might be able to
judge for themselves who knew most. The only conditions he made were
that these secret matters should be heard by no one else but the
interpreter, and should not be discussed when other Indians were
present.
As soon as the other shamans learned what was going on they endeavored
by various means to persuade him to stop talking, or failing in this,
to damage his reputation by throwing out hints as to his honesty or
accuracy of statement. Among other objections which they advanced
was one which, however incomprehensible to a white man, was perfectly
intelligible to an Indian, viz: That when he had told everything this
information would be taken to Washington and locked up there, and thus
they would be deprived of the knowledge. This objection was one of
the most difficult to overcome, as there was no line of argument with
which to oppose it.
These reports worried Swimmer, who was extremely sensitive in regard
to his reputation, and he became restive under the insinuations of
his rivals. Finally on coming to work one day he produced a book from
under his ragged coat as he entered the house, and said proudly:
"Look at that and now see if I don't know something." It was a small
day-book of about 240 pages, procured originally from a white man, and
was about half filled with writing in the Cherokee characters. A brief
examination disclosed the fact that it contained just those matters
that had proved so difficult to procure. Here were prayers, songs,
and prescriptions for the cure of all kinds of diseases--for chills,
rheumatism, frostbites, wounds, bad dreams, and witchery; love charms,
to gain the affections of a woman or to cause her to hate a detested
rival; fishing charms, hunting charms--including the songs without
which none could ever hope to kill any game; prayers to make the corn
grow, to frighten away storms, and to drive off witches; prayers for
long life, for safety among strangers, for acquiring influence in
council and success in the ball play. There were prayers to the Long
Man, the Ancient White, the Great Whirlwind, the Yellow Rattlesnake,
and to a hundred other gods of the Cherokee pantheon. It was in fact
an Indian ritual and pharmacopoeia.
After recovering in a measure from the astonishment produced by this
discovery I inquired whether other shamans had such books. "Yes,"
said Swimmer, "we all have them." Here then was a clew to follow up. A
bargain was made by which he was to have another blank book into which
to copy the formulas, after which the original was bought. It is now
deposited in the library of the Bureau of Ethnology. The remainder of
the time until the return was occupied in getting an understanding of
the contents of the book.
THE GATIGWANASTI MANUSCRIPT.
Further inquiry elicited the names of several others who might be
supposed to have such papers. Before leaving a visit was paid to one
of these, a young man named Wilnoti, whose father, Gatigwanasti, had
been during his lifetime a prominent shaman, regarded as a man of
superior intelligence. Wilnoti, who is a professing Christian, said
that his father had had such papers, and after some explanation from
the chief he consented to show them. He produced a box containing a
lot of miscellaneous papers, testaments, and hymnbooks, all in the
Cherokee alphabet. Among them was his father's chief treasure, a
manuscript book containing 122 pages of foolscap size, completely
filled with formulas of the same kind as those contained in Swimmer's
book. There were also a large number of loose sheets, making in all
nearly 200 foolscap pages of sacred formulas.
On offering to buy the papers, he replied that he wanted to keep them
in order to learn and practice these things himself--thus showing
how thin was the veneer of Christianity, in his case at least. On
representing to him that in a few years the new conditions would
render such knowledge valueless with the younger generation, and that
even if he retained the papers he would need some one else to explain
them to him, he again refused, saying that they might fall into
the hands of Swimmer, who, he was determined, should never see his
father's papers. Thus the negotiations came to an end for the time.
[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVI
FACSIMILE OF SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT.
Formula for Dalāni Ų[n]nagei (Page 364.)]
On returning to the reservation in July, 1888, another effort was made
to get possession of the Gatigwanasti manuscripts and any others of
the same kind which could be procured. By this time the Indians had
had several months to talk over the matter, and the idea had gradually
dawned upon them that instead of taking their knowledge away from them
and locking it up in a box, the intention was to preserve it to the
world and pay them for it at the same time. In addition the writer
took every opportunity to impress upon them the fact that he was
acquainted with the secret knowledge of other tribes and perhaps could
give them as much as they gave. It was now much easier to approach
them, and on again visiting Wilnoti, in company with the interpreter,
who explained the matter fully to him, he finally consented to lend
the papers for a time, with the same condition that neither Swimmer
nor anyone else but the chief and interpreter should see them, but
he still refused to sell them. However, this allowed the use of
the papers, and after repeated efforts during a period of several
weeks, the matter ended in the purchase of the papers outright,
with unreserved permission to show them for copying or explanation
to anybody who might be selected. Wilnoti was not of a mercenary
disposition, and after the first negotiations the chief difficulty was
to overcome his objection to parting with his father's handwriting,
but it was an essential point to get the originals, and he was allowed
to copy some of the more important formulas, as he found it utterly
out of the question to copy the whole.
These papers of Gatigwanasti are the most valuable of the whole, and
amount to fully one-half the entire collection, about fifty pages
consisting of love charms. The formulas are beautifully written
in bold Cherokee characters, and the directions and headings are
generally explicit, bearing out the universal testimony that he was a
man of unusual intelligence and ability, characteristics inherited by
his son, who, although a young man and speaking no English, is one of
the most progressive and thoroughly reliable men of the band.
THE GAHUNI MANUSCRIPT.
The next book procured was obtained from a woman named Ayâsta, "The
Spoiler," and had been written by her husband, Gahuni, who died about
30 years ago. The matter was not difficult to arrange, as she had
already been employed on several occasions, so that she understood the
purpose of the work, besides which her son had been regularly engaged
to copy and classify the manuscripts already procured. The book
was claimed as common property by Ayâsta and her three sons, and
negotiations had to be carried on with each one, although in this
instance the cash amount involved was only half a dollar, in addition
to another book into which to copy some family records and personal
memoranda. The book contains only eight formulas, but these are of
a character altogether unique, the directions especially throwing
a curious light on Indian beliefs. There had been several other
formulas of the class called Yīûī[n]w[)e]h[)i], to cause hatred between
man and wife, but these had been torn out and destroyed by Ayâsta on
the advice of an old shaman, in order that her sons might never learn
them. In referring to the matter she spoke in a whisper, and it was
evident enough that she had full faith in the deadly power of these
spells.
In addition to the formulas the book contains about twenty pages of
Scripture extracts in the same handwriting, for Gahuni, like several
others of their shamans, combined the professions of Indian conjurer
and Methodist preacher. After his death the book fell into the hands
of the younger members of the family, who filled it with miscellaneous
writings and scribblings. Among other things there are about seventy
pages of what was intended to be a Cherokee-English pronouncing
dictionary, probably written by the youngest son, already mentioned,
who has attended school, and who served for some time as copyist on
the formulas. This curious Indian production, of which only a few
columns are filled out, consists of a list of simple English words
and phrases, written in ordinary English script, followed by Cherokee
characters intended to give the approximate pronunciation, together
with the corresponding word in the Cherokee language and characters.
As the language lacks a number of sounds which are of frequent
occurrence in English, the attempts to indicate the pronunciation
sometimes give amusing results. Thus we find: _Fox_ (English
script); _kwâgis[)i]ī_ (Cherokee characters); _tsú`lûī_ (Cherokee
characters). As the Cherokee language lacks the labial _f_ and has no
compound sound equivalent to our _x_, _kwâgis[)i]ī_ is as near as the
Cherokee speaker can come to pronouncing our word _fox_. In the same
way "bet" becomes _w[)e]t[)i]_, and "sheep" is _síkw[)i]_, while "if he
has no dog" appears in the disguise of _ikw[)i] hâs[)i] nâ dâīga_.
THE INÂLI MANUSCRIPT.
In the course of further inquiries in regard to the whereabouts of
other manuscripts of this kind we heard a great deal about Inâīl[)i],
or "Black Fox," who had died a few years before at an advanced age,
and who was universally admitted to have been one of their most able
men and the most prominent literary character among them, for from
what has been said it must be sufficiently evident that the Cherokees
have their native literature and literary men. Like those already
mentioned, he was a full-blood Cherokee, speaking no English, and in
the course of a long lifetime he had filled almost every position of
honor among his people, including those of councilor, keeper of the
townhouse records, Sunday-school leader, conjurer, officer in the
Confederate service, and Methodist preacher, at last dying, as he was
born, in the ancient faith of his forefathers.
[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVII
FACSIMILE OF GATIGWANASTI MANUSCRIPT.
Yugwilûī formula. (Page 375.)]
On inquiring of his daughter she stated that her father had left a
great many papers, most of which were still in her possession, and
on receiving from the interpreter an explanation of our purpose she
readily gave permission to examine and make selections from them on
condition that the matter should be kept secret from outsiders. A day
was appointed for visiting her, and on arriving we found her living in
a comfortable log house, built by Inâl[)i] himself, with her children
and an ancient female relative, a decrepit old woman with snow-white
hair and vacant countenance. This was the oldest woman of the tribe,
and though now so feeble and childish, she had been a veritable savage
in her young days, having carried a scalp in the scalp dance in the
Creek war 75 years before.
Having placed chairs for us in the shade Inâl[)i]'s daughter brought
out a small box filled with papers of various kinds, both Cherokee and
English. The work of examining these was a tedious business, as each
paper had to be opened out and enough of it read to get the general
drift of the contents, after which the several classes were arranged
in separate piles. While in the midst of this work she brought out
another box nearly as large as a small trunk, and on setting it down
there was revealed to the astonished gaze such a mass of material as
it had not seemed possible could exist in the entire tribe.
In addition to papers of the sort already mentioned there were a
number of letters in English from various officials and religious
organizations, and addressed to "Enola," to "Rev. Black Fox," and to
"Black Fox, Esq," with a large number of war letters written to him
by Cherokees who had enlisted in the Confederate service. These latter
are all written in the Cherokee characters, in the usual gossipy style
common among friends, and several of them contain important historic
material in regard to the movements of the two armies in East
Tennessee. Among other things was found his certificate as a Methodist
preacher, dated in 1848. "Know all men by these presents that Black
Fox (Cherokee) is hereby authorized to exercise his Gifts and Graces
as a local preacher in M. E. Church South.".
There was found a manuscript book in Inâl[)i]'s handwriting containing
the records of the old council of Wolftown, of which he had been
secretary for several years down to the beginning of the war. This
also contains some valuable materials.
There were also a number of miscellaneous books, papers, and pictures,
together with various trinkets and a number of conjuring stones.
In fact the box was a regular curiosity shop, and it was with a
feeling akin, to despair that we viewed the piles of manuscript which
had to be waded through and classified. There was a day's hard work
ahead, and it was already past noon; but the woman was not done yet,
and after rummaging about inside the house for a while longer she
appeared with another armful of papers, which she emptied on top of
the others. This was the last straw; and finding it impossible to
examine in detail such a mass of material we contented ourselves
with picking out the sacred formulas and the two manuscript books
containing the town-house records and scriptural quotations and
departed.
The daughter of Black Fox agreed to fetch down the other papers in
a few days for further examination at our leisure; and she kept her
promise, bringing with her at the same time a number of additional
formulas which she had not been able to obtain before. A large number
of letters and other papers were selected from the miscellaneous lot,
and these, with the others obtained from her, are now deposited also
with the Bureau of Ethnology. Among other things found at this house
were several beads of the old shell wampum, of whose use the Cherokees
have now lost even the recollection. She knew only that they were
very old and different from the common beads, but she prized them as
talismans, and firmly refused to part with them.
OTHER MANUSCRIPTS.
Subsequently a few formulas were obtained from an old shaman named
Tsiskwa or "Bird," but they were so carelessly written as to be almost
worthless, and the old man who wrote them, being then on his dying
bed, was unable to give much help in the matter. However, as he was
anxious to tell what he knew an attempt was made to take down some
formulas from his dictation. A few more were obtained in this way but
the results were not satisfactory and the experiment was abandoned.
About the same time A`waniīta or "Young Deer," one of their best herb
doctors, was engaged to collect the various plants used in medicine
and describe their uses. While thus employed he wrote in a book
furnished him for the purpose a number of formulas used by him in his
practice, giving at the same time a verbal explanation of the theory
and ceremonies. Among these was one for protection in battle, which
had been used by himself and a number of other Cherokees in the
late war. Another doctor named Takwatiīh[)i] or "Catawba Killer," was
afterward employed on the same work and furnished some additional
formulas which he had had his son write down from his dictation,
he himself being unable to write. His knowledge was limited to the
practice of a few specialties, but in regard to these his information
was detailed and accurate. There was one for bleeding with the
cupping horn. All these formulas obtained from Tsiskwa, Aīwanita, and
Takwtihi are now in possession of the Bureau.
THE KANÂHETA ANI-TSALAGI ETI.
Among the papers thus obtained was a large number which for various
reasons it was found difficult to handle or file for preservation.
Many of them had been written so long ago that the ink had almost
faded from the paper; others were written with lead pencil, so that in
handling them the characters soon became blurred and almost illegible;
a great many were written on scraps of paper of all shapes and sizes;
and others again were full of omissions and doublets, due to the
carelessness of the writer, while many consisted simply of the prayer,
with nothing in the nature of a heading or prescription to show its
purpose.
Under the circumstances it was deemed expedient to have a number of
these formulas copied in more enduring form. For this purpose it
was decided to engage the services of Ayâsta's youngest son, an
intelligent young man about nineteen years of age, who had attended
school long enough to obtain a fair acquaintance with English in
addition to his intimate knowledge of Cherokee. He was also gifted
with a ready comprehension, and from his mother and uncle Tsiskwa had
acquired some familiarity with many of the archaic expressions used in
the sacred formulas. He was commonly known as "Will West," but signed
himself W.W. Long, Long being the translation of his father's name,
Gûnahiīta. After being instructed as to how the work should be done
with reference to paragraphing, heading, etc., he was furnished a
blank book of two hundred pages into which to copy such formulas as it
seemed desirable to duplicate. He readily grasped the idea and in the
course of about a month, working always under the writer's personal
supervision, succeeded in completely filling the book according to
the plan outlined. In addition to the duplicate formulas he wrote
down a number of dance and drinking songs, obtained originally from
A`yû[n]īin[)i], with about thirty miscellaneous formulas obtained from
various sources. The book thus prepared is modeled on the plan of
an ordinary book, with headings, table of contents, and even with an
illuminated title page devised by the aid of the interpreter according
to the regular Cherokee idiomatic form, and is altogether a unique
specimen of Indian literary art. It contains in all two hundred and
fifty-eight formulas and songs, which of course are native aboriginal
productions, although the mechanical arrangement was performed under
the direction of a white man. This book also, under its Cherokee
title, _Kanâheīta Ani-Tsaīlag[)i] Eīt[)i]_ or "Ancient Cherokee
Formulas," is now in the library of the Bureau.
There is still a considerable quantity of such manuscript in the hands
of one or two shamans with whom there was no chance for negotiating,
but an effort will be made to obtain possession of these on some
future visit, should opportunity present. Those now in the Bureau
library comprised by far the greater portion of the whole quantity
held by the Indians, and as only a small portion of this was copied by
the owners it can not be duplicated by any future collector.
CHARACTER OF THE FORMULAS--THE CHEROKEE RELIGION.
It is impossible to overestimate the ethnologic importance of the
materials thus obtained. They are invaluable as the genuine production
of the Indian mind, setting forth in the clearest light the state of
the aboriginal religion before its contamination by contact with the
whites. To the psychologist and the student of myths they are equally
precious. In regard to their linguistic value we may quote the
language of Brinton, speaking of the sacred books of the Mayas,
already referred to:
Another value they have,... and it is one which will be
properly appreciated by any student of languages. They are,
by common consent of all competent authorities, the genuine
productions of native minds, cast in the idiomatic forms of
the native tongue by those born to its use. No matter how
fluent a foreigner becomes in a language not his own, he can
never use it as does one who has been familiar with it from
childhood. This general maxim is tenfold true when we apply
it to a European learning an American language. The flow of
thought, as exhibited in these two linguistic families, is
in such different directions that no amount of practice can
render one equally accurate in both. Hence the importance of
studying a tongue as it is employed by natives; and hence the
very high estimate I place on these "Books of Chilan Balam" as
linguistic material--an estimate much increased by the great
rarity of independent compositions in their own tongues by
members of the native races of this continent.[2]
[Footnote 2: Brinton, D. G.: The books of Chilan Balam 10,
Philadelphia, n.d., (1882).]
The same author, in speaking of the internal evidences of authenticity
contained in the Popol Vuh, the sacred book of the Kichés, uses the
following words, which apply equally well to these Cherokee formulas:
To one familiar with native American myths, this one bears
undeniable marks of its aboriginal origin. Its frequent
puerilities and inanities, its generally low and coarse range
of thought and expression, its occasional loftiness of both,
its strange metaphors and the prominence of strictly heathen
names and potencies, bring it into unmistakable relationship
to the true native myth.[3]
[Footnote 3: Brinton, D. G.: Names of the Gods in the Kiché Myths,
in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., Philadelphia, 1881, vol. 19, p. 613.]
These formulas furnish a complete refutation of the assertion so
frequently made by ignorant and prejudiced writers that the Indian had
no religion excepting what they are pleased to call the meaning less
mummeries of the medicine man. This is the very reverse of the truth.
The Indian is essentially religious and contemplative, and it might
almost be said that every act of his life is regulated and determined
by his religious belief. It matters not that some may call this
superstition. The difference is only relative. The religion of
to-day has developed from the cruder superstitions of yesterday, and
Christianity itself is but an outgrowth and enlargement of the beliefs
and ceremonies which have been preserved by the Indian in their more
ancient form. When we are willing to admit that the Indian has a
religion which he holds sacred, even though it be different from
our own, we can then admire the consistency of the theory, the
particularity of the ceremonial and the beauty of the expression.
So far from being a jumble of crudities, there is a wonderful
completeness about the whole system which is not surpassed even by the
ceremonial religions of the East. It is evident from a study of these
formulas that the Cherokee Indian was a polytheist and that the spirit
world was to him only a shadowy counterpart of this. All his prayers
were for temporal and tangible blessings--for health, for long life,
for success in the chase, in fishing, in war and in love, for good
crops, for protection and for revenge. He had no Great Spirit, no
happy hunting ground, no heaven, no hell, and consequently death had
for him no terrors and he awaited the inevitable end with no anxiety
as to the future. He was careful not to violate the rights of his
tribesman or to do injury to his feelings, but there is nothing to
show that he had any idea whatever of what is called morality in the
abstract.
As the medical formulas are first in number and importance it may be
well, for the better understanding of the theory involved, to give the
Cherokee account of
THE ORIGIN OF DISEASE AND MEDICINE.
In the old days quadrupeds, birds, fishes, and insects could all talk,
and they and the human race lived together in peace and friendship.
But as time went on the people increased so rapidly that their
settlements spread over the whole earth and the poor animals found
themselves beginning to be cramped for room. This was bad enough,
but to add to their misfortunes man invented bows, knives, blowguns,
spears, and hooks, and began to slaughter the larger animals, birds
and fishes for the sake of their flesh or their skins, while the
smaller creatures, such as the frogs and worms, were crushed and
trodden upon without mercy, out of pure carelessness or contempt. In
this state of affairs the animals resolved to consult upon measures
for their common safety.
The bears were the first to meet in council in their townhouse in
Kuwaīh[)i], the "Mulberry Place,"[4] and the old White Bear chief
presided. After each in turn had made complaint against the way in
which man killed their friends, devoured their flesh and used their
skins for his own adornment, it was unanimously decided to begin war
at once against the human race. Some one asked what weapons man used
to accomplish their destruction. "Bows and arrows, of course," cried
all the bears in chorus. "And what are they made of?" was the next
question. "The bow of wood and the string of our own entrails,"
replied one of the bears. It was then proposed that they make a bow
and some arrows and see if they could not turn man's weapons against
himself. So one bear got a nice piece of locust wood and another
sacrificed himself for the good of the rest in order to furnish a
piece of his entrails for the string. But when everything was ready
and the first bear stepped up to make the trial it was found that
in letting the arrow fly after drawing back the bow, his long claws
caught the string and spoiled the shot. This was annoying, but another
suggested that he could overcome the difficulty by cutting his claws,
which was accordingly done, and on a second trial it was found that
the arrow went straight to the mark. But here the chief, the old White
Bear, interposed and said that it was necessary that they should have
long claws in order to be able to climb trees. "One of us has already
died to furnish the bowstring, and if we now cut off our claws we
shall all have to starve together. It is better to trust to the teeth
and claws which nature has given us, for it is evident that man's
weapons were not intended for us."
[Footnote 4: One of the High peaks of the Smoky Mountains, on the
Tennessee line, near Clingman's Dome.]
No one could suggest any better plan, so the old chief dismissed the
council and the bears dispersed to their forest haunts without having
concerted any means for preventing the increase of the human race. Had
the result of the council been otherwise, we should now be at war with
the bears, but as it is the hunter does not even ask the bear's pardon
when he kills one.
The deer next held a council under their chief, the Little Deer, and
after some deliberation resolved to inflict rheumatism upon every
hunter who should kill one of their number, unless he took care to ask
their pardon for the offense. They sent notice of their decision to
the nearest settlement of Indians and told them at the same time how
to make propitiation when necessity forced them to kill one of the
deer tribe. Now, whenever the hunter brings down a deer, the Little
Deer, who is swift as the wind and can not be wounded, runs quickly up
to the spot and bending over the blood stains asks the spirit of the
deer if it has heard the prayer of the hunter for pardon. If the reply
be "Yes" all is well and the Little Deer goes on his way, but if the
reply be in the negative he follows on the trail of the hunter, guided
by the drops of blood on the ground, until he arrives at the cabin in
the settlement, when the Little Deer enters invisibly and strikes
the neglectful hunter with rheumatism, so that he is rendered on the
instant a helpless cripple. No hunter who has regard for his health
ever fails to ask pardon of the deer for killing it, although some
who have not learned the proper formula may attempt to turn aside the
Little Deer from his pursuit by building a fire behind them in the
trail.
Next came the fishes and reptiles, who had their own grievances
against humanity. They held a joint council and determined to make
their victims dream of snakes twining about them in slimy folds and
blowing their fetid breath in their faces, or to make them dream of
eating raw or decaying fish, so that they would lose appetite, sicken,
and die. Thus it is that snake and fish dreams are accounted for.
Finally the birds, insects, and smaller animals came together for a
like purpose, and the Grubworm presided over the deliberations. It was
decided that each in turn should express an opinion and then vote on
the question as to whether or not man should be deemed guilty.
Seven votes were to be sufficient to condemn him. One after another
denounced man's cruelty and injustice toward the other animals and
voted in favor of his death. The Frog (walâīs[)i]) spoke first and
said: "We must do something to check the increase of the race or
people will become so numerous that we shall be crowded from off the
earth. See how man has kicked me about because I'm ugly, as he says,
until my back is covered with sores;" and here he showed the spots
on his skin. Next came the Bird (tsiīskwa; no particular species is
indicated), who condemned man because "he burns my feet off," alluding
to the way in which the hunter barbecues birds by impaling them on a
stick set over the fire, so that their feathers and tender feet are
singed and burned. Others followed in the same strain. The Ground
Squirrel alone ventured to say a word in behalf of man, who seldom
hurt him because he was so small; but this so enraged the others that
they fell upon the Ground Squirrel and tore him with their teeth and
claws, and the stripes remain on his back to this day.
The assembly then began to devise and name various diseases, one after
another, and had not their invention finally failed them not one of
the human race would have been able to survive. The Grubworm in his
place of honor hailed each new malady with delight, until at last they
had reached the end of the list, when some one suggested that it be
arranged so that menstruation should sometimes prove fatal to woman.
On this he rose up in his place and cried: "Wataī[n] Thanks! I'm glad
some of them will die, for they are getting so thick that they tread
on me." He fairly shook with joy at the thought, so that he fell over
backward and could not get on his feet again, but had to wriggle off
on his back, as the Grubworm has done ever since.
When the plants, who were friendly to man, heard what had been done by
the animals, they determined to defeat their evil designs. Each tree,
shrub, and herb, down, even to the grasses and mosses, agreed to
furnish a remedy for some one of the diseases named, and each said: "I
shall appear to help man when he calls upon me in his need." Thus did
medicine originate, and the plants, every one of which has its use if
we only knew it, furnish the antidote to counteract the evil wrought
by the revengeful animals. When the doctor is in doubt what treatment
to apply for the relief of a patient, the spirit of the plant suggests
to him the proper remedy.
THEORY OF DISEASE--ANIMALS, GHOSTS, WITCHES.
Such is the belief upon which their medical practice is based, and
whatever we may think of the theory it must be admitted that the
practice is consistent in all its details with the views set forth
in the myth. Like most primitive people the Cherokees believe that
disease and death are not natural, but are due to the evil influence
of animal spirits, ghosts, or witches. Haywood, writing in 1823,
states on the authority of two intelligent residents of the Cherokee
nation:
In ancient times the Cherokees had no conception of anyone
dying a natural death. They universally ascribed the death of
those who perished by disease to the intervention or agency of
evil spirits and witches and conjurers who had connection with
the Shina (Anisgiīna) or evil spirits.... A person dying by
disease and charging his death to have been procured by means
of witchcraft or spirits, by any other person, consigns that
person to inevitable death. They profess to believe that their
conjurations have no effect upon white men.[5]
[Footnote 5: Haywood, John: Natural and Aboriginal History of East
Tennessee, 267-8, Nashville, 1823.]
On the authority of one of the same informants, he also mentions
the veneration which "their physicians have for the numbers four and
seven, who say that after man was placed upon the earth four and seven
nights were instituted for the cure of diseases in the human body and
the seventh night as the limit for female impurity."[6]
[Footnote 6: Ibid., p. 281.]
Viewed from a scientific standpoint, their theory and diagnosis
are entirely wrong, and consequently we can hardly expect their
therapeutic system to be correct. As the learned Doctor Berendt
states, after an exhaustive study of the medical books of the Mayas,
the scientific value of their remedies is "next to nothing." It must
be admitted that many of the plants used in their medical practice
possess real curative properties, but it is equally true that many
others held in as high estimation are inert. It seems probable that in
the beginning the various herbs and other plants were regarded as so
many fetiches and were selected from some fancied connection with the
disease animal, according to the idea known to modern folklorists as
the doctrine of signatures. Thus at the present day the doctor puts
into the decoction intended as a vermifuge some of the red fleshy
stalks of the common purslane or chickweed (Portulaca oleracea),
because these stalks somewhat resemble worms and consequently must
have some occult influence over worms. Here the chickweed is a fetich
precisely as is the flint arrow head which is put into the same
decoction, in order that in the same mysterious manner its sharp
cutting qualities may be communicated to the liquid and enable it
to cut the worms into pieces. In like manner, biliousness is called
by the Cherokees dalâīn[)i] or "yellow," because the most apparent
symptom of the disease is the vomiting by the patient of the yellow
bile, and hence the doctor selects for the decoction four different
herbs, each of which is also called dalân[)i], because of the color of
the root, stalk, or flower. The same idea is carried out in the tabu
which generally accompanies the treatment. Thus a scrofulous patient
must abstain from eating the meat of a turkey, because the fleshy
dewlap which depends from its throat somewhat resembles an inflamed
scrofulous eruption. On killing a deer the hunter always makes an
incision in the hind quarter and removes the hamstring, because this
tendon, when severed, draws up into the flesh; ergo, any one who
should unfortunately partake of the hamstring would find his limbs
draw up in the same manner.
There can be no doubt that in course of time a haphazard use of
plants would naturally lead to the discovery that certain herbs are
efficacious in certain combinations of symptoms. These plants would
thus come into more frequent use and finally would obtain general
recognition in the Indian materia medica. By such a process of
evolution an empiric system of medicine has grown up among the
Cherokees, by which they are able to treat some classes of ailments
with some degree of success, although without any intelligent idea
of the process involved. It must be remembered that our own medical
system has its remote origin in the same mythic conception of disease,
and that within two hundred years judicial courts have condemned
women to be burned to death for producing sickness by spells and
incantations, while even at the present day our faith-cure professors
reap their richest harvest among people commonly supposed to belong
to the intelligent classes. In the treatment of wounds the Cherokee
doctors exhibit a considerable degree of skill, but as far as any
internal ailment is concerned the average farmer's wife is worth all
the doctors in the whole tribe.
The faith of the patient has much to do with his recovery, for the
Indian has the same implicit confidence in the shaman that a child has
in a more intelligent physician. The ceremonies and prayers are well
calculated to inspire this feeling, and the effect thus produced
upon the mind of the sick man undoubtedly reacts favorably upon his
physical organization.
The following list of twenty plants used in Cherokee practice will
give a better idea of the extent of their medical knowledge than
could be conveyed by a lengthy dissertation. The names are given
in the order in which they occur in the botanic notebook filled on
the reservation, excluding names of food plants and species not
identified, so that no attempt has been made to select in accordance
with a preconceived theory. Following the name of each plant are
given its uses as described by the Indian doctors, together with its
properties as set forth in the United States Dispensatory, one of the
leading pharmacopoeias in use in this country.[7] For the benefit
of those not versed in medical phraseology it may be stated that
aperient, cathartic, and deobstruent are terms applied to medicines
intended to open or purge the bowels, a diuretic has the property of
exciting the flow of urine, a diaphoretic excites perspiration, and
a demulcent protects or soothes irritated tissues, while hæmoptysis
denotes a peculiar variety of blood-spitting and aphthous is an
adjective applied to ulcerations in the mouth.
[Footnote 7: Wood, T. B., and Bache, F.: Dispensatory of the United
States of America, 14th ed., Philadelphia, 1877.]
SELECTED LIST OF PLANTS USED.
1. UNASTEīTSTIYÛ = "very small root"-- Aristolochia serpentaria--
Virginia or black snakeroot: Decoction of root blown upon patient for
fever and feverish headache, and drunk for coughs; root chewed and
spit upon wound to cure snake bites; bruised root placed in hollow
tooth for toothache, and held against nose made sore by constant
blowing in colds. Dispensatory: "A stimulant tonic, acting also as a
diaphoretic or diuretic, according to the mode of its application;
* * * also been highly recommended in intermittent fevers, and though
itself generally inadequate to the cure often proves serviceable as an
adjunct to Peruvian bark or sulphate of quinia." Also used for typhous
diseases, in dyspepsia, as a gargle for sore throat, as a mild
stimulant in typhoid fevers, and to promote eruptions. The genus
derives its scientific name from its supposed efficacy in promoting
menstrual discharge, and some species have acquired the "reputation of
antidotes for the bites of serpents."
2. UNISTILīÛ[n]ISTÎ[8] = "they stick on"-- Cynoglossum Morrisoni--
Beggar lice: Decoction of root or top drunk for kidney troubles;
bruised root used with bear oil as an ointment for cancer; forgetful
persons drink a decoction of this plant, and probably also of other
similar bur plants, from an idea that the sticking qualities of the
burs will thus be imparted to the memory. From a similar connection of
ideas the root is also used in the preparation of love charms.
Dispensatory: Not named. C. officinale "has been used as a demulcent
and sedative in coughs, catarrh, spitting of blood, dysentery, and
diarrhea, and has been also applied externally in burns, ulcers,
scrofulous tumors and goiter."
[Footnote 8: The Cherokee plant names here given are generic names,
which are the names commonly used. In many cases the same name is
applied to several species and it is only when it is necessary to
distinguish between them that the Indians use what might be called
specific names. Even then the descriptive term used serves to
distinguish only the particular plants under discussion and the
introduction of another variety bearing the same generic name would
necessitate a new classification of species on a different basis,
while hardly any two individuals would classify the species by the
same characteristics.]
3. Û[n]NAGÉI = "black"-- Cassia Marilandica-- Wild senna: Root bruised
and moistened with water for poulticing sores; decoction drunk for
fever and for a disease also called û[n]nageīi, or "black" (same
name as plant), in which the hands and eye sockets are said to turn
black; also for a disease described as similar to û[n]nagei, but more
dangerous, in which the eye sockets become black, while black spots
appear on the arms, legs, and over the ribs on one side of the body,
accompanied by partial paralysis, and resulting in death should the
black spots appear also on the other side. Dispensatory: Described as
"an efficient and safe cathartic, * * * most conveniently given in the
form of infusion."
4. KÂSDīÚTA = "simulating ashes," so called on account of the
appearance of the leaves-- Gnaphalium decurrens-- Life everlasting:
Decoction drunk for colds; also used in the sweat bath for various
diseases and considered one of their most valuable medical plants.
Dispensatory: Not named. Decoctions of two other species of this genus
are mentioned as used by country people for chest and bowel diseases,
and for hemorrhages, bruises, ulcers, etc., although "probably
possessing little medicinal virtue."
5. ALTSAīSTI = "a wreath for the head"-- Vicia Caroliniana-- Vetch:
Decoction drunk for dyspepsia and pains in the back, and rubbed on
stomach for cramp; also rubbed on ball-players after scratching, to
render their muscles tough, and used in the same way after scratching
in the disease referred to under û[n]nagei, in which one side becomes
black in spots, with partial paralysis; also used in same manner in
decoction with Kâsduta for rheumatism; considered one of their most
valuable medicinal herbs. Dispensatory: Not named.
6. DISTAIīY[)I] = "they (the roots) are tough"-- Tephrosia Virginiana--
Catgut, Turkey Pea, Goat's Rue, or Devil's Shoestrings: Decoction
drunk for lassitude. Women wash their hair in decoction of its roots
to prevent its breaking or falling out, because these roots are very
tough and hard to break; from the same idea ball-players rub the
decoction on their limbs after scratching, to toughen them.
Dispensatory: Described as a cathartic with roots tonic and aperient.
7. UīGA-ATASGIīSK[)I] = "the pus oozes out"-- Euphorbia hypericifolia--
Milkweed: Juice rubbed on for skin eruptions, especially on children's
heads; also used as a purgative; decoction drunk for gonorrhoea and
similar diseases in both sexes, and held in high estimation for this
purpose; juice used as an ointment for sores and for sore nipples, and
in connection with other herbs for cancer. Dispensatory: The juice of
all of the genus has the property of "powerfully irritating the skin
when applied to it," while nearly all are powerful emetics and
cathartics. This species "has been highly commended as a remedy in
dysentery after due depletion, diarrhea, menorrhagia, and leucorrhea."
8. GÛīN[)I]GWAL[)I]īSK[)I] = "It becomes discolored when bruised"--
Scutellaria lateriflora-- Skullcap. The name refers to the red juice
which comes out of the stalk when bruised or chewed. A decoction of the
four varieties of Gûnigwal[)i]īsk[)i]-- S. lateriflora, S. pilosa,
Hypericum corymbosum, and Stylosanthes elatior-- is drunk to promote
menstruation, and the same decoction is also drunk and used as a wash to
counteract the ill effects of eating food prepared by a woman in the
menstrual condition, or when such a woman by chance comes into a sick
room or a house under the tabu; also drunk for diarrhea and used with
other herbs in decoction for breast pains. Dispensatory: This plant
"produces no very obvious effects," but some doctors regard it as
possessed of nervine, antispasmodic and tonic properties. None of the
other three species are named.
9. KÂīGA SKÛī[n]TAG[)I] = "crow shin"-- Adiantum pedatum-- Maidenhair
Fern: Used either in decoction or poultice for rheumatism and chills,
generally in connection with some other fern. The doctors explain that
the fronds of the different varieties of fern are curled up in the young
plant, but unroll and straighten out as it grows, and consequently a
decoction of ferns causes the contracted muscles of the rheumatic
patient to unbend and straighten out in like manner. It is also used in
decoction for fever. Dispensatory: The leaves "have been supposed to be
useful in chronic catarrh and other pectoral affections."
10. ANDAīNKALAGIīSK[)I] = "it removes things from the gums"-- Geranium
maculatum-- Wild Alum, Cranesbill: Used in decoction with Yânû
Unihyeīst[)i] (Vitis cordifolia) to wash the mouths of children in
thrush; also used alone for the same purpose by blowing the chewed
fiber into the mouth. Dispensatory: "One of our best indigenous
astringents. * * * Diarrhea, chronic dysentery, cholora infantum
in the latter stages, and the various hemorrhages are the forms of
disease in which it is most commonly used." Also valuable as "an
application to indolent ulcers, an injection in gleet and leucorrhea,
a gargle in relaxation of the uvula and aphthous ulcerations of the
throat." The other plant sometimes used with it is not mentioned.
11. Ûī[n]L[)E] UK[)I]īLT[)I] = "the locust frequents it"-- Gillenia
trifoliata-- Indian Physic. Two doctors state that it is good as a tea
for bowel complaints, with fever and yellow vomit; but another says that
it is poisonous and that no decoction is ever drunk, but that the beaten
root is a good poultice for swellings. Dispensatory: "Gillenia is a mild
and efficient emetic, and like most substances belonging to the same
class occasionally acts upon the bowels. In very small doses it has been
thought to be tonic."
12. SKWAīL[)I] = Hepatica acutiloba-- Liverwort, Heartleaf: Used for
coughs either in tea or by chewing root. Those who dream of snakes
drink a decoction of this herb and Iīnatû Gaīn`ka = "snake tongue"
(Camptosorus rhizophyllus or Walking Fern) to produce vomiting, after
which the dreams do not return. The traders buy large quantities of
liverwort from the Cherokees, who may thus have learned to esteem it
more highly than they otherwise would. The appearance of the other
plant, Camptosorus rhizophyllus, has evidently determined its Cherokee
name and the use to which it is applied. Dispensatory: "Liverwort is a
very mild demulcent tonic and astringent, supposed by some to possess
diuretic and deobstruent virtues. It was formerly used in Europe
in various complaints, especially chronic hepatic affections, but
has fallen into entire neglect. In this country, some years since,
it acquired considerable reputation, which, however, it has not
maintained as a remedy in hæmoptysis and chronic coughs." The other
plant is not named.
13. DAīYEWÛ = "it sews itself up," because the leaves are said to grow
together again when torn-- Cacalia atriplicifolia-- Tassel Flower:
Held in great repute as a poultice for cuts, bruises, and cancer, to
draw out the blood or poisonous matter. The bruised leaf is bound over
the spot and frequently removed. The dry powdered leaf was formerly
used to sprinkle over food like salt. Dispensatory: Not named.
14. AīTAL[)I] KÛL[)I]ī = "it climbs the mountain."-- Aralia
quinquefolia-- Ginseng or "Sang:" Decoction of root drunk for headache,
cramps, etc., and for female troubles; chewed root blown on spot for
pains in the side. The Cherokees sell large quantities of sang to the
traders for 50 cents per pound, nearly equivalent there to two days'
wages, a fact which has doubtless increased their idea of its
importance. Dispensatory: "The extraordinary medical virtues formerly
ascribed to ginseng had no other existence than in the imagination of
the Chinese. It is little more than a demulcent, and in this country is
not employed as a medicine." The Chinese name, ginseng, is said to refer
to the fancied resemblance of the root to a human figure, while in the
Cherokee formulas it is addressed as the "great man" or "little man,"
and this resemblance no doubt has much to do with the estimation in
which it is held by both peoples.
15. ÛīTSAT[)I] UWADS[)I]SKA = "fish scales," from shape of leaves--
Thalictrum anemonoides-- Meadow Rue: Decoction of root drunk for
diarrhea with vomiting. Dispensatory: Not named.
16. KīKW[)E] ULASUīLA = "partridge moccasin"-- Cypripedium parviflorum--
Lady-slipper: Decoction of root used for worms in children. In the
liquid are placed some stalks of the common chickweed or purslane
(Cerastium vulgatum) which, from the appearance of its red fleshy
stalks, is supposed to have some connection with worms. Dispensatory:
Described as "a gentle nervous stimulant" useful in diseases in which
the nerves are especially affected. The other herb is not named.
17. AīHAW[)I]ī AK[)A]īT[)A]ī = "deer eye," from the appearance of the
flower-- Rudbeckia fulgida-- Cone Flower: Decoction of root drunk for
flux and for some private diseases; also used as a wash for snake bites
and swellings caused by (mythic) tsgâya or worms; also dropped into weak
or inflamed eyes. This last is probably from the supposed connection
between the eye and the flower resembling the eye. Dispensatory: Not
named.
18. UT[)I]STUG[)I]ī = Polygonatum multiflorum latifolium-- Solomon's
Seal: Root heated and bruised and applied as a poultice to remove an
ulcerating swelling called tuīst[)i]ī, resembling a boil or carbuncle.
Dispensatory: "This species acts like P. uniflorum, which is said to be
emetic. In former times it was used externally in bruises, especially
those about the eyes, in tumors, wounds, and cutaneous eruptions and was
highly esteemed as a cosmetic. At present it is not employed, though
recommended by Hermann as a good remedy in gout and rheumatism." This
species in decoction has been found to produce "nausea, a cathartic
effect and either diaphoresis or diuresis," and is useful "as an
internal remedy in piles, and externally in the form of decoction, in
the affection of the skin resulting from the poisonous exhalations of
certain plants."
19. [)A]M[)A]DITA`TĖ = "water dipper," because water can be sucked up
through its hollow stalk-- Eupatorium purpureum-- Queen of the Meadow,
Gravel Root: Root used in decoction with a somewhat similar plant
called [)A]m[)a]ditáīt[)i] ûītanu, or "large water dipper" (not
identified) for difficult urination. Dispensatory: "Said to operate as a
diuretic. Its vulgar name of gravel root indicates the popular
estimation of its virtues." The genus is described as tonic,
diaphoretic, and in large doses emetic and aperient.
20. YÂNA UTS[)E]STA = "the bear lies on it"-- Aspidium acrostichoides--
Shield Fern: Root decoction drunk to produce vomiting, and also used
to rub on the skin, after scratching, for rheumatism--in both cases
some other plant is added to the decoction; the warm decoction is also
held in the mouth to relieve toothache. Dispensatory: Not named.
The results obtained from a careful study of this list may be
summarized as follows: Of the twenty plants described as used by the
Cherokees, seven (Nos. 2, 4, 5, 13, 15, 17, and 20) are not noticed
in the Dispensatory even in the list of plants sometimes used although
regarded as not officinal. It is possible that one or two of these
seven plants have medical properties, but this can hardly be true of
a larger number unless we are disposed to believe that the Indians are
better informed in this regard than the best educated white physicians
in the country. Two of these seven plants, however (Nos. 2 and 4),
belong to genera which seem to have some of the properties ascribed
by the Indians to the species. Five others of the list (Nos. 8, 9,
11, 14, and 16) are used for entirely wrong purposes, taking the
Dispensatory as authority, and three of these are evidently used on
account of some fancied connection between the plant and the disease,
according to the doctrine of signatures. Three of the remainder (Nos.
1, 3, and 6) may be classed as uncertain in their properties, that is,
while the plants themselves seem to possess some medical value, the
Indian mode of application is so far at variance with recognized
methods, or their own statements are so vague and conflicting, that
it is doubtful whether any good can result from the use of the herbs.
Thus the Unasteītstiyû, or Virginia Snakeroot, is stated by the
Dispensatory to have several uses, and among other things is said to
have been highly recommended in intermittent fevers, although alone
it is "generally inadequate to the cure." Though not expressly stated,
the natural inference is that it must be applied internally, but the
Cherokee doctor, while he also uses it for fever, takes the decoction
in his mouth and blows it over the head and shoulders of the patient.
Another of these, the Distaiīy[)i], or Turkey Pea, is described in the
Dispensatory as having roots tonic and aperient. The Cherokees drink
a decoction of the roots for a feeling of weakness and languor, from
which it might be supposed that they understood the tonic properties
of the plant had not the same decoction been used by the women as a
hair wash, and by the ball players to bathe their limbs, under the
impression that the toughness of the roots would thus be communicated
to the hair or muscles. From this fact and from the name of the plant,
which means at once hard, tough, or strong, it is quite probable that
its roots are believed to give strength to the patient solely because
they themselves are so strong and not because they have been proved
to be really efficacious. The remaining five plants have generally
pronounced medicinal qualities, and are used by the Cherokees for
the very purposes for which, according to the Dispensatory, they are
best adapted; so that we must admit that so much of their practice
is correct, however false the reasoning by which they have arrived at
this result.
MEDICAL PRACTICE.
Taking the Dispensatory as the standard, and assuming that this list
is a fair epitome of what the Cherokees know concerning the medical
properties of plants, we find that five plants, or 25 per cent of
the whole number, are correctly used; twelve, or 60 per cent, are
presumably either worthless or incorrectly used, and three plants, or
15 per cent, are so used that it is difficult to say whether they are
of any benefit or not. Granting that two of these three produce good
results as used by the Indians, we should have 35 per cent, or about
one-third of the whole, as the proportion actually possessing medical
virtues, while the remaining two-thirds are inert, if not positively
injurious. It is not probable that a larger number of examples would
change the proportion to any appreciable extent. A number of herbs
used in connection with these principal plants may probably be set
down as worthless, inasmuch as they are not named in the Dispensatory.
The results here arrived at will doubtless be a surprise to those
persons who hold that an Indian must necessarily be a good doctor,
and that the medicine man or conjurer, with his theories of ghosts,
witches, and revengeful animals, knows more about the properties
of plants and the cure of disease than does the trained botanist
or physician who has devoted a lifetime of study to the patient
investigation of his specialty, with all the accumulated information
contained in the works of his predecessors to build upon, and with
all the light thrown upon his pathway by the discoveries of modern
science. It is absurd to suppose that the savage, a child in
intellect, has reached a higher development in any branch of science
than has been attained by the civilized man, the product of long ages
of intellectual growth. It would be as unreasonable to suppose that
the Indian could be entirely ignorant of the medicinal properties
of plants, living as he did in the open air in close communion with
nature; but neither in accuracy nor extent can his knowledge be
compared for a moment with that of the trained student working upon
scientific principles.
Cherokee medicine is an empiric development of the fetich idea. For
a disease caused by the rabbit the antidote must be a plant called
"rabbit's food," "rabbit's ear," or "rabbit's tail;" for snake dreams
the plant used is "snake's tooth;" for worms a plant resembling a worm
in appearance, and for inflamed eyes a flower having the appearance
and name of "deer's eye." A yellow root must be good when the patient
vomits yellow bile, and a black one when dark circles come about his
eyes, and in each case the disease and the plant alike are named from
the color. A decoction of burs must be a cure for forgetfulness, for
there is nothing else that will stick like a bur; and a decoction of
the wiry roots of the "devil's shoestrings" must be an efficacious
wash to toughen the ballplayer's muscles, for they are almost strong
enough to stop the plowshare in the furrow. It must be evident that
under such a system the failures must far outnumber the cures, yet it
is not so long since half our own medical practice was based upon the
same idea of correspondences, for the mediæval physicians taught that
_similia similibus curantur_, and have we not all heard that "the hair
of the dog will cure the bite?"
Their ignorance of the true medical principles involved is shown by
the regulations prescribed for the patient. With the exception of the
fasting, no sanitary precautions are taken to aid in the recovery of
the sick man or to contribute to his comfort. Even the fasting is as
much religious as sanative, for in most cases where it is prescribed
the doctor also must abstain from food until sunset, just as in the
Catholic church both priest and communicants remain fasting from
midnight until after the celebration of the divine mysteries. As the
Indian cuisine is extremely limited, no delicate or appetizing dishes
are prepared for the patient, who partakes of the same heavy, sodden
cornmeal dumplings and bean bread which form his principal food in
health. In most cases certain kinds of food are prohibited, such as
squirrel meat, fish, turkey, etc.; but the reason is not that such
food is considered deleterious to health, as we understand it, but
because of some fanciful connection with the disease spirit. Thus if
squirrels have caused the illness the patient must not eat squirrel
meat. If the disease be rheumatism, he must not eat the leg of any
animal, because the limbs are generally the seat of this malady. Lye,
salt, and hot food are always forbidden when there is any prohibition
at all; but here again, in nine cases out of ten, the regulation,
instead of being beneficial, serves only to add to his discomfort.
Lye enters into almost all the food preparations of the Cherokees, the
alkaline potash taking the place of salt, which is seldom used among
them, having been introduced by the whites. Their bean and chestnut
bread, cornmeal dumplings, hominy, and gruel are all boiled in a pot,
all contain lye, and are all, excepting the last, served up hot from
the fire. When cold their bread is about as hard and tasteless as a
lump of yesterday's dough, and to condemn a sick man to a diet of such
dyspeptic food, eaten cold without even a pinch of salt to give it a
relish, would seem to be sufficient to kill him without any further
aid from the doctor. The salt or lye so strictly prohibited is really
a tonic and appetizer, and in many diseases acts with curative effect.
So much for the health regimen.
In serious cases the patient is secluded and no strangers are allowed
to enter the house. On first thought this would appear to be a genuine
sanitary precaution for the purpose of securing rest and quiet to the
sick man. Such, however, is not the case. The necessity for quiet has
probably never occurred to the Cherokee doctor, and this regulation is
intended simply to prevent any direct or indirect contact with a woman
in a pregnant or menstrual condition. Among all primitive nations,
including the ancient Hebrews, we find an elaborate code of rules
in regard to the conduct and treatment of women on arriving at the
age of puberty, during pregnancy and the menstrual periods, and at
childbirth. Among the Cherokees the presence of a woman under any of
these conditions, or even the presence of any one who has come from
a house where such a woman resides, is considered to neutralize all
the effects of the doctor's treatment. For this reason all women,
excepting those of the household, are excluded. A man is forbidden to
enter, because he may have had intercourse with a tabued woman, or may
have come in contact with her in some other way; and children also
are shut out, because they may have come from a cabin where dwells a
woman subject to exclusion. What is supposed to be the effect of the
presence of a menstrual woman in the family of the patient is not
clear; but judging from analogous customs in other tribes and from
rules still enforced among the Cherokees, notwithstanding their long
contact with the whites, it seems probable that in former times the
patient was removed to a smaller house or temporary bark lodge built
for his accommodation whenever the tabu as to women was prescribed
by the doctor. Some of the old men assert that in former times sick
persons were removed to the public townhouse, where they remained
under the care of the doctors until they either recovered or died.
A curious instance of this prohibition is given in the second
Didû[n]l[)e]īsk[)i] (rheumatism) formula from the Gahuni manuscript (see
page 350), where the patient is required to abstain from touching a
squirrel, a dog, a cat, a mountain trout, or a woman, and must also
have a chair appropriated to his use alone during the four days that
he is under treatment.
In cases of the children's disease known as Gû[n]waniīgistaī[)i] (see
formulas) it is forbidden to carry the child outdoors, but this is not
to procure rest for the little one, or to guard against exposure to
cold air, but because the birds send this disease, and should a bird
chance to be flying by overhead at the moment the napping of its wings
would _fan the disease back_ into the body of the patient.
ILLUSTRATION OF THE TABU.
On a second visit to the reservation the writer once had a practical
illustration of the gaktûī[n]ta or tabu, which may be of interest as
showing how little sanitary ideas have to do with these precautions.
Having received several urgent invitations from Tsiskwa (Bird), an old
shaman of considerable repute, who was anxious to talk, but confined
to his bed by sickness, it was determined to visit him at his house,
several miles distant. On arriving we found another doctor named
Sûī[n]k[)i] (The Mink) in charge of the patient and were told that he
had just that morning begun a four days' gaktûī[n]ta which, among
other provisions, excluded all visitors. It was of no use to argue
that we had come by the express request of Tsiskwa. The laws of the
gaktûī[n]ta were as immutable as those of the Medes and Persians,
and neither doctor nor patient could hope for favorable results from
the treatment unless the regulations were enforced to the letter.
But although we might not enter the house, there was no reason why we
should not talk to the old man, so seats were placed for us outside
the door, while Tsiskwa lay stretched out on the bed just inside and
The Mink perched himself on the fence a few yards distant to keep an
eye on the proceedings. As there was a possibility that a white man
might unconsciously affect the operation of the Indian medicine,
the writer deemed it advisable to keep out of sight altogether, and
accordingly took up a position just around the corner of the house,
but within easy hearing distance, while the interpreter sat facing
the doorway within a few feet of the sick man inside. Then began an
animated conversation, Tsiskwa inquiring, through the interpreter,
as to the purpose of the Government in gathering such information,
wanting to know how we had succeeded with other shamans and asking
various questions in regard to other tribes and their customs. The
replies were given in the same manner, an attempt being also made
to draw him out as to the extent of his own knowledge. Thus we
talked until the old man grew weary, but throughout the whole of
this singular interview neither party saw the other, nor was the
gaktûī[n]ta violated by entering the house. From this example it
must be sufficiently evident that the tabu as to visitors is not a
hygienic precaution for securing greater quiet to the patient, or to
prevent the spread of contagion, but that it is simply a religious
observance of the tribe, exactly parallel to many of the regulations
among the ancient Jews, as laid down in the book of Leviticus.
NEGLECT OF SANITARY REGULATIONS.
No rules are ever formulated as to fresh air or exercise, for the
sufficient reason that the door of the Cherokee log cabin is always
open, excepting at night and on the coldest days in winter, while
the Indian is seldom in the house during his waking hours unless when
necessity compels him. As most of their cabins are still built in the
old Indian style, without windows, the open door furnishes the only
means by which light is admitted to the interior, although when closed
the fire on the hearth helps to make amends for the deficiency. On the
other hand, no precautions are taken to guard against cold, dampness,
or sudden drafts. During the greater part of the year whole families
sleep outside upon the ground, rolled up in an old blanket. The
Cherokee is careless of exposure and utterly indifferent to the
simplest rules of hygiene. He will walk all day in a pouring rain
clad only in a thin shirt and a pair of pants. He goes barefoot and
frequently bareheaded nearly the entire year, and even on a frosty
morning in late November, when the streams are of almost icy coldness,
men and women will deliberately ford the river where the water is
waist deep in preference to going a few hundred yards to a foot-log.
At their dances in the open air men, women, and children, with bare
feet and thinly clad, dance upon the damp ground from darkness until
daylight, sometimes enveloped in a thick mountain fog which makes
even the neighboring treetops invisible, while the mothers have their
infants laid away under the bushes with only a shawl between them and
the cold ground. In their ball plays also each young man, before going
into the game, is subjected to an ordeal of dancing, bleeding, and
cold plunge baths, without food or sleep, which must unquestionably
waste his physical energy.
In the old days when the Cherokee was the lord of the whole country
from the Savannah to the Ohio, well fed and warmly clad and leading
an active life in the open air, he was able to maintain a condition of
robust health notwithstanding the incorrectness of his medical ideas
and his general disregard of sanitary regulations. But with the advent
of the white man and the destruction of the game all this was changed.
The East Cherokee of to-day is a dejected being; poorly fed, and worse
clothed, rarely tasting meat, cut off from the old free life, and
with no incentive to a better, and constantly bowed down by a sense of
helpless degradation in the presence of his conqueror. Considering all
the circumstances, it may seem a matter of surprise that any of them
are still in existence. As a matter of fact, the best information that
could be obtained in the absence of any official statistics indicated
a slow but steady decrease during the last five years. Only the
constitutional vigor, inherited from their warrior ancestors, has
enabled them to sustain the shock of the changed conditions of the
last half century. The uniform good health of the children in the
training school shows that the case is not hopeless, however, and that
under favorable conditions, with a proper food supply and a regular
mode of living, the Cherokee can hold his own with the white man.
THE SWEAT BATH--BLEEDING--RUBBING--BATHING.
In addition to their herb treatment the Cherokees frequently resort
to sweat baths, bleeding, rubbing, and cold baths in the running
stream, to say nothing of the beads and other conjuring paraphernalia
generally used in connection with the ceremony. The sweat bath was in
common use among almost all the tribes north of Mexico excepting the
central and eastern Eskimo, and was considered the great cure-all in
sickness and invigorant in health. Among many tribes it appears to
have been regarded as a ceremonial observance, but the Cherokees seem
to have looked upon it simply as a medical application, while the
ceremonial part was confined to the use of the plunge bath. The person
wishing to make trial of the virtues of the sweat bath entered the
âīs[)i], a small earth-covered log house only high enough to allow
of sitting down. After divesting himself of his clothing, some large
bowlders, previously heated in a fire, were placed near him, and over
them was poured a decoction of the beaten roots of the wild parsnip.
The door was closed so that no air could enter from the outside, and
the patient sat in the sweltering steam until he was in a profuse
perspiration and nearly choked by the pungent fumes of the decoction.
In accordance with general Indian practice it may be that he plunged
into the river before resuming his clothing; but in modern times
this part of the operation is omitted and the patient is drenched
with cold water instead. Since the âs[)i] has gone out of general use
the sweating takes place in the ordinary dwelling, the steam being
confined under a blanket wrapped around the patient. During the
prevalence of the smallpox epidemic among the Cherokees at the close
of the late war the sweat bath was universally called into requisition
to stay the progress of the disease, and as the result about three
hundred of the band died, while many of the survivors will carry
the marks of the visitation to the grave. The sweat bath, with the
accompanying cold water application, being regarded as the great
panacea, seems to have been resorted to by the Indians in all parts of
the country whenever visited by smallpox--originally introduced by the
whites--and in consequence of this mistaken treatment they have died,
in the language of an old writer, "like rotten sheep" and at times
whole tribes have been almost swept away. Many of the Cherokees tried
to ward off the disease by eating the flesh of the buzzard, which
they believe to enjoy entire immunity from sickness, owing to its foul
smell, which keeps the disease spirits at a distance.
Bleeding is resorted to in a number of cases, especially in rheumatism
and in preparing for the ball play. There are two methods of
performing the operation, bleeding proper and scratching, the latter
being preparatory to rubbing on the medicine, which is thus brought
into more direct contact with the blood. The bleeding is performed
with a small cupping horn, to which suction is applied in the ordinary
manner, after scarification with a flint or piece of broken glass. In
the blood thus drawn out the shaman claims sometimes to find a minute
pebble, a sharpened stick or something of the kind, which he asserts
to be the cause of the trouble and to have been conveyed into the
body of the patient through the evil spells of an enemy. He frequently
pretends to suck out such an object by the application of the lips
alone, without any scarification whatever. Scratching is a painful
process and is performed with a brier, a flint arrowhead, a
rattlesnake's tooth, or even with a piece of glass, according to the
nature of the ailment, while in preparing the young men for the ball
play the shaman uses an instrument somewhat resembling a comb, having
seven teeth made from the sharpened splinters of the leg bone of
a turkey. The scratching is usually done according to a particular
pattern, the regular method for the ball play being to draw the
scratcher four times down the upper part of each arm, thus making
twenty-eight scratches each about 6 inches in length, repeating the
operation on each arm below the elbow and on each leg above and below
the knee. Finally, the instrument is drawn across the breast from the
two shoulders so as to form a cross; another curving stroke is made
to connect the two upper ends of the cross, and the same pattern is
repeated on the back, so that the body is thus gashed in nearly three
hundred places. Although very painful for a while, as may well
be supposed, the scratches do not penetrate deep enough to result
seriously, excepting in some cases where erysipelas sets in. While
the blood is still flowing freely the medicine, which in this case
is intended to toughen, the muscles of the player, is rubbed into the
wounds after which the sufferer plunges into the stream and washes
off the blood. In order that the blood may flow the longer without
clotting it is frequently scraped off with a small switch as it flows.
In rheumatism and other local diseases the scratching is confined to
the part affected. The instrument used is selected in accordance with
the mythologic theory, excepting in the case of the piece of glass,
which is merely a modern makeshift for the flint arrowhead.
Rubbing, used commonly for pains and swellings of the abdomen, is a
very simple operation performed with the tip of the finger or the palm
of the hand, and can not be dignified with the name of massage. In
one of the Gahuni formulas for treating snake bites (page 351) the
operator is told to rub in a direction contrary to that in which the
snake coils itself, because "this is just the same as uncoiling it."
Blowing upon the part affected, as well as upon the head, hands,
and other parts of the body, is also an important feature of the
ceremonial performance. In one of the formulas it is specified that
the doctor must blow first upon the right hand of the patient, then
upon the left foot, then upon the left hand, and finally upon the
right foot, thus making an imaginary cross.
Bathing in the running stream, or "going to water," as it is called,
is one of their most frequent medico-religious ceremonies, and is
performed on a great variety of occasions, such as at each new
moon, before eating the new food at the green corn dance, before the
medicine dance and other ceremonial dances before and after the ball
play, in connection with the prayers for long life, to counteract the
effects of bad dreams or the evil spells of an enemy, and as a part of
the regular treatment in various diseases. The details of the ceremony
are very elaborate and vary according to the purpose for which it is
performed, but in all cases both shaman and client are fasting from
the previous evening, the ceremony being generally performed just at
daybreak. The bather usually dips completely under the water four or
seven times, but in some cases it is sufficient to pour the water from
the hand upon the head and breast. In the ball play the ball sticks
are dipped into the water at the same time. While the bather is in the
water the shaman is going through with his part of the performance
on the bank and draws omens from the motion of the beads between his
thumb and finger, or of the fishes in the water. Although the old
customs are fast dying out this ceremony is never neglected at the
ball play, and is also strictly observed by many families on occasion
of eating the new corn, at each new moon, and on other special
occasions, even when it is necessary to break the ice in the stream
for the purpose, and to the neglect of this rite the older people
attribute many of the evils which have come upon the tribe in later
days. The latter part of autumn is deemed the most suitable season of
the year for this ceremony, as the leaves which then cover the surface
of the stream are supposed to impart their medicinal virtues to the
water.
SHAMANS AND WHITE PHYSICIANS.
Of late years, especially since the establishment of schools among
them, the Cherokees are gradually beginning to lose confidence in
the abilities of their own doctors and are becoming more disposed
to accept treatment from white physicians. The shamans are naturally
jealous of this infringement upon their authority and endeavor to
prevent the spread of the heresy by asserting the convenient doctrine
that the white man's medicine is inevitably fatal to an Indian unless
eradicated from the system by a continuous course of treatment for
four years under the hands of a skillful shaman. The officers of the
training school established by the Government a few years ago met with
considerable difficulty on this account for some time, as the parents
insisted on removing the children at the first appearance of illness
in order that they might be treated by the shamans, until convinced by
experience that the children received better attention at the school
than could possibly be had in their own homes. In one instance, where
a woman was attacked by a pulmonary complaint akin to consumption, her
husband, a man of rather more than the usual amount of intelligence,
was persuaded to call in the services of a competent white physician,
who diagnosed the case and left a prescription. On a second visit, a
few days later, he found that the family, dreading the consequences of
this departure from old customs, had employed a shaman, who asserted
that the trouble was caused by a sharpened stick which some enemy
had caused to be imbedded in the woman's side. He accordingly began a
series of conjurations for the removal of the stick, while the white
physician and his medicine were disregarded, and in due time the woman
died. Two children soon followed her to the grave, from the contagion
or the inherited seeds of the same disease, but here also the
sharpened sticks were held responsible, and, notwithstanding the three
deaths under such treatment, the husband and father, who was at one
time a preacher, still has faith in the assertions of the shaman. The
appointment of a competent physician to look after the health of the
Indians would go far to eradicate these false ideas and prevent
much sickness and suffering; but, as the Government has made no such
provision, the Indians, both on and off the reservation, excepting the
children in the home school, are entirely without medical care.
MEDICINE DANCES.
The Cherokees have a dance known as the Medicine Dance, which is
generally performed in connection with other dances when a number of
people assemble for a night of enjoyment. It possesses no features
of special interest and differs in no essential respect from a dozen
other of the lesser dances. Besides this, however, there was another,
known as the Medicine Boiling Dance, which, for importance and solemn
ceremonial, was second only to the great Green Corn Dance. It has
now been discontinued on the reservation for about twenty years. It
took place in the fall, probably preceding the Green Corn Dance, and
continued four days. The principal ceremony in connection with it was
the drinking of a strong decoction of various herbs, which acted as
a violent emetic and purgative. The usual fasting and going to water
accompanied the dancing and medicine-drinking.
DESCRIPTION OF SYMPTOMS.
It is exceedingly difficult to obtain from the doctors any accurate
statement of the nature of a malady, owing to the fact that their
description of the symptoms is always of the vaguest character, while
in general the name given to the disease by the shaman expresses only
his opinion as to the occult cause of the trouble. Thus they have
definite names for rheumatism, toothache, boils, and a few other
ailments of like positive character, but beyond this their description
of symptoms generally resolves itself into a statement that the
patient has bad dreams, looks black around the eyes, or feels tired,
while the disease is assigned such names as "when they dream of
snakes," "when they dream of fish," "when ghosts trouble them," "when
something is making something else eat them," or "when the food is
changed," i.e., when a witch causes it to sprout and grow in the body
of the patient or transforms it into a lizard, frog, or sharpened
stick.
THE PAY OF THE SHAMAN.
The consideration which the doctor receives for his services is called
ugistaī`t[)i], a word of doubtful etymology, but probably derived from
the verb ts[)i]īgiû, "I take" or "I eat." In former times this was
generally a deer-skin or a pair of moccasins, but is now a certain
quantity of cloth, a garment, or a handkerchief. The shamans disclaim
the idea that the ugistâī`t[)i] is pay, in our sense of the word, but
assert that it is one of the agencies in the removal and banishment
of the disease spirit. Their explanation is somewhat obscure, but
the cloth seems to be intended either as an offering to the disease
spirit, as a ransom to procure the release of his intended victim, or
as a covering to protect the hand of a shaman while engaged in pulling
the disease from the body of the patient. The first theory, which
includes also the idea of vicarious atonement, is common to many
primitive peoples. Whichever may be the true explanation, the evil
influence of the disease is believed to enter into the cloth, which
must therefore be sold or given away by the doctor, as otherwise
it will cause his death when the pile thus accumulating reaches the
height of his head. No evil results seem to follow its transfer from
the shaman to a third party. The doctor can not bestow anything thus
received upon a member of his own family unless that individual gives
him something in return. If the consideration thus received, however,
be anything eatable, the doctor may partake along with the rest of the
family. As a general rule the doctor makes no charge for his services,
and the consideration is regarded as a free-will offering. This remark
applies only to the medical practice, as the shaman always demands
and receives a fixed remuneration for performing love charms, hunting
ceremonials, and other conjurations of a miscellaneous character.
Moreover, whenever the beads are used the patient must furnish a
certain quantity of new cloth upon which to place them, and at the
close of the ceremony the doctor rolls up the cloth, beads and all,
and takes them away with him. The cloth thus received by the doctor
for working with the beads must not be used by him, but must be sold.
In one instance a doctor kept a handkerchief which he received for his
services, but instead sold a better one of his own. Additional cloth
is thus given each time the ceremony is repeated, each time a second
four days' course of treatment is begun, and as often as the doctor
sees fit to change his method of procedure. Thus, when he begins
to treat a sick man for a disease caused by rabbits, he expects to
receive a certain ugistaī`t[)i]; but, should he decide after a time
that the terrapin or the red bird is responsible for the trouble, he
adopts a different course of treatment, for which another ugistaī`t[)i]
is necessary. Should the sickness not yield readily to his efforts, it
is because the disease animal requires a greater ugistaī`t[)i], and the
quantity of cloth must be doubled, so that on the whole the doctrine
is a very convenient one for the shaman. In many of the formulas
explicit directions are given as to the pay which the shaman is
to receive for performing the ceremony. In one of the Gatigwanasti
formulas, after specifying the amount of cloth to be paid, the writer
of it makes the additional proviso that it must be "pretty good cloth,
too," asserting as a clincher that "this is what the old folks said a
long time ago."
The ugistaī`t[)i] can not be paid by either one of a married couple to
the other, and, as it is considered a necessary accompaniment of the
application, it follows that a shaman can not treat his own wife in
sickness, and vice versa. Neither can the husband or wife of the sick
person send for the doctor, but the call must come from some one
of the blood relatives of the patient. In one instance within the
writer's knowledge a woman complained that her husband was very sick
and needed a doctor's attention, but his relatives were taking no
steps in the matter and it was not permissible for her to do so.
CEREMONIES FOR GATHERING PLANTS AND PREPARING MEDICINE.
There are a number of ceremonies and regulations observed in
connection with the gathering of the herbs, roots, and barks, which
can not be given in detail within the limits of this paper. In
searching for his medicinal plants the shaman goes provided with a
number of white and red beads, and approaches the plant from a certain
direction, going round it from right to left one or four times,
reciting certain prayers the while. He then pulls up the plant by the
roots and drops one of the beads into the hole and covers it up with
the loose earth. In one of the formulas for hunting ginseng the hunter
addresses the mountain as the "Great Man" and assures it that he comes
only to take a small piece of flesh (the ginseng) from its side, so
that it seems probable that the bead is intended as a compensation to
the earth for the plant thus torn from her bosom. In some cases the
doctor must pass by the first three plants met until he comes to the
fourth, which he takes and may then return for the others. The bark
is always taken from the east side of the tree, and when the root or
branch is used it must also be one which runs out toward the east, the
reason given being that these have imbibed more medical potency from
the rays of the sun.
When the roots, herbs, and barks which enter into the prescription
have been thus gathered the doctor ties them up into a convenient
package, which he takes to a running stream and casts into the water
with appropriate prayers. Should the package float, as it generally
does, he accepts the fact as an omen that his treatment will be
successful. On the other hand, should it sink, he concludes that some
part of the preceding ceremony has been improperly carried out and
at once sets about procuring a new package, going over the whole
performance from the beginning. Herb-gathering by moonlight, so
important a feature in European folk medicine, seems to be no part
of Cherokee ceremonial. There are fixed regulations in regard to
the preparing of the decoction, the care of the medicine during
the continuance of the treatment, and the disposal of what remains
after the treatment is at an end. In the arrangement of details the
shaman frequently employs the services of a lay assistant. In these
degenerate days a number of upstart pretenders to the healing art have
arisen in the tribe and endeavor to impose upon the ignorance of their
fellows by posing as doctors, although knowing next to nothing of the
prayers and ceremonies, without which there can be no virtue in the
application. These impostors are sternly frowned down and regarded
with the utmost contempt by the real professors, both men and women,
who have been initiated into the sacred mysteries and proudly look
upon themselves as conservators of the ancient ritual of the past.
THE CHEROKEE GODS AND THEIR ABIDING PLACES.
After what has been said in elucidation of the theories involved in
the medical formulas, the most important and numerous of the series,
but little remains to be added in regard to the others, beyond what
is contained in the explanation accompanying each one. A few points,
however, may be briefly noted.
The religion of the Cherokees, like that of most of our North American
tribes, is zootheism or animal worship, with the survival of that
earlier stage designated by Powell as hecastotheism, or the worship
of all things tangible, and the beginnings of a higher system in
which the elements and the great powers of nature are deified. Their
pantheon includes gods in the heaven above, on the earth beneath, and
in the waters under the earth, but of these the animal gods constitute
by far the most numerous class, although the elemental gods are
more important. Among the animal gods insects and fishes occupy a
subordinate place, while quadrupeds, birds, and reptiles are invoked
almost constantly. The uktena (a mythic great horned serpent), the
rattlesnake, and the terrapin, the various species of hawk, and the
rabbit, the squirrel, and the dog are the principal animal gods. The
importance of the god bears no relation to the size of the animal,
and in fact the larger animals are but seldom invoked. The spider also
occupies a prominent place in the love and life-destroying formulas,
his duty being to entangle the soul of his victim in the meshes of his
web or to pluck it from the body of the doomed man and drag it way to
the black coffin in the Darkening Land.
Among what may be classed as elemental gods the principal are fire,
water, and the sun, all of which are addressed under figurative
names. The sun is called Uneī`lanûīh[)i], "the apportioner," just as our
word moon means originally "the measurer." Indians and Aryans alike,
having noticed how these great luminaries divide and measure day and
night, summer and winter, with never-varying regularity, have given to
each a name which should indicate these characteristics, thus showing
how the human mind constantly moves on along the same channels.
Missionaries have naturally, but incorrectly, assumed this apportioner
of all things to be the suppositional "Great Spirit" of the Cherokees,
and hence the word is used in the Bible translation as synonymous
with God. In ordinary conversation and in the lesser myths
the sun is called Nûī[n]tâ. The sun is invoked chiefly by the
ball-player, while the hunter prays to the fire; but every important
ceremony--whether connected with medicine, love, hunting, or the ball
play--contains a prayer to the "Long Person," the formulistic name for
water, or, more strictly speaking, for the river. The wind, the storm,
the cloud, and the frost are also invoked in different formulas.
But few inanimate gods are included in the category, the principal
being the Stone, to which the shaman prays while endeavoring to find a
lost article by means of a swinging pebble suspended by a string; the
Flint, invoked when the shaman is about to scarify the patient with
a flint arrow-head before rubbing on the medicine; and the Mountain,
which is addressed in one or two of the formulas thus far translated.
Plant gods do not appear prominently, the chief one seeming to be the
ginseng, addressed in the formulas as the "Great Man" or "Little Man,"
although its proper Cherokee name signifies the "Mountain Climber."
A number of personal deities are also invoked, the principal being
the Red Man. He is one of the greatest of the gods, being repeatedly
called upon in formulas of all kinds, and is hardly subordinate to the
Fire, the Water, or the Sun. His identity is as yet uncertain, but he
seems to be intimately connected with the Thunder family. In a curious
marginal note in one of the Gahuni formulas (page 350), it is stated
that when the patient is a woman the doctor must pray to the Red
Man, but when treating a man he must pray to the Red Woman, so that
this personage seems to have dual sex characteristics. Another god
invoked in the hunting songs is Tsuīl'kalûī, or "Slanting Eyes"
(see Cherokee Myths), a giant hunter who lives in one of the great
mountains of the Blue Ridge and owns all the game. Others are the
Little Men, probably the two Thunder boys; the Little People, the
fairies who live in the rock cliffs; and even the Deītsata, a
diminutive sprite who holds the place of our Puck. One unwritten
formula, which could not be obtained correctly by dictation, was
addressed to the "Red-Headed Woman, whose hair hangs down to the
ground."
The personage invoked is always selected in accordance with the theory
of the formula and the duty to be performed. Thus, when a sickness is
caused by a fish, the Fish-hawk, the Heron, or some other fish-eating
bird is implored to come and seize the intruder and destroy it, so
that the patient may find relief. When the trouble is caused by a
worm or an insect, some insectivorous bird is called in for the same
purpose. When a flock of redbirds is pecking at the vitals of the sick
man the Sparrow-hawk is brought down to scatter them, and when the
rabbit, the great mischief-maker, is the evil genius, he is driven
out by the Rabbit-hawk. Sometimes after the intruder has been thus
expelled "a small portion still remains," in the words of the formula,
and accordingly the Whirlwind is called down from the treetops to
carry the remnant to the uplands and there scatter it so that it shall
never reappear. The hunter prays to the fire, from which he draws his
omens; to the reed, from which he makes his arrows; to Tsuīl'kalû,
the great lord of the game, and finally addresses in songs the very
animals which he intends to kill. The lover prays to the Spider to
hold fast the affections of his beloved one in the meshes of his web,
or to the Moon, which looks down upon him in the dance. The warrior
prays to the Red War-club, and the man about to set out on a dangerous
expedition prays to the Cloud to envelop him and conceal him from his
enemies.
Each spirit of good or evil has its distinct and appropriate place
of residence. The Rabbit is declared to live in the broomsage on the
hillside, the Fish dwells in a bend of the river under the pendant
hemlock branches, the Terrapin lives in the great pond in the West,
and the Whirlwind abides in the leafy treetops. Each disease animal,
when driven away from his prey by some more powerful animal, endeavors
to find shelter in his accustomed haunt. It must be stated here
that the animals of the formulas are not the ordinary, everyday
animals, but their great progenitors, who live in the upper world
(galûī[n]lati) above the arch of the firmament.
COLOR SYMBOLISM.
Color symbolism plays an important part in the shamanistic system
of the Cherokees, no less than in that of other tribes. Each one of
the cardinal points has its corresponding color and each color its
symbolic meaning, so that each spirit invoked corresponds in color
and local habitation with the characteristics imputed to him, and is
connected with other spirits of the same name, but of other colors,
living in other parts of the upper world and differing widely in their
characteristics. Thus the Red Man, living in the east, is the spirit
of power, triumph, and success, but the Black Man, in the West, is
the spirit of death. The shaman therefore invokes the Red Man to
the assistance of his client and consigns his enemy to the fatal
influences of the Black Man.
The symbolic color system of the Cherokees, which will be explained
more fully in connection with the formulas, is as follows:
East red success; triumph.
North blue defeat; trouble.
West black death.
South white peace; happiness.
Above? brown unascertained, but propitious.
------ yellow about the same as blue.
There is a great diversity in the color systems of the various tribes,
both as to the location and significance of the colors, but for
obvious reasons black was generally taken as the symbol of death;
while white and red signified, respectively, peace and war. It is
somewhat remarkable that red was the emblem of power and triumph
among the ancient Oriental nations no less than among the modern
Cherokees.[9]
[Footnote 9: For more in regard to color symbolism, see Mallery's
Pictographs of the North American Indians in Fourth Report of the
Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 53-37, Washington, 1886; Gatschet's Creek
Migration Legend, vol. 3, pp. 31-41, St. Louis, 1888; Brinton's
Kiche Myths in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society,
vol. 19, pp. 646-647, Philadelphia, 1882.]
IMPORTANCE ATTACHED TO NAMES.
In many of the formulas, especially those relating to love and to
life-destroying, the shaman mentions the name and clan of his client,
of the intended victim, or of the girl whose affections it is desired
to win. The Indian regards his name, not as a mere label, but as a
distinct part of his personality, just as much as are his eyes or
his teeth, and believes that injury will result as surely from the
malicious handling of his name as from a wound inflicted on any part
of his physical organism. This belief was found among the various
tribes from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and has occasioned a number
of curious regulations in regard to the concealment and change of
names. It may be on this account that both Powhatan and Pocahontas are
known in history under assumed appellations, their true names having
been concealed from the whites until the pseudonyms were too firmly
established to be supplanted. Should his prayers have no apparent
effect when treating a patient for some serious illness, the shaman
sometimes concludes that the name is affected, and accordingly goes
to water, with appropriate ceremonies, and christens the patient with
a new name, by which he is henceforth to be known. He then begins
afresh, repeating the formulas with the new name selected for the
patient, in the confident hope that his efforts will be crowned with
success.
LANGUAGE OF THE FORMULAS.
A few words remain to be said in regard to the language of the
formulas. They are full of archaic and figurative expressions, many of
which are unintelligible to the common people, and some of which even
the shamans themselves are now unable to explain. These archaic forms,
like the old words used by our poets, lend a peculiar beauty which can
hardly be rendered in a translation. They frequently throw light on
the dialectic evolution of the language, as many words found now only
in the nearly extinct Lower Cherokee dialect occur in formulas which
in other respects are written in the Middle or Upper dialect. The
R sound, the chief distinguishing characteristic of the old Lower
dialect, of course does not occur, as there are no means of indicating
it in the Cherokee syllabary. Those who are accustomed to look to the
Bible for all beauty in sacred expression will be surprised to find
that these formulas abound in the loftiest nights of poetic imagery.
This is especially true of the prayers used to win the love of a woman
or to destroy the life of an enemy, in which we find such expressions
as--"Now your soul fades away--your spirit shall grow less and
dwindle away, never to reappear;" "Let her be completely veiled in
loneliness--O Black Spider, may you hold her soul in your web, so that
it may never get through the meshes;" and the final declaration of the
lover, "Your soul has come into the very center of my soul, never to
turn away."
In the translation it has been found advisable to retain as technical
terms a few words which could not well be rendered literally, such
as adaīw[)e]h[)i] and ugist[-a]ī`t[)i]. These words will be found
explained in the proper place. Transliterations of the Cherokee text of
the formulas are given, but it must be distinctly understood that the
translations are intended only as free renderings of the spirit of the
originals, exact translations with grammatic and glossarial notes being
deferred until a more extended study of the language has been made, when
it is hoped to present with more exactness of detail the whole body of
the formulas, of which the specimens here given are but a small portion.
The facsimile formulas are copies from the manuscripts now in
possession of the Bureau of Ethnology, and the portraits are from
photographs taken by the author in the field.
SPECIMEN FORMULAS.
NOTE ON THE ORTHOGRAPHY AND TRANSLATION.
In the Cherokee text both _d_ and _g_ have a medial sound,
approximating the sounds of _t_ and _k_ respectively. The other
letters are pronounced in regular accordance with the alphabet of
the Bureau of Ethnology. The language abounds in nasal and aspirate
sounds, the most difficult of the latter being the aspirate _`l_,
which to one familiar only with English sounds like _tl_.
A few words whose meaning could not be satisfactorily ascertained have
been distinctively indicated in the Cherokee text by means of italics.
In the translation the corresponding expression has been queried, or
the space left entirely blank. On examining the text the student can
not fail to be struck by the great number of verbs ending in _iga_.
This is a peculiar form hardly ever used excepting in these formulas,
where almost every paragraph contains one or more such verbs. It
implies that the subject has just come and is now performing the
action, and that he came for that purpose. In addition to this, many
of these verbs may be either assertive or imperative (expressing
entreaty), according to the accent. Thus _hatûī[n]ganiīga_ means
"you have just come and are listening and it is for that purpose you
came." By slightly accenting the final syllable it becomes "come at
once to listen." It will thus be seen that the great majority of the
formulas are declarative rather than petitional in form--laudatory
rhapsodies instead of prayers, in the ordinary sense of the word.
MEDICINE.
DIDÛ[n]L[)E]īSK[)I] ADANÛ[n]īWÂT[)I] KANÂH[)E]īSK[)I].
Sg[)e]! Ha-Nû[n]dâgûī[n]y[)i] tsûl`dâīhist[)i], Giī`l[)i] Gigageī[)i],
hanâīgwa hatûī[n]ganiīga us[)i]nuliīyu. Hidaīw[)e]hi-gâgûī,
gahuīst[)i] tsanīult[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Ha-diskwûltiīyû
t[)i]īnanugag[)i]ī, aseīgwû nigeīsû[n]na tsagistaī`t[)i]
adû[n]niīga. Ulsgīeta hû[n]hihyûī[n]staniīga.
Ha-usdigīiyu-gwû ha-eīlawastûī[n] iytûī[n]ta
dûhilâīh[)i]staniīga.
Sg[)e]! Ha-Uhû[n]tsâīy[)i] tsûl`dâīhist[)i] Giī`l[)i] Sa`kaīn[)i],
hanâīgwa hatûī[n]ganiīga us[)i]nuliīyu. Hidaīw[)e]hi-gâgûī,
gahuīst[)i] tsanuīlt[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Diskwûltiīyû tiīnanugaiī,
aseīgwû nigeīsû[n]na tsagistaī`t[)i] adû[n]niīga. Ulsgeīta
hû[n]hihyû[n]staniīga. Ha-usdigiīyu-gwû ha-eīlawastûī[n]
iyûīta dûhitâīh[)i]staniīga.
Sg[)e]! (Ha)-Usûhiī(-y[)i]) tsûl`dâīhist[)i], Gi`lī[)i] Gû[n]nageī[)i],
hanâīgwa hatûī[n]ganiīga us[)i]nuliīyû. Hidaīw[)e]hi-gâgûī,
gahuīsti tsanuīlt[)i] nigeīsûī[n]na. Diskwûltiīyû tinanugag[)i]ī,
aseīgwû nigeīsû[n]na tsagistaī`t[)i] adû[n]niīga. Ulsgīeta
hû[n]hihyû[n]staniīga. Ha-usdigiīyu-gwû ha-eīlawastûī[n]
iyûī[n]ta dûhitâīh[)i]staniīga.
Sg[)e]! Waīhal[)a]ī tsûl`dâīhist[)i], Giī`l[)i] Tsûneīga, hanâīgwa
hatûī[n]ganiīga us[)i]nuliīyu. Hidaīw[)e]hi-gâgûī, gahuīst[)i]
tsanuīlt[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Diskwûltiīyû tiīnanugag[)i]ī,
aseīgwû nigeīsû[n]na tsagistaī`t[)i] adû[n]niīga. Ha-ulsgeīta
hû[n]hihyûī[n]staniīga. Ha-usdigiīyu-gwû eīlawastûī[n]
iyûī[n]ta dûhitâīh[)i]staniīga.
Sg[)e]! Waīhal[)a] tsûl`dâīhist[)i] Tûīks[)i] Tsûneīga, hanâīgwa
hatûī[n]ganiīga us[)i]nuliīyu. Hidaīw[)e]hi-gâgûī,
gahuīst[)i] tsanuīlt[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Ha-kâīlû _gayûskeīta_
tsatû[n]īneliīga. Uts[)i]naīwa nuītat[)a]nûī[n]ta.
(Degâsisisgûī[n][)i].)--Tûks[)i] uhyaīska gûnsta`t[)i]ī naīsk[)i]
igahiīta gunstâī[)i] h[)i]īsk[)i] iyuntaleīg[)i] tsûntûngiīya.
Û[n]skwûīta k[)i]lûī atsâītast[)i] sâīgwa iyûtsâītast[)i],
nûī`k[)i] igûī[n]kta`t[)i], naski-gwûī diû[n]l[)e]īn[)i]skâh[)i]ī
igû[n]yiīy[)i] tsaleīnihû. Nûī`kine û[n]skwûīta k[)i]lûī
nûī`k[)i] iyatsâītast[)i]. Uhyaskâīhi-`nû adeīla degû`laī[)i]
t[)a]īl[)i] unineīga-gwûī nûī[n]wâti-`nûī higûnehâī[)i]
uhyaskâīh[)i] usdiīa-gwû. Uneīlagi-`nû sâ[)i]ī agadâī[)i]
agadiīd[)i] ûī[n]ti-gwûī y[)i]k[)i]ī âsiīyu-gwû naīski-`nû
aganû[n]liīeskâī[)i] daīgûnstanehûī[n][)i] [)u]`taâīta.
Hi[)a]`-nûī nûī[n]wât[)i]: Yâīna-Unats[)e]sdâīg[)i] tsanaīsehâī[)i]
sâīi-`nû Kâīga-Asgûī[n]tag[)e] tsanaīsehâī[)i], sâi-`nûī
_Egûī[n]li_-gwû, sâi-nûī (U)waīsgil[)i] ts[)i]g[)i]ī
Egûī[n]l[)i] Usdiīa ts[)i]g[)i]ī, nû[n]yâīhi-`nû tsuy[)e]`dâī[)i]
Yâīna-Uts[)e]sdâg[)i] naskiyûī ts[)i]g[)i]ī, usdiī-gwû ts[)i]g[)i]ī.
Egûī[n]l[)i] (u)waīsgil[)i] ts[)i]g[)i]ī; sâī[)i] Wâītige Unas(teī)tsa
ts[)i]g[)i]ī, sâīi-`nû Ûī[n]age Tsunasteītsa, Nigaīta unasteītsa
gesâī[)i].
Sunaleī-gwû aleīnd[)i] adanûī[n]wât[)i]; t[)a]īline eīlad[)i]
tsitkalaī[)i]; tsâīine uīlsalad[)i]ī`satûī; nûī`kine igûī
tsīkalâī[)i]. Yeliīgwûī igesâī[)i]. Nûīlstâiyanûīna gesâī[)i]
akanû[n]wiīsk[)i], nasgwûī nulstaiyanûīna.
_Translation._
FORMULA FOR TREATING THE CRIPPLER (RHEUMATISM).
Listen! Ha! In the Sun Land you repose, O Red Dog, O now you have
swiftly drawn near to hearken. O great adaīw[)e]h[)i][10], you never
fail in anything. O, appear and draw near running, for your prey never
escapes. You are now come to remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled
a very small part of it far off there at the end of the earth.
Listen! Ha! In the Frigid Land you repose, O Blue Dog. O now you have
swiftly drawn near to hearken, O great adaīw[)e]h[)i], you never fail
in anything. O, appear and draw near running, for your prey never
escapes. You are now come to remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled
a very small part of it far off there at the end of the earth.
Listen! Ha! In the darkening land you repose, O Black Dog. O, now you
have swiftly drawn near to hearken. O great adaīw[)e]h[)i], you never
fail in anything. O, appear and draw near running, for your prey never
escapes. You are now come to remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled
a very small part of it far off there at the end of the earth.
Listen! On Waīhal[)a] you repose. O White Dog. Oh, now you have
swiftly drawn near to hearken. O great adaīw[)e]h[)i], you never fail
in anything. Oh, appear and draw near running, for your prey never
escapes. You are now come to remove the intruder. Ha! You have settled
a very small part of it far off there at the end of the earth.
Listen! On Waīhal[)a], you repose, O White Terrapin. O, now you have
swiftly drawn near to hearken. O great adaīw[)e]h[)i], you never fail in
anything. Ha! It is for you to loosen its hold on the bone. Belief is
accomplished.
(Prescription.)--Lay a terrapin shell upon (the spot) and keep it
there while the five kinds (of spirits) listen. On finishing, then
blow once. Repeat four times, beginning each time from the start. On
finishing the fourth time, then blow four times. Have two white beads
lying in the shell, together with a little of the medicine. Don't
interfere with it, but have a good deal boiling in another vessel--a
bowl will do very well--and rub it on warm while treating by applying
the hands. And this is the medicine: What is called Yâīna-Uts[)e]īsta
("bear's bed," the Aspidium acrostichoides or Christmas fern); and the
other is called Kâīga-Asgûī[n]tag[)i] ("crow's shin," the Adianthum
pedatum or Maidenhair fern); and the other is the common Egûī[n]l[)i]
(another fern); and the other is the Little Soft (-leaved)
Egûī[n]l[)i] (Osmunda Cinnamonea or cinnamon fern), which grows in the
rocks and resembles Yâna-Uts[)e]īsta and is a small and soft (-leaved)
Egûī[n]l[)i]. Another has brown roots and another has black roots. The
roots of all should be (used).
Begin doctoring early in the morning; let the second (application) be
while the sun is still near the horizon; the third when it has risen
to a considerable height (10 a.m.); the fourth when it is above at
noon. This is sufficient. (The doctor) must not eat, and the patient
also must be fasting.
[Footnote 10: _Adaīw[)e]h[)i]_ is a word used to designate one
supposed to have supernatural powers, and is applied alike to human
beings and to the spirits invoked in the formulas. Some of the
mythic heroes famous for their magic deeds are spoken of as
_adaīw[)e]h[)i]_ (plural _anidaīw[)e]h[)i]_ or _anidaīwe_), but in
its application to mortals the term is used only of the very
greatest shamans. None of those now belonging to the band are
considered worthy of being thus called, although the term was
sometimes applied to one, Usaw[)i], who died some years ago. In
speaking of himself as an adaīw[)e]h[)i], ase occurs in som of the
formulas, the shaman arrogates to himself the same powers that
belong to the gods. Our nearest equivalent is the word magician, but
this falls far short of the idea conveyed by the Cherokee word. In
the bible translation the word is used as the equivalent of angel or
spirit.]
_Explanation._
As this formula is taken from the manuscript of Gahuni, who died
nearly thirty years ago, no definite statement of the theory of the
disease, or its treatment, can be given, beyond what is contained in
the formula itself, which, fortunately, is particularly explicit;
most doctors contenting themselves with giving only the words of the
prayer, without noting the ceremonies or even the medicine used. There
are various theories as to the cause of each disease, the most common
idea in regard to rheumatism being that it is caused by the spirits of
the slain animals, generally the deer, thirsting for vengeance on the
hunter, as has been already explained in the myth of the origin of
disease and medicine.
The measuring-worm (Catharis) is also held to cause rheumatism, from
the resemblance of its motions to those of a rheumatic patient, and
the name of the worm _wahh[)i]l[)i]ī_ is frequently applied also to the
disease.
There are formulas to propitiate the slain animals, but these are a
part of the hunting code and can only be noticed here, although it may
be mentioned in passing that the hunter, when about to return to the
settlement, builds a fire in the path behind him, in order that the
deer chief may not be able to follow him to his home.
The disease, figuratively called the intruder (ulsgéta), is regarded
as a living being, and the verbs used in speaking of it show that it
is considered to be long, like a snake or fish. It is brought by the
deer chief and put into the body, generally the limbs, of the hunter,
who at once begins to suffer intense pain. It can be driven out only
by some more powerful animal spirit which is the natural enemy of the
deer, usually the dog or the Wolf. These animal gods live up above
beyond the seventh heaven and are the great prototypes of which the
earthly animals are only diminutive copies. They are commonly located
at the four cardinal points, each of which has a peculiar formulistic
name and a special color which applies to everything in the same
connection. Thus the east, north, west, and south are respectively the
Sun Land, the Frigid Land, the Darkening Land, and W[)a]īhal[)a]ī, while
their respective mythologic colors are Red, Blue, Black, and White.
Wáhal[)a] is said to be a mountain far to the south. The white or red
spirits are generally invoked for peace, health, and other blessings,
the red alone for the success of an undertaking, the blue spirits to
defeat the schemes of an enemy or bring down troubles upon him, and
the black to compass his death. The white and red spirits are regarded
as the most powerful, and one of these two is generally called upon to
accomplish the final result.
In this case the doctor first invokes the Red Dog in the Sun Land,
calling him a great adáwehi, to whom nothing is impossible and who
never fails to accomplish his purpose. He is addressed as if out of
sight in the distance and is implored to appear running swiftly to the
help of the sick man. Then the supplication changes to an assertion
and the doctor declares that the Red Dog has already arrived to take
the disease and has borne away a small portion of it to the uttermost
ends of the earth. In the second, third, and fourth paragraphs the
Blue Dog of the Frigid Land, the Black Dog of the Darkening Land, and
the White Dog of Wáhal[)a] are successively invoked in the same terms
and each bears away a portion of the disease and disposes of it in
the same way. Finally, in the fifth paragraph, the White Terrapin of
Wáh[)a]l[)a] is invoked. He bears off the remainder of the disease and
the doctor declares that relief is accomplished. The connection of the
terrapin in this formula is not evident, beyond the fact that he is
regarded as having great influence in disease, and in this case the
beads and a portion of the medicine are kept in a terrapin shell
placed upon the diseased part while the prayer is being recited.
The formulas generally consist of four paragraphs, corresponding to
four steps in the medical ceremony. In this case there are five, the
last being addressed to the terrapin instead of to a dog. The prayers
are recited in an undertone hardly audible at the distance of a few
feet, with the exception of the frequent _ha_, which seems to be used
as an interjection to attract attention and is always uttered in a
louder tone. The beads--which are here white, symbolic of relief--are
of common use in connection with these formulas, and are held between
the thumb and finger, placed upon a cloth on the ground, or, as in
this case, put into a terrapin shell along with a small portion of the
medicine. According to directions, the shell has no other part in the
ceremony.
The blowing is also a regular part of the treatment, the doctor either
holding the medicine in his mouth and blowing it upon the patient, or,
as it seems to be the case here, applying the medicine by rubbing,
and blowing his breath upon the spot afterwards. In some formulas the
simple blowing of the breath constitutes the whole application. In
this instance the doctor probably rubs the medicine upon the affected
part while reciting the first paragraph in a whisper, after which he
blows once upon the spot. The other paragraphs are recited in the
same manner, blowing once after each. In this way the whole formula
is repeated four times, with four blows at the end of the final
repetition. The directions imply that the doctor blows only at the end
of the whole formula, but this is not in accord with the regular mode
of procedure and seems to be a mistake.
The medicine consists of a warm decoction of the roots of four
varieties of fern, rubbed on with the hand. The awkward description
of the species shows how limited is the Indian's power of botanic
classification. The application is repeated four times during the same
morning, beginning just at daybreak and ending at noon. Four is the
sacred number running through every detail of these formulas, there
being commonly four spirits invoked in four paragraphs, four blowings
with four final blows, four herbs in the decoction, four applications,
and frequently four days' gaktu[n]īta or tabu. In this case no tabu
is specified beyond the fact that both doctor and patient must be
fasting. The tabu generally extends to salt or lye, hot food and
women, while in rheumatism some doctors forbid the patient to eat the
foot or leg of any animal, the reason given being that the limbs are
generally the seat of the disease. For a similar reason the patient is
also forbidden to eat or even to touch a squirrel, a buffalo, a cat,
or any animal which "humps" itself. In the same way a scrofulous
patient must not eat turkey, as that bird seems to have a scrofulous
eruption on its head, while ball players must abstain from eating
frogs, because the bones of that animal are brittle and easily broken.
HI[)A]`-NÛī NASGWÛī DIDÛ[n]L[)E]īSK[)I] AD[)A]NÛī[n]WÂT[)I].
Asgaīya yûkanûī[n]w[)i]
_Ag[)e]ī`ya Giagageī[)i]_ at[)a]t[)i]ī;
ag[)e]ī`ya-nû yûkanûī[n]w[)i]
_Asgaīya Gigageī[)i]_ at[)a]t[)i]ī.
| Yû! Hig[)e]ī`ya Gigageī[)i] tsûdanteīlûh[)i]
| geseī[)i]. Ulsgeīta hiītsanuīy'taniīle[)i]ī.
| Ha-Nû[n]dâgûī[n]y[)i] Ulsgeīta
| hiītsanuīy'taniīle[)i]ī.
| Ha-Nû[n]dâgûī[n]y[)i] nûntaītsûd[)a]lenûīh[)i]
| geseī[)i]. Gasgilâī gigageī[)i] tsusdiīga
| tetsad[)i]īil[)e]ī detsalaīsidit[)e]-g[)e]ī[)i].
| Hanâīgwa us[)i]nuliīyu detsaldisiīyû[)i].
Uts[)i](n[)a]ī)wa nuītatanûī[n]ta. Usûīhita nutanûīna.
Uts[)i]n[)a]īwa-gwû nigû[n]tisgeīst[)i].
(Degâīsisisgûī[n][)i])--Hi[)a]-gwûī nigaûī kanâheīta. Nûī`kiba
nagûīnkw'tisgaī dagûī[n]stiskûī[)i]. Sâīgwa nû[n]skwûīta
gûnstûī[n][)i] agûnstagiīs-kâ[)i] hû[n]tsatasgâī[)i]
nûī`kine-`nû û[n]skwûīta nûī`k[)i] nû[n]tsâtasgâī[)i].
Hi[)a]-`nûī nûī[n]wât[)i]: Egûī[n]l[)i], Yâīna-`nû Uts[)e]sdâīg[)i],
(U)waīsgil[)i] ts[)i]g[)i]ī Egûī[n]l[)i], t[)a]īl[)i] tsinuīdal[)e]īha,
Kâīga-`nû Asgûī[n]tag[)e] tsiû[n]nâīsehâī[)i], Daīy[)i]-`nû
Uwâīy[)i] tsiû[n]nâīsehâī[)i]. Suītal[)i] iyutaleīg[)i] unasteītsa
agâīt[)i], ugaīnawû`nûī dagûnstaī`tisgâī[)i] nûī[n]wât[)i]
asû[n]ga`laī[)i]. Usûīh[)i] adanûī[n]wât[)i], nuī`k[)i] tsusûīhita
dulsiīnisûī[n] adanûī[n]wâti. [)A]`nawaīgi-`nû dilasulaīg[)i]
gesûī[n][)i] ûl[)e]ī ts[)i]kaniīkagaī[)i] gûw'sdiī-gwû utsawaīta
[)a]`nawaī-gwû-nûī.
Hi[)a]-nûī gaktûī[n]ta gûlkwâīg[)i] tsusûīhita.
Gûī[n]w[)a]danaīdatlahist[)i]ī nigeīsû[n]na--Salâīl[)i],
giī`li-`nû, w[)e]īsa-`nû, [)a]ītatsû-nûī, aīm[)a]-`nûī,
anig[)e]ī`ya-nû. Uda`l[)i]ī yaīkanû[n]wiīya nûī`kiha tsusûīhita
un[)a]dan[)a]īlâtsiī-tast[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Gasgilâīgi-`nû
uw[)a]īsu[n]-gwûī uīsk[)i]ladiīst[)i] uw[)a]īsû nûī`k[)i]
tsusûīhit[)a]ī. Disâīi-`nû degaīsgilâ ûī[n]tsa nû`n[)a]ī
uwaī`t[)i] yigesû[)i] nûī`k[)i] tsusûīhita.
_Translation._
AND THIS ALSO IS FOR TREATING THE CRIPPLER.
Yû! O Red Woman, you have caused it. You have put the intruder under
him. Ha! now you have come from the Sun Land. You have brought the
small red seats, with your feet resting upon them. Ha! now they have
swiftly moved away from you. Relief is accomplished. Let it not be for
one night alone. Let the relief come at once.
(Prescription)--(_corner note at top_.) If treating a man one must say
_Red Woman_, and if treating a woman one must say _Red Man_.
This is just all of the prayer. Repeat it four times while laying on
the hands. After saying it over once, with the hands on (the body
of the patient), take off the hands and blow once, and at the fourth
repetition blow four times. And this is the medicine. Egûī[n]l[)i]
(a species of fern). Yâī-na-Uts[)e]īsta ("bear's bed," the
Aspidium acrostichoides or Christmas fern), _two_ varieties of the
soft-(leaved) Egûī[n]l[)i] (one, the small variety, is the Cinnamon
fern, Osmunda cinnamonea), and what is called Kâīga Asgûī[n]tag[)e]
("crow's shin," the Adiantum pedatum or Maidenhair fern) and what is
called Daīy[)i]-Uwâīy[)i] ("beaver's paw"--not identified). Boil the
roots of the six varieties together and apply the hands warm with the
medicine upon them. Doctor in the evening. Doctor four consecutive
nights. (The pay) is cloth and moccasins; or, if one does not have
them, just a little dressed deerskin and some cloth.
And this is the tabu for seven nights. One must not touch a squirrel,
a dog, a cat, the mountain trout, or women. If one is treating a
married man they (_sic_) must not touch his wife for four nights. And
he must sit on a seat by himself for four nights, and must not sit on
the other seats for four nights.
_Explanation._
The treatment and medicine in this formula are nearly the same as in
that just given, which is also for rheumatism, both being written
by Gahuni. The prayer differs in several respects from any other
obtained, but as the doctor has been dead for years it is impossible
to give a full explanation of all the points. This is probably the
only formula in the collection in which the spirit invoked is the "Red
Woman," but, as explained in the corner note at the top, this is only
the form used instead of "Red Man," when the patient is a man. The Red
Man, who is considered perhaps the most powerful god in the Cherokee
pantheon, is in some way connected with the thunder, and is invoked
in a large number of formulas. The change in the formula, according
to the sex of the patient, brings to mind a belief in Irish folk
medicine, that in applying certain remedies the doctor and patient
must be of opposite sexes. The Red Man lives in the east, in
accordance with the regular mythologic color theory, as already
explained. The seats also are red, and the form of the verb indicates
that the Red Woman is either standing upon them (plural) or sitting
with her feet resting upon the rounds. These seats or chairs are
frequently mentioned in the formulas, and always correspond in color
with the spirit invoked. It is not clear why the Red Woman is held
responsible for the disease, which is generally attributed to the
revengeful efforts of the game, as already explained. In agreement
with the regular form, the disease is said to be put under (not into)
the patient. The assertion that the chairs "have swiftly moved away"
would seem from analogy to mean that the disease has been placed upon
the seats and thus borne away. The verb implies that the seats move
by their own volition. Immediately afterward it is declared that
relief is accomplished. The expression "usûīhita nutanûīna" occurs
frequently in these formulas, and may mean either "let it not be for
one night alone," or "let it not stay a single night," according to
the context.
The directions specify not only the medicine and the treatment, but
also the doctor's fee. From the form of the verb the tabu, except as
regards the seat to be used by the sick person, seems to apply to
both doctor and patient. It is not evident why the mountain trout
is prohibited, but the dog, squirrel, and cat are tabued, as already
explained, from the fact that these animals frequently assume
positions resembling the cramped attitude common to persons afflicted
by rheumatism. The cat is considered especially uncanny, as coming
from the whites. Seven, as well as four, is a sacred number with the
tribe, being also the number of their gentes. It will be noted that
time is counted by nights instead of by days.
HIÂī IīNATÛ YUNISKÛīLTSA ADANÛīNWÂT[)I].
1. _Dûnuīwa_, dûnuīwa, dûnuīwa, dûnuīwa, dûnuīwa, dûnuīwa (_song_).
Sg[)e]! Ha-Walâīs[)i]-gwû tsû[n]lûī[n]taniīga.
2. _Dayuha_, dayuha, dayuha, dayuha dayuha (_song_).
Sg[)e]! Ha-_Usug[)i]_-gwû tsû[n]-lû[n]ī-taniīga.
(Degâīsisisgûī[n][)i]).--Kanâgiīta nâyâīga hi[)a]ī
dilentisgīû[n][)i]. T[)a]īl[)i] igûīnkw'ta`t[)i], ûl[)e]ī talin[)e]ī
tsutanûī[n]na nasgwûī tâīl[)i] igûīnkw'ta`t[)i]ī. Tsâīla
aganûī[n]lieskâ[)i]ī tsâīla yikaniīgû[n]gûīâ[)i]ī
watsiīla-gwû ganû[n]liīy[)e]t[)i] uniskûl`tsûī[n][)i]. Nûī`k[)i]
nagadeīstisgâ[)i]ī aganû[n]liīesgû[n][)i]. Akskûīn[)i]
gadestīa`t[)i], nûû`k[)i] nagadeī sta hû[n]tsatasgâī[)i].
Hi[)a]-`nûī iīnatû aktiīs[)i] udestâī[)i] yigûīn`ka, naski-`nûī
tsagadûīl[)a]gisgâī[)i] iyuīst[)i] gatgûī[n][)i].
_Translation._
THIS IS TO TREAT THEM IF THEY ARE BITTEN BY A SNAKE.
1. Dûnuīwa, dûnuīwa, dûnuīwa, dûnuīwa, dûnuīwa, dûnuīwa.
Listen! Ha! It is only a common frog which has passed by and put
it (the intruder) into you.
2. Dayuha, dayuha, dayuha, dayuha, dayuha.
Listen! Ha! It is only an _Usuī`g[)i]_ which has passed by and
put it into you.
(Prescription.)--Now this at the beginning is a song. One should say
it twice and also say the second line twice. Rub tobacco (juice) on
the bite for some time, or if there be no tobacco just rub on saliva
once. In rubbing it on, one must go around four times. Go around
toward the left and blow four times in a circle. This is because in
lying down the snake always coils to the right and this is just the
same (_lit._ "means like") as uncoiling it.
_Explanation._
This is also from the manuscript book of Gahuni, deceased, so that no
explanation could be obtained from the writer. The formula consists of
a song of two verses, each followed by a short recitation. The whole
is repeated, according to the directions, so as to make four verses
or songs; four, as already stated, being the sacred number running
through most of these formulas. Four blowings and four circuits in the
rubbing are also specified. The words used in the songs are sometimes
composed of unmeaning syllables, but in this case dûnuwa and dayuha
seem to have a meaning, although neither the interpreter nor the
shaman consulted could explain them, which may be because the words
have become altered in the song, as frequently happens. Dûnuīwa
appears to be an old verb, meaning "it has penetrated," probably
referring to the tooth of the reptile. These medicine songs are always
sung in a low plaintive tone, somewhat resembling a lullaby. Usuī`g[)i]
also is without explanation, but is probably the name of some small
reptile or batrachian.
As in this case the cause of the trouble is evident, the Indians have
no theory to account for it. It may be remarked, however, that when
one dreams of being bitten, the same treatment and ceremonies must
be used as for the actual bite; otherwise, although perhaps years
afterward, a similar inflammation will appear on the spot indicated
in the dream, and will be followed by the same fatal consequences. The
rattlesnake is regarded as a supernatural being or adaīwehi, whose
favor must be propitiated, and great pains are taken not to offend
him. In consonance with this idea it is never said among the people
that a person has been bitten by a snake, but that he has been
"scratched by a brier." In the same way, when an eagle has been shot
for a ceremonial dance, it is announced that "a snowbird has been
killed," the purpose being to deceive the rattlesnake or eagle spirits
which might be listening.
The assertion that it is "only a common frog" or "only an Usuī`g[)i]"
brings out another characteristic idea of these formulas. Whenever the
ailment is of a serious character, or, according to the Indian theory,
whenever it is due to the influence of some powerful disease spirit
the doctor always endeavors to throw contempt upon the intruder, and
convince it of his own superior power by asserting the sickness to
be the work of some inferior being, just as a white physician might
encourage a patient far gone with consumption by telling him that the
illness was only a slight cold. Sometimes there is a regular scale of
depreciation, the doctor first ascribing the disease to a rabbit or
groundhog or some other weak animal, then in succeeding paragraphs
mentioning other still less important animals and finally declaring it
to be the work of a mouse, a small fish, or some other insignificant
creature. In this instance an ailment caused by the rattlesnake, the
most dreaded of the animal spirits, is ascribed to a frog, one of the
least importance.
In applying the remedy the song is probably sung while rubbing the
tobacco juice around the wound. Then the short recitation is repeated
and the doctor blows four times in a circle about the spot. The whole
ceremony is repeated four times. The curious directions for uncoiling
the snake have parallels in European folk medicine.
GÛ[n]W[)A]NIīGISTÂī[)I] ADANUī[n]WÂT[)I].
Sg[)e]! Ha-tsidaīw[)e]iyu, gahusīt[)i] aginúl`t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na.
Gû[n]gw[)a]dagīanad`diyûī tsidaīw[)e]iīyu. Ha-W[)a]huhuī-gwû
hitaguīsgastan[)e]`h[)e][)i]. Ha-nâīgwa h[)u]`kikahû[n]ûī
ha-dus[)u]ī`gah[)i] digesûī[n][)i], iyûī[n]ta
wû[n]`kidâīh[)i]staniīga.
Sg[)e]! Ha-tsidaīw[)e]iīyu, gahuīst[)i] aginuīl`t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na.
Gû[n]gw[)a]dagaīnad'diyûī tsidaīw[)e]iīyu. Ha-Ugukuī-gwû
hitaguīsgastan[)e]īhe[)i]ī udâhiīyu tagīuīsgastan[)e]īh[)e][)i]ī.
Ha-naīgwadiīna hû[n]kikahû[n]nûī. Ha-nânâīh[)i] diges[)u]ī[n][)i]
iyûī[n]ta wû[n]`kidâīh[)i]staniīga.
Sg[)e]! Ha-tsidaīw[)e]iīyu, gahuīst[)i] aginuīl`t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na.
Gû[n]gw[)a]dagaīnad'diyûī tsidaīw[)e]iīyu. Ha-Tsistu-gwû
hitaguīsgastan[)e]īheī[)i]udâhiīyu tagīusgastan[)e]īh[)e][)i]ī.
Ha-nâīgwadiīna hûī[n]kikahûī[n]nû. Ha-sunû[n]daīs[)i]
iyûī[n]ta kaneīskawâīdih[)i] digesûī[n][)i],
wû[n]`kidâīh[)i]staniīga.
Sg[)e]! Ha-tsidaīw[)e]iīyu, gahuīst[)i] aginuīl`t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na.
Gû[n]gw[)a]dagaīnad'diīyû tsidaīw[)e]iīyu. Ha-Deītsataī-gwû
(hi)taguīsgastan[)e]īh[)e][)i] udâhiīyu taguīsgastan[)e]īh[)e][)i].
Ha-nâīgwadiīna hû[n]kikahûī[n]a. Ha-udâītaleīta
digesûī[n][)i], iyûī[n]ta wû[n]`kidâīh[)i]staniīga.
(Degâīsisisgûī[n][)i])--Hi[)a]ī-sk[)i]n[)i]ī unsdiīya
d[)i]kanûī[n]wât[)i] tsa`natsaīyihâī[)i] tsaniskaīihaī[)i];
gû[n]waniīgistaī[)i] hiīanûd[)i]īsga[)i]ī. [)A]m[)a]ī
dûtsatiīst[)i]sgâī[)i] nûī`k[)i] tsusûīhita d[)i]kanûī[n]wât[)i]
Ulsinideīna dakanûī[n]wisgâī[)i]. [)U]ī[n]tsa iyûī[n]ta
wituniniīdast[)i] yigesâī[)i].
_Translation._
TO TREAT THEM WHEN SOMETHING IS CAUSING SOMETHING TO EAT THEM.
Listen! Ha! I am a great adaīwehi, I never fail in anything. I
surpass all others--I am a great adaīwehi. Ha! It is a mere screech
owl that has frightened him. Ha! now I have put it away in the laurel
thickets. There I compel it to remain.
Listen! Ha! I am a great adaīwehi, I never fail in anything. I
surpass all others--I am a great adaīwehi. Ha! It is a mere hooting
owl that has frightened him. Undoubtedly that has frightened him. Ha!
At once I have put it away in the spruce thickets. Ha! There I compel
it to remain.
Listen! Ha! I am a great adaīwehi, I never fail in anything. I
surpass all others--I am a great adaīwehi. Ha! It is only a rabbit
that has frightened him. Undoubtedly that has frightened him. Ha!
Instantly I have put it away on the mountain ridge. Ha! There in the
broom sage I compel it to remain.
Listen! Ha! I am a great adaīwehi, I never fail in anything. I
surpass all others--I am a great adaīwehi. Ha! It is only a mountain
sprite that has frightened him. Undoubtedly that has frightened him.
Ha! Instantly I have put it away on the bluff. Ha! There I compel it
to remain.
(Prescription)--Now this is to treat infants if they are affected by
crying and nervous fright. (Then) it is said that something is causing
something to eat them. To treat them one may blow water on them for
four nights. Doctor them just before dark. Be sure not to carry them
about outside the house.
_Explanation._
The Cherokee name for this disease is Gu[n]waniīgistâ[)i]ī, which
signifies that "something is causing something to eat," or gnaw the
vitals of the patient. The disease attacks only infants of tender age
and the symptoms are nervousness and troubled sleep, from which the
child wakes suddenly crying as if frightened. The civilized doctor
would regard these as symptoms of the presence of worms, but although
the Cherokee name might seem to indicate the same belief, the real
theory is very different.
Cherokee mothers sometimes hush crying children, by telling them that
the screech owl is listening out in the woods or that the Deītsata--a
malicious little dwarf who lives in caves in the river bluffs--will
come and get them. This quiets the child for the time and is so far
successful, but the animals, or the Deītsata, take offense at being
spoken of in this way, and visit their displeasure upon the _children
born to the mother afterward_. This they do by sending an animal into
the body of the child to gnaw its vitals. The disease is very common
and there are several specialists who devote their attention to
it, using various formulas and prescriptions. It is also called
[)a]tawiīn[)e]h[)i], signifying that it is caused by the "dwellers in
the forest," i.e., the wild game and birds, and some doctors declare
that it is caused by the revengeful comrades of the animals, especially
birds, killed by the father of the child, the animals tracking the
slayer to his home by the blood drops on the leaves. The next formula
will throw more light upon this theory.
In this formula the doctor, who is certainly not overburdened with
modesty, starts out by asserting that he is a great adaīwehi, who
never fails and who surpasses all others. He then declares that the
disease is caused by a mere screech owl, which he at once banishes
to the laurel thicket. In the succeeding paragraphs he reiterates his
former boasting, but asserts in turn that the trouble is caused by a
mere hooting owl, a rabbit, or even by the Deītsata, whose greatest
exploit is hiding the arrows of the boys, for which the youthful
hunters do not hesitate to rate him soundly. These various
mischief-makers the doctor banishes to their proper haunts, the
hooting owl to the spruce thicket, the rabbit to the broom sage on the
mountain side, and the Deītsata to the bluffs along the river bank.
Some doctors use herb decoctions, which are blown upon the body of the
child, but in this formula the only remedy prescribed is water, which
must be blown upon the body of the little sufferer just before dark
for four nights. The regular method is to blow once each at the end of
the first, second, and third paragraphs and four times at the end of
the fourth or last. In diseases of this kind, which are not supposed
to be of a local character, the doctor blows first upon the back of
the head, then upon the left shoulder, next upon the right shoulder,
and finally upon the breast, the patient being generally sitting, or
propped up in bed, facing the east. The child must not be taken out
of doors during the four days, because should a bird chance to fly
overhead so that its shadow would fall upon the infant, it would _fan
the disease back_ into the body of the little one.
GÛ[n]WANIīGISTÛī[n][)I] DITANÛ[n]WÂTIīY[)I]
Yû! Sg[)e]! Us[)i]nuīl[)i] hatûī[n]ganiīga, Giyaīgiyaī Sa`kaīn[)i],
ew'satâīg[)i] tsûl`daīhist[)i]. Us[)i]nuīl[)i] hatlasiīga.
Tsisīkwa-gwûī ulsgeīta uwuītlani`l[)e][)i]ī. Us[)i]nuliīyu
atsahiluīg[)i]siīga. Uts[)i]n[)a]īwa nuītatanûī[n]ta. Yû!
Yû! Sg[)e]! Us[)i]nuīl[)i] hatûī[n]ganiīga, Digaītisk[)i] Wâtigeī[)i],
galûī[n]lat[)i] iyûī[n]ta ditsûl`dâīhist[)i]. Ha-nâīgwa
us[)i]nuīl[)i] hatlasiīga. Tsiīskwa-gwû d[)i]tuīnilaīw'itsûīh[)i]
higeseī[)i]. Us[)i]nûl[)i] k[)e]`tatiīgû`lahiīga. Uts[)i]n[)a]īwa
adû[n]niīga. Yû!
_Translation._
TO TREAT GÛ[n]WANIīGISTÛī[n][)I]--(SECOND).
Yû! Listen! Quickly you have drawn near to hearken, O Blue
Sparrow-Hawk; in the spreading tree tops you are at rest. Quickly you
have come down. The intruder is only a bird which has overshadowed
him. Swiftly you have swooped down upon it. Relief is accomplished.
Yû!
Yû! Listen! Quickly you have drawn near to hearken, O Brown
Rabbit-Hawk; you are at rest there above. Ha! Swiftly now you have
come down. It is only the birds which have come together for
a council. Quickly you have come and scattered them. Relief is
accomplished. Yû!
_Explanation._
This formula, also for Gû[n]waniīgistûī[n][)i] or Atawin[)e]īh[)i], was
obtained from A`wanīita (Young Deer), who wrote down only the prayer
and explained the treatment orally. He coincides in the opinion that
this disease in children is caused by the birds, but says that it
originates from the shadow of a bird flying overhead having fallen
upon the pregnant mother. He says further that the disease is easily
recognized in children, but that it sometimes does not develop until
the child has attained maturity, when it is more difficult to discern
the cause of the trouble, although in the latter case dark circles
around the eyes are unfailing symptoms.
The prayer--like several others from the same source--seems
incomplete, and judging from analogy is evidently incorrect in some
respects, but yet exemplifies the disease theory in a striking manner.
The disease is declared to have been caused by the birds, it being
asserted in the first paragraph that a bird has cast its shadow
upon the sufferer, while in the second it is declared that they
have gathered in council (in his body). This latter is a favorite
expression in these formulas to indicate the great number of the
disease animals. Another expression of frequent occurrence is to
the effect that the disease animals have formed a settlement or
established a townhouse in the patient's body. The disease animal,
being a bird or birds, must be dislodged by something which preys upon
birds, and accordingly the Blue Sparrow-Hawk from the tree tops and
the Brown Rabbit-Hawk (Digaītisk[)i]--"One who snatches up"), from
above are invoked to drive out the intruders. The former is then said
to have swooped down upon them as a hawk darts upon its prey, while
the latter is declared to have scattered the birds which were
holding a council. This being done, relief is accomplished. Yû! is
a meaningless interjection frequently used to introduce or close
paragraphs or songs.
The medicine used is a warm decoction of the bark of Kûnstûīts[)i]
(Sassafras--Sassafras officinale), Kanû[n]siīta (Flowering
Dogwood--Cornus florida), Udâīlana (Service tree--Amelanchier
Canadensis), and Uniīkwa (Black Gum--Nyssa multiflora), with the
roots of two species (large and small) of Daīyakal[)i]īsk[)i] (Wild
Rose--Rosa lucida). The bark in every case is taken from the east side
of the tree, and the roots selected are also generally, if not always,
those growing toward the east. In this case the roots and barks are
not bruised, but are simply steeped in warm water for four days. The
child is then stripped and bathed all over with the decoction morning
and night for four days, no formula being used during the bathing. It
is then made to hold up its hands in front of its face with the palms
turned out toward the doctor, who takes some of the medicine in his
mouth and repeats the prayer mentally, blowing the medicine upon the
head and hands of the patient at the final _Yû!_ of each paragraph.
It is probable that the prayer originally consisted of four
paragraphs, or else that these two paragraphs were repeated. The child
drinks a little of the medicine at the end of each treatment.
The use of salt is prohibited during the four days of the treatment,
the word (am[)a]ī) being understood to include lye, which enters
largely into Cherokee food preparations. No chicken or other feathered
animal is allowed to enter the house during the same period, for
obvious reasons, and strangers are excluded for reasons already
explained.
HIAī DUīNIYUKWATISGÛī[n]Í KANAīHČHÛ.
Sg[)e]! Nû[n]dâgûī[n]y[)i] tsûl`dâīhist[)i], Kananiīsk[)i]
Gigage. Us[)i]nuīl[)i] nûī[n]nâ giīgage h[)i]nû[n]niīga.
Hidaīw[)e]hi-gâgûī, ast[)i]ī digiīgage us[)i]nûīl[)i]
deh[)i]kssaīû[n]taniīga. Ulsgeīta kaneīge kayuī`ga gesûī[n],
tsgâīya-gwû higeseī[)i]. Eh[)i]st[)i]ī hituwaīsaniy'te[)i]ī.
Us[)i]nuīl[)i] ast[)i]ī digiīgage dehadaīû[n]taniīga, adiīna
tsûlstai-yûī`ti-gwû higeseī[)i]. Nâīgwa gânagiīta
daītsataneīl[)i]. Uts[)i]n[)a]īwa nuītatanûī[n]ta nû[n]tûneliīga.
Yû!
H[)i]gayûī[n]l[)i] Tsûneīga hatûī[n]ganiīga. "Aīya-gâgûī
gatûī[n]gisgeīst[)i] tsûngiliīs[)i] deagwûlstaw[)i]īstitegeīst[)i],"
tsadûnûīh[)i]. Naīski-gâgûī itsaīwesûīh[)i] nâīgwa us[)i]nuīl[)i]
hatuī[n]ganiīga. Uts[)i]n[)a]īwa nútatanûīta nû[n]tûīneliīga.
Yû!
Sg[)e]! Uhyû[n]tlâīy[)i] tsûl`dâīhisti Kananiīsk[)i]
Sa`kaīn[)i]. Us[)i]nuīl[)i] nûī[n]nâ sa`kaīn[)i] h[)i]nû[n]niīga.
Hidaīw[)e]hi-gâgûī, ast[)i]ī (di)sa`kaīn[)i] us[)i]nuīl[)i]
deh[)i]ksaīû[n]taniīga. Ulsgeīta kaneīge kayuī`ga gesûī[n],
tsgâīya-gwû higeseī[)i]. Eh[)i]st[)i]ī hituwaīsaniy`te([)i]ī).
Us[)i]nuīl[)i] ast[)i]ī disa`kaīnige dehadaīû[n]taniga, adiīna
tsûlstai-yûī`ti-gwû higeseī[)i]. Nâīgwa tsgâīya gûnagiīta
tsûtûneliīga. Uts[)i]n[)a]īwa nuītatanûī[n]ta nû[n]tûneliīga.
Yû!
H[)i]gayûī[n]l[)i] Tsûneīga hatû[n]ganiīga. "Aīya-gâgûī
gatûī[n]gisgeīst[)i] tsûngiliīs[)i] deagwûlstaw[)i]īstitegeīst[)i],"
tsadûnûīh[)i]. Nasīkigâgûī itsawesûīh[)i] nâīgwa us[)i]nuīl[)i]
hatûī[n]ganiīga. Uts[)i]n[)a]īwa nutatanûī[n]ta nû[n]tûneliīga.
Yû!
Sg[)e]! Usûhiīy[)i] tsûl`dâīhist[)i] Kananiīsk[)i] Ûī[n]nage.
Us[)i]nuīl[)i] nûī[n]nâ ûī[n]nage h[)i]nû[n]niīga.
Hidaīw[)e]hi-gâgûī, ast[)i]ī digûī[n]nage us[)i]nuīl[)i]
deh[)i]ksaīû[n]taniīga. Ulsgeīta kaneīge kayuī`ga gesûī[n],
tsgâīya-gwû higeseī[)i]. Eh[)i]st[)i]ī hituwaīsaniy`te[)i]ī.
Us[)i]nuīl[)i] ast[)i]ī digûī[n]nage dehadaīû[n]taniīga, adiīna
tsûlstai-yûī`ti-gwû higeseī[)i]. Nâīgwa tsgâīya gûnagiīta
tsûtûneliīga. Uts[)i]n[)a]īwa nutatanûī[n]ta nû[n]tûneliīga. Yû!
H[)i]gayûī[n]l[)i] Tsûneīga hatû[n]ganiīga. "Aīya-gâgûī
gatûī[n]gisgeīst[)i] tsûngiliīs[)i] deagwûlstaw[)i]īstitegeīst[)i],"
tsadûnûīh[)i]. Naīskigâgûī itsawesûīh[)i] nâīgwa us[)i]nuīl[)i]
hatûī[n]ganiīga. Uts[)i]n[)a]īwa nutatanûī[n]ta nû[n]tûneliīga.
Yû!
Sg[)e]! Galûī[n]lat[)i] tsûl`dâīhist[)i], Kananiīsk[)i] Tsûneīga.
Us[)i]nuīl[)i] nûī[n]nâ uneīga h[)i]nû[n]niīga. Hidaīw[)e]hi-gâgûī,
ast[)i]ī tsuneīga us[)i]nuīl[)i] deh[)i]ksaīû[n] taniīga. Ulsgeīta
kaneīge kayuī`ga gesûī[n], tsgâīya-gwû higeseī[)i].
Eh[)i]st[)i]ī hituwaīs[)a]niy'te[)i]ī. Us[)i]nuīl[)i] ast[)i]ī tsuneīga
dehadaīû[n]taniīga, adiīna tsûlstai-yûī`ti-gwû higeseī[)i].
Nâīgwa tsgâīya gûnagiīta tsûtûneliīga. Uts[)i]n[)a]īwa
nuītatanûī[n]ta, nû[n]tûneliīga. Yû!
H[)i]gayûī[n]l[)i] Tsûneīga hatûī[n]ganiīga. "Aīya-gâgûī
gatûī[n]gisgeīst[)i] tsûngiliīs[)i] deagwûlstaw[)i]īstitegeīst[)i],"
tsadûnûīh[)i]. Naski-gâgûī itsawesûīh[)i] nâīgwa us[)i]nuīl[)i]
hatû[n]ganiīga. Uīts[)i]naīwa nutatanûī[n]ta nû[n]tûneliīga.
Yû!
(Degasiīsisgûī[n][)i])--Hi[)a]ī duniyukwaītisgûī[n][)i]
d[)i]kanûī[n]wât[)i] [)a]tanûī[n]sidaīh[)i] y[)i]īg[)i]. Naīsk[)i]
digûīnstan[)e]ī`ti-gwû ûl[)e]ī ts[)i]tsâtûī yieīlisû.
Nigû[n]ī-gwû usûīna [_for_ usûndaīna?] gûī[n]tat[)i]
nayâīga nûī[n]wat[)i] unanûī[n]sk[)a]`laī[)i]. Kaneīska dalâīnige
unasteītla ts[)i]īg[)i]. Seīlu d[)i]gahû`nûīh[)i] tsuniīyah[)i]st[)i]ī
nûī`k[)i] tsusûīhita, kanâheīna-`nû nask[)i]ī igaī[)i] udanûīst[)i]
hiīg[)i] nayâīga.
_Translation._
THIS TELLS ABOUT MOVING PAINS IN THE TEETH (NEURALGIA?).
Listen! In the Sunland you repose, O Red Spider. Quickly you have
brought and laid down the red path. O great adaīwehi, quickly you
have brought down the red threads from above. The intruder in the
tooth has spoken and it is only a worm. The tormentor has wrapped
itself around the root of the tooth. Quickly you have dropped down the
red threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is for you to pick it
up. The relief has been caused to come. Yû!
O Ancient White, you have drawn near to hearken, for you have said,
"When I shall hear my grandchildren, I shall hold up their heads."
Because you have said it, now therefore you have drawn near to listen.
The relief has been caused to come. Yû!
Listen! In the Frigid Land you repose, O Blue Spider. Quickly you have
brought and laid down the blue path. O great adaīwehi, quickly you
have brought down the blue threads from above. The intruder in the
tooth has spoken and it is only a worm. The tormentor has wrapped
itself around the root of the tooth. Quickly you have dropped down the
blue threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is for you to pick
it up. The relief has been caused to come. Yû!
O Ancient White, you have drawn near to hearken, for you have said,
"When I shall hear my grandchildren, I shall hold up their heads."
Because you have said it, now therefore you have drawn near to listen.
The relief has been caused to come. Yû!
Listen! In the Darkening Land you repose, O Black Spider. Quickly you
have brought and laid down the black path. O great adaīwehi, quickly
you have brought down the black threads from above. The intruder in
the tooth has spoken and it is only a worm. The tormentor has wrapped
itself around the root of the tooth. Quickly you have dropped down the
black threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is for you to pick
it up. The relief has been caused to come. Yû!
O Ancient White, you have drawn near to hearken, for you have said,
"When I shall hear my grandchildren, I shall hold up their heads."
Because you have said it, now therefore you have drawn near to listen.
The relief has been caused to come. Yû!
Listen! You repose on high, O White Spider. Quickly you have brought
and laid down the white path. O great adaīwehi, quickly you have
brought down the white threads from above. The intruder in the tooth
has spoken and it is only a worm. The tormentor has wrapped itself
around the root of the tooth. Quickly you have dropped down the white
threads, for it is just what you eat. Now it is for you to pick it up.
The relief has been caused to come. Yû!
O Ancient White, you have drawn near to hearken, for you have said,
"When I shall hear my grandchildren, I shall hold up their heads."
Because you have said it, now therefore you have drawn near to listen.
The relief has been caused to come. Yû!
(Prescription)--This is to treat them if there are pains moving about
in the teeth. It is only (necessary) to lay on the hands, or to blow,
if one should prefer. One may use any kind of a tube, but usually they
have the medicine in the mouth. It is the Yellow-rooted Grass (kaneī
ska dalâīnige unasteītla; not identified.) One must abstain four
nights from cooked corn (hominy), and kanâheīna (fermented corn
gruel) is especially forbidden during the same period.
_Explanation._
This formula is taken from the manuscript book of Gatigwanasti,
now dead, and must therefore be explained from general analogy. The
ailment is described as "pains moving about in the teeth"--that is,
affecting several teeth simultaneously--and appears to be neuralgia.
The disease spirit is called "the intruder" and "the tormentor" and
is declared to be a mere worm (tsgâīya), which has wrapped itself
around the base of the tooth. This is the regular toothache theory.
The doctor then calls upon the Red Spider of the Sunland to let down
the red threads from above, along the red path, and to take up the
intruder, which is just what the spider eats. The same prayer is
addressed in turn to the Blue Spider in the north, the Black Spider in
the west and the White Spider above (galû[n]īlati). It may be stated
here that all these spirits are supposed to dwell above, but when no
point of the compass is assigned, galû[n]īlati is understood to mean
directly overhead, but far above everything of earth. The dweller in
this overhead galû[n]īlati may be red, white, or brown in color. In
this formula it is white, the ordinary color assigned spirits dwelling
in the south. In another toothache formula the Squirrel is implored
to take the worm and put it between the forking limbs of a tree on the
north side of the mountain.
Following each supplication to the spider is another addressed to the
Ancient White, the formulistic name for fire. The name refers to its
antiquity and light-giving properties and perhaps also to the fact
that when dead it is covered with a coat of white ashes. In those
formulas in which the hunter draws omens from the live coals it is
frequently addressed as the Ancient Red.
The directions are not explicit and must be interpreted from analogy.
"Laying on the hands" refers to pressing the thumb against the jaw
over the aching tooth, the hand having been previously warmed over
the fire, this being a common method of treating toothache. The other
method suggested is to blow upon the spot (tooth or outside of jaw?) a
decoction of an herb described rather vaguely as "yellow-rooted grass"
either through a tube or from the mouth of the operator. Igaw[)i]ī, a
toothache specialist, treats this ailment either by pressure with the
warm thumb, or by blowing tobacco smoke from a pipe placed directly
against the tooth. Hominy and fermented corn gruel (kanâheīna)
are prohibited for the regular term of four nights, or, as we are
accustomed to say, four days, and special emphasis is laid upon the
gruel tabu.
The prayer to the Spider is probably repeated while the doctor is
warming his hands over the fire, and the following paragraph to the
Ancient White (the Fire) while holding the warm thumb upon the aching
spot. This reverses the usual order, which is to address the fire
while warming the hands. In this connection it must be noted that the
fire used by the doctor is never the ordinary fire on the hearth, but
comes from four burning chips taken from the hearth fire and generally
placed in an earthen vessel by the side of the patient. In some cases
the decoction is heated by putting into it seven live coals taken from
the fire on the hearth.
UNAWA STÎ EGWA (ADANÛ[n]WÂTÏ).
(2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
Sg[)e]! Galûī[n]lat[)i]ī hinehiī hinehiīyû hinidaīwe, utsinâīwa
adû[n]niga
12 12 22 34 33 566--Hay[)i]ī!
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
Sg[)e]! U[n]wadâīhi hinehiī, hinehiīyû hinidaīwe, utsinâīwa adû[n]niīga
12 12 22 34 33 566--Hay[)i]ī!
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
Sg[)e]! Nâtsihiī hinehiī hinehiīyû hinidaīwe utsinâīwa adû[n]niīga
12 12 22 34 33 566--Hay[)i]ī!
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
Sg[)e]! Amâyiī hinehiī, hinehiīyû hinidaīwe utsinâīwa adû[n]niīga
12 12 22 33 33 566--Hay[)i]ī!
Sg[)e]! Ha-nâīgwa hatûī[n]nganiīga, Agaluīga Tsûsdiīga,
hidaīw[)e]h[)i], âītali tsusdigaīh[)i] dudaīw`satûī[n]
ditsûldâīhist[)i]. (Hidaīw[)e]h[)i], gahuīst[)i]
tsanuīlû[n]hû[n]sg[)i]ī nigeīsû[n]na.) Ha-nâīgwa
daītûlehû[n]gûī. Usdiīgi(yu) utiyaīstanû[n]ī(h[)i])
(higeseīi). (Hû[n])hiyalaīgistaniīga igâīt[)i]
usdigâīh[)i] usaīh[)i]lag[)i]ī Igâtuīlt[)i] nû[n]nâīh[)i]
w[)i]teītsat[)a]nû[n]īû[n]s[)i]ī. Aīneītsâgeīta _getsatûn[)e]h[)i]_
nû[n]gûlstaniīga igû[n]īwûlstanitaīsti-gwû. Atiīgaleīyata
tsûtûīneliīga. Uts[)i]nâīwa[11] nigû[n]tisgeīst[)i].
Sg[)e]! Ha-nâīgwa hû[n]hatûī[n]ganiīga, Agaluīga Hegwahigwûī.
Âītal[)i] tsegwâīh[)i] dudaīw`satû[n] iyû[n]ta ditsûldâīhist[)i].
Agaluīga Heīgwa, haus[)i]nuīl[)i] daītûlehû[n]gû.
Usdiīgiyu utiyaīstanûī[n]h[)i]. Hiyalaīgistaniīga ulsgeīta
igâīt-egwâīh[)i]) usaīh[)i]lag[)i]ī. (Igat-(egwâīh[)i] iyû[n]īta
nû[n]nâīh[)i] w[)i]tetsatanûī[n]û[n]s[)i]ī. Aīneītsâgeīta
_getsatûneīlitiseīsti_ igû[n]īwûlstanitaīsti-gwû.
Uts[)i]nâīwa-gwû nutatanû[n]ta. Nigag[)i]ī Yû!
(Degâsiīsisgûī[n][)i])--Unawaīst[)i] eīgwa uīnitlû[n]gâī[)i].
Taīya gûī[n]tat[)i], ditsaītistaī`ti. Tsâīl-agayûī[n]l[)i]
y[)a]īh[)a] ulûī[n]kwati-gwû nasgwûī.
[Footnote 11: So written and pronounced by A`yû[n]īini instead of
uts[)i]n[)a]īwa.]
_Translation._
TO TREAT THE GREAT CHILL.
Listen! On high you dwell, On high you dwell--you dwell, you dwell.
Forever you dwell, you anidaīwe, forever you dwell, forever you
dwell. Relief has come--has come. Hay[)i]!
Listen! On Û[n]wadâīh[)i] you dwell, On Û[n]wadâh[)i] you dwell--you
dwell, you dwell. Forever you dwell, you anidaīwe, forever you dwell,
forever you dwell. Relief has come--has come. Hay[)i]!
Listen! In the pines you dwell, In the pines you dwell--you dwell, you
dwell. Forever you dwell, you anidaīwe, forever you dwell, forever
you dwell. Relief has come--has come. Hay[)i]!
Listen! In the water you dwell, In the water you dwell, you dwell, you
dwell. Forever you dwell, you anidaīwe, forever you dwell, forever
you dwell. Relief has come--has come. Hayi[)i]!
Listen! O now you have drawn near to hearken, O Little Whirlwind,
O adaīwehi, in the leafy shelter of the lower mountain, there you
repose. O adaīwehi, you can never fail in anything. Ha! Now rise up.
A very small portion [of the disease] remains. You have come to sweep
it away into the small swamp on the upland. You have laid down your
paths near the swamp. It is ordained that you shall scatter it as in
play, so that it shall utterly disappear. By you it must be scattered.
So shall there be relief.
Listen! O now again you have drawn near to hearken, O Whirlwind,
surpassingly great. In the leafy shelter of the great mountain there
you repose. O Great Whirlwind, arise quickly. A very small part [of
the disease] remains. You have come to sweep the intruder into the
great swamp on the upland. You have laid down your paths toward the
great swamp. You shall scatter it as in play so that it shall utterly
disappear. And now relief has come. All is done. Yû!
(Prescription.)--(This is to use) when they are sick with the great
chill. Take a decoction of wild cherry to blow upon them. If you have
Tsâīl-agayûī[n]l[)i] ("old tobacco"--_Nicotiana rustica_) it also is
very effective.
_Explanation._
Unawaīst[)i], "that which chills one," is a generic name for
intermittent fever, otherwise known as fever and ague. It is much
dreaded by the Indian doctors, who recognize several varieties of
the disease, and have various theories to account for them. The above
formula was obtained from A`yûī[n]ni (Swimmer), who described the
symptoms of this variety, the "Great Chill," as blackness in the face,
with alternate high fever and shaking chills. The disease generally
appeared in spring or summer, and might return year after year. In the
first stages the chill usually came on early in the morning, but came
on later in the day as the disease progressed. There might be more
than one chill during the day. There was no rule as to appetite, but
the fever always produced an excessive thirst. In one instance the
patient fainted from the heat and would even lie down in a stream to
cool himself. The doctor believed the disease was caused by malicious
tsgâīya, a general name for all small insects and worms, excepting
intestinal worms. These tsgâīya--that is, the disease tsgâīya, not
the real insects and worms--are held responsible for a large number
of diseases, and in fact the tsgâīya doctrine is to the Cherokee
practitioner what the microbe theory is to some modern scientists. The
tsgâīya live in the earth, in the water, in the air, in the foliage
of trees, in decaying wood, or wherever else insects lodge, and as
they are constantly being crushed, burned or otherwise destroyed
through the unthinking carelessness of the human race, they are
continually actuated by a spirit of revenge. To accomplish their
vengeance, according to the doctors, they "establish towns" under the
skin of their victims, thus producing an irritation which results in
fevers, boils, scrofula and other diseases.
The formula begins with a song of four verses, in which the doctor
invokes in succession the spirits of the air, of the mountain, of
the forest, and of the water. Galû[n]lat[)i], the word used in the
first verse, signifies, as has been already explained, "on high" or
"above everything," and has been used by translators to mean heaven.
Û[n]wadâīh[)i] in the second verse is the name of a bald mountain
east of Webster, North Carolina, and is used figuratively to denote
any mountains of bold outline. The Cherokees have a tradition
to account for the name, which is derived from Û[n]wadâīl[)i],
"provision house." Nâītsih[)i]ī in the third verse signifies
"pinery," from nâī`ts[)i], "pine," but is figuratively used to denote
a forest of any kind.
In the recitation which follows the song, but is used only in serious
cases, the doctor prays to the whirlwind, which is considered to
dwell among the trees on the mountain side, where the trembling of the
leaves always gives the first intimation of its presence. He declares
that a small portion of the disease still remains, the spirits
invoked in the song having already taken the rest, and calls upon the
whirlwind to lay down a path for it and sweep it away into the swamp
on the upland, referring to grassy marshes common in the small coves
of the higher mountains, which, being remote from the settlements, are
convenient places to which to banish the disease. Not satisfied with
this, he goes on to direct the whirlwind to scatter the disease as it
scatters the leaves of the forest, so that it shall utterly disappear.
In the Cherokee formula the verb a`neītsâgeīta means literally
"to play," and is generally understood to refer to the ball play,
aīneītsâ, so that to a Cherokee the expression conveys the idea of
catching up the disease and driving it onward as a player seizes
the ball and sends it spinning through the air from between his ball
sticks. Nigaīg[)i] is a solemn expression about equivalent to the Latin
consummatum est.
The doctor beats up some bark from the trunk of the wild cherry and
puts it into water together with seven coals of fire, the latter
being intended to warm the decoction. The leaves of Tsâl-agayûī[n]li
(Indian tobacco--Nicotiana rustica) are sometimes used in place of the
wild cherry bark. The patient is placed facing the sunrise, and the
doctor, taking the medicine in his mouth, blows it over the body of
the sick man. First, standing between the patient and the sunrise and
holding the medicine cup in his hand, he sings the first verse in a
low tone. Then, taking some of the liquid in his mouth, he advances
and blows it successively upon the top of the head, the right
shoulder, left shoulder, and breast or back of the patient, making
four blowings in all. He repeats the same ceremony with the second,
third, and fourth verse, returning each time to his original position.
The ceremony takes place in the morning, and if necessary is repeated
in the evening. It is sometimes necessary also to repeat the treatment
for several--generally four--consecutive days.
The recitation is not used excepting in the most serious cases, when,
according to the formula, "a very small portion" of the disease
still lingers. It is accompanied by blowing _of the breath alone_,
without medicine, probably in this case typical of the action of the
whirlwind. After repeating the whole ceremony accompanying the song,
as above described, the doctor returns to his position in front of
the patient and recites in a whisper the first paragraph to the Little
Whirlwind, after which he advances and blows his breath upon the
patient four times as he has already blown the medicine upon him. Then
going around to the north he recites the second paragraph to the Great
Whirlwind, and at its conclusion blows in the same manner. Then moving
around to the west--behind the patient--he again prays to the Little
Whirlwind with the same ceremonies, and finally moving around to the
south side he closes with the prayer to the Great Whirlwind, blowing
four times at its conclusion. The medicine must be prepared anew by
the doctor at the house of the patient at each application morning
or evening. Only as much as will be needed is made at a time, and the
patient always drinks what remains after the blowing. Connected with
the preparation and care of the medicine are a number of ceremonies
which need not be detailed here. The wild cherry bark must always be
procured fresh; but the Tsâl-agayûī[n]l[)i] ("Old Tobacco") leaves
may be dry. When the latter plant is used four leaves are taken and
steeped in warm water with the fire coals, as above described.
HI[)A]ī TSUNSDIīGA DIL`TADIīNATANTIīY[)I]. I.
Sg[)e]! H[)i]sgaīya Ts`sdiīga ha-nâīgwa daītûlehû[n]gûī
k[)i]lû-gwûī. Iyûī[n]ta agayûī[n]linas[)i]ī tayaī[)i]. Eskaīniy[)u]
unay[)e]īhist[)i]ī nû[n]ta-yuītanat[)i]ī. Sg[)e]ī! tinûīl[)i]tg[)i]ī!
Tlekiīyu tsûtsestâīg[)i] hw[)i]nag[)i]ī. Yû!
Sg[)e]! Higeīcya ts`sdiīga ha-nâīgwa daītûlehû[n]gûī
k[)i]lû-gwûī. Iyû[n]īta tsûtuītunas[)i]ī t[)a]yaī[)i]. Eskaīniy[)u]
unay[)e]īhist[)i] nû[n]tayuītanat[)i]ī. Sg[)e]! tinûīl[)i]tg[)i]ī!
Tlekiīyu tsûtsestâī hw[)i]nag[)i]ī. Yû!
_Translation._
THIS IS TO MAKE CHILDREN JUMP DOWN.
Listen! You little man, get up now at once. There comes an old woman.
The horrible [old thing] is coming, only a little way off. Listen!
Quick! Get your bed and let us run away. Yû!
Listen! You little woman, get up now at once. There comes your
grandfather. The horrible old fellow is coming only a little way off.
Listen! Quick! Get your bed and let us run away. Yû!
_Explanation._
In this formula for childbirth the idea is to frighten the child and
coax it to come, by telling it, if a boy, that an ugly old woman is
coming, or if a girl, that her grandfather is coming only a short
distance away. The reason of this lies in the fact that an old woman
is the terror of all the little boys of the neighborhood, constantly
teasing and frightening them by declaring that she means to live
until they grow up and then compel one of them to marry her, old and
shriveled as she is. For the same reason the maternal grandfather, who
is always a privileged character in the family, is especially dreaded
by the little girls, and nothing will send a group of children
running into the house more quickly than the announcement that an old
"granny," of either sex is in sight.
As the sex is an uncertain quantity, the possible boy is always first
addressed in the formulas, and if no result seems to follow, the
doctor then concludes that the child is a girl and addresses her in
similar tones. In some cases an additional formula with the beads
is used to determine whether the child will be born alive or dead.
In most instances the formulas were formerly repeated with the
appropriate ceremonies by some old female relative of the mother,
but they are now the property of the ordinary doctors, men as well as
women.
This formula was obtained from the manuscript book of A`yûī[n]in[)i],
who stated that the medicine used was a warm decoction of a plant
called Dalâīnige Unasteīts[)i] ("yellow root"--not identified), which
was blown successively upon the top of the mother's head, upon the
breast, and upon the palm of each hand. The doctor stands beside the
woman, who is propped up in a sitting position, while repeating the
first paragraph and then blows. If this produces no result he then
recites the paragraph addressed to the girl and again blows. A part of
the liquid is also given to the woman to drink. A`yûī[n]in[)i] claimed
this was always effectual.
(HI[)A]ī TSUNSDIīGA DIL`TADIīNATANTIīYI. II.)
Hitsutsa, hitsuītsa, tlekiīyu, tlekiīyu, [)e]īhinugâī[)i],
[)e]īhinugâī[)i]! Hiītsuītsa, tlekiīyu, gûltsûīt[)i],
gûltsûīt[)i], tinagâīna, tinagâīna!
Hig[)e]`yuītsa, hig[)e]`yuītsa, tlekiīyu, tlekiīyu, [)e]īhinugâī[)i],
[)e]īhinugâī[)i]! Hig[)e]`yuītsa, tlekiīyu, gû[n]guīst[)i],
gû[n]guīst[)i], tinagâīna, tinagâīna!
_Translation._
THIS IS TO MAKE CHILDREN JUMP DOWN.
Little boy, little boy, hurry, hurry, come out, come out! Little boy,
hurry; a bow, a bow; let's see who'll get it, let's see who'll get it!
Little girl, little girl, hurry, hurry, come out, come out. Little
girl, hurry; a sifter, a sifter; let's see who'll get it, let's see
who'll get it!
_Explanation._
This formula was obtained from Takwatiīh[)i], as given to him by
a specialist in this line. Takwatihi himself knew nothing of the
treatment involved, but a decoction is probably blown upon the patient
as described in the preceding formula. In many cases the medicine used
is simply cold water, the idea being to cause a sudden muscular action
by the chilling contact. In this formula the possible boy or girl is
coaxed out by the promise of a bow or a meal-sifter to the one who can
get it first. Among the Cherokees it is common, in asking about the
sex of a new arrival, to inquire, "Is it a bow or a sifter?" or "Is it
ball sticks or bread?"
DALÂīNI Û[n]N[)A]GEī[)I] ADANÛī[n]WÂT[)I].
Yuhaīahiī, (yuhaīahiī, yuhaīahiī, yuhaīahiī,)
Yuhaīahiī, (yuhaīahiī, yuhaīahiī), Yû!
Sg[)e]! Û[n]tal-eīgwâh[)i]ī didultâīh[)i]st[)i] ulsgeīta. Us[)i]nuīl[)i]
dâtituīleneī[)i]. Us[)i]nuīl[)i] dunuīy`taniīle[)i]ī.
Sg[)e]! Ha-nâīgwa statûī[n]ganiīga, nû[n]dâīy[)i]
distul`tâīhist[)i], Stisgaīya D[)i]st`sdiīga, stidaīwehi-gâgû.
Û[n]tal-eīgwa dâtituleneī([)i]) ulsgeīta. Us[)i]nuīl[)i]
det[)i]stûīl`taniīga ulsgeīta. Dituītalenûī[n]itsa nû[n]naīh[)i]
[w]iīdeītutanûī[n]tas[)i]ī, nû[n]taduīktahûī[n]st[)i]
nigeīsû[n]na. Nûī`g[)i] iyayûī[n]lat[)a]g[)i]ī ayâweīsâlûī[n]ta
deīdudûneliīsest[)i]ī, Gûī[n]tsatâtagiīyû
tistadiīgûlahiīsest[)i]. Tidudaīle`nûī([)i]) ûī[n]taleīgwâ
[w][i]t[)i]īstûl`tatiīnû[n]taniīga. Naī`n[)a]
witûl`tâīh[)i]staniīga, taduīktahûī[n]st[)i] nigeīsû[n]na.
Ha-naī`n[)a] [w][i]dīultâhisteīst[)i]. (Yû!)
(Degasisisgûī[n][)i])--Hi[)a]ī anineīts[)i] gaī`tisk[)i]
adanûī[n]wât[)i]. [)U]ī[n]tla atsiīla t[)i]ī`t[)i] y[)i]īg[)i].
_Translation._
TO TREAT THE BLACK YELLOWNESS.
Yuhaīahiī, yuhaīahiī, yuhaīahiī, yuhaīahiī,
Yuhaīahiī, yuhaīahiī, yuhaīahiī Yû!
Listen! In the great lake the intruder reposes. Quickly he has risen
up there. Swiftly he has come and stealthily put himself (under the
sick man).
Listen! Ha! Now you two have drawn near to hearken, there in the Sun
Land you repose, O Little Men, O great anidaīwehi! The intruder has
risen up there in the great lake. Quickly you two have lifted up the
intruder. His paths have laid themselves down toward the direction
whence he came. Let him never look back (toward us). When he stops
to rest at the four gaps you will drive him roughly along. Now he has
plunged into the great lake from which he came. There he is compelled
to remain, never to look back. Ha! there let him rest. (Yû!)
(Directions.)--This is to treat them when their breast swells. Fire
(coals) is not put down.
_Explanation._
This formula, from A`yû[n]in[)i]'s manuscript, is used in treating
a disease known as Dalâni, literally, "yellow." From the vague
description of symptoms given by the doctors, it appears to be an
aggravated form of biliousness, probably induced by late suppers and
bad food. According to the Indian theory it is caused by revengeful
animals, especially by the terrapin and its cousin, the turtle.
The doctors recognize several forms of the disease, this variety
being distinguished as the "black dalâni" (Dalâni Û[n]nageī[)i]) and
considered the most dangerous. In this form of dalân[)i], according to
their account, the navel and abdomen of the patient swell, the ends of
his fingers become black, dark circles appear about his eyes, and the
throat contracts spasmodically and causes him to fall down suddenly
insensible. A`yû[n]in[)i]'s method of treatment is to rub the breast
and abdomen of the patient with the hands, which have been previously
rubbed together in the warm infusion of wild cherry (taīya) bark. The
song is sung while rubbing the hands together in the liquid, and the
prayer is repeated while rubbing the swollen abdomen of the patient.
The operation may be repeated several times on successive days.
The song at the beginning has no meaning and is sung in a low
plaintive lullaby tone, ending with a sharp _Yu!_ The prayer possesses
a special interest, as it brings out several new points in the
Cherokee mythologic theory of medicine. The "intruder," which is held
to be some amphibious animal--as a terrapin, turtle, or snake--is
declared to have risen up from his dwelling place in the great lake,
situated toward the sunset, and to have come by stealth under the
sick man. The verb implies that the disease spirit _creeps under_ as a
snake might crawl under the coverlet of a bed.
The two Little Men in the Sun Land are now invoked to drive out the
disease. Who these Little Men are is not clear, although they are
regarded as most powerful spirits and are frequently invoked in the
formulas. They are probably the two Thunder Boys, sons of Kanati.
The Little Men come instantly when summoned by the shaman, pull out
the intruder from the body of the patient, turn his face toward the
sunset, and begin to drive him on by threats and blows (expressed in
the word gûī[n]tsatatagiīyû) to the great lake from which he came.
On the road there are four gaps in the mountains, at each of which
the disease spirit halts to rest, but is continually forced onward by
his two pursuers, who finally drive him into the lake, where he is
compelled to remain, without being permitted even to look back again.
The four gaps are mentioned also in other formulas for medicine and
the ball play and sometimes correspond with the four stages of the
treatment. The direction "No fire (coals) is put down" indicates that
no live coals are put into the decoction, the doctor probably using
water warmed in the ordinary manner.
Takwatiīh[)i] uses for this disease a decoction of four herbs applied
in the same manner. He agrees with A`yû[n]in[)i] in regard to the
general theory and says also that the disease may be contracted by
neglecting to wash the hands after handling terrapin shells, as, for
instance, the shell rattles used by women in the dance. The turtle or
water tortoise (seliguīg[)i]) is considered as an inferior being, with
but little capacity for mischief, and is feared chiefly on account of
its relationship to the dreaded terrapin or land tortoise (tûks[)i]ī).
In Takwatih[)i]'s formula he prays to the Ancient White (the fire), of
which these cold-blooded animals are supposed to be afraid, to put the
fish into the water, the turtle into the mud, and to send the terrapin
and snake to the hillside.
TSUNDAYEīLIGAKTANÛīH[)I] ADANÛī[n]WÂT[)I].
Sg[)e]! Hanâīgwa hatûī[n]ganiga, galûī[n]lat[)i] hetsadâīhist[)i],
Kâīlanû Ûī[n]nage, gahuīst[)i] tsanuīlahûī[n]sg[)i]
nigeīsû[n]na. Ha-nâīgwa (hetsatsaīû[n]taniīga.
Hanigûī[n]watû[n]nigw[)a]lâeīstigwû tsalâsûī[n][)i].
Asgin-uīdanû higesīe[)i]. Sanigalaīg[)i] gesûī[n][)i]
hastigûī`laniīga, duwâluīwaītûīt[)i] nigeīsû[n]na,
nitûīneliīga. Ha-Usûhiīy[)i] wititâīh[)i]staniīga.
Daduīsatahûī[n]st[)i] nigeīsû[n]na nitûīneliīga. Uts[)i]n[)a]īwa
nuītatanûī[n]ta.
Sg[)e]! Ha-nâīgwa hatûī[n]ganiīga, Kâīlanû G[)i]gageī[)i],
hidaw[)e]hiīyu. Ha-gahuīst[)i] tsanuīlahûī[n]sg[)i] nigeīsû[n]na,
etsanetseīlûh[)i], Ha-galû[n]latiītsa hetsatâīhist[)i]. Nâīgwa
hetsatsâīû[n]taniīga. Nigûī[n]watûī[n]nigwalâeīsti-gwû
tsalâsûī[n][)i]. Asgin-udanûīhi-gwû higeseī[)i]. Ha-Sanigalâg[)i]
gesûī[n] hâstigûī`laniīga ulsgeīta, ha-uts[)i]n[)a]īwa-gwûī
nigûī[n]tisgeīst[)i]. Usûhiīy[)i] w[)i]ntûn[)e]īdû. Usûhiīy[)i]
w[)i]titâīh[)i]staniīga. Uts[)i]n[)a]īwa adû[n]niīga.
Sg[)e]! Ha-nâīgwa hatûī[n]ganiīga, Kâīlanû Saīkaīni;
galûīlat[)i] hetsadâīhist[)i], hidaīw[)e]h[)i]. Gahuīst[)i]
tsanuīlahûī[n]sg[)i] nigeīsû[n]na, etsanetseīlûh[)i]. Ha-nâīgwa
hetsatsâīû[n]taniīga. Nigûī[n]watûī[n]nigwalâeīsti-gwû
tsalâsûī[n][)i]. Sanigalâīg[)i] gesuī[n] hastigûī`laniīga
ulsgeīta. Duwâluīwatûīt[)i] nigeīsû[n]na, nitûīneliīga.
Usûhiīy[)i] w[)i]titâīh[)i]staniīga, daduīsatahûī[n]st[)i]
nigeīsû[n]na nitûīneliīga. Uts[)i]n[)a]īwa adû[n]niīga.
Sg[)e]! Ha-nâīgwa hatûī[n]ganiīga, Waīh[)i]l[)i] galû[n]ltiītsa
hetsadâīhist[)i], Kâīlanû Tsûneīga, hidaīw[)e]h[)i]. Gahuīst[)i]
tsanuīl`t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Hanâīgwa hetsatsâīû[n]taniīga.
Nigûī[n]watûī[n]nigwalâeīsti-gwû tsalâsûī[n][)i]. Ha-nâīgwa
detal`taniīga. Sanigalâīg[)i] gesûī[n] hastigīû`laniīga
ulsgeīta, duwâluīwatûī`t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na nitûīneliīga.
Usûhiīy[)i] w[)i]titâīh[)i]staniīga. Daduīsatahûī[n]st[)i]
nigeīsû[n]na nitûīneliīga. Uts[)i]n[)a]īwa adû[n]niīga.
(Degaīsisisgûī[n][)i])--Hi[)a]īagi`liīya unitlû[n]gûī[n][)i]
adanûīwât[)i]. Askwanuītsast[)i]ī. Tsâīl(a)
Agayûī[n]l[)i]unitsiīlû[n]nûīh[)i]gûī[n]tat[)i],
anûī[n]sga`lâī-gwû; Kanasâīla-`nû unaliīgâhû,
adeīlaī-`nû nûī`gi-gwû aniīgageī[)i] dahâī[)i],
Tsâliyuīst[)i]-`nû Usdiīga. Gahuīsti-ī`nu yutaīsuyûī[n]na
sâwatuīhi-gwû at[)i]ī dawâīhila-gwû iyûī[n]ta.
_Translation._
TO TREAT FOR ORDEAL DISEASES.
Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken and are resting
directly overhead. O Black Raven, you never fail in anything. Ha! Now
you are brought down. Ha! There shall be left no more than a trace
upon the ground where you have been. It is an evolute ghost. You have
now put it into a crevice in Sanigalagi, that it may never find the
way back. You have put it to rest in the Darkening Land, so that it
may never return. Let relief come.
Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken, O Red Raven, most
powerful adaīwehi. Ha! You never fail in anything, for so it was
ordained of you. Ha! You are resting directly overhead. Ha! Now you
are brought down. There shall remain but a trace upon the ground where
you have been. It is an evolute ghost. Ha! You have put the Intruder
into a crevice of Sanigalagi and now the relief shall come. It (the
Intruder) is sent to the Darkening Land. You have put it to rest in
the Darkening Land. Let the relief come.
Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken, O Blue Raven; you are
resting directly overhead, adaīwehi. You never fail in anything, for
so it was ordained of you. Ha! Now you are brought down. There shall
be left but a trace upon the ground where you have been. You have put
the Intruder into a crevice in Sanigalagi, that it may never find the
way back. You have put it to rest in the Darkening Land, so that it
may never return. Let the relief come.
Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken; you repose on high on
Waīh[)i]l[)i], O White Raven, adaīwehi. You never fail in anything. Ha!
Now you are brought down. There shall be left but a trace upon the
ground where you have been. Ha! Now you have taken it up. You have put
the Intruder into a crevice in Sanigalagi, that it may never find
the way back. You have put it to rest in the Darkening Land, never to
return. Let the relief come.
(Directions)--This is to treat them for a painful sickness. One must
suck. Use Tsâīlagayû[n]ī-li ("Old Tobacco"--Nicotiana rustica),
blossoms, and just have them in the mouth, and Kanasâīla (Wild
Parsnip), goes with it, and four red beads also must lie there,
and Tsâliyuīsti Usdiīga ("Little (plant) Like Tobacco"--Indian
Tobacco--Lobelia inflata.) And if there should be anything mixed with
it (i.e., after sucking the place), just put it about a hand's-length
into the mud.
_Explanation._
The Cherokee name for this disease gives no idea whatever of its
serious nature. The technical term, Tsundayeīligaīktanûīh[)i],
really refers to the enthusiastic outburst of sociability that ensues
when two old friends meet. In this instance it might be rendered
"an ordeal." The application of such a name to what is considered a
serious illness is in accordance with the regular formulistic practice
of making light of a dangerous malady in order to convey to the
disease spirit the impression that the shaman is not afraid of him.
A`yû[n]in[)i], from whom the formula was obtained, states also that the
disease is sometimes sent to a man by a friend or even by his parents,
in order to test his endurance and knowledge of counter spells.
As with most diseases, the name simply indicates the shaman's theory
of the occult cause of the trouble, and is no clue to the symptoms,
which may be those usually attendant upon fevers, indigestion, or
almost any other ailment.
In some cases the disease is caused by the conjurations of an enemy,
through which the patient becomes subject to an inordinate appetite,
causing him to eat until his abdomen is unnaturally distended. By the
same magic spells tobacco may be conveyed into the man's body, causing
him to be affected by faintness and languor. The enemy, if bitterly
revengeful, may even put into the body of his victim a worm or insect
(tsgâya), or a sharpened stick of black locust or "fat" pine, which
will result in death if not removed by a good doctor. Sometimes a weed
stalk is in some occult manner conveyed into the patient's stomach,
where it is transformed into a worm. As this disease is very common,
owing to constant quarrels and rival jealousies, there are a number of
specialists who devote their attention to it.
The prayer is addressed to the Black, Red, Blue, and White Ravens,
their location at the four cardinal points not being specified,
excepting in the case of the white raven of Waīhil[)i], which, as
already stated, is said to be a mountain in the south, and hence
is used figuratively to mean the south. The ravens are each in turn
declared to have put the disease into a crevice in Sanigalaīgi--the
Cherokee name of Whiteside Mountain, at the head of Tuckasegee River,
in North Carolina, and used figuratively for any high precipitous
mountain--and to have left no more than a trace upon the ground where
it has been. The adjective translated "evolute" (udanûh[)i]) is of
frequent occurrence in the formulas, but has no exact equivalent in
English. It signifies springing into being or life from an embryonic
condition. In this instance it would imply that whatever object the
enemy has put into the body of the sick man has there developed into a
ghost to trouble him.
The directions are expressed in a rather vague manner, as is the
case with most of A`yû[n]ini's attempts at original composition. The
disease is here called by another name, agi`liīya unitlû[n]gûī[n][)i],
signifying "when they are painfully sick." The treatment consists in
sucking the part most affected, the doctor having in his mouth during
the operation the blossoms of Tsâīl-agayûī[n]l[)i] (Nicotiana rustica),
Kanasâīla (wild parsnip,) and Tsâliyusti Usdiga (Lobelia inflata.) The
first and last of these names signify "tobacco" and "tobacco-like,"
while the other seems to contain the same word, tsâīla, and the
original idea may have been to counteract the witchcraft by the use of
the various species of "tobacco," the herb commonly used to drive away
a witch or wizard. During the sucking process four red beads lie near
upon a piece of (white) cloth, which afterward becomes the perquisite
of the doctor. Though not explicitly stated, it is probable that the
doctor holds in his mouth a decoction of the blossoms named, rather
than the blossoms themselves. On withdrawing his mouth from the spot
and ejecting the liquid into a bowl, it is expected that there will be
found "mixed" with it a small stick, a pebble, an insect, or something
of the kind, and this the shaman then holds up to view as the
cause of the disease. It is afterward buried a "hand's length"
(awâīhilû)[12] deep in the mud. No directions were given as to diet
or tabu.
[Footnote 12: This word, like the expression "seven days,"
frequently has a figurative meaning. Thus the sun is said to be
seven awâīhilû above the earth.]
HUNTING.
GÛNÂīHILÛī[n]TA UGÛī[n]WA`L[)I].
Unaīlel[)u]ī eskiskaīl`tas[)i]ī. Iskwaīlel[)u] eskiskaīl`tas[)i]ī.
Yû! Ela-Kanaīt[)i] tsûldaīh[)i]stûī[n], tsûwatsiīla astûī[n]
detsatasiīga. Ts'skwâīl[)i] udaīnis[)a]ī`test[)i], ugwalaīga
uduīyahetiīdegeīst[)i]. Sunûsiīya-gwû udanis[)a]ī`test[)i],
ts'suīlti-gwû nigeīsû[n]na.
H[)i]kayûī[n]l[)i] Giīgage-gâgûī, tsineīts[)i] gesûī[n]
aw'stitegeīst[)i]. _Ts[)a]stûī utatiy[)i]_, nâīgwa _ts[)a]s`tû
gasû`his[)a]`t[)i] atisgeīst[)i]_. Ha-nâīgwa nû[n]nâ tsusdiī
tutanaīwa-tegûī _diganaīwatûī[n]ta_ atisgeīst[)i].
Utal[)i]ī udanûīh[)i] ugwalaīga gû[n]watuyīah[)i]tiītegeīst[)i],
h[)i]lahiyûī[n]ta-gwû [w]ustûī`st[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. D'stiskwâīl[)i]
deudûīnis[)a]`teīst[)i]. Yû!
_Translation._
CONCERNING HUNTING.
Give me the wind. Give me the breeze. Yû! O Great Terrestrial Hunter,
I come to the edge of your spittle where you repose. Let your stomach
cover itself; let it be covered with leaves. Let it cover itself at a
single bend, and may you never be satisfied.
And you, O Ancient Red, may you hover above my breast while I sleep.
Now let good (dreams?) develop; let my experiences be propitious.
Ha! Now let my little trails be directed, as they lie down in various
directions(?). Let the leaves be covered with the clotted blood, and
may it never cease to be so. You two (the Water and the Fire) shall
bury it in your stomachs. Yû!
_Explanation._
This is a hunting formula, addressed to the two great gods of the
hunter, Fire and Water. The evening before starting the hunter "goes
to water," as already explained, and recites the appropriate formula.
In the morning he sets out, while still fasting, and travels without
eating or drinking until nightfall. At sunset he again goes to water,
reciting this formula during the ceremony, after which he builds his
camp fire, eats his supper and lies down for the night, first rubbing
his breast with ashes from the fire. In the morning he starts out to
look for game.
"Give me the wind," is a prayer that the wind may be in his favor,
so that the game may not scent him. The word rendered here "Great
Terrestrial Hunter," is in the original "Ela-Kanaīt[)i]." In this
_eīla_ is the earth and _kanaīt[)i]_ is a term applied to a successful
hunter. The great Kanat[)i], who, according to the myth, formerly kept
all the game shut up in his underground caverns, now dwells above
the sky, and is frequently invoked by hunters. The raven also is
often addressed as Kanat[)i] in these hunting formulas. Ela-Kanaīt[)i],
the Great Terrestrial Hunter--as distinguished from the other
two--signifies the river, the name referring to the way in which the
tiny streams and rivulets search out and bring down to the great
river the leaves and débris of the mountain forests. In formulas for
medicine, love, the ball play, etc., the river is always addressed
as the Long Person (Yûī[n]w[)i] Gûnahiīta). The "spittle" referred to
is the foam at the edge of the water. "Let your stomach be covered
with leaves" means, let the blood-stained leaves where the stricken
game shall fall be so numerous as to cover the surface of the water.
The hunter prays also that sufficient game may be found in a single
bend of the river to accomplish this result without the necessity of
searching through the whole forest, and to that end he further prays
that the river may never be satisfied, but continually longing for
more. The same idea is repeated in the second paragraph. The hunter
is supposed to feed the river with blood washed from the game. In like
manner he feeds the fire, addressed in the second paragraph as the
"Ancient Red," with a piece of meat cut from the tongue of the deer.
The prayer that the fire may hover above his breast while he sleeps
and brings him favorable dreams, refers to his rubbing his breast with
ashes from his camp fire before lying down to sleep, in order that the
fire may bring him dream omens of success for the morrow. The Fire is
addressed either as the Ancient White or the Ancient Red, the allusion
in the first case being to the light or the ashes of the fire; in the
other case, to the color of the burning coals. "You two shall bury it
in your stomachs" refers to the blood-stained leaves and the piece
of meat which are cast respectively into the river and the fire. The
formula was obtained from A`yû[n]in[)i], who explained it in detail.
HI[)A]ī TSIīSKWA GANÂHILIDASTI Y[)I].
Ts[)i]g[)e]ī! H[)i]kayûī[n]l-Uneīga, tsûltâīhistûī[n]
gûlitâīh[)i]staniīga. Nâīgwa tsûdaīntâ taleh[)i]īsaniīga.
Sâīgwa igûnsiīya ts'skwâl[)i]ī udûīnisateīst[)i], ts'suīlt[)i]
nigeīsû[n]na. Waneī([)i]) tigiīgage([)i]) taliīkan[)e]liīga.
[U]ī[n]tal[)i] udanûīh[)i] ts[)a]gistaī`t[)i].
H[)i]kayûī[n]l-Uneīga, _anuīya uwâtatâīg[)i] agiīst[)i]
t[)a]tsiskâīltaneīlûh[)i]_. [U]ī[n]tal[)i] uīdanûī
_teītûlskewīsiīga_.
H[)i]kayûī[n]l-Uneīga, nû[n]naī(h[)i]) kanaīt[)i]
skwatetâīstaniīga. Unigwalûī[n]g[)i] teīgatû[n]tsiīga.
Nû[n]âī(h[)i]) kanaīt[)i] tatiīkiyûī[n]gwitaīwatiseīst[)i].
Unigwalûī[n]g[)i] tigûī[n]watûītsanûīh[)i].
H[)i]kayûī[n]l-Uneīga, Kanaīt[)i], skīsalatâītitegeīst[)i],
sa`kaīni ginuīt't[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Sg[)e]!
_Translation._
THIS IS FOR HUNTING BIRDS.
Listen! O Ancient White, where you dwell in peace I have come to rest.
Now let your spirit arise. Let it (the game brought down) be buried
in your stomach, and may your appetite never be satisfied. The red
hickories have tied themselves together. The clotted blood is your
recompense.
O Ancient White, * * * Accept the clotted blood (?)
O Ancient White, put me in the successful hunting trail. Hang the
mangled things upon me. Let me come along the successful trail with
them doubled up (under my belt). It (the road) is clothed with the
mangled things.
O Ancient White, O Kanati, support me continually, that I may never
become blue. Listen!
_Explanation._
This formula, from A`yû[n]in[)i]'s manuscript, is recited by the
bird-hunter in the morning while standing over the fire at his hunting
camp before starting out for the day's hunt. A`yû[n]in[)i] stated that
seven blowgun arrows are first prepared, including a small one only a
"hand-length" (awâīhilû) long. On rising in the morning the hunter,
standing over the fire, addresses it as the "Ancient White." rubbing
his hands together while repeating the prayer. He then sets out for
the hunting ground, where he expects to spend the day, and on reaching
it he shoots away the short arrow at random, without attempting to
trace its flight. There is of course some significance attached
to this action and perhaps an accompanying prayer, but no further
information upon this point was obtainable. Having shot away the magic
arrow, the hunter utters a peculiar hissing sound, intended to call
up the birds, and then goes to work with his remaining arrows. On all
hunting expeditions it is the regular practice, religiously enforced,
to abstain from food until sunset.
A favorite method with the bird-hunter during the summer season is
to climb a gum tree, which is much frequented by the smaller birds on
account of its berries, where, taking up a convenient position amid
the branches with his noiseless blowgun and arrows, he deliberately
shoots down one bird after another until his shafts are exhausted,
when he climbs down, draws out the arrows from the bodies of the birds
killed, and climbs up again to repeat the operation. As the light
darts used make no sound, the birds seldom take the alarm, and are too
busily engaged with the berries to notice their comrades dropping to
the ground from time to time, and pay but slight attention even to the
movements of the hunter.
The prayer is addressed to the Ancient White (the Fire), the spirit
most frequently invoked by the hunter, who, as before stated, rubs
his hands together over the fire while repeating the words. The
expressions used are obscure when taken alone, but are full of meaning
when explained in the light of the hunting customs. The "clotted
blood" refers to the bloodstained leaves upon which the fallen game
has lain. The expression occurs constantly in the hunting formulas.
The hunter gathers up these bloody leaves and casts them upon the
fire, in order to draw omens for the morrow from the manner in which
they burn. A part of the tongue, or some other portion of the animal,
is usually cast upon the coals also for the same purpose. This
subject will be treated at length in a future account of the hunting
ceremonies.
"Let it be buried in your stomach" refers also to the offering made
the fire. By the red hickories are meant the strings of hickory
bark which the bird hunter twists about his waist for a belt. The
dead birds are carried by inserting their heads under this belt.
Red is, of course, symbolic of his success. "The mangled things"
(unigwalûī[n]g[)i]) are the wounded birds. Kanaīt[)i] is here used
to designate the fire, on account of its connection with the hunting
ceremonies.
INAG[)E]īH[)I] AYÂSTI[n]Y[)I].
Us[)i]nuliīyu Selagwûīts[)i] Gigageī[)i] getsûī[n]neliga
tsûdandâgiīh[)i] aye`liīyu, us[)i]nuliīyu. Yû!
_Translation._
TO SHOOT DWELLERS IN THE WILDERNESS.
Instantly the Red Selagwûīts[)i] strike you in the very center of your
soul--instantly. Yû!
_Explanation._
This short formula, obtained from Â`waniīta, is recited by the
hunter while taking aim. The bowstring is let go--or, rather, the
trigger is pulled--at the final _Yû!_ He was unable to explain the
meaning of the word selagwûīts[)i] further than that it referred to
the bullet. Later investigation, however, revealed the fact that
this is the Cherokee name of a reed of the genus Erianthus, and the
inference follows that the stalk of the plant was formerly used for
arrow shafts. Red implies that the arrow is always successful in
reaching the mark aimed at, and in this instance may refer also to its
being bloody when withdrawn from the body of the animal. Inag[)e]īh[)i],
"dwellers in the wilderness," is the generic term for game, including
birds, but A`waniīta has another formula intended especially for
deer.
(YÂīNA T[)I]īKANÂGIīTA.)
He+! Hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī, hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī, hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī,
hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī.
Tsistuyiī nehanduīyanû, Tsistuyiī nehanduīyanû--Yohoī+!
He+! Hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī, hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī, hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī,
hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī.
Kuwâhiī nehanduīyanûī, Kuwâhiī nehanduīyanû--Yohoī+!
He+! Hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī, hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī, hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī,
hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī.
Uyâ`yeī nehanduīyanûī, Uyaīyeī nehahduīyanûī--Yohoī+!
He+! Hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī, hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī, hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī,
hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī.
Gâtekwâī(h[)i]) nehanduīyanûī, Gâtekwâī(h[)i])
nehanduīyanûī--Yohoī+!
Ûl[)e]-`nûī as[)e]h[)i]ī tadeyaīstatakûh[)i]ī gûī[n]nage
astûīts[)i]k[)i]ī.
_Translation._
BEAR SONG.
He! Hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī, hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī, hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī,
hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī.
In Rabbit Place you were conceived (repeat)--Yohoī+!
He! Hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī, hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī, hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī,
hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī.
In Mulberry Place you were conceived (repeat)--Yohoī+!
He! Hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī, hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī, hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī,
hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī.
In Uyâī`y[)e] you were conceived (repeat)--Yohoī+!
He! Hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī, hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī, hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī,
hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī.
In the Great Swamp (?) you were conceived (repeat)--Yohoī+!
And now surely we and the good black things, the best of all,
shall see each other.
_Explanation._
This song, obtained from A`yûī[n]in[)i] in connection with the story
of the Origin of the Bear, as already mentioned, is sung by the bear
hunter, in order to attract the bears, while on his way from the camp
to the place where he expects to hunt during the day. It is one of
those taught the Cherokees by the Ani-Tsâīkah[)i] before they lost
their human shape and were transformed into bears. The melody is
simple and plaintive.
The song consists of four verses followed by a short recitation. Each
verse begins with a loud prolonged _He+!_ and ends with _Yohoī+!_
uttered in the same manner. Hayuyaīhaniw[)a]ī has no meaning.
Tsistuīy[)i], Kuwâīh[)i], Uyâī`y[)e], and Gâteīkwâh[)i] are four
mountains, in each of which the bears have a townhouse and hold a dance
before going into their dens for the winter. The first three named are
high peaks in the Smoky Mountains, on the Tennessee line, in the
neighborhood of Clingman's Dome and Mount Guyot. The fourth is southeast
of Franklin, North Carolina, toward the South Carolina line, and may be
identical with Fodderstack Mountain. In Kuwahi dwells the great bear
chief and doctor, in whose magic bath the wounded bears are restored to
health. They are said to originate or be conceived in the mountains
named, because these are their headquarters. The "good black things"
referred to in the recitation are the bears.
HI[)A]ī ATSÛ`TIīY[)I] TSUNīTANÛ.
Sg[)e]! Nâīgwa hitsatûī[n]ganiīga hitsigaītug[)i]ī.
Titsilaīwisûī[n]h[)i] [u]wâgiī`l[)i] tegeītsûts`gûī`law[)i]st[)i]ī.
Tsuliīstanaīlû ûl[)e]ī waktû[)i], agiīst[)i] uneīka
itsûī[n]yatanilûī[)i]staniīga. Gû[n]watuīhw[)i]tûī nû[n]nâīh[)i]
degûndâltsiīdâheīst[)i]. [u]Wâīhisâīnah[)i] tigiwatsiīla.
Tutsegûī`lawist[)i]ītegeīst[)i]. Û[n]tal[)i]ī degûī[n]watanûh[)i],
uhisaī`t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Tsuwatsiīla dadâl`tsiīga. A`yû
A`yûī[n]in[)i] tigwadâīita. Yû!
_Translation._
THIS IS FOR CATCHING LARGE FISH.
Listen! Now you settlements have drawn near to hearken. Where you have
gathered in the foam you are moving about as one. You Blue Cat and the
others, I have come to offer you freely the white food. Let the paths
from every direction recognize each other. Our spittle shall be in
agreement. Let them (your and my spittle) be together as we go about.
They (the fish) have become a prey and there shall be no loneliness.
Your spittle has become agreeable. I am called Swimmer. Yû!
_Explanation._
This formula, from A`yû[n]in[)i]īs' book, is for the purpose of
catching large fish. According to his instructions, the fisherman
must first chew a small piece of Yugwilûī (Venus' Flytrap--Dionæa
muscipula) and spit it upon the bait and also upon the hook. Then,
standing facing the stream, he recites the formula and puts the bait
upon the hook. He will be able to pull out a fish at once, or if the
fish are not about at the moment they will come in a very short time.
The Yugwilûī is put upon the bait from the idea that it will enable
the hook to attract and hold the fish as the plant itself seizes and
holds insects in its cup. The root is much prized by the Cherokees
for this purpose, and those in the West, where the plant is not found,
frequently send requests for it to their friends in Carolina.
The prayer is addressed directly to the fish, who are represented
as living in settlements. The same expression as has already been
mentioned is sometimes used by the doctors in speaking of the
_tsgâīya_ or worms which are supposed to cause sickness by getting
under the skin of the patient. The Blue Cat (_Amiurus, genus_) is
addressed as the principal fish and the bait is spoken of as the
"white food," an expression used also of the viands prepared at the
feast of the green corn dance, to indicate their wholesome character.
"Let the paths from every direction recognize each other," means let
the fishes, which are supposed to have regular trails through the
water, assemble together at the place where the speaker takes his
station, as friends recognizing each other at a distance approach
to greet each other, [u]Wâhisâīnah[)i] tigiwatsiīla, rendered "our
spittle shall be in agreement," is a peculiar archaic expression that
can not be literally translated. It implies that there shall be such
close sympathy between the fisher and the fish that their spittle
shall be as the spittle of one individual. As before stated, the
spittle is believed to exert an important influence upon the whole
physical and mental being. The expression "your spittle has become
agreeable" is explained by A`yû[n]in[)i] as an assertion or wish that
the fish may prove palatable, while the words rendered "there shall be
no loneliness" imply that there shall be an abundant catch.
LOVE.
(YÛ[n]W[)E]īH[)I] UGÛī[n]WA`L[)I] I.)
Ku! Sg[)e]! _Alahiīy[)i]_ tsûl`dâīhist[)i], Hig[)e]ī`ya tsûl`diīy[)i],
hatûī[n]ganiīga. _Elahiīy[)i]_ iyûī[n]ta ditsûl`daīhist[)i],
Hig[)e]ī`ya Tsûneīga. Tsisaī`t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Tsâduhiīy[)i].
Nâīgwa-sk[)i]nī[)i] us[)i]nuliīyu hû[n]skwaneī`lû[n]gûī tsisgaīya
agineīga. Agisaī`t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Nâīgwa nûī[n]nâ, uneīga
hû[n]skwanû[n]neliīga. Uhisaī`t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Nâīgwa
skwadeītastaniīga. Sa`kaīni uītat[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Nû[n]nâ
uneīga skiksaī`û[n]taneliīga. Elayeī`l[)i] iyûī[n]ta
skwalewist[)a]ī`taniīga Eīlat[)i] gesûī[n] ts[)i]tageīst[)i].
Agisaī`t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Agwâīduhiīyu. Kûltsâīte
uneīga skigaī`taniīga. Uhisaī`t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na,
gû[n]kwatsâtiītegeīst[)i]. Tsi-sa`kaīni agw[)a]ītat[)i]
nigeīsû[n]na. Us[)i]nuliīyu hû[n]skwaneī`lû[n]gûī.
Ha-nâīgwûl[)e] _Elahiīy[)i]_ iyûī[n]t[)a] dûhiyaneī`lû[n]gûī
a`g[)e]ī`ya sa`kaīni. Nâīgwa nû[n]nâīh[)i] sa`kaīni
hû[n]taneī`laneliīga. Uhisaī`t[)i]-gwû uīdanû dudusaīg[)i]
tanelaīs[)i]. Nû[n]nâīh[)i] sa`kaīni tadeītâstaniīga. Nâgwûl[)e]ī
hû[n]hiyatsâīû[n]taniga. Eīlat[)i] gesûī[n] tûīl`taniga.
Deduīlaskûī[n]-gwû igûī[n]wa`law[)i]īst[)i] uhiīsa`tiīy[)i]
widayeīla`niīga. Dedulaskûī[n]-gwû igûī[n]wa`law[)i]īst[)i]
uhiīsa`tiīy[)i] nitûī[n]neliīga.
Ha-sâgwahiīyu itsilastaīlag[)i] + + uw[)a]īsahiīyu,
etsaneī`laneliīga. Agisaī`t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Agwâīduh[)i].
Aīyû agwadantâīg[)i] aye`liīyu d'kaī`laniīl[)i] dudaīntâ,
uktahûī[n]st[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Yûī[n]w[)i] tsuītsatû[n]
widudanteī`t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na, nitûī[n]neliīga. Sâīgwah[)i]
itsilastaīlag[)i], etsaneī`laneliīga kûlkwâīgi-nas[)i]ī
igûlstûī`l[)i] geganeī`lanûī[n].
Anisgaīya anewadiīsû[n] unihisa`tiīy[)i]. Tsuīnadaīneiltiīy[)i].
D[)i]īla-gwû degûī[n]w[)a]natsegûī`lawiīsdidegûī.
Ayâīiseīta-gwû uīdanû. Tsunadaīneiltiīy[)i]. Utseītsti-gwû
degûī[n]w[)a]natsegûī`lawisīdidegûī. Tsunadaīneiltiīy[)i].
Kaīga-gwû degûī[n]w[)a]natsegûī`awisdidegûī.
Tsunadaīneiltiīy[)i]. Daīl`ka-gwû
degûī[n]w[)a]natsegûī`lawisdidegûī.
Kûlkwâīg[)i] igûlstaīlag[)i] unihisa`tiīyu.
Igeīski-gwû nigeīsû[n]na. Ayâīiseīta-gwû
uīdanû degûī[n]w[)a]natsûn`ti-degûī. K'si-gwû
degûī[n]w[)a]natsûn`ti-degûī. Aīyagâgûī tsisgaīya
agineīga û[n]gwaneī`lanûīh[)i] + + Nû[n]dâgûī[n]y[)i]
itiītsa ditsidâīga. Agisaī`t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Agwâduhiīyu.
Tsi-sa`kaīn[)i] agw[)a]ītat[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Kûltsâīte uneīga
û[n]niītagâgûī gûkwatsâīnti-degûī. Agis[)a]ī`t[)i]
nigeīsû[n]na. Aīyû agwadantâīg[)i] aye`liīyu gûlasiīga
tsûdaīntâ, uktahûī[n]st[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Aīyû ts[)i]īg[)i]
tsûdaīnta 0 0. Sg[)e]!
_Translation._
CONCERNING LIVING HUMANITY (LOVE).
Kû! Listen! In Alahiīy[)i] you repose, O Terrible Woman, O you have
drawn near to hearken. There in Elahiy[)i] you are at rest, O White
Woman. No one is ever lonely when with you. You are most beautiful.
Instantly and at once you have rendered me a white man. No one is ever
lonely when with me. Now you have made the path white for me. It shall
never be dreary. Now you have put me into it. It shall never become
blue. You have brought down to me from above the white road. There in
mid-earth (mid-surface) you have placed me. I shall stand erect upon
the earth. No one is ever lonely when with me. I am very handsome. You
have put me into the white house. I shall be in it as it moves about
and no one with me shall ever be lonely. Verily, I shall never become
blue. Instantly you have caused it to be so with me.
And now there in Elahiy[)i] you have rendered the woman blue. Now you
have made the path blue for her. Let her be completely veiled in
loneliness. Put her into the blue road. And now bring her down. Place
her standing upon the earth. Where her feet are now and wherever she
may go, let loneliness leave its mark upon her. Let her be marked out
for loneliness where she stands.
Ha! I belong to the (Wolf) ( + + ) clan, that one alone which was
allotted into for you. No one is ever lonely with me. I am handsome.
Let her put her soul the very center of my soul, never to turn away.
Grant that in the midst of men she shall never think of them. I belong
to the one clan alone which was allotted for you when the seven clans
were established.
Where (other) men live it is lonely. They are very loathsome. The
common polecat has made them so like himself that they are fit
only for his company. They have became mere refuse. They are very
loathsome. The common opossum has made them so like himself that they
are fit only to be with him. They are very loathsome. Even the crow
has made them so like himself that they are fit only for his company.
They are very loathsome. The miserable rain-crow has made them so like
himself that they are fit only to be with him.
The seven clans all alike make one feel very lonely in their company.
They are not even good looking. They go about clothed with mere
refuse. They even go about covered with dung. But I--I was ordained
to be a white man. I stand with my face toward the Sun Land. No one
is ever lonely with me. I am very handsome. I shall certainly never
become blue. I am covered by the everlasting white house wherever I
go. No one is ever lonely with me. Your soul has come into the very
center of my soul, never to turn away. I--(Gatigwanasti,) (0 0)--I
take your soul. Sg[)e]!
_Explanation._
This unique formula is from one of the loose manuscript sheets
of Gatigwanasti, now dead, and belongs to the class known
as Yû[n]w[)e]īh[)i] or love charms (literally, concerning "living
humanity"), including all those referring in any way to the marital
or sexual relation. No explanation accompanies the formula, which must
therefore be interpreted from analogy. It appears to be recited by
the lover himself--not by a hired shaman--perhaps while painting and
adorning himself for the dance. (_See next two formulas._)
The formula contains several obscure expressions which require further
investigation. Elahiy[)i] or Alahiy[)i], for it is written both ways in
the manuscript, does not occur in any other formula met with thus
far, and could not be explained by any of the shamans to whom it was
submitted. The nominative form may be Elah[)i], perhaps from _ela_, "the
earth," and it may be connected with Waīh[)i]l[)i], the formulistic name
for the south. The spirit invoked is the White Woman, white being the
color denoting the south.
Uhisaī`t[)i], rendered here "lonely," is a very expressive word to a
Cherokee and is of constant recurrence in the love formulas. It refers
to that intangible something characteristic of certain persons which
inevitably chills and depresses the spirits of all who may be
so unfortunate as to come within its influence. Agisaī`t[)i]
nigeīsû[n]na, "I never render any one lonely," is an intensified
equivalent for, "I am the best company in the world," and to tell a
girl that a rival lover is uhisaī`t[)i] is to hold out to her the sum
of all dreary prospects should she cast in her lot with him.
The speaker, who evidently has an exalted opinion of himself, invokes
the aid of the White Woman, who is most beautiful and is never
uhisaī`t[)i]. She at once responds by making him a white--that is,
a happy--man, and placing him in the white road of happiness, which
shall never become blue with grief or despondency. She then places him
standing in the middle of the earth, that he may be seen and admired
by the whole world, especially by the female portion. She finally puts
him into the white house, where happiness abides forever. The verb
implies that the house shelters him like a cloak and goes about with
him wherever he may go.
There is something comical in the extreme self-complacency with which
he asserts that he is very handsome and will never become blue and no
one with him is ever lonely. As before stated, white signifies peace
and happiness, while blue is the emblem of sorrow and disappointment.
Having thus rendered himself attractive to womankind, he turns his
attention to the girl whom he particularly desires to win. He begins
by filling her soul with a sense of desolation and loneliness. In the
beautiful language of the formula, her path becomes blue and she is
veiled in loneliness. He then asserts, and reiterates, that he is of
the one only clan which was allotted for her when the seven clans were
established.
He next pays his respects to his rivals and advances some very
forcible arguments to show that she could never be happy with any of
them. He says that they are all "lonesome" and utterly loathsome--the
word implies that they are mutually loathsome--and that they are
the veriest trash and refuse. He compares them to so many polecats,
opossums, and crows, and finally likens them to the rain-crow (cuckoo;
_Coccygus_), which is regarded with disfavor on account of its
disagreeable note. He grows more bitter in his denunciations as he
proceeds and finally disposes of the matter by saying that all the
seven clans alike are uhisaī`t[)i] and are covered with filth. Then
follows another glowing panegyric of himself, closing with the
beautiful expression, "your soul has come into the very center of
mine, never to turn away," which reminds one forcibly of the sentiment
in the German love song, "Du liegst mir im Herzen." The final
expression, "I take your soul," implies that the formula has now
accomplished its purpose in fixing her thoughts upon himself.
When successful, a ceremony of this kind has the effect of rendering
the victim so "blue" or lovesick that her life is in danger until
another formula is repeated to make her soul "white" or happy again.
Where the name of the individual or clan is mentioned in these
formulas the blank is indicated in the manuscript by crosses + + or
ciphers 0 0 or by the word iyuīst[)i], "like."
H[)I]ī[)A] [)A]MAīY[)I] [)A]īTAWASTIīY[)I] KANÂīHEHÛ.
Sg[)e]! Ha-nâīgwa us[)i]nuliīyu hatûī[n]ganiīga _Hig[)e]ī`yaguīga_,
tsûwatsiīla giīgage tsiyeīla sk[)i]naīdû`laniīga. 0 0
digwadâīita. Sa`kaīn[)i] tûgwadûneīlûh[)i]. Atsanûī[n]g[)i]
giīgage skwâsûīhisa`taniīga. + + kûlst[)a]īlag[)i] + sa`kaīn[)i]
nuītatanûī[n]ta. Dituīnû[n]nâīg[)i] dagwûīlaskûī[n]-gwû
deganuīy'tasiīga. Galâīnû[n]tseīta-gwû
dagwadûneīlidiseīst[)i]. Sg[)e]!
_Translation._
THIS TELLS ABOUT GOING INTO THE WATER.
Listen! O, now instantly, you have drawn near to hearken, O
Ag[)e]ī`yaguīga. You have come to put your red spittle upon my body.
My name is (Gatigwanasti.) The blue had affected me. You have come and
clothed me with a red dress. She is of the (Deer) clan. She has become
blue. You have directed her paths straight to where I have my feet,
and I shall feel exultant. Listen!
_Explanation._
This formula, from Gatigwanasti's book, is also of the Yû[n]w[)e]īh[)i]
class, and is repeated by the lover when about to bathe in the stream
preparatory to painting himself for the dance. The services of a
shaman are not required, neither is any special ceremony observed.
The technical word used in the heading, [)a]ītawastiīy[)i], signifies
plunging or going entirely into a liquid. The expression used for the
ordinary "going to water," where the water is simply dipped up with
the hand, is [)a]mâīy[)i] dita`tiīy[)i], "taking them to water."
The prayer is addressed to Ag[)e]ī`yaguga, a formulistic name for the
moon, which is supposed to exert a great influence in love affairs,
because the dances, which give such opportunities for love making,
always take place at night. The shamans can not explain the meaning
of the term, which plainly contains the word ag[)e]ī`ya, "woman," and
may refer to the moon's supposed influence over women. In Cherokee
mythology the moon is a man. The ordinary name is nûī[n]dâ, or more
fully, nûī[n]dâ sû[n]nây[)e]īh[)i], "the sun living in the night,"
while the sun itself is designated as nûī[n]dâ ig[)e]īh[)i], "the sun
living in the day."
By the red spittle of Ag[)e]ī`yaguīga and the red dress with which the
lover is clothed are meant the red paint which he puts upon himself.
This in former days was procured from a deep red clay known as
ela-wâīt[)i], or "reddish brown clay." The word red as used in the
formula is emblematic of success in attaining his object, besides
being the actual color of the paint. Red, in connection with dress
or ornamentation, has always been a favorite color with Indians
throughout America, and there is some evidence that among the
Cherokees it was regarded also as having a mysterious protective
power. In all these formulas the lover renders the woman blue or
disconsolate and uneasy in mind as a preliminary to fixing her
thoughts upon himself. (_See next formula._)
(YÛī[n]W[)E]īH[)I] UGÛī[n]WA`L[)I] II.)
Yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i], yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i],
yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i], yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i].
Galûī[n]lat[)i], datsilaī[)i]--
Yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i], yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i],
yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i], yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i].
Nû[n]dâgûī[n]y[)i] gatlaīah[)i]--
Yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i].
Ge`yaguīga Giīgage, tsûwatsiīla giīgage tsiyeīla
sk[)i]naīdû`laniīga--
Yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i], yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i], yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i].
Hi[)a]-`nûī ataweīladiīy[)i] kanâīh[)e]hû galû[n]ltiītla.
_Translation._
SONG FOR PAINTING.
_Yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i], yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i],
yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i], yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i]._
I am come from above--
_Yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i], yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i],
yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i], yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i]._
I am come down from the Sun Land--
_Yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i]._
O Red Ag[)e]`yaguīga, you have come and put your red spittle upon
my body--
Yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i], yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i], yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i].
And this above is to recite while one is painting himself.
_Explanation._
This formula, from Gatigwanasti, immediately follows the one last
given, in the manuscript book, and evidently comes immediately after
it also in practical use. The expressions used have been already
explained. The one using the formula first bathes in the running
stream, reciting at the same time the previous formula "Amâīy[)i]
[)A]ītawastiīy[)i]." He then repairs to some convenient spot with his
paint, beads, and other paraphernalia and proceeds to adorn himself
for the dance, which usually begins about an hour after dark, but
is not fairly under way until nearly midnight. The refrain,
yûī[n]w[)e]h[)i], is probably _sung_ while mixing the paint, and the
other portion is recited while applying the pigment, or vice versa.
Although these formula are still in use, the painting is now obsolete,
beyond an occasional daubing of the face, without any plan or pattern,
on the occasion of a dance or ball play.
ADALANIīSTA`TIīY[)I]. [)I].
Sg[)e]! Ha-nâīgwa hatûī[n]ganiīga nih[)i]ī--
--Tsaīwatsiīlû ts[)i]k[)i]ī ts[)i]kûī ayûī.
--Hiyelûī ts[)i]k[)i]ī ts[)i]kûī ayûī.
--Ts[)a]wiyûī ts[)i]k[)i]ī ts[)i]kûī ayûī.
--Tsûnahuī ts[)i]k[)i]ī ts[)i]kûī ayûī.
Sg[)e]! Nâīgwa hatûī[n]ganiīga, H[)i]kayûī[n]lige. Hi[)a]ī asgaīya
udaīntâ tsa`taīhisiīga [H[)i]kayûī[n]lige] hiyeīlastû[n].
Tsaskûlâīh[)i]sti-gwûī nigeīsû[n]na. D[)i]kanaīwatûī[n]ta-gwû
tsûtûīneliīga. H[)i]lû dudant[)e]ī`t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na.
Dudaīntâ dûskalû[n]ītseliīga. Ast[)i]ī digûī[n]nage
taguītalû[n]taniīga.
_Translation._
TO ATTRACT AND FIX THE AFFECTIONS.
Listen! O, now you have drawn near to hearken--
--Your spittle, I take it, I eat it. }
--Your body, I take it, I eat it, }
--Your flesh, I take it, I eat it, } Each sung four times.
--Your heart, I take it, I eat it. }
Listen! O, now you have drawn near to hearken, O, Ancient One. This
man's (woman's) soul has come to rest at the edge of your body. You
are never to let go your hold upon it. It is ordained that you shall
do just as you are requested to do. Let her never think upon any
other place. Her soul has faded within her. She is bound by the black
threads.
_Explanation._
This formula is said by the young husband, who has just married an
especially engaging wife, who is liable to be attracted by other men.
The same formula may also be used by the woman to fix her husband's
affections. On the first night that they are together the husband
watches until his wife is asleep, when, sitting up by her side, he
recites the first words: Sg[)e]! Ha-nâīgwa hatûī[n]ganiīga nih[)i]ī,
and then sings the next four words: Tsawatsiīlû ts[)i]k[)i]ī ts[)i]kûī
ayûī, "Your spittle, I take it, I eat it," repeating the words four
times. While singing he moistens his fingers with spittle, which
he rubs upon the breast of the woman. The next night he repeats the
operation, this time singing the words, "I take your body." The third
night, in the same way, he sings, "I take your flesh," and the fourth
and last night, he sings "I take your heart," after which he repeats
the prayer addressed to the Ancient One, by which is probably meant
the Fire (the Ancient White). A`yûī[n]in[)i] states that the final
sentences should be masculine, i.e., His soul has faded, etc., and
refer to any would-be seducer. There is no gender distinction in
the third person in Cherokee. He claimed that this ceremony was so
effective that no husband need have any fears for his wife after
performing it.
ADAYEīLIGAīGTA`T[)I]ī.
Yû! Galûī[n]lat[)i] tsûl`daīhist[)i], Giyaīgiyaī Sa`kaīni,
nâīgwa nû[n]talû[n] iīyûī[n]ta. Tsâīla Sa`kaīni
tsûgistâī`t[)i] adû[n]niīga. Nâīgwa nidâtsuīl`tanûī[n]ta,
nûī[n]t[-a]tagûī hisaīhasiīga. Taniīdâgû[n]ī
ayeī`l[)i] dehidâīsiga. Unadaīndâ dehiyâīstaneliīga.
Nidugaleīntanûī[n]ta nidûhû[n]neliīga.
Tsisgaīya agineīga, nû[n]dâgûī[n]y[)i] ditsidâī`st[)i]. Gûīn[)i]
âstûī uhisaī`t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Ag[)e]ī`ya uneīga hiī[)a]
iyuīst[)i] gûlstûī`l[)i], iyuīst[)i] tsûdâīita. Udaīndâ
us[)i]nuīl[)i] dâdatinilûīgû[n]el[)i]ī. Nû[n]dâgûī[n]yitsûī
dâdatinilugûstanel[)i]. Tsisgaīya agineīga, ditsidâstûī[n][)i]
nû`nûī kanaītlaniīga. Tsûnktaī teg[)a]`laīwategeīst[)i].
Tsiyeīlû[n] gesûī[n][)i] uhisaī`t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na.
_Translation._
FOR SEPARATION (OF LOVERS).
Yû! On high you repose, O Blue Hawk, there at the far distant lake.
The blue tobacco has come to be your recompense. Now you have arisen
at once and come down. You have alighted midway between them where
they two are standing. You have spoiled their souls immediately. They
have at once become separated.
I am a white man; I stand at the sunrise. The good sperm shall never
allow any feeling of loneliness. This white woman is of the Paint
(iyust[)i]) clan; she is called (iyust[)i]) Wây[)i]ī. We shall instantly
turn her soul over. We shall turn it over as we go toward the Sun
Land. I am a white man. Here where I stand it (her soul) has attached
itself to (literally, "come against") mine. Let her eyes in their
sockets be forever watching (for me). There is no loneliness where my
body is.
_Explanation._
This formula, from A`yû[n]in[)i]'s book, is used to separate two lovers
or even a husband and wife, if the jealous rival so desires. In the
latter case the preceding formula, from the same source, would be used
to forestall this spell. No explanation of the ceremony is given, but
the reference to tobacco may indicate that tobacco is smoked or thrown
into the fire during the recitation. The particular hawk invoked
(giyaīgiyaī) is a large species found in the coast region but seldom
met with in the mountains. Blue indicates that it brings trouble with
it, while white in the second paragraph indicates that the man is
happy and attractive in manner.
In the first part of the formula the speaker calls upon the Blue
Hawk to separate the lovers and spoil their souls, i.e., change their
feeling toward each other. In the second paragraph he endeavors
to attract the attention of the woman by eulogizing himself. The
expression, "we shall turn her soul over," seems here to refer to
turning her affections, but as generally used, to turn one's soul is
equivalent to killing him.
(ADALAN[)I]īST[)A]`TIīY[)I] II.)
Yû! Ha-nâīgwa adaīnt[)i] d[)a]tsâsiīga, * * h[)i]lû(stûī`l[)i]),
(* *) ditsa(dâīita). Aīyû 0 0 tsila(stûī`l[)i]). Hiyeīla
ts[)i]k[)i]ī ts[)i]kûī. (Yû!)
Yû! Ha-nâīgwa adaīnt[)i] d[)a]tsâsiīga. * * h[)i]lû(stûī`l[)i]),
* * ditsa(dâīíta). Aīyû 0 0 tsûwiīya ts[)i]k[)i]ī ts[)i]kûī.
Yû!
Yû! Ha-nâīgwa adaīnt[)i] d[)a]tsâsiīga. * * h[)i]lû(stûī`l[)i])
* * ditsa(dâīíta). Aīyû 0 0 tsûwatsiīla ts[)i]k[)i]ī ts[)i]kûī
aīyû. Yû!
Yû! Ha-nâīgwa adaīnt[)i] d[)a]tsâsiīga. * * h[)i]lû(stûī`l[)i]),
* * ditsadâī(ita). Aīyû 0 0 tsûnah[)u]ī ts[)i]k[)i]ī ts[)i]kûī.
Yû!
Sg[)e]! "Ha-nâīgwa adaīnt[)i] dutsaseī, tsugaleīnt[)i] nigeīsû[n]na,"
tsûdûne[)i], H[)i]kayûī[n]lige galûī[n]lat[)i]. Kanan[)e]īsk[)i]
Ûī[n]nage galûī[n]lat[)i] (h)etsatsâīû[n]t[)a]nileī[)i].
Ts[)a]niltaīg[)i] tsûksâīû[n]tanileī[)i]. * * gûla(stûī`l[)i]),
* * ditsadâī(ita). Dudantâīg[)i] uhaniīlatâ
t[)i]kwenûī[n]taniīga. Kûlkwâīg[)i] igûlstaīlag[)i] iyûī[n]ta
yûī[n]w[)i] adayûī[n]lataw[)a]ī dudûneīlidaīlû[n] uhisaī`t[)i]
nigeīsû[n]na.
Sg[)e]! Ha-nâīgwat[)i] uhisaī`t[)i] dutlûī[n]taniīga. Tsûīnkta
daskâīlû[n]tsiīga. Sâīgwah[)i] diīkta deīgayelû[n]tsiīga.
Gaītsa igûnûīnugâī[)i]stû udaīntâ? Usûīhita nudanûī[n]na
ûltû[n]geīta gû[n]wadûneliīdegeīst[)i]. Igû[n]wûlstaī`ti-gwû
duwâluīwa`tû[n]t[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Kanan[)e]īsk[)i] Û[n]nageī[)i]
tsanildew'seīst[)i] adaīntâ uktû[n]lesiīdast[)i] nigeīsûna.
Gadâyuīst[)i] tsûdâīita adaīnt[)i] tsideīatsasiīga. Aīya
aīkwatseliīga.
Sg[)e]! Ha-nâīgwûl[)e]ī hû[n]hatû[n]gaīga, H[)i]kayûī[n]l[)i]
Giīgage. Tsetsûliīs[)i] hiyeīlastû[n] a`taīhisiīga. Adaīntâ
hasû`gûī`law[)i]īstaniīga, tsaīskaláh[)i]st[)i] nigeīsû[n]na.
H[)i]kayûī[n]lige den[)a]tsegû`laīw[)i]staniīga. Ag[)e]ī`ya
g[)i]īnsû[n]gû`law[)i]sītaniīga udaīntâ _uwahis[)i]īsata_.
D[)i]g[)i]naskûlâīh[)i]st[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Yû!
Hiī[)a]nasgwûī u`tlâīyi-gwû d[)i]galûī[n]wistanīt[)i]
snû[n]âīy[)i] haniī`lihû[n] gûnasgiīst[)i]. Ganeīts[)i]
ayeī`l[)i] asiītadisīt[)i] watsiīla, ganû[n]liīyet[)i] aguwayeīn[)i]
andisgâī[)i]. Sâiīy[)i] tsikaīnâhe itsuīlahaīgwû.
_Translation._
TO FIX THE AFFECTIONS.
Yû! Ha! Now the souls have come together. You are of the Deer (x x)
clan. Your name is (x x) Ayâsta, I am of the Wolf (o-o) clan. Your
body, I take it, I eat it. Yû! Ha! Now the souls have come together.
You are of the Deer clan. Your name is Ayâsta. I am of the Wolf clan.
Your flesh I take, I eat. Yû!
Yû! Ha! Now the souls have come together. You are of the Deer clan.
Your name is Ayâsta. I am of the Wolf clan. Your spittle I take, I
eat. I! Yû!
Yû! Ha! Now the souls have come together. You are of the Deer clan.
Your name is Ayâsta. I am of the Wolf clan. Your heart I take, I eat.
Yû!
Listen! "Ha! Now the souls have met, never to part," you have said, O
Ancient One above. O Black Spider, you have been brought down from on
high. You have let down your web. She is of the Deer clan; her name is
Ayâsta. Her soul you have wrapped up in (your) web. There where the
people of the seven clans are continually coming in sight and again
disappearing (i.e. moving about, coming and going), there was never
any feeling of loneliness.
Listen! Ha! But now you have covered her over with loneliness. Her
eyes have faded. Her eyes have come to fasten themselves on one alone.
Whither can her soul escape? Let her be sorrowing as she goes along,
and not for one night alone. Let her become an aimless wanderer, whose
trail may never be followed. O Black Spider, may you hold her soul in
your web so that it shall never get through the meshes. What is the
name of the soul? They two have come together. It is mine!
Listen! Ha! And now you have hearkened, O Ancient Red. Your
grandchildren have come to the edge of your body. You hold them yet
more firmly in your grasp, never to let go your hold. O Ancient One,
we have become as one. The woman has put her (x x x) soul into our
hands. We shall never let it go! Yû!
(Directions.)--And this also is for just the same purpose (the
preceding formula in the manuscript book is also a love charm). It
must be done by stealth at night when they are asleep. One must put
the hand on the middle of the breast and rub on spittle with the hand,
they say. The other formula is equally good.
_Explanation._
This formula to fix the affections of a young wife is taken from the
manuscript sheets of the late Gatigwanasti. It very much resembles the
other formula for the same purpose, obtained from. A`yûī[n]in[)i],
and the brief directions show that the ceremony is alike in both. The
first four paragraphs are probably sung, as in the other formula, on
four successive nights, and, as explained in the directions and as
stated verbally by A`yûī[n]in[)i], this must be done stealthily at
night while the woman is asleep, the husband rubbing his spittle on
her breast with his hand while chanting the song in a low tone, hardly
above a whisper. The prayer to the Ancient One, or Ancient Red (Fire),
in both formulas, and the expression, "I come to the edge of your
body," indicate that the hands are first warmed over the fire, in
accordance with the general practice when laying on the hands. The
prayer to the Black Spider is a beautiful specimen of poetic imagery,
and hardly requires an explanation. The final paragraph indicates
the successful accomplishment of his purpose. "Your grandchildren"
(tsetsûliīs[)i]) is an expression frequently used in addressing the
more important deities.
MISCELLANEOUS FORMULAS.
SÛ[n]NÂīY[)I] EDÂīH[)I] EīSGA ASTÛ[n]TIīY[)I].
Sg[)e]! Uhyû[n]tsâīy[)i] galû[n]ltiītla tsûltâīhist[)i], H[)i]sgaya
Gigageī[)i], us[)i]nuīl[)i] diītsakûn[)i]ī denatlû[n]hiīsaniīga
Uy-igawaīst[)i] dudaīnt[)i]. Nû[n]nâīh[)i] tatunaīwat[)i].
Us[)i]nuīl[)i] dudaīntâ daniīyû[n]stanil[)i]ī.
Sg[)e]! Uhyû[n]tlâīy[)i] galû[n]ltiītla tsûltâīhist[)i], H[)i]sgaīya
T[)e]īhalu, _hinaw's[)u]ī'ki_. Ha-us[)i]nuīl[)i] nâīgwa diītsakûn[)i]ī
denatlû[n]hisaniīga uy-igawaīst[)i] dudaīnt[)i]. Nû[n]nâīh[)i]
t[)a]tunaīw[)a]t[)i]. Us[)i]nuīl[)i] dudaīntâ daniīgal[)i]stan[)i]ī.
_Translation._
TO SHORTEN A NIGHT-GOER ON THIS SIDE.
Listen! In the Frigid Land above you repose, O Red Man, quickly we two
have prepared your arrows for the soul of the Imprecator. He has
them lying along the path. Quickly we two will take his soul as we go
along.
Listen! In the Frigid Land above you repose, O Purple Man, * * * *.
Ha! Quickly now we two have prepared your arrows for the soul of the
Imprecator. He has them lying along the path. Quickly we two will cut
his soul in two.
_Explanation._
This formula, from A`yûī[n]in[)i]s' book, is for the purpose of
driving away a witch from the house of a sick person, and opens up a
most interesting chapter of Cherokee beliefs. The witch is supposed
to go about chiefly under cover of darkness, and hence is called
sû[n]nâīy[)i] edâīh[)i], "the night goer." This is the term in common
use; but there are a number of formulistic expressions to designate
a witch, one of which, uīya igawaīst[)i], occurs in the body of the
formula and may be rendered "the imprecator," i.e., the sayer of
evil things or curses. As the counteracting of a deadly spell always
results in the death of its author, the formula is stated to be not
merely to drive away the wizard, but to kill him, or, according to the
formulistic expression, "to shorten him (his life) on this side."
When it becomes known that a man is dangerously sick the witches from
far and near gather invisibly about his house after nightfall to worry
him and even force their way in to his bedside unless prevented by the
presence of a more powerful shaman within the house. They annoy the
sick man and thus hasten his death by stamping upon the roof and
beating upon the sides of the house; and if they can manage to get
inside they raise up the dying sufferer from the bed and let him fall
again or even drag him out upon the floor. The object of the witch in
doing this is to prolong his term of years by adding to his own life
as much as he can take from that of the sick man. Thus it is that
a witch who is successful in these practices lives to be very old.
Without going into extended details, it may be sufficient to state
that the one most dreaded, alike by the friends of the sick man and by
the lesser witches, is the Kâīlana-ayeliīsk[)i] or Raven Mocker, so
called because he flies through the air at night in a shape of fire,
uttering sounds like the harsh croak of a raven.
The formula here given is short and simple as compared with some
others. There is evidently a mistake in regard to the Red Man, who is
here placed in the north, instead of in the east, as it should be.
The reference to the arrows will be explained further on. Purple,
mentioned in the second paragraph, has nearly the same symbolic
meaning as blue, viz: Trouble, vexation and defeat; hence the Purple
Man is called upon to frustrate the designs of the witch.
To drive away the witch the shaman first prepares four sharpened
sticks, which he drives down into the ground outside the house at each
of the four corners, leaving the pointed ends projecting upward and
outward. Then, about noontime he gets ready the Tsâlagayûī[n]l[)i]
or "Old Tobacco" (_Nicotiana rustica_), with which he fills his pipe,
repeating this formula during the operation, after which he wraps the
pipe thus filled in a black cloth. This sacred tobacco is smoked only
for this purpose. He then goes out into the forest, and returns just
before dark, about which time the witch may be expected to put in
an appearance. Lighting his pipe, he goes slowly around the house,
puffing the smoke in the direction of every trail by which the witch
might be able to approach, and probably repeating the same or another
formula the while. He then goes into the house and awaits results.
When the witch approaches under cover of the darkness, whether in his
own proper shape or in the form of some animal, the sharpened stick on
that side of the house shoots up into the air and comes down like an
arrow upon his head, inflicting such a wound as proves fatal within
seven days. This explains the words of the formula, "We have prepared
your arrows for the soul of the Imprecator. He has them lying along
the path". A`yûī[n]in[)i] said nothing about the use of the sharpened
sticks in this connection, mentioning only the tobacco, but the
ceremony, as here described, is the one ordinarily used. When wounded
the witch utters a groan which is heard by those listening inside the
house, even at the distance of half a mile. No one knows certainly who
the witch is until a day or two afterward, when some old man or woman,
perhaps in a remote settlement, is suddenly seized with a mysterious
illness and before seven days elapse is dead.
GAHUīST[)I] AīGIYAHUīSA.
Sg[)e]! Ha-nâīgwa hatûī[n]ganiīga Nûī[n]ya Wâtigeī[)i],
gahuīst[)i] tsûtskaīd[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Ha-nâīgwa
dûī[n]gihyaīl[)i]. Agiyahuīsa s[)i]īkwa, hagaī tsû[n]-nûī
iyûī[n]ta d[)a]tsiīwaktûīh[)i]. Tla-`keī aīya aīkwatseliīga. 0 0
digwadâiīta.
_Translation._
I HAVE LOST SOMETHING.
Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken, O Brown Rock; you
never lie about anything. Ha! Now I am about to seek for it. I have
lost a hog and now tell me about where I shall find it. For is it not
mine? My name is ----.
_Explanation._
This formula, for finding anything lost, is so simple as to need but
little explanation. Brown in this instance has probably no mythologic
significance, but refers to the color of the stone used in the
ceremony. This is a small rounded water-worn pebble, in substance
resembling quartz and of a reddish-brown color. It is suspended by a
string held between the thumb and finger of the shaman, who is guided
in his search by the swinging of the pebble, which, according to their
theory, will swing farther in the direction of the lost article than
in the contrary direction! The shaman, who is always fasting, repeats
the formula, while closely watching the motions of the swinging
pebble. He usually begins early in the morning, making the first
trial at the house of the owner of the lost article. After noting the
general direction toward which it seems to lean he goes a considerable
distance in that direction, perhaps half a mile or more, and makes
a second trial. This time the pebble may swing off at an angle in
another direction. He follows up in the direction indicated for
perhaps another half mile, when on a third trial the stone may veer
around toward the starting point, and a fourth attempt may complete
the circuit. Having thus arrived at the conclusion that the missing
article is somewhere within a certain circumscribed area, he advances
to the center of this space and marks out upon the ground a small
circle inclosing a cross with arms pointing toward the four cardinal
points. Holding the stone over the center of the cross he again
repeats the formula and notes the direction in which the pebble
swings. This is the final trial and he now goes slowly and carefully
over the whole surface in that direction, between the center of the
circle and the limit of the circumscribed area until in theory, at
least, the article is found. Should he fail, he is never at a loss for
excuses, but the specialists in this line are generally very shrewd
guessers well versed in the doctrine of probabilities.
There are many formulas for this purpose, some of them being long and
elaborate. When there is reason to believe that the missing article
has been stolen, the specialist first determines the clan or
settlement to which the thief belongs and afterward the name of the
individual. Straws, bread balls, and stones of various kinds are used
in the different formulas, the ceremony differing according to the
medium employed. The stones are generally pointed crystals or antique
arrowheads, and are suspended as already described, the point being
supposed to turn finally in the direction of the missing object.
Several of these stones have been obtained on the reservation and are
now deposited in the National Museum. It need excite no surprise
to find the hog mentioned in the formula, as this animal has been
domesticated among the Cherokees for more than a century, although
most of them are strongly prejudiced against it.
HIAī UNÁLE (ATESTIīY[)I]).
Yuhahiī, yuhahiī, yuhahiī, yuhahiī, yuhahiī,
Yuhahiī, yuhahiī, yuhahiī, yuhahiī, yuhahiī--Yû!
Sg[)e]! Ha-nâīgwa h[)i]nahû[n]īski tay[)i]ī. Ha-tâīsti-gwû
gû[n]skaīihû. Tsûtaliīi-gwatiīna haluī`n[)i]. Kûīnigwatiīna
dulaīska galûī[n]lati-gwû wituīkt[)i]. Wigû[n]yas[)e]īh[)i]s[)i].
Âītal[)i] tsugûī[n]y[)i] witeītsatanûī[n]û[n]s[)i]ī nû[n]nâh[)i]
tsaneīlag[)i] deīgatsanaīwadiseīst[)i]. Kûnstûī dutsasûī[n][)i]
atûī[n]wasût[)e]īhah[)i]ī tsûtûneliīsest[)i]. Sg[)e]!
_Translation._
THIS IS TO FRIGHTEN A STORM.
Yuhahiī, yuhahiī, yuhahiī, yuhahiī, yuhahiī,
Yuhahiī, yuhahiī, yuhahiī, yuhahiī, yuhahiī--Yû!
Listen! O now you are coming in rut. Ha! I am exceedingly afraid of
you. But yet you are only tracking your wife. Her footprints can be
seen there directed upward toward the heavens. I have pointed them
out for you. Let your paths stretch out along the tree tops (?) on
the lofty mountains (and) you shall have them (the paths) lying down
without being disturbed, Let (your path) as you go along be where the
waving branches meet. Listen!
_Explanation._
This formula, from A`yûī[n]in[)i]'s book, is for driving away, or
"frightening" a storm, which threatens to injure the growing corn. The
first part is a meaningless song, which is sung in a low tone in the
peculiar style of most of the sacred songs. The storm, which is not
directly named, is then addressed and declared to be coming on in a
fearful manner on the track of his wife, like an animal in the rutting
season. The shaman points out her tracks directed toward the upper
regions and begs the storm spirit to follow her along the waving tree
tops of the lofty mountains, where he shall be undisturbed.
The shaman stands facing the approaching storm with one hand stretched
out toward it. After repeating the song and prayer he gently blows in
the direction toward which he wishes it to go, waving his hand in the
same direction as though pushing away the storm. A part of the storm
is usually sent into the upper regions of the atmosphere. If standing
at the edge of the field, he holds a blade of corn in one hand while
repeating the ceremony.
DANAWÛī TSUNEDÂLÛīH[)I] NUNATÛīNELIīTALÛī[n]H[)I]
UīNALSTELTAī`TANÛīH[)I].
Hay[)i]! Yû! Sg[)e]! Nâīgwa us[)i]nuliīyu Aītasu Giīgageī[)i]
hinisaīlataniīga. Us[)i]nuīl[)i] dudaīntâ uīnanugâītsidast[)i]ī
nigeīsû[n]na. Dudaīntâ e`lawiīn[)i] iyûī[n]ta [)a]ītasû
digû[n]nageī[)i] degû[n]lskw[)i]ītahiseīst[)i], anetsâgeīta
unanugâīist[)i] nigeīsû[n]na, nitinûī[n]neliīga. [)A]ītasû
dusaīladanûī[n]st[)i] nigeīsû[n]na, nitinûī[n]neliīga.
E`lawiīn[)i] iyûī[n]ta [)a]ītasû û[n]nageī ugû[n]īhatû
û[n]nageī sâīgwa da`liy[)e]īkû`laniīga _unadutlâīg[)i]_.
Unanugâītsidaīst[)i] nigeīsû[n]na, nû[n]eliīga.
Us[)i]nuliīyu tsunadaīntâ kul`kwâīgine tigalûī[n]ltiyûī[n][)i]
iyûī[n]ta adaīntâ tegaīy[)e]`tiītegeīst[)i]. Tsunadaīntâ
tsuligal[)i]īst[)i] nigeīsû[n]na dudûniītegeīst[)i].
Us[)i]nuīl[)i] deniûī[n]eliīga galûī[n]lat[)i] iyûī[n]ta
widuīl`tâh[)i]stiītegeīst[)i]. [)A]ītasû gigageī[)i]
d[)e]hatagûī[n]yastaniīga. Tsunadaīntâ tsudastûīnilidaīst[)i]
nigeīsû[n]na nû[n]eliīga. Tsunadaīntâ galûī[n]lat[)i]
iyûī[n]ta wit[)e]ī`titegeīst[)i]. Tsunadaīntâ anigwaluīg[)i]
uneīga gû[n]waīnadagûī[n]yastitegeīst[)i]. Sa`kaīn[)i] udûnuīh[)i]
nigeīsû[n]na us[)i]nuliīyu. Yû!
_Translation._
WHAT THOSE WHO HAVE BEEN TO WAR DID TO HELP THEMSELVES.
Hay[)i]! Yû! Listen! Now instantly we have lifted up the red war club.
Quickly his soul shall be without motion. There under the earth, where
the black war clubs shall be moving about like ball sticks in the
game, there his soul shall be, never to reappear. We cause it to be
so. He shall never go and lift up the war club. We cause it to be so.
There under the earth the black war club (and) the black fog have come
together as one for their covering. It shall never move about (i.e.,
the black fog shall never be lifted from them). We cause it to be so.
Instantly shall their souls be moving about there in the seventh
heaven. Their souls shall never break in two. So shall it be. Quickly
we have moved them (their souls) on high for them, where they shall
be going about in peace. You (?) have shielded yourselves (?) with the
red war club. Their souls shall never be knocked about. Cause it to
be so. There on high their souls shall be going about. Let them shield
themselves with the white war whoop. Instantly (grant that) they shall
never become blue. Yû!
_Explanation._
This formula, obtained from A`waniīta, may be repeated by the doctor
for as many as eight men at once when about to go to war. It is
recited for four consecutive nights, immediately before setting out.
There is no tabu enjoined and no beads are used, but the warriors "go
to water" in the regular way, that is, they stand at the edge of the
stream, facing the east and looking down upon the water, while the
shaman, standing behind them, repeats the formula. On the fourth night
the shaman gives to each man a small charmed root which has the power
to confer invulnerability. On the eve of battle the warrior after
bathing in the running stream chews a portion of this and spits the
juice upon his body in order that the bullets of the enemy may pass
him by or slide off from his skin like drops of water. Almost every
man of the three hundred East Cherokees who served in the rebellion
had this or a similar ceremony performed before setting out--many of
them also consulting the oracular ulû[n]sûīt[)i] stone at the same
time--and it is but fair to state that not more than two or three of
the entire number were wounded in actual battle.
In the formula the shaman identifies himself with the warriors,
asserting that "_we_" have lifted up the red war club, red being the
color symbolic of success and having no reference to blood, as might
be supposed from the connection. In the first paragraph he invokes
curses upon the enemy, the future tense verb _It shall be_, etc.,
having throughout the force of _let it be_. He puts the souls of
the doomed enemy in the lower regions, where the black war clubs are
constantly waving about, and envelops them in a black fog, which shall
never be lifted and out of which they shall never reappear. From
the expression in the second paragraph, "their souls shall never be
knocked about," the reference to the black war clubs moving about like
ball sticks in the game would seem to imply that they are continually
buffeting the doomed souls under the earth. The spirit land of the
Cherokees is in the west, but in these formulas of malediction or
blessing the soul of the doomed man is generally consigned to the
underground region, while that of the victor is raised by antithesis
to the seventh heaven.
Having disposed of the enemy, the shaman in the second paragraph turns
his attention to his friends and at once raises their souls to the
seventh heaven, where they shall go about in peace, shielded by
(literally, "covered with") the red war club of success, and never to
be knocked about by the blows of the enemy. "Breaking the soul in two"
is equivalent to snapping the thread of life, the soul being regarded
as an intangible something having length, like a rod or a string. This
formula, like others written down by the same shaman, contains several
evident inconsistencies both as to grammar and mythology, due to the
fact that A`wanita is extremely careless with regard to details and
that this particular formula has probably not been used for the last
quarter of a century. The warriors are also made to shield themselves
with the white war whoop, which should undoubtedly be the red war
whoop, consistent with the red war club, white being the color
emblematic of peace, which is evidently an incongruity. The war whoop
is believed to have a positive magic power for the protection of the
warrior, as well as for terrifying the foe.
The mythologic significance of the different colors is well shown in
this formula. Red, symbolic of success, is the color of the war club
with which the warrior is to strike the enemy and also of the other
one with which he is to shield or "cover" himself. There is no doubt
that the war whoop also should be represented as red. In conjuring
with the beads for long life, for recovery from sickness, or for
success in love, the ball play, or any other undertaking, the red
beads represent the party for whose benefit the magic spell is
wrought, and he is figuratively clothed in red and made to stand upon
a red cloth or placed upon a red seat. The red spirits invoked always
live in the east and everything pertaining to them is of the same
color.
Black is always typical of death, and in this formula the soul of the
enemy is continually beaten about by black war clubs and enveloped in
a black fog. In conjuring to destroy an enemy the shaman uses
black beads and invokes the black spirits--which always live in the
west--bidding them tear out the man's soul, carry it to the west,
and put it into the black coffin deep in the black mud, with a black
serpent coiled above it.
Blue is emblematic of failure, disappointment, or unsatisfied desire.
"They shall never become blue" means that they shall never fail in
anything they undertake. In love charms the lover figuratively covers
himself with red and prays that his rival shall become entirely blue
and walk in a blue path. The formulistic expression, "He is entirely
blue," closely approximates in meaning the common English phrase, "He
feels blue." The blue spirits live in the north.
White--which occurs in this formula only by an evident error--denotes
peace and happiness. In ceremonial addresses, as at the green corn
dance and ball play, the people figuratively partake of white food
and after the dance or the game return along the white trail to their
white houses. In love charms the man, in order to induce the woman to
cast her lot with his, boasts "I am a white man," implying that all is
happiness where he is. White beads have the same meaning in the bead
conjuring and white was the color of the stone pipe anciently used
in ratifying peace treaties. The white spirits live in the south
(Waīhal[)a]).
Two other colors, brown and yellow, are also mentioned in the
formulas. Wâtigeī[)i], "brown," is the term used to include brown,
bay, dun, and similar colors, especially as applied to animals. It
seldom occurs in the formulas and its mythologic significance is as
yet undetermined. Yellow is of more frequent occurrence and is typical
of trouble and all manner of vexation, the yellow spirits being
generally invoked when the shaman wishes to bring down calamities upon
the head of his victim, without actually destroying him. So far as
present knowledge goes, neither brown nor yellow can be assigned to
any particular point of the compass.
Us[)i]nuliīyu, rendered "instantly," is the intensive form of
us[)i]nuīl[)i] "quickly," both of which words recur constantly in the
formulas, in some entering into almost every sentence. This frequently
gives the translation an awkward appearance. Thus the final sentence
above, which means literally "they shall never become blue instantly,"
signifies "Grant that they shall never become blue", i.e., shall never
fail in their purpose, _and grant our petition instantly_.
DIDAīLATLIī`T[)I].
Sg[)e]! Nâīgwa tsûdantâīg[)i] tegûī[n]yatawâīilateliīga. Iyust[)i]
(0 0) tsilastûī`l[)i] Iyuīst[)i] (0 0) ditsadâīita. Tsûwatsiīla
elawiīn[)i] tsidâīh[)i]staniīga. Tsûdantâg[)i]
elawiīn[)i] tsidâīh[)i]staniīga. Nûī[n]ya gûī[n]nage
gû[n]yuītlû[n]taniīga. [)A]`nûwaīg[)i] gûī[n]nageī
gû[n]yuītlû[n]taniīga. Sû[n]taluīga gûī[n]nage
degûī[n]yanuīgalûī[n]taniīga, tsûīnanugâīist[)i]
nigeīsû[n]na. Usûhiīy[)i] nû[n]nâīh[)i] witeītsatanûī[n]û[n]s[)i]
gûneīsâ gûī[n]nage asahalag[)i]ī. Tsûtûīneliīga. Elawâīt[)i]
asaīhalag[)i]īaīdû[n]niīga. Us[)i]nuliīyu Usûhiīy[)i] gûltsâīt[)e]
digûī[n]nagestaīy[)i], elawâīti gûī[n]nage tidâīh[)i]st[)i]
wa`yanuīgalû[n]tsiīga. Gûneīsa gûī[n]age sû[n]taluīga
gûī[n]nage gayuītlû[n]taniīga. Tsûdantâīg[)i]
ûskaīlû[n]tsiīga. Sa`kaīn[)i] adû[n]niīga. Usûīhita
atanisīseīt[)i], ayâīlâtsiīsest[)i] tsûdantâīg[)i],
tsûīnanugâīist[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Sg[)e]!
_Translation._
TO DESTROY LIFE.
Listen! Now I have come to step over your soul. You are of the (wolf)
clan. Your name is (A`yûī[n]in[)i]). Your spittle I have put at rest
under the earth. Your soul I have put at rest under the earth. I have
come to cover you over with the black rock. I have come to cover you
over with the black cloth. I have come to cover you with the black
slabs, never to reappear. Toward the black coffin of the upland in the
Darkening Land your paths shall stretch out. So shall it be for you.
The clay of the upland has come (to cover you. (?)) Instantly the
black clay has lodged there where it is at rest at the black houses in
the Darkening Land. With the black coffin and with the black slabs I
have come to cover you. Now your soul has faded away. It has become
blue. When darkness comes your spirit shall grow less and dwindle
away, never to reappear. Listen!
_Explanation._
This formula is from the manuscript book of A`yûī[n]in[)i], who
explained the whole ceremony. The language needs but little explanation.
A blank is left for the name and clan of the victim, and is filled in by
the shaman. As the purpose of the ceremony is to bring about the death
of the victim, everything spoken of is symbolically colored black,
according to the significance of the colors as already explained. The
declaration near the end, "It has become blue," indicates that the
victim now begins to feel in himself the effects of the incantation, and
that as darkness comes on his spirit will shrink and gradually become
less until it dwindles away to nothingness.
When the shaman wishes to destroy the life of another, either for his
own purposes or for hire, he conceals himself near the trail along
which the victim is likely to pass. When the doomed man appears the
shaman waits until he has gone by and then follows him secretly until
he chances to spit upon the ground. On coming up to the spot the
shaman collects upon the end of a stick a little of the dust thus
moistened with the victim's spittle. The possession of the man's
spittle gives him power over the life of the man himself. Many
ailments are said by the doctors to be due to the fact that some enemy
has by this means "changed the spittle" of the patient and caused it
to breed animals or sprout corn in the sick man's body. In the love
charms also the lover always figuratively "takes the spittle" of the
girl in order to fix her affections upon himself. The same idea in
regard to spittle is found in European folk medicine.
The shaman then puts the clay thus moistened into a tube consisting
of a joint of the Kanesâīla or wild parsnip, a poisonous plant of
considerable importance in life-conjuring ceremonies. He also puts
into the tube seven earthworms beaten into a paste, and several
splinters from a tree which has been struck by lightning. The idea in
regard to the worms is not quite clear, but it may be that they are
expected to devour the soul of the victim as earthworms are supposed
to feed upon dead bodies, or perhaps it is thought that from their
burrowing habits they may serve to hollow out a grave for the soul
under the earth, the quarter to which the shaman consigns it. In other
similar ceremonies the dirt-dauber wasp or the stinging ant is buried
in the same manner in order that it may kill the soul, as these are
said to kill other more powerful insects by their poisonous sting or
bite. The wood of a tree struck by lightning is also a potent spell
for both good and evil and is used in many formulas of various kinds.
Having prepared the tube, the shaman goes into the forest to a tree
which has been struck by lightning. At its base he digs a hole, in the
bottom of which he puts a large yellow stone slab. He then puts in
the tube, together with seven yellow pebbles, fills in the earth, and
finally builds a fire over the spot to destroy all traces of his work.
The yellow stones are probably chosen as the next best substitute for
black stones, which are not always easy to find. The formula mentions
"black rock," black being the emblem of death, while yellow typifies
trouble. The shaman and his employer fast until after the ceremony.
If the ceremony has been properly carried out, the victim becomes
blue, that is, he feels the effects in himself at once, and, unless
he employs the countercharms of some more powerful shaman, his soul
begins to shrivel up and dwindle, and within seven days he is dead.
When it is found that the spell has no effect upon the intended victim
it is believed that he has discovered the plot and has taken measures
for his own protection, or that, having suspected a design against
him--as, for instance, after having won a girl's affections from
a rival or overcoming him in the ball play--he has already secured
himself from all attempts by counterspells. It then becomes a serious
matter, as, should he succeed in turning the curse aside from himself,
it will return upon the heads of his enemies.
The shaman and his employer then retire to a lonely spot in the
mountains, in the vicinity of a small stream, and begin a new series
of conjurations with the beads. After constructing a temporary shelter
of bark laid over poles, the two go down to the water, the shaman
taking with him two pieces of cloth, a yard or two yards in length,
one white, the other black, together with seven red and seven
black beads. The cloth is the shaman's pay for his services, and is
furnished by his employer, who sometimes also supplies the beads.
There are many formulas for conjuring with the beads, which are used
on almost all important occasions, and differences also in the details
of the ceremony, but the general practice is the same in all cases.
The shaman selects a bend in the river where his client can look
toward the east while facing up stream. The man then takes up his
position on the bank or wades into the stream a short distance,
where--in the ceremonial language--the water is a "hand length"
(_awâīhilû_) in depth and stands silently with his eyes fixed upon
the water and his back to the shaman on the bank. The shaman then lays
upon the ground the two pieces of cloth, folded into convenient size,
and places the red beads--typical of success and his client upon
the white cloth, while the black beads--emblematic of death and the
intended victim--are laid upon the black cloth. It is probable that
the first cloth should properly be red instead of white, but as it is
difficult to get red cloth, except in the shape of handkerchiefs, a
substitution has been made, the two colors having a close mythologic
relation. In former days a piece of buckskin and the small glossy,
seeds of the Viper's Bugloss (_Echium vulgare_) were used instead
of the cloth and beads. The formulistic name for the bead is
_sûīn[)i]kta_, which the priests are unable to analyze, the ordinary
word for beads or coin being _adélâ_.
The shaman now takes a red bead, representing his client, between
the thumb and index finger of his right hand, and a black bead,
representing the victim, in like manner, in his left hand. Standing
a few feet behind his client he turns toward the east, fixes his eyes
upon the bead between the thumb and finger of his right hand, and
addresses it as the Sûīn[)i]kta Gig[)a]geī[)i], the Red Bead, invoking
blessings upon his client and clothing him with the red garments of
success. The formula is repeated in a low chant or intonation, the
voice rising at intervals, after the manner of a revival speaker. Then
turning to the black bead in his left hand he addresses it in similar
manner, calling down the most withering curses upon the head of the
victim. Finally looking up he addresses the stream, under the name of
Yûī[n]w[)i] Gûnahiīta, the "Long Person," imploring it to protect
his client and raise him to the seventh heaven, where he will be
secure from all his enemies. The other, then stooping down, dips up
water in his hand seven times and pours it upon his head, rubbing it
upon his shoulders and breast at the same time. In some cases he dips
completely under seven times, being stripped, of course, even when the
water is of almost icy coldness. The shaman, then stooping down, makes
a small hole in the ground with his finger, drops into it the fatal
black bead, and buries it out of sight with a stamp of his foot. This
ends the ceremony, which is called "taking to water."
While addressing the beads the shaman attentively observes them as
they are held between the thumb and finger of his outstretched hands.
In a short time they begin to move, slowly and but a short distance at
first, then faster and farther, often coming down as far as the first
joint of the finger or even below, with an irregular serpentine motion
from side to side, returning in the same manner. Should the red bead
be more lively in its movements and come down lower on the finger
than the black bead, he confidently predicts for the client the speedy
accomplishment of his desire. On the other hand, should the black bead
surpass the red in activity, the spells of the shaman employed by the
intended victim are too strong, and the whole ceremony must be gone
over again with an additional and larger quantity of cloth. This must
be kept up until the movements of the red beads give token of success
or until they show by their sluggish motions or their failure to move
down along the finger that the opposing shaman can not be overcome. In
the latter case the discouraged plotter gives up all hope, considering
himself as cursed by every imprecation which he has unsuccessfully
invoked upon his enemy, goes home and--theoretically--lies down and
dies. As a matter of fact, however, the shaman is always ready with
other formulas by means of which he can ward off such fatal results,
in consideration, of a sufficient quantity of cloth.
Should the first trial, which takes place at daybreak, prove
unsuccessful, the shaman and his client fast until just before sunset.
They then eat and remain awake until midnight, when the ceremony is
repeated, and if still unsuccessful it may be repeated four times
before daybreak (or the following noon?), both men remaining awake and
fasting throughout the night. If still unsuccessful, they continue to
fast all day until just before sundown. Then they eat again and again
remain awake until midnight, when the previous night's programme
is repeated. It has now become a trial of endurance between the
revengeful client and his shaman on the one side and the intended
victim and his shaman on the other, the latter being supposed to be
industriously working countercharms all the while, as each party must
subsist upon one meal per day and abstain entirely from sleep until
the result has been decided one way or the other. Failure to endure
this severe strain, even so much as closing the eyes in sleep for
a few moments or partaking of the least nourishment excepting just
before sunset, neutralizes all the previous work and places the
unfortunate offender at the mercy of his more watchful enemy. If
the shaman be still unsuccessful on the fourth day, he acknowledges
himself defeated and gives up the contest. Should his spells prove the
stronger, his victim will die within seven days, or, as the Cherokees
say, seven nights. These "seven nights," however, are frequently
interpreted, figuratively, to mean _seven years_, a rendering which
often serves to relieve the shaman from a very embarrassing position.
With regard to the oracle of the whole proceeding, the beads do move;
but the explanation is simple, although the Indians account for it
by saying that the beads become alive by the recitation of the sacred
formula. The shaman is laboring under strong, though suppressed,
emotion. He stands with his hands stretched out in a constrained
position, every muscle tense, his breast heaving and voice trembling
from the effort, and the natural result is that before he is done
praying his fingers begin to twitch involuntarily and thus cause the
beads to move. As before stated, their motion is irregular; but the
peculiar delicacy of touch acquired by long practice probably imparts
more directness to their movements than would at first seem possible.
HI[)A]ī AīNEīTSÂ UGÛī[n]WAīL[)I] AMÂīY[)I] DITSÛī[n]STAīT[)I].
Sg[)e]! Ha-nâgwa [)a]īst[)i] uneīga aksâīû[n]tanûī[n] us[)i]nuīl[)i]
a`neītsâ unatsâīnû[n]tseīlah[)i] aktaī`t[)i] adû[n]niīga.
Iyuīst[)i] utadâīta, iyuīst[)i] tsunadâīita. Nû[n]nâīh[)i]
aniteīlah[)e]hûī igeīsk[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Dûīksi-gwuī
deduīnatsgû`laīwateīgû. Daī`sû[n] unilâtsiīsatû. Sa`kaīni
unatiīsatûī.
Nû[n]nâīh[)i] dâītaduīninaīwat[)i]ī aīyû-`nûī digwatseliīga
a`neītsâ unatsâīnû[n]tseīlah[)i]. Tlaīmehû Gigageī[)i] sâīgwa
danûtsgûī`laniīga. Igûī[n]y[)i] galûī[n]lâ geīsû[n] iīyû[n]
kanûī[n]lag[)i] [u]wâhâīh[)i]stâīg[)i]. Taīline galûī[n]lâ
geīsu[n] iīyû[n] kanûī[n]lag[)i] [u]wâhâīh[)i]stâīg[)i].
Heīnilû danûtsgûī`laniīga. Tlaīma û[n]niīta aīnigwaluīg[)i]
gû[n]tlaī`tisgeīst[)i], aseīgwû nigeīsû[n]na.
Duītal[)e] a`neītsâ unatsâīnû[n]tseīlah[)i] saliguīgi-gwû
deduīnatsgûī`law[)i]stiītegûī. Elawiīn[)i] daī`sû[n]
unilâtsiīsatû.
Tsâīine digalûī[n]latiyuī[n] S[)a]īniw[)a] Giīgage[)i] sâīgwa
danûtsgûī`laniīga, as[)e]`gâīg[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Kanûī[n]lag[)i]
[u]wâhâīh[)i]stâīg[)i] nûī`gine digalûī[n]latiyûī[n].
Gul[)i]īsgul[)i]ī Sa`kaīni sâīgwa danûtsgûī`laniīga,
as[)e]`gâīg[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Kanûī[n]lag[)i] [u]wâhâīh[)i]stâg[)i]
h[)i]īskine digalûī[n]latiyûī[n]. Ts[)u]ts[)u]ī Sa`kaīni sâīgwa
danûtsgûī`laniīga, as[)e]`gâīg[)i] nigeīsû[n]na.
Duītal[)e] a`neītsâ utsâīnû[n]tseīlah[)i] T[)i]neīgwa Sa`kaīni
sâīgwa danûtsgûī`laniīga, igeīsk[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Daī`sû[n]
unilâtsiīsatû. Kanûī[n]lag[)i] [u]wâhâīh[)i]stâīg[)i]
sutaliīne digalûī[n]latiyûī[n]. Aīnigâstaīya sâīgwa
danûtsguī`laniīga, as[)e]`gâīg[)i] nigeīsu[n]na. Kanûī[n]lag[)i]
[u]wâhâīh[)i]stâīg[)i] kûl`kwâgine digalûī[n]latiyûī[n].
Wâtatûīga Sa`kaīni sâīgwa danûtsgûī`laniīga, as[)e]`gâīg[)i]
nigeīsû[n]na.
Duītal[)e] a`neītsâ unatsâīnû[n]tseīlah[)i], Yâīna
deduīnatsgûī`law[)i]staniīga, igeīsk[)i] nigeīsû[n]na. Da`sû[n]
duīnilâtsiīsatû. Kanûī[n]lag[)i] deītagaskalâīû[n]tanûī[n],
igû[n]īwûlstanûhi-gwûdiīna tsuyeīlisti gesûī[n][)i]. Aktaī`t[)i]
adû[n]niīga.
Sg[)e]! Nâīgwa t'sk[)i]īnâneīl[)i] taīl[)a]d[)u]ī iyûī[n]ta
aīgwatseliīga, W[)a]tatuīga Tsûneīga. Tsuyeīlist[)i] gesûī[n][)i]
sk[)i]īnâhû[n]s[)i]ī aīgwatseliīga--kanûī[n]lag[)i] aīgwatseliīga.
N[)a]ī`nâ utadâīta kanûī[n]lag[)i] deduīskalâīasiīga.
Dedûīndagûī[n]yastaniīga, gû[n]wâīhisâīnûh[)i]. Yû!
_Translation._
THIS CONCERNS THE BALL PLAY--TO TAKE THEM TO WATER WITH IT.
Listen! Ha! Now where the white thread has been let down, quickly we
are about to examine into (the fate of) the admirers of the ball play.
They are of--such a (iyuīst[)i]) descent. They are called--so and so
(iyuīst[)i]). They are shaking the road which shall never be joyful.
The miserable Terrapin has come and fastened himself upon them as they
go about. They have lost all strength. They have become entirely blue.
But now my admirers of the ball play have their roads lying along in
this direction. The Red Bat has come and made himself one of them.
There in the first heaven are the pleasing stakes. There in the second
heaven are the pleasing stakes. The Pewee has come and joined them.
The immortal ball stick shall place itself upon the whoop, never to be
defeated.
As for the lovers of the ball play on the other side, the common
Turtle has come and fastened himself upon them as they go about. Under
the earth they have lost all strength.
The pleasing stakes are in the third heaven. The Red Tl[)a]niw[)a] has
come and made himself one of them, that they may never be defeated.
The pleasing stakes are in the fourth heaven. The Blue Fly-catcher
has made himself one of them, that they may never be defeated. The
pleasing stakes are in the fifth heaven. The Blue Martin has made
himself one of them, that they may never be defeated.
The other lovers of the ball play, the Blue Mole has come and fastened
upon them, that they may never be joyous. They have lost all strength.
The pleasing stakes are there in the sixth heaven. The Chimney Swift
has made himself one of them, that they may never be defeated. The
pleasing stakes are in the seventh heaven. The Blue Dragon-fly has
made himself one of them, that they may never be defeated.
As for the other admirers of the ball play, the Bear has just come and
fastened him upon them, that they may never be happy. They have lost
all strength. He has let the stakes slip from his grasp and there
shall be nothing left for their share.
The examination is ended.
Listen! Now let me know that the twelve are mine, O White Dragon-fly.
Tell me that the share is to be mine--that the stakes are mine. As for
the player there on the other side, he has been forced to let go his
hold upon the stakes.
Now they are become exultant and happy. Yû!
_Explanation._
This formula, from the A`yû[n]in[)i] manuscript is one of those used
by the shaman in taking the ball players to water before the game.
The ceremony is performed in connection with red and black beads,
as described in the formula just given for destroying life. The
formulistic name given to the ball players signifies literally,
"admirers of the ball play." The Tl[)a]īniw[)a] (s[)a]īniw[)a] in the
Middle dialect) is the mythic great hawk, as large and powerful as the
roc of Arabian tales. The shaman begins by declaring that it is his
purpose to examine or inquire into the fate of the ball players, and
then gives his attention by turns to his friends and their opponents,
fixing his eyes upon the red bead while praying for his clients, and
upon the black bead while speaking of their rivals. His friends he
raises gradually to the seventh or highest _galûī[n]lat[)i]_. This word
literally signifies height, and is the name given to the abode of the
gods dwelling above the earth, and is also used to mean heaven in the
Cherokee bible translation. The opposing players, on the other hand, are
put down under the earth, and are made to resemble animals slow and
clumsy of movement, while on behalf of his friends the shaman invokes
the aid of swift-flying birds, which, according to the Indian belief,
never by any chance fail to secure their prey. The birds invoked are the
Heīnilû or wood pewee (_Contopus virens_), the Tl[)a]niw[)a] or mythic
hawk, the Gul[)i]īsgul[)i]ī or great crested flycatcher (_Myiarchus
crinitus_), the Tsûtsû or martin (_Progne subis_), and the Aīnigâstaīya
or chimney swift (_Chætura pelasgia_). In the idiom of the formulas it
is said that these "have just come and are sticking to them" (the
players), the same word (_danûtsgûīlani'ga_) being used to express the
devoted attention of a lover to his mistress. The Watatuga, a small
species of dragon-fly, is also invoked, together with the bat, which,
according to a Cherokee myth, once took sides with the birds in a great
ball contest with the four-footed animals, and won the victory for the
birds by reason of his superior skill in dodging. This myth explains
also why birds, and no quadrupeds, are invoked by the shaman to the aid
of his friends. In accordance with the regular color symbolism the
flycatcher, martin, and dragon-fly, like the bat and the tl[)a]īniw[)a],
should be red, the color of success, instead of blue, evidently so
written by mistake. The white thread is frequently mentioned in the
formulas, but in this instance the reference is not clear. The twelve
refers to the number of runs made in the game.
* * * * *
* * * *
Errata for Sacred Formulas:
Missing or superfluous quotation marks have been silently corrected.
... while closely watching the motions ...
[_original has "the / the" at line break_]
formulas obtained from Tsiskwa, Aīwanita, and / Takwtihi
[_error for Takwatiīh[)i]?_]
Sg[)e]! Ha-nâīgwa hû[n]hatûī[n]ganiīga
[_all parentheses in this paragraph shown as printed_]
(hetsatsaīû[n]taniīga
[_mismatched parenthesis in original_]
* * * * *
* * * *
* * * * *
INDEX.
Page.
A.
Abnaki, population 48
Achastlians, Lamanon's vocabulary of the 75
Acoma, a Keresan dialect 83
population 83
Adair, James, quoted on Choctaw villages 40
Adaizan family 45-48
Adaizan and Caddoan languages compared 46
Adam, Lucien, on the Taensa language 96
Agriculture, effect of, on Indian population 38
region to which limited 41
extent of practice of, by Indian tribes 42
Aht division of Wakashan family 129, 130
Ahtena tribe of Copper River 53
population 55
Ai-yan, population 55
Akansa, or Quapaw tribe 113
Akoklako, or Lower Cootenai 85
Aleutian Islanders belong to Eskimauan family 73
population 75
Algonquian family 47-51
list of tribes 48
population 48
habitat of certain western tribes of 113
Alibamu, habitat and population 95
Alsea, habitat 134
Al-ta-tin, population 55
Angel de la Guardia Island, occupied by Yuman tribes 138
Apache, habitat 54
population 56
Apalaches, supposed by Gallatin to be the Yuchi 126
Apalachi tribe 95
Arapaho, habitat 48, 109
population 48
Arikara, habitat 60
population 62
Arizona, work in XVIII, XXV-XXVIII
Assinaboin, habitat 115
population 117
Atfalati, population 82
Athapascan family 51-56
Atnah tribe, considered distinct from Salish by Gallatin 103
Attacapan family 56-57
Attakapa language reputed to be spoken by the Karankawa 82
Auk, population 87
A`wanita, or Young Deer, Cherokee formulas furnished by 316
Ayasta, Cherokee manuscript obtained from 313
A`yû[n]īin[)i], or Swimmer, Cherokee manuscripts
obtained from 310-312
B.
Baffin Land, Eskimo population 75
Bancroft, George, linguistic literature 13
cited on Cherokee habitat 78, 79
Bancroft, Hubert H., linguistic literature 24
Bandelier, A. F., on the Keres 83
Bannock, former habitat 108
population 110
Bartlett, John R., cited on Lipan and Apache habitat 54
the Pima described by 98
Barton, B. S., comparison of Iroquois and Cheroki 77
Bathing in medical practice of Cherokees, 333-334, 335-336
Batts on Tutelo habitat in 1671 114
Bellacoola, population 105, 131
Bellomont, Earl of, cited on the Tutelo 114
Beothukan family 57-58
Berghaus, Heinrich, linguistic literature 16
Bessels, Emil, acknowledgments 73
Biloxi, a Siouan tribe 112
early habitat 114
present habitat 116
population 118
Birch-bark records and songs of the Mid[-e]īwiwin 286-289
Bleeding, practice of among the Cherokees 334-335
Blount, on Cherokee and Chickasaw habitat 79
Boas, Franz, cited on Chimakum habitat 62
on population of Chimmesyan tribes 64
on the middle group of Eskimo 73
on population of Baffin Land Eskimo 75
Salishan researches 104
Haida researches 120
Wakashan researches 129
on the habitat of the Haeltzuk 130
Boundaries of Indian tribal lands,
difficulty of fixing 43-44
Bourgemont on the habitat of the Comanche 109
Brinton, D. G., cited on Haumonté's Taensa grammar 96
cited on relations of the Pima language 99
cited on linguistic value of Indian records 318
Buschmann, Johann C. E., linguistic literature 18, 19
on the Kiowa language 84
on the Pima language 99
on Shoshonean families 109
regards Shoshonean and Nahuatlan families as one 140
C.
Cabeįa de Vaca, mention of Atayos by 46
Caddoan and Adaizan languages compared 46
Caddoan family 58-62
Caddoan. See Southern Caddoan.
Calapooya, population 82
California, aboriginal game laws in 42
Calispel population 105
Calumet, ceremonial use of, among Algonkian tribes 153
"Carankouas," a part of Attacapan family 57
Carib, affinities of Timuquana with 123
Carmel language of Mofras 102
Cartier, Jacques, aborigines met by 58, 77-78
Catawba, habitat 112, 114, 116
population 118
Catawba Killer, Cherokee formulas furnished by 316
Cathlascon tribes, Scouler on 81
Caughnawaga, population 80
Cayuga, population 80
Cayuse, habitat and population 127, 128
Central Eskimo, population 75
Champlain, S. de, cited 78
Charlevoix on the derivation of "Iroquois" 77
Chehalis, population 105
Chemehuevi, habitat and population 110
Cherokees, habitat and population 78-80
paper on Sacred Formulas of, by James Mooney 301-397
bathing, rubbing, and bleeding in medical
practice of 333-336
manuscripts of, containing sacred, medical,
and other formulas, character and age of 307-318
medical practice of, list of plants used in 324-327
medicine dance of 337
color symbolism of 342-343
gods of, and their abiding places 340-342
religion of 319
Cherokee Sacred Formulas, notice of paper on XXXIX-XL
language of 343-344
specimens of 344-397
for rheumatism 345-351
for snake bite 351-353
for worms 353-356
for neuralgia 356-359
for fever and ague 359-363
for child birth 363-364
for biliousness 365-366
for ordeal diseases 367-369
for hunting and fishing 369-375
for love 375-384
to kill a witch 384-386
to find something 386-387
to prevent a storm 387-388
for going to war 388-391
for destroying an enemy 391-395
for ball play 395-397
Cheyenne tribe, habitat 48, 109
population 49
treaty cited 114
Chicasa, population 95
join the Na'htchi 96
Chilcat, population 87
Chillúla tribe 132
Chimakuan family 62, 63
Chimakum, habitat and population 62
Chimarikan family 63
Chimmesyan family 63-65
Chinookan family 65-86
Chippewyan, population 55
Chitimacuan family, possibly allied to the Attacapan 57
Chitimachan family 66-67
Choctaw Muskhogee family of Gallatin 94
Choctaw, population 95
Choctaw towns described by Adair 40
Chocuyem, a Moquelumnan dialect 92
Cholovone division of the Mariposan 90
Chopunnish, population 107
Chowanoc, perhaps a Tuscarora tribe 79
Chukchi of Asia 74
Chumashan family 67, 68
Chumashan languages, Salinan languages held to be
dialects of 101
Clackama, population 66
Clallam language distinct from Chimakum 62
Clallam, population 105
Classification of linguistic families, rules for 8, 12
Classification of Indian languages,
literature relating to 12-25
Clavering, Captain, Greenland Eskimo, researches of 72
Cliff dwellings examined XVIII-XXIV
Coahuiltecan family 68, 69
Cochitemi, a Keresan dialect 83
Cochiti, population of 83
Coconoon tribe 90
Coeur d'Alene tribe, population of 105
Cofitachiqui, a supposed Yuchi town 126
Cognation of languages 11, 12
Color symbolism of the Cherokees 342, 343
Colorado, work in XXI-XXIV
Columbia River, improvidence of tribes on 37, 38
Colville tribe, population 105
Comanche, association of the Kiowa with 84
habitat 109
population 110
Comecrudo, vocabulary of, collected by Gatschet 68
Communism among North American Indians 34, 35
Conestoga, former habitat of the 78
Cook, Capt. James, names Waukash tribe 129
Cookkoo-oose tribe of Lewis and Clarke 89
Cootenai tribe 85
Copehan family 69-70
Corbusier, Wm. H., on Crow occupancy of Black Hills 114
Corn, large quantities of, raised by certain tribes 41
Cortez, José, cited 54
Costano dialects, Latham's opinion concerning 92
Costanoan family 70, 71
Cotoname vocabulary, collected by Gatschet 68
Coulter, Dr., Pima vocabulary of 98
Coyotero Apache, population 56
Cree, population 49
Creeks, habitat and population 95
Cross, use of, in Indian ceremonials 155
Crows, habitat 114, 116
population 118
Cuchan population 188
Curtin, Jeremiah, work of XXX
Chimarikan researches of 63
Costanoan researches of 70
Moquelumnan researches of 93
Yanan researches of 135
acknowledgments to 142
Cushing, Frank H., work of XXXI
on the derivation of "Zuņi" 138
Cushna tribe 99
D.
Dahcota. See Dakota.
Dahcotas, habitat of the divisions of 111
Dakota, tribal and family sense of name 112
divisions of the 114
population and divisions of the 116
Dall, W. H., linguistic literature 21, 22, 24
cited on Eskimo habitat 53
Eskimo researches of 73
on Asiatic Eskimo 74
on population of Alaskan Eskimo 75
Dana on the divisions of the Sacramento tribes 99
Dawson, George M., cited on Indian land tenure 40
assigns the Tagisch to the Koluschan family 87
Salishan researches 104
De Bry, Timuquanan names on map of 124
Delaware, population 49
habitat 79
De L'Isle cited 60
De Soto, Ferdinand, on early habitat of the Kaskaskias 113
supposed to have visited the Yuchi 126
Timuquanan towns encountered by 124
D'Iberville, names of Taensa towns given by 96
Diegueņo, population 138
Differentiation of languages within single stock,
to what due 141
Digger Indian tongue compared by Powers with the
Pit River dialects 98
Disease, Indian belief concerning 39
Cherokee theory of 322-324
Disease and medicine, Cherokee tradition of origin of 319-322
Dobbs, Arthur, cited on Eskimo habitat 73
Dog Rib, population of 55
Dorsey, J. O., work of XXXIV, XXXV
cited on Pacific coast tribes 54
cited on Omaha-Arikara alliance 60
Catawba studies 112
on Crow habitat 114
Takilman researches 121
Yakonan researches 134
acknowledgments to 142
Dress and ornaments used in Ojibwa dances 298, 299
Drew, E. P., on Siuslaw habitat 134
Duflot de Mofras, E. de, cited 92
Soledad, language of 102
Dunbar, John B., quoted on Pawnee habitat 60
Duncan, William, settlement of Chimmesyan tribes by 65
Duponceau collection, Salishan vocabulary of the 103
Du Pratz, Le Page, cited on Caddoan habitat 61
on certain southern tribes 66
on the Na'htchi language 96
Dzhe Manido, the guardian spirit of the Midewiwin 163, 166
Dzhibai midewigân or "Ghost Lodge" 278-281
E.
Eaton, Captain, Zuņi vocabulary of 139
Ecclemachs. See Esselenian family.
Eells, Myron, linguistic literature 24
on the Chimakuan language and habitat 62, 63
Emmert, John W., work of XVII
E-nagh-magh language of Lane 122
Emory, W. H., visit of, to the Pima 98
Environment as affecting language 141
Eskimauan family 71-75
Eslen nation of Galiano 75
Esselenian family 75, 76
Etah Eskimo, habitat of 72, 73
É-ukshikni or Klamath 90
Everette on the derivation of "Yakona" 134
Explorations in stone villages XVIII-XXVIII
F.
"Family," linguistic, defined 11
Field work XVI-XXX
Filson, John, on Yuchi habitat 127
Financial statement XLI
Flatbow. See Kitunahan family.
Flathead Cootenai 85
Flathead family, Salish or 102
Fontanedo, Timuquanan, local names of 124
Food distribution among North American Indians 34
Friendly Village, dialect of 104
G.
Gahuni manuscript of Cherokee formulas 313, 314
Galiano, D. A., on the Eslen and Runsien 75, 76
Gallatin, Albert, founder of systematic American
philology 9, 10
linguistic literature 12, 15, 16, 17
Attacapan researches 57
on the Caddo and Pawnee 59
Chimmesyan researches 64
on the Chitimachan family 66
on the Muskhogean family 94
on Eskimauan boundaries 72
comparison of Iroquois and Cheroki 77
on the Kiowa language 84
on the Koluschan family 86
on Na'htchi habitat 96
Salishan researches 102, 103
reference to "Sahaptin" family 107
on the Shoshonean family 108
on the Siouan family 111
Skittagetan researches 119, 120
on Tonika language 135
on the habitat of the Yuchi 126
linguistic map 142
Game laws of California tribes 42
Garcia, Bartolomé, cited 68
Gatigwanasti manuscript of Cherokee formulas 312, 313
Gatschet, A. S., work of 7, XXXIV
linguistic literature 23, 24
comparison of Caddoan and Adaizan languages by 46
on Pacific Coast tribes 54
Attacapan researches 57
Beothukan researches 57
Chimakuan researches 62
on the derivation of "Chitimacha" 66
Chitimachan researches 67
Coahuiltecan researches 68
Mutson investigations 70
Tonkawe vocabulary collected by 82
on the Kitunahan family 85
distinguishes the Kusan as a distinct stock 89
on the habitat of the Yamasi 95
on the Taensa language 96
on the derivation of "Palaihnih" 97
on the Pima language 99
discovered radical affinity between Wakashan and
Salishan families 104
Catawba studies 112
surviving Biloxi found by 114
Takilman researches 121
on the derivation of "Taņo" 122
classes Tonkawan as a distinct stock 125
Tonikan researches 125
on early Yuchi habitat 127
on the derivation of Waiilatpu 127
Washoan language separated by 131
Wishoskan researches 133
on the Sayúsklan language 134
acknowledgments to 143
Gens du Lac, habitat 111
Georgia, work in XVIII
Ghost Lodge ceremonies 278-281
Gibbs, George, linguistic literature 17, 22
on the Chimakum language 62
on the Kulanapan family 87
the Eh-nek family of 100
on the Weitspekan language 131
Wishoskan researches 133
Yuki vocabulary cited 136
Ginseng, Mide tradition relating to origin of 241, 242
Gioloco language 108
Gods of the Cherokees and their abiding places 340-342
Gosiute, population 110
Grammatic elements of language 141
Grammatic structure in classification of
Indian languages 11
Grand Medicine Society. See Midewiwin.
Gravier, Father, on the Na'htchi and Taensa 97
Greely, A. W., on Eskimo of Grinnell Land 73
Greenland, Eskimo of 73, 75
Grinnell Land, Eskimo of 73
Gros Ventres, habitat 116
Guiloco language 92
H.
Haeltzuk, habitat 129, 130
principal tribes 131
population 131
Haida, divisions of 120
population 121
language, related to Koluschan 120
method of land tenure 40
Hailtzuk, population 105
Hale, Horatio, linguistic literature 14, 25
discovery of branches of Athapascan family in
Oregon by 52
on the affinity of Cheroki to Iroquois 77
on the derivation of "Iroquois" 77
on the "Kaus or Kwokwoos" 89
on the Talatui 92
on the Palaihnihan 97
on certain Pujunan tribes 99, 100
Salishan researches 104
on the Sastean family 106
Tutelo researches 114
classification and habitat of Waiilatpuan tribes 127
on the Yakonan family 134
Hamilton manuscript cited 54
Hanega, population 87
Hano pueblo, Tusayan 123
population 123
Hare tribe, population 55
Harrison, on early Tutelo habitat 114
Haumonté, J. D., on the Taensa 96
Havasupai habitat and population 138
Hawk-leg fetish, description and figure 220, 221
Hayden, Ferdinand V., linguistic literature 20
Haynarger vocabulary cited 54
Haywood, John, cited on witchcraft beliefs among
the Cherokees 322
Hennepin, Louis
cited on practices of Algonkian medicine men 152, 154
cited on ceremonial use of Calumet by
Algonkian tribes 153
Henshaw, H. W., work of XXXIV, XXXV, XXXVI
Chumashan researches of 68
Costanoan researches of 70
Esselenian investigations of 76
Moquelumnan researches of 93
Salinan researches of 101
on Salinan population 102
on population of Cayuse 128
acknowledgments to 142
synonomy of tribes by 142
Heshotatsína, a Zuņi village 139
Hewitt, J. N. B., work of XXXI
on the derivation of "Iroquois" 77
Hidatsa population 118
Hoffman, W. J., paper on Midewiwin or
Grand Medicine Society of 143-300
work of XXXVI
Hoh, population and habitat 63
Holm, G., Greenland Eskimo 72
on East Greenland Eskimo population 75
Holmes, W. H., work of XXXII
Hoodsunu, population 87
Hoquiam, population 105
Hospitality of American Indians, source of 34
Howe, George, on early habitat of the Cherokee 78
Hudson Bay, Eskimo of 73
Humptulip, population 105
Hunah, population 87
"Hunter's medicine" of Midewiwin 221-223
Hunting claims 42, 43
Hunting, Mide "medicine" practiced in 221-223
Hupa, population of 56
I.
Iakon, see Yakwina 134
Illinois, work in XVII
Improvidence of Indians 34, 37
Inali manuscript of Cherokee formulas 314-316
Indian languages, principles of classification of 8-12
literature relating to classification of 12-25
at time of European discovery 44
Indian linguistic families, paper by J. W. Powell on 1-142
work on classification of 25, 26
Indian tribes, work on synonymy of XXXIV-XXXVI
Industry of Indians 36
Innuit population 75
Iowa, habitat and population 116, 118
Iroquoian family 76-81
Isleta, New Mexico, population 123
Isleta, Texas, population 123
Ives, J. C., on the habitat of the Chemehuevi 110
J.
Jargon, establishment of, between tribes 7
Jemez, population of 123
Jessakid class of Shamans, relative importance of 156
practices of 157-158, 251-255
Jewett's Wakash vocabulary referred to 129
Jicarilla Apache, population 56
Johnson, Sir William, treaty with Cherokees 78
Johnston, A. R., visit of, to the Pima 98
Jones, Peter, cited on medicine men of the Ojibwa 162
cited on witchcraft beliefs of Ojibwa Indians 237
cited on Ojibwa love charm or powder 258
Joutel on the location of certain Quapaw villages 113
Jugglery among Ojibwa Indians 276-277
K.
Kaigani, divisions of the 121
Kaiowe, habitat 109
Kaiowe. See Kiowan family.
Kai Pomo, habitat 88
Kai-yuh-kho-tána, etc., population 56
Kalapooian family 81-82
Kane, Paul, linguistic literature 19
Kansa or Kaw tribe 113
population 118
Karankawan family 82-83
Kaskaskias, early habitat 113
Kastel Pomo, habitat 88
Kat-la-wot-sett bands 134
Kato Pomo, habitat 88
Kaus or Kwokwoos tribe of Hale 89
Kaw, habitat 116
Kaw. See Kansa.
Keam, Thomas V., aid by XXIX
Keane, Augustus H., linguistic literature 23
on the "Tegua or Taywaugh" 122
Kek, population 87
Kenesti, habitat 54
Keresan family 83
K'iapkwainakwin, a Zuņi village 139
Kichai habitat and population 61, 62
Kickapoo, population 49
Kinai language asserted to bear analogies to
the Mexican 86
Kiowan family 84
Kitshi Manido, the principal Ojibwa deity 163
Kitunahan family 85
Kivas of Moki Indians, study of XXVI-XXVII
Kiwomi, a Keresan dialect 83
Klamath, habitat and population 90
Klanoh-Klatklam tribe 85
Klikitat, population 107
K'nai-khotana tribe of Cook's Inlet 53
K'naia-khotána, population 56
Koasáti, population 95
Koluschan family 85-87
Ku-itc villages, location of 134
Kulanapan and Chimarikan verbal correspondences 63
Kulanapan family 87-89
Kusan family 89
Kutchin, population 56
Kutenay. See Kitunahan family.
Kwaiantikwoket, habitat 110
Kwakiutl tribe 129
L.
Labrador, Eskimo of 73
Labrador, Eskimo population 75
Laguna, population 83
La Harpe cited 61
La Hontan, A. L. de D., cited on practices of
Algonkian medicine men 151-152
Lake tribe, Washington, population 105
Lákmiut population 82
Lamanon on the Eeclemachs 75, 76
Land, Indian ownership of 40
amount devoted to Indian agriculture 42
Lane, William C., linguistic literature 17
on Pueblo languages 122
Languages, cognate 11, 12
Latham, R. G., linguistic literature 14, 15, 16, 17,
18, 20
cited on Beothukan language 57
Chumashan researches 67
proposes name for Copehan family 69
Costanoan researches 70
Salinas family of 75
mention of the Kaus tribe 89
on the Tonika language 125
on the Weitspekan language 132
Wishoskan researches 133
on the Sayúsklan language 134
Yuman researches 137
Pueblo researches 139
classification of the Mariposan family 90
on the Moquelumnan family 92
on the Piman family 98
on the Pujunan family 99
on the Ehnik family of 100
on the Salinan family 102
Lawson, John, on Tutelo migration in 1671 114
Leech Lake record, how obtained 171
Lewis and Clarke cited on improvidence of Indians
of the Northwest 37
on Pacific coast tribes 53
on Arikari habitat 60
authorities on Chinookan habitat 65
on the habitat of Kalapooian tribes 82
on the Kusan tribe 89
Salishan tribes met by 104
on habit of Shoshonean tribes 109
on Crow habitat 114
on the Yakwina 134
Lexical elements considered in classification
of Indian languages 11, 141
Linguistic classification, rules for 8-12
Linguistic families of North America, facts
brought to view by work on XXXVII-XXXVIII
paper by J. W. Powell on 1-142
nomenclature of 7-12
work on classification of 25, 26
number of 45
Linguistic "family" defined 11
Linguistic map, preparation of 142
notes concerning 25, 45
Lipan, habitat 54
population 56
Literature relating to classification of
Indian languages 12-25
Long, W. W, collection of Cherokee formulas and songs
prepared by 317
Loucheux classed as Athapascan 52
Love powder of Ojibwa Indians 258
Lower California, native population of, unknown 138
Lower Spokane, population 105
Lower Umpqua villages, location of 134
Lummi, population 105
Lutuamian family 89-90
M.
Madison tribe, population 105
Magical practices of Midewiwin 205-206
Mahican, population 51
Makah tribe 129
habitat 130
population 130
Mallery, Garrick, work of XXXIV, XXXV
cited on early Indian population 33
acknowledgments to 142
cited on Schoolcraft's account of the Ojibwa
hieroglyphs 156
cited on Indian jugglery 276-277
cited on character and use of Algonkian
pictographs 287-288
Malthusian law, not applicable to American Indians 33-34
Mandan habitat 116
population 118
Map showing Indian linguistic families, explanation of 26, 45
Marchand on the Tshinkitani 86
Margry on early habitat of the Biloxi 114
Maricopa population 138
Mariposan family 90-91
Marquette, Jaques, cited on practices of Algonkian
medicine men 152-153
cited on use of the cross in Indian ceremonials 155
Marquette's map, location of the Quapaw on 113
Marriage among Indians 35
Marys River tribe, population 82
Maskegon, population 49
Matthews, Washington, work of XXXII
Mdewakantonwan, population 116
Medical practice of Cherokees, plants used 322-331
Medical prescriptions of the Midewiwin 197-201, 226,
241-242
Medicine Creek treaty 84
Medicine dance of Cherokees 337
Medicine men, practices of, among Algonkian tribes 151, 152,
154, 159
Medicine practice of the Indians, evils of 39
Meherrin, joined by the Tutelo 114
Mendewahkantoan, habitat 111
Menom[-i]nee, population 49
Mescalero Apache, population 56
Mexican language, Kinai bears analogies to the 86
Miami, population 49
Micmac, population 49
western Newfoundland colonized by 58
Middleton, James D., work of XVII, XVIII
Mid[-e] class of Shamans, relative importance of 156
how elected 160, 163-164
charts of, described 165, 174-183,
185-187
therapeutics of 197-202
Mid[-e] Society. See Midewiwin.
Midewigân, or Grand Medicine Lodge, described 187-189, 224,
240, 255-257
Midewiwin or Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa,
notice of paper on XXXIX-XL
paper by W. J. Hoffman on 143-300
purposes of 151
origin of 160
degrees in 164
records of 164-165
ceremonies of first degree 189-224
songs of 193-196, 202-203, 207-214, 216,
218-219, 227-230, 232-233,
239-240, 243-244, 246-251,
253-254, 259-261, 263-264,
266-273, 282-286, 289-297
ceremony of initiation into 187-196, 202-286
magical practices of 204-206
ceremonies of second degree 224-240
payments made to priests of 225
use of tobacco in ceremonials of 231, 248-249
drums used in ceremonies of 238
ceremonies of third degree 240-255
ceremonies of fourth degree 255-278
initiation into, by substitution 281-286
pictography of 286-289
dress and ornaments used in dances of 298-299
future of 299-300
Migis (Indian charm or token),
forms and uses of 191, 192, 215, 217-218,
220, 236, 251, 265
Migration of Siouan tribes westward 112
Migration, effect of, upon language 141
Milhau on the derivation of "Coos" 89
Minabozho, an Ojibwa deity 166
Mindeleff, Cosmos, work of XXV-XXVIII, XXXIII
Mindeleff, Victor, work of XXV-XXVIII, XXXII-XXXIII
Misisauga, population 49
Missouri tribe, habitat 116
Miwok division of Moqueluman family, tribes of 93
"Mobilian trade Jargon" 96
Modoc, habitat and population 90
Módokni, or Modoc 90
Mohave, population 138
Mohawk, population 80
Moki Indians, study of snake dance of XXVI, XXIX
Moki pueblos, Arizona, work among XXIX
Moki tribes, studies among XXIV-XXV
Moki ruins explored XXV-XXVII
Moki. See Tusayan.
Molále, habitat and population 127, 128
Monsoni, population 49
Montagnais, population 49
Monterey, Cal., natives of 71
Montesano, population 105
Montigny, M. de, on the Na'htchi and Taensa 96, 97
Mooney, James, work of XXXIV, XXXV
acknowledgments to 142
paper on sacred formulas of the Cherokees, by 301-397
Moquelumnan family 92-93
Mound explorations XVI-XVIII
Muekleshoot, population 105
Mummy cave ruins, exploration of XXVII
Murdoch, John, Eskimo researches of 73
Music of Midewiwin described 289-290
Muskhogean family 94-95
N.
Nahanie, population 56
Na'htchi, Taensa and Chitimacha, supposed by Du Pratz
to be kindred tribes 65-66
Na'htchi, habitat and population 96-97
Nahuatl, Pima a branch of the 99
Shoshonean regarded by Buschmann as a branch of 109
Na-isha Apache, population 56
Nambé, population 123
Names, importance attached to, in Cherokee sacred
formulas 343
population 56
Nascapee, population 49
Nascapi joined by the Beothuk 58
Natchesan family 95
Navajo, habitat 54
Navajo medicine dance, studies of XXV
Nelson, E. W., work of XXVIII, XXIX, XXXIII
cited on Athapascan habitat 53
Eskimo researches of 73
Nespilem, population 105
Nestucca, habitat 104
Newfoundland, aborigines of 57
New Metlakahtla, a Chimmesyan settlement 65
New Mexico, work in XVIII
Nisqually language distinct from Chimakum 62
Nisqually, population 105
Noje. See Nozi. 135
Nomenclature of linguistic families,
paper by J. W. Powell on 1-142
Nootka-Columbian family of Scouler 129, 130
Northwestern Innuit population 75
Notaway tribe 79
Notaway joined by the Tutelo 114
Nozi tribe 135
O.
Office work XXX-XXXIV
Ojibwa, population 50
paper on Midewiwin or Grand Medicine Society of 143-300
area inhabited by 149-150
belief of, respecting spirits 163
mythology of 163
Okinagan, population 105
Olamentke dialect of Kostromitonov 92
Olamentke division of Moquelumnan family, tribes of 93
Omaha, habitat 115
population 117
Oneida, population 80
Onondaga, population 80
Orozco y Berra, Manuel, linguistic literature 20
cited 54
on the Coahuiltecan family 68
Osage, early occupancy ot Arkansas by the 113
Osage, habitat and population 116, 118
Oto and Missouri, population 118
Otoe, habitat 116
Ottawa, population 50
Oyhut, population 105
P.
Packard, A. S., on Labrador Eskimo population 75
Pai Ute, population 110
Pakawá tribe, habitat 68
Palaihnihan family 97, 98
Paloos, population 107
Papago, a division of the Piman family 98
population 99
Pareja, Padre, Timuquana vocabulary of 123
Parisot, J., et al., on the Taensa language 96
Parry, C. C., Pima vocabulary of 98
Patriotism of the Indian 36
Paviotso, population 110
Pawnee, divisions of, and habitat 60, 61, 113
population 62
Peet, S. D., work of XVII, XVIII
Pennsylvania, work in XVIII
Peoria, population of the 50
Petroff, Ivan, Eskimo researches of 73
on population of the Koluschan tribes 87
Pictography of Midewiwin 286-289
Picuris, population 123
Pike, Z., on the Kiowa language 84
on the habitat of the Comanche 106
Pilling, James C., work of XXX, XXXI, XXXVI, 142
acknowledgments to 142
Pit River dialects 97
Pima alta, a division of the Piman family 98
Piman family 98
Pima, population 99
Pimentel, Francisco, linguistic literature 21
on the Yuman language 137
Pinto tribe, habitat 68
Plants used for medical purposes by the
Midewiwin 197-201, 226,
241, 242
Plants used by Cherokees for medical purposes 322-331
ceremonies for gathering 339
Point Barrow Eskimo, habitat 73
Pojoaque, population 123
Ponca, habitat 113, 115
population 117
Pope on the Kiowa habitat 84
Population of Indian tribes discussed 33-40
Pottawatomie, population of the 50
Powell, J. W., work of XVIII-XXIV
paper of, on Indian linguistic families 1-142
linguistic literature 22, 23, 24
Mutsun researches 70
Wishoskan researches 133
Noje vocabulary of 135
separates the Yuki language 136
Powers, Stephen, linguistic literature 22
cited on artificial boundaries of Indian hunting
and fishing claims 42
cited on Pacific coast tribes 54
on the Chimarikan family 63
on the Meewok name of the Moquelumne River 92
on the Pit River dialects 97
Cahroc, tribe of 100
Pujunan researches 100
on Shoshonean of California 110
Washoan vocabularies of 131
on habitat of Weitspekan tribes 132
on the Nozi tribe 135
Pownall map, location of Totteroy River on 114
Prairie du Chien, treaty of 112
Prichard, James C., linguistic literature 14
Priestly, Thomas, on Chinook population 66
Pueblo languages, see Keresan, Taņoan, Zuņian.
Pujunan family 99, 100
Pujuni tribe 99
Purísima, inhabitants of 67
Puyallup, population 105
Q.
Quaitso, population 105
Quapaw, a southern Siouan tribe 113
early habitat 113
present habitat 116
population 118
Quarrelers classed as Athapascan 52
"Queen Charlotte's Islands," language of, Gallatin 119
Queniut, population 105
Quile-ute, population and habitat 63
Quinaielt, population 105
Quoratean family 100, 101
R.
Ramsey, J. G. M., on Cherokee habitat 78
Rechahecrian. See Rickohockan.
Red Lake Mid[-e] Chart described 165
Religion of the Cherokees, character of 319
Religion of the Cherokees, gods of 340-342
Reynolds, H. L., work of XVII
Rickohockan Indians of Virginia 79
Riggs, A. L., on Crow habitat 114
Riggs, S. R., Salishan researches 104
Rink, H. J., on population of Labrador Eskimo 75
Rogan, John P., work of XVII, XVIII
Rogue River Indians 121
population 56
Ross, Alexander, cited on improvidence of Indians
of Northwest 38
Ross, Sir John, acknowledgments to 73
Royce, Charles C., work of XXXII
map of, cited on Cherokee lands 78
Runsien nation of Galiano 75
Ruslen language of Mofras 102
S.
Sac and Fox, population of the 50
Sacramento tribes, Sutter and Dana on the division of 99
Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees, notice of paper on XXXIX-XL
paper by James Mooney on 301-397
Saiaz, habitat 54
Saidyuka, population 110
Saint Regis, population 81
Salinan family 101
Salishan family 102-105
Salish, population 105
Salish of Puget Sound 130
San Antonio language 75
San Antonio Mission, Cal. 101, 102
San Buenaventura Indians 67, 68
San Carlos Apache population 56
Sandia, population 123
San Felipe, population 83
San Francisco Mountain, exploration of ruins near XVIII-XXI
San Ildefonso, population 123
Sanitary regulations among the Cherokee Indians,
neglect of 332, 333
San Juan, population 123
San Luis Obispo, natives of 67
San Luis Rey Mission, Cal. 138
San Miguel language 75
San Miguel Mission, Cal. 101, 102
Sans Puell, population 105
Santa Ana, population 83
Santa Barbara applied as family name 67
Santa Barbara language, Cal. 101
Santa Clara, Cal., language 92
Santa Clara, population 123
Santa Clara, Colorado, exploration of ruins near XXI-XXIV
Santa Cruz Islands, natives of 67
Santa Cruz, Cal., natives of 71
Santa Inez Indians 67
Santa Rosa Islanders 67
Santee population 116
Santiam, population 83
Santo Domingo, population 83
Sastean family 105
Satsup, population 105
Say, Dr., vocabularies of Kiowa by 84
Say's vocabulary of Shoshoni referred to 109
Sayúsklan language 134
Schermerhorn, cited on Kädo hadatco 61
on the Kiowa habitat 84
Schoolcraft, H. R., on the Cherokee bounds in Virginia 79
on the Tuolumne dialect 92
on the Cushna tribe 99
cited on Wabeno 156
initiation into Mid[-e]wiwin 161
Scouler, John, linguistic literature 13-14
on the Kalapooian family 81
Skittagetan researches 119
Shahaptan family of 107
"Nootka-Columbian," family of 139
Secumne tribe 99
Sedentary tribes 30-33
Seminole, population 95
Seneca, population 80
Senecú, population 123
Shahaptian family 106
Shamans, classes of 156-159
decline of power of among Cherokees 336
mode of payment of among Cherokees 337-339
Shasta, habitat 106
Shateras, supposed to be Tutelos 114
Shawnee, population 50
habitat 79
Shea, J. G., on early habitat of the Kaskaskias 113
Sheepeaters. See Tukuarika.
Shiwokugmiut Eskimo, population 75
Shoshonean family 108-110
regarded by Buschmann as identical with Nahuatlan 140
Shoshoni, population 110
Sia, population 83
Sibley, John, cited on language of Adaizan family
of Indians 46-47
Attacapan researches 57
cited on Caddo habitat 61
on the habitat of the Karankawa 82
states distinctness of Tonika language 125
Sikassige (Ojibwa Indian) furnishes account of
origin of the Indians 172-173
Sikassige's explanation of Mille Lacs chart 174-181
Siksika, population 50
Simpson, James H., Zuņi vocabulary 139
Siouan family 111-118
Sioux, use of the term 112
Sisitoans, habitat 111
Sisseton, population 116
Sitka tribe, population 87
Siuslaw tribe 134
Six Nations joined by the Tutelo 114
Skittagetan family 118
Skokomish, population 105
Slave, and other tribes, population 56
Smith, Buckingham, on the Timuquana language 123
Smith, Charles M., work of XVII, XVIII
Smith, Erminnie A., work of XXXI
Snake dance of Moki Indians, study of XXVI, XXIX
Snohomish, population 105
Sobaipuri, a division of the Piman family 98
Soke tribe occupying Sooke Inlet 130
Soledad language of Mofras 102
Songs used in ceremonies of the
Midewiwin 193-196, 203-203, 207-214,
216, 218-219, 227-230, 232-233,
239-240, 243-244, 246-251,
253-254, 259-261, 263-264,
266-273, 282-286, 289-297
mode of writing 286-289
mode of singing described 289-290
Sorcerers, practice of, among Algonkian tribes 151, 152, 154
Sorcery, a common cause of death among Indians 39
Southern Caddoan group 113
Southern Killamuks. See Yakwina 134
Sproat, G. M., suggests Aht as name of Wakashan family 130
Squaxon, population 105
Stahkin, population 87
Stephen, A. M., aid by XXIX
Stevens, I. I., on the habitat of the Bannock 109
Stevenson, James, work of XVIII, XXI, XXIII,
XXIV-XXV
Stevenson, Mrs. M. C., work of XXV
"Stock," linguistic, defined 11
Stockbridge, population 51
Stone villages, explorations in XVIII-XXVIII
Stoney, Lieut., investigations of Athapascan habitat 53
Supai Indians, work among XXI
Superstition the most common source of death
among Indians 39
Sutter, Capt., on the divisions of the Sacramento tribes 99
Sweat bath, use of, among Cherokees 333-334
Sweat lodge of Midewiwin, use of 204, 258
Swimmer manuscript of Cherokee formulas 310, 312
Swinomish, population 105
Synonymy of Indian tribes, work in XXXIV-XXXVI
T.
Tabu among Cherokees, illustrations of 331-332
Taensa, regarded by Du Pratz as kindred to the Na'htchi 66
tribe and language 96
habitat 97
Tâiakwin, a Zuņi village 139
Takilman family 121
Takilma, habitat and population 121
Taku, population 87
Takwatihi, or Catawba-Killer, Cherokee formulas
furnished by 316
Taņoan stock, one Tusayan pueblo belonging to 110
Taņoan family 121-123
Taos language shows Shoshonean affinities 122
population 123
Taylor, Alexander S., on the Esselen vocabulary 75, 76
Taywaugh language of Lane 122
Teaching among Indians 35
Tegua or Taywaugh language 122
Tenaino, population 107
Tenán Kutchin, population 56
Tennessee, work in XVII
Tesuque, population 123
Teton, habitat 111
population 117
Tiburon Island occupied by Yuman tribes 138
Tillamook, habitat 104
population 105
Timuquanan tribes, probable early habitat of 95
family 123-125
Therapeutics of the Midéwiwin 197-201, 226, 241-242
Thomas, Cyrus, work of XVI-XVIII, XXX-XXXI
Thomas, Mrs. L. V., work of XXXI
Tobacco, use of, in ceremonies of the Midéwiwin 231, 260, 262
Tobacco Plains Cootenai 85
Tobikhar, population 110
Tolmie, W. F., Chimmesyan vocabulary cited 64
Salishan researches 104
Shahaptian vocabularies of 107
Tolmie and Dawson, linguistic literature 25
map cited 53, 64
on boundaries of the Haeltzuk 130
Tongas, population 87
Tonikan family 125
Tonkawan family 125-126
Tonkawe vocabulary collected by Gatschet 82
Tonti, cited 61
Toteros. See Tutelo 114
Totteroy River, location of, by Pownall 114
Towakarehu, population 62
Treaties, difficulties, and defects in, regarding
definition of tribal boundaries 43-44
Treaty of Prairie du Chien 112
Tribal land classified 40
Trumbull, J. H., on the derivation of Caddo 59
on the derivation of "Sioux" 111
Tsamak tribe 99
Tshinkitani or Koluschan tribe 86
Tukuarika, habitat 109
population 110
Turner, William W., linguistic literature 18
discovery of branches of Athapascan family in Oregon by 52
Eskimo researches of 73
on the Keresan language 83
on the Kiowan family 84
on the Piman family 98
Yuman researches 137
Zuņian researches 138
Tusayan, Arizona, work in XXIV, XXV
Tusayan, habitat and population 110
Tewan pueblo of 122
a Shoshonean tongue 139
Tuscarora, an Iroquoian tribe 79
population 81
Tuski of Asia 74
Tutelo, a Siouan tribe 112
habitat in 1671 114
present habitat 116
population 118
Tyigh, population 107
U.
Uchean family 126-127
Umatilla, population 107
Umpqua, population 56
Scouler on the 81
Unungun, population 75
Upper Creek join the Na'htchi 96
Upper Spokane, population 105
Upper Umpqua villages, location of 134
Uta, population 110
Utah, work in XXIV-XXX
Ute, habitat of the 109
V.
Valle de los Tulares language 92
Villages of Indians 40
W.
Wabeno class of Shamans, relative importance of 156
practices of 156-157
Waco, population 62
Wahkpakotoan, habitat 111
Waiilatpuan family 127-128
Wailakki, habitat 54
relationship of to Kulanapan tribes 88
Wakashan family 128-131
Wakash, habitat 129
Walapai, population 138
Walla Walla, population 107
Wars, effect of, in reducing Indian population 38
Warren, W. W., cited on Society of the Mid[-e] 160-161, 162
cited on Indian traditions 183-184
Wasco, population 66
Washaki, habitat 109
Washoan family 131
Wateree, habitat and probable linguistic connection 114
Watlala, population 66
Wayne, Maumee valley settlements described by 41
Weather imploration of Midewiwin 207-209
Weitspekan family 131
Western Innuit population 75
Whipple, A. W., Kiowan researches 84
Pima vocabulary of 98
on the derivation of "Yuma" 137
Zuņi vocabulary 139
White Mountain Apache population 56
Wichita, population 62
Will West, collection of Cherokee formulas and songs
prepared by 317
Winnebago, former habitat 111, 112
Winnebago, present habitat 116
Winnebago, population 118
Wisconsin work in XVII
Wishoskan family 132-133
Witchcraft beliefs among Indians 39
Woccon, an extinct Siouan tribe 112, 116
Woccon, former habitat 114
Wyandot, former habitat 78
population 81
Y.
Yaketahnoklatakmakanay tribe 85
Yakonan family 133
Yakutat population 87
Yakut or Mariposan family 90
Yakwina tribe 134
Yamasi, believed to be extinct 95
habitat 95
Yámil, population 82
Yamkallie, Scouler on 81
Yanan family 135
Yanktoanans, habitat 111
Yankton, habitat 111
population 116
Yanktonnais, population 117
Yarrow, H. C., work of XXVIII-XXX, XXXII
Yonkalla, population 82
Youikcones or Youkone of Lewis and Clarke 134
Youkiousme, a Moquelumnan dialect 92
Young, William, aid by XXX
Young Deer, Cherokee formulas furnished by 316
Ysleta, Texas, population 123
Yuchi, habitat and population 126, 127
Yuchi. See Uchean family.
Yuit Eskimo of Asia 74
Yukian family 135-136
Yuman family 136-138
Yurok, Karok name for the Weitspekan tribes 132
Z.
Zuņian family 138-139
Zuņi ruins explored XXVII-XXVIII
* * * * *
* * * *
Errata for Index:
Lexical elements considered in classification ...
[_original has "classifica-/cation" at line break_]
Office work XXX-XXXIV [XXX-XXIV]
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