The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Alternative: A Separate Nationality, or
The Africanization of the South, by William Henry Holcombe

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org


Title: The Alternative: A Separate Nationality, or The Africanization of the South

Author: William Henry Holcombe

Release Date: September 10, 2010 [EBook #33696]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ASCII

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AFRICANIZATION ***




Produced by Bryan Ness and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
produced from images generously made available by The
Internet Archive/American Libraries.)









  THE ALTERNATIVE:

  A SEPARATE NATIONALITY,
  OR THE
  Africanization of the South.


  By WM. H. HOLCOMBE, M. D.


  NEW ORLEANS:
  PRINTED AT THE DELTA MAMMOTH JOB OFFICE,
  1860.




THE ALTERNATIVE:

A Separate Nationality, or the Africanization of the South.


A sectional party, inimical to our institutions, and odious to our
people, is about taking possession of the Federal Government. The seed
sown by the early Abolitionists has yielded a luxurious harvest. When
Lincoln is in place, Garrison will be in power. The Constitution, either
openly violated or emasculated of its true meaning and spirit by the
subtleties of New England logic, is powerless for protection. We are no
longer partners to a federal compact, but the victims of a consolidated
despotism. Opposition to slavery, to its existence, its extension and
its perpetuation, is the sole cohesive element of the triumphant
faction. It did not receive the countenance of a single vote in any one
of the ten great cotton States of the South! The question is at length
plainly presented: submission or secession. The only alternative left us
is this: _a separate nationality or the Africanization of the South_.

He has not analyzed this subject aright nor probed it to the bottom, who
supposes that the real quarrel between the North and the South is about
the Territories, or the decision of the Supreme Court, or even the
Constitution itself; and that, consequently, the issues may be stayed
and the dangers arrested by the drawing of new lines and the signing of
new compacts. The division is broader and deeper and more incurable than
this. The antagonism is fundamental and ineradicable. The true secret of
it lies in the total reversion of public opinion which has occured in
both sections of the country in the last quarter of a century on the
subject of slavery.

It has not been more than twenty-five years since Garrison was dragged
through the streets of Boston with a rope around his neck, for uttering
Abolition sentiments; and not thirty years since, the abolition of
slavery was seriously debated in the Legislature of Virginia. Now, on
the contrary, the radical opinions of Sumner, Emerson and Parker, and
the assassination schemes of John Brown, are applauded in Fanueil Hall,
and the whole Southern mind with an unparalelled unanimity, regards the
institution of slavery as righteous and just, ordained of God, and to be
perpetuated by man. We do not propose to analyze the causes of this
remarkable revolution, which will constitute one of the strangest
chapters of history. The fact is unquestionable. To understand
rationally the events which are transpiring, and to forsee their
inevitable issue, it is necessary to examine this element of discord
between the Northern and Southern people, to investigate its true nature
and extent, and weigh carefully the prospect of its cure.

The Northern mind has become thoroughly anti-slavery in sentiment. Even
those who contend for our constitutional rights share in the universal
opinion that slavery is a great moral and social evil. Those who have
adopted the pro-slavery view are exceedingly few in numbers, and are
regarded by the mass of Northern people as more fanatical than the most
extreme Abolitionist. The press, the pulpit, the rostrum of the North
are clamorous with declamation against us and our institutions. Slavery
is considered not only immoral but debasing to both owner and owned. It
is, they say, a relic of barbarism and a disgrace to an enlightened
people. We are not regarded as equals but are merely tolerated, as
persons whom they in their wisdom may possibly reform and improve.
Churches refuse us participation in religious rites, and a baleful
element of religious hate adds fuel to the fire of political dissension.
From present appearances, the North will before very long be unanimous
in opinion, and if it has the power or can invent the means, it will be
ready to reduce the South to the condition of Hayti and Jamaica, and
expect the approval of God upon the atrocity.

It is unquestionably true, although it be upon false issues, that the
sympathies of the civilized world are united against us. The name of
slavery is hateful to the ears of freemen and of those who desire to be
free. The wise and just subordination of an inferior to a superior race,
is rashly confounded with the old systems of oppression and tyranny,
which stain the pages of history and have excited the righteous
indignation of the world. We are supposed to have proved recreant to the
great principles and examples of the liberators of mankind. It is almost
impossible at present to disabuse the public mind of Europe and of the
North of this shallow prejudice. In the meantime, whilst carrying out
the designs of Providence in relation to the negro race, we must rest
for a while under a cloud of obloquy and abuse. Let us be faithful to
our sublime trust, and future ages will appreciate the grandeur and
glory of our mission.

The pro-slavery sentiment is of recent development. It is more recent
than any of the great inventions which have created the distinctive
forms of our modern civilization. It is more recent than many of the
great innovations of thought which now agitate mankind. The great and
good fathers of our Republic unquestionably entertained anti-slavery
sentiments or predilections, and the flippant Abolitionist thinks he has
silenced us forever by quoting the opinions of Washington and Jefferson
and Madison on this subject. The anti-slavery sentiment of that era was
partly derived from the radical influence of the French revolution, the
mad frenzies of which fearful convulsion, the fanatics of the North may
yet repeat in the Western hemisphere. It was partially also deduced
from narrow, uncertain and sometimes false premises. The lapse of time
has secured us a better stand-point. Africa has been explored and the
African studied, anatomically, socially, morally, ethnologically and
historically. Not only the physical science of man but the philosophy of
history itself has been almost created since the days of the revolution.
The question of slavery has been thoroughly sifted. The metaphysical and
theological as well as the political bearings of the subject have been
closely scrutinized. Liberia is before us with its feeble and precarious
existence, with its little torch of civilization nearly extinguished by
the foul atmosphere of surrounding heathenism. St. Domingo is before us
with its bloody teachings, and Jamaica with its silent monitors of
pauperism and decay. The meagre slave population of the last century has
increased to four millions. Cotton and sugar have risen to an
unparalleled political and industrial importance, so that the whole
civilized world is deeply interested in its maintenance of African
slavery. And lastly, though not leastly, the free negro settlements in
the North and in Canada are social experiments for our analysis and
instruction.

This pro-slavery party includes, with insignificant exceptions, nine
millions of people of Anglo-Saxon blood. It is diffused over territory
sufficient for a mighty empire. It contends that its principles are
based upon large and safe inductions, made from an immense accumulation
of facts in natural science, political economy and social ethics. It
holds the most prominent material interests, and thereby the peace of
the world in its hands; a wise provision of Providence for its
protection, since those who cannot be controlled by reason, may be
withheld by fear.

In opposition to the prevailing sentiment of the North, we believe that
men are created neither free nor equal. They are born unequal in
physical and mental endowments, and no possible circumstances or culture
could ever raise the negro race to any genuine equality with the white.
Man is born dependant, and the very first step in civilization was for
one man to enslave another. A state of slavery has been a disciplinary
ordeal to every people who have ever developed beyond the savage
condition. Those who cannot be reduced to bondage, like the American
Indian, perish in their isolated and defiant barbarism. Freedom is the
last result, the crowning glory of the long and difficult evolution of
human society. Few nations have yet attained to that lofty standard.
Those who say that the French, the Italians or the Prussians, are not
yet fit for freedom, and are still unable to appreciate the blessings of
constitutional liberty, would thrust the splendid privilege of
Anglo-Saxon superiority upon the semi-barbarous negro! What folly, what
madness!

Man has no "inalienable rights"--not even those of "life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness." If the life he leads, the liberty he enjoys,
and the happiness he pursues, are not consistent with the order and
well-being of society, he may righteously be deprived of them all.
Instead of that "glittering generality," which might serve as a motto
for the wildest anarchy, the truth is, that men and races of men have
certain natural capacities and duties, and the right to use the one and
discharge the other. That government is the best, and its people the
happiest, not in which all are free and equal, but in which equal races
are free, and the inferior race is wisely and humanely subordinated to
the superior, whilst both are controlled by the sacred bonds of
reciprocal duty.

The negro is a permanent variety of the human race, inferior to almost
all others in intellect, but possessing an emotional nature capable of
the most beautiful cultivation. The greater part of this race in its
native Africa is sunk in the deepest barbarism. What little civilization
a few tribes may have, has been imposed upon them by Arabic and Moorish
conquerors. Left to themselves, these poor people would no doubt remain
barbarous forever; but when domesticated by the white man, they are
elevated and christianized. The transfer in their bondage, from black
men to white men, by the slave trade, was the first dawn of promise to
the benighted children of Africa. It was permitted by God in order to
teach us the way in which the dark races are to be elevated and
civilized. Jamaica and Hayti have also been permitted, as timely and
salutary warnings, not to desert the path which was marked out by
Providence.

African slavery is therefore a certain relation of capital and labor, in
which capital owns its labor and is bound to maintain and protect it. It
is only thus that an inferior race can exist in contact with a superior
one. In the Sandwich Islands, in Australia, in New Zealand, the
aborigines are passing away before the encroachments of English power
and at the mere presence of English civilization. The free negroes of
the North are dying out beneath the cold climate and the colder
charities of that region. Freedom and competition with the white man
would ultimately annihilate the negro race in the South. The only hope
of the African is in his just subordination to the superior type.

Certain physical and spiritual peculiarities of the negro necessitate
his subjection to the white man. It is for his own good that he is
subjected. As long as this was doubtful or not clearly seen, the South
itself was opposed to slavery. It remonstrated with England for imposing
the institution upon it, and with Massachusetts for insisting upon a
continuance of the slave-trade for twenty years after the adoption of
the federal compact. The South is now fully convinced of the benefits
and blessings it is conferring upon the negro race. It is beginning to
catch a glimpse of the true nature and extent of its mission in relation
to this vast and growing institution. The government of the South is to
protect it; the Church of the South is to christianize it; the people of
the South are to love it, and improve it and perfect it. God has
lightened our task and secured its execution by making our interests
happily coincide with our duty.

We anticipate no terminus to the institution of slavery. It is the means
whereby the white man is to subdue the tropics all around the globe to
order and beauty, and to the wants and interests of an ever-expanding
civilization. What may happen afar off in the periods of a millenial
Christianity we cannot foresee. No doubt the Almighty in his wisdom and
mercy has blessings in store for the poor negro, so that he will no
longer envy the earlier and more imposing development and fortunes of
his brethren. Some shining Utopia will beckon him also with beautiful
illusion into the shadowy future. But with those remote possibilities we
need not trouble ourselves. His present duty is evidently "to labor and
to wait."

The Southern view of the matter, destined to revolutionize opinion
throughout the civilized world, is briefly this: African slavery is no
retrograde movement, no discord in the harmony of nature, no violation
of elemental justice, no infraction of immutable laws, human or
divine--but an integral link in the grand progressive evolution of human
society as an indissoluble whole.

The doctrine that there exists an "irrepressible conflict" between free
labor and slave labor is as false as it is mischievous. Their true
relation is one of beautiful interchange and eternal harmony. When each
is restricted to the sphere for which God and nature designed it, they
both contribute their full quotas to the physical happiness, material
interests, and social and spiritual progress of the race. They will
prove to be not antagonistic but complementary to each other in the
great work of human civilization. From this time forth, the subjugation
of tropical nature to man; the elevation and christianization of the
dark races, the feeding and clothing of the world, the diminution of
toil and the amelioration of all the asperities of life, the industrial
prosperity and the peace of nations, and the further glorious evolutions
of Art, Science, Literature and Religion, will depend upon the amicable
adjustment, the co-ordination, the indissoluble compact between these
two social systems, now apparently rearing their hostile fronts in the
Northern and Southern sections of this country.

The only "irrepressible conflict" is between pro-slavery and
anti-slavery opinion: Here indeed collision may be inconceivably
disastrous, and fanaticism may thrust her sickle into the harvest of
death. The pro-slavery sentiment is unconquerable. It will be more and
more suspicious of encroachment and jealous of its rights. It will
submit to no restriction, and scouts the possibility of any "ultimate
extinction." Nothing will satisfy us but a radical change of opinion, or
at least of political action on the subject of slavery throughout the
Northern States. The relation of master and slave must be recognized as
right and just, as national and perpetual. The Constitution must be
construed in the spirit of its founders, as an instrument to protect the
minority from the domination of an insolent majority. The slavery
question must be eliminated forever from the political issues of the
day. No party which contemplates the restriction of our system and its
ultimate extinction can be tolerated for a moment. In assuming this bold
attitude we simply assert our obvious rights and discharge our
inevitable duty.

Now the Northern mind is equally determined and defiant. It has
literally gone mad in its hostility to our institutions. The most
conservative of the Republican party look forward complacently to the
restriction and ultimate extinction of slavery, in other words, to the
Africanization of the South and our national destruction. We will see to
it that they precipitate no such calamity upon us, and we warn them to
look carefully to their own fate. When a Northern Confederacy can no
longer like a vampire suck the blood of the sleeping and compliant
South; when agrarianism and atheism and fanaticism and socialism do
their perfect work in a crowded and crowding population, will not the
dark enigmas of free-labor civilization press heavily upon it, and the
dread images evoked by the prophetic wisdom of Macauley arise
indeed--taxation, monopoly, oppression, misery of the masses,
revolution, standing armies, despotism, &c.? It may yet deserve the
strange epitaph written for this nation by Elwood Fisher:

     "Here lies a people, who, in attempting to liberate the negro, lost
     their own freedom."

Have we rightly comprehended the fearful import of those words, _the
Africanization of the South_? According to the present rate of increase,
in fifty years the negroes of these States will amount to twenty
millions. Suppose them to be restricted to their present arena. Suppose
them in addition to be free. Imagine the misery, the crime, the poverty,
the barbarism, the desolation of the country! The grass would grow in
the streets of our cities, our ships would rot in their harbors, our
plantations would become a wilderness of cane-brakes. The re-subjugation
of the negro, or the extermination of one race or the other would be
inevitable, and in any event our children would be beggared with an
inheritance of woe. Let us swear upon the altar of God, that as
Christians and citizens we will resist to the death the first step which
might lead us towards this awful abyss!

If the Republican party is permitted to get into power, the
Africanization of the South may be gradual, but it will be sure. Their
leaders already boast to applauding multitudes that the heel of the
North is at last on our necks. When the power, the patronage, the
prestige of the federal government are wielded against slavery; when
Southern men take office under it, and first apologize and then approve;
when a free-soil sentiment gradually percolates through the South
itself; when the brightness of Southern honor is tarnished, and the
integrity of Southern opinion destroyed, what will be, what must be the
inevitable result? Nothing hasty or violent will be attempted. The
iniquity will be accomplished under the forms of the present
Constitution. Remember that the coins of Nero bore the image of the
Goddess of Liberty, and that a perverted Constitution is the choicest
instrument of tyranny. Lulled by pleasant narcotics, we will pass from
dreams of security, into the sleep of death. Or if we rouse ourselves at
last, and reach out for our fallen thunderbolts, we will be found, like
Sampson, blind and helpless, and they will make sport of our misery. The
silken cords with which they bind us now, will change to iron fetters in
our moment of revolt.

The precedent alone would be fatal. Shall we submit to an administration
which received not a single vote in ten of our States? We could not be
represented in its cabinet, nor in any foreign mission, for what
Southern gentleman of proper sensibilities would accept office at its
hands? The South would be unrepresented at home or abroad. She would
have received a blow, politically, socially and morally, which would
ensure her destruction. This is precisely what Seward, Beecher and
Greeley are aiming at. We are to be coaxed, cheated, legislated out of
our rights and liberties. What cannot be achieved by trickery, will at
length be attempted by force. The most hateful feature in the despotism
which threaten us is its religious element. If we are outraged because
the Constitution is violated and broken, what shall we say of those
hypocrites or madmen who have perverted the Word of God to the most
detestable purposes of man!

The true test of statesmanship, according to Burke, is to preserve and
improve, not to abolish and destroy. We apply this to the institution of
slavery, and are willing to accord it to the existing Union: Have we
exhausted our Constitutional remedies? Is not the Republican party
powerless for injury, and may we not anticipate a thorough reversion of
Northern judgment? These questions, and others like them, have been met
and answered a thousand times by the able leaders of the South. Nothing
but the speedy and universal uprising of the Northern people in behalf
of State rights and Southern equality can preserve the Union. They have
committed the aggressions, let them make the overtures. Is this miracle
to be expected, and are we to await credulously its accomplishment?
Compromises and compacts, the temporary make-shifts of politicians and
philanthropists, will be useless. With what ingenuity the most sacred
compact may be perverted, with what facility the most perfect compromise
may be broken! You may put a new piece on the old garment, but the rent
will be made worse.

The fact is, the Constitution is dead, for it carried with it the seeds
of its own dissolution. The Union has achieved its mission; the last
page of its history is written, and it may be safely deposited in the
glorious archives of the past. The genius of Anglo-Saxon liberty, when
she emigrated to these shores, bore twins in her bosom and not a single
birth. The Northern race, bold, hardy, intelligent, proud and free, will
receive into its embrace the heterogeneous spawn of European
civilization, and mold it to its own shape, and prepare it for its own
destiny. The Southern people are brave, courteous and gentle, credulous
and forbearing--loving friends, chivalrous enemies and good masters, to
whose strong and generous hands alone the Almighty would entrust the
tutelage of his most helpless and degraded children.

The time for our separation has come, and let all good men unite to
avert the calamity of civil war. But at all hazards the dissolution must
come. The evolution of history, according to the laws of Providence,
which supervise even the falling of a sparrow, necessitates it and
demands it. The diversity of character, opinion, interest, climate and
institutions in the two sections is beyond remedy. Each has a separate
mission to fill and a glorious destiny to accomplish. In our present
relations, we incommode each other, threaten the peace of the world, and
retard the operations of Providence. Let us part in peace; let us have
an equitable distribution of the public property and the public
territory; let us have an alliance offensive and defensive; let us scorn
the idea, so mournfully entertained by many, that constitutional liberty
will perish because we are divorced, that representative government will
prove a failure because it becomes our duty and interest to separate.
Let us prove by our wisdom and our courage that those great principles
are dearer and more powerful than ever. Let us emulate each other only
in the arts of peace, in the cultivation of friendship and in the
worship of God.

It is unfair to represent this question as one of secession or
submission. The word submission, in the sense of political degredation,
does not exist in the Southern vocabulary. There is no man in the South
so stupid, so cowardly, so base as to be willing to live in the Union as
it is. There is no difference between us as to the fanaticism and
tyranny of the North, no difference as to the wrongs and injuries of the
South. Some of us would secede at once, unconditionally and forever.
Others would give the North a last chance to abandon her false position,
to make apologies and amend, and to secure us in the strongest bonds
imaginable, against not only the encroachments but the existence of the
Republican party. The difference is rather nominal than real, for all
the conservatives doubt and many despair of proper concessions from the
North. With those concessions, disunion is probable, without them it is
inevitable.

It is the business of the Cotton States to move first in this important
matter. They alone are the great conservators of the institution of
slavery. The people of Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri are
unquestionably with us in spirit and principle, but we cannot disguise
the fact, that the tenure of our social system in those States is feeble
and failing. Those great communities must do as in their wisdom they see
best, but we cannot wait for their decision nor promise to abide by it.
Whether they go with the North or declare for a separate sovereignty,
the mission of the Cotton States must be equally accomplished. We
cordially invite their co-operation and believe they will share largely
and richly in the benefits of a Southern Confederacy, and in event of
trouble, we pledge our lives and fortunes to the defence of their
border.

To the professed Abolitionists, that motley crew of men who should be
women and of women who should be men; who see in Fred Douglass a hero
and in John Brown a martyr, whose venom is proportioned to their
ignorance, as some animals are said to be fiercest in the dark; and who
are ready to perpetrate the blackest crimes in the name of liberty and
under the garb of virtue, we have _nothing_ to say.

The Republican party itself, the best and the worst of it, we charge
with having outraged our feelings, violated our rights, and initiated a
policy which, if carried out, will be destructive of our liberties. It
is not an election but a usurpation, and if we acquiesce, we are not
citizens but subjects. The forms of constitutional liberty may have been
observed, but the spirit of tyrannic dictation has been the presiding
genius of the day. Suppose the people of the North were to repeal their
obnoxious laws, to confirm and abide by the decision of the Supreme
Court, to divide the territories in an equitable manner, and to
recognize the equality as well as the Union of the States, what and
where would the Republican party be? Dissipated into thin air, dissolved
like an empty pageant, not leaving a trace behind. With the Republican
party, therefore, as it exists at this hour we have no parley. If it
questions us, we have no reply, but the words of the gallant Georgian.
"Argument is exhausted, we stand to our arms."

To the conservative men of the North, who sacrificed their time,
treasure, interest and popularity in our behalf, and who have proffered
their blood in our defence, we have no language which can truly express
the gratitude of our hearts. Generous and faithful spirits! Stand
bravely a little longer in the imminent deadly breach, which is yawning
between the North and the South, and stay, if it yet be possible, the
bloody hand of fanaticism. Raise your eloquent voices once more for
equality and fraternity, for justice and union. If it prove in vain, as
alas! it will, keep firm at least to your principles and your faith;
work without ceasing as a leaven of good in your infatuated communities;
infuse into the contest before us some chivalric element, worthy of
yourselves and of us, which, if the worst comes, shall mitigate the
horrors of war, and hasten the returning blessings of peace. When we
think of you in the future, we will forget the violence of individuals
and the disloyalty of State governments; we will forget the calumnies of
Sumner and Phillips and Giddings, the blasphemies of Emerson and Cheever
and Beecher, and the vile stings and insults of the aiders and abettors
of thieves and assassins; we will willingly forget them all, and entwine
you tenderly in our memories and affections, with the immortal friends
and compatriots of our own revolutionary sires--with Otis and Warren,
and Hancock and Putnam, and Wayne and Hamilton and Franklin. And in the
fearful troubles which may come also upon your fragment of this
dismembered nation, may the sign of our covenant be found upon every one
of your door-posts, to ward off the destroying angel from your favored
and happy homes!

Southerners! In this great crisis which involves the welfare of the
present and the future, let us be united as one man. Let us survey the
whole question in all its bearings, immediate and prospective. Let us
act calmly, wisely, bravely. Let us take counsel of our duty and our
honor, and not of our danger and our fears. Let us invoke the guardian
spirit of ancestral virtue, and the blessing of Almighty God. Let us
remember that, although precipitancy is a fault, it is better, in a
question so vital as personal and national independence, to be an age
too soon than a moment too late. If we succeed in establishing, _as we
shall_, a vast, opulent, happy and glorious slave-holding Republic,
throughout tropical America--future generations will arise and call us
blessed! But if it be possible, in the mysterious providence of God,
that we should fail and perish in our sublime attempt, let it come! Our
souls may rebel against the inscrutable decree of such a destiny, but we
will not swerve a line from the luminous path of duty. With our hands
upon our hearts we will unitedly exclaim, let it come! The sons and
daughters of the South are ready for the sacrifice. We endorse the noble
sentiment of Robert Hall, that he has already lived too long who has
survived the liberties of his country!


WILLIAM H. HOLCOMBE.

Waterproof, Tensas Parish, La.




Transcriber's Notes:

Passages in italics are indicated by _italics_.

The following misprints have been corrected:
  "opionions" corrected to "opinions" (page 3)
  "improves" corrected to "improve" (page 6)

Other than the corrections listed above, spelling has been retained from
the original.






End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Alternative: A Separate
Nationality, or The Africanization of the South, by William Henry Holcombe

*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AFRICANIZATION ***

***** This file should be named 33696.txt or 33696.zip *****
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
        http://www.gutenberg.org/3/3/6/9/33696/

Produced by Bryan Ness and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
produced from images generously made available by The
Internet Archive/American Libraries.)


Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
will be renamed.

Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
redistribution.



*** START: FULL LICENSE ***

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
http://gutenberg.org/license).


Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works

1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.  See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
States.

1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org

1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
1.E.9.

1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.

1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.

1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
that

- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."

- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
     License.  You must require such a user to return or
     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
     Project Gutenberg-tm works.

- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
     of receipt of the work.

- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.

1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
your equipment.

1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.


Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm

Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.


Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
http://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.

The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
page at http://pglaf.org

For additional contact information:
     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
     Chief Executive and Director
     gbnewby@pglaf.org


Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
particular state visit http://pglaf.org

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate


Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.

Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.


Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.


Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:

     http://www.gutenberg.org

This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.